{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3223", "width": "2578", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "aass_5a^\\nBookJlk^", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3157", "width": "2329", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "u\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J\\n1.1\\nCI r-ri -r) !y\\nv^/-.\\nj:*f 7\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0t^/r-^Xt il* t^* IV-", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "I", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "HISTORY\\nOF THE\\nUNITED STATES\\nFROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD.\\nBY\\nJOHN HOWARD HINTON, A.M.\\nWITH ADDITIONS BY SAMUEL L. KNAPP, ESQ., AND JOHN OVERTON CHOULES, D.D.\\nlefo eVxim,\\nBROUGHT DOWN TO THE PRESENT TIME.\\nTO WHICH ABB ADDED\\nBIOGRIPHIES OF TOE SIGMS OF THE DECLIRITION OF iDEPElElE.\\nr\\nBT\\nW. A. CRAFTS.\\nBOSTON:\\nT\\\\^^LK:ER A^lSTD VIRTUE.\\n1861.", "height": "3187", "width": "2314", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1860, by\\nSAMUEL WALKER,\\nIn the Clerk s Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.\\n9-^", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nAbeaham, battle of the heights of, 176.\\nAdams, John, the father of the American\\nnavy report in the legislature of Mas-\\nsachusetts, 230.\\nAdams s administration, 315.\\nAdams, John Quincy, his speech to La-\\nfoyette, and the general s answer, 361.\\nAdams, Samuel, excluded from the general\\npardon, after the battle of Lexington, 224.\\nAlabama, admitted into the Union, 3.33.\\nAlexandi ia, surrender of, 340 retroces-\\nsion of, to Virginia, 514.\\nAmerica, supposed early discoveries of,\\n11 hostilities commenced in 1775, 223.\\nAmistad, slaver, case of, 438.\\nAndre, Major, execution of, 281.\\nAndros, despotic rule of, 66.\\nAntinomian dissensions, 52.\\nAppalachian Indians, war with, 149.\\nAqua Nueva, battle of, 471.\\nArnold, Benedict, treachery of,2S0 memoir\\nof, 280 his conduct in the campaign of\\n1777, 265.\\nAtlantic telegraph, 644.\\nAugustine, Fort, expedition against, 148.\\nBaltimore, battle near, 340.\\nBankrupt law, 450.\\nBaptists, persecution of, 60.\\nBarbary powers, humbled by the energy of\\nthe American navy, 326.\\nBarlow s voyage of discovery, 20.\\nBaum s defeat and death, with a minute\\naccount of the battle, 258.\\nBellamont, Earl, appointed governor of\\nNew York, 123; his death, 124.\\nBenton, Thomas H., review of the Dred\\nScott decision by, 699 death of, 702.\\nBerlin decree, effect of, 229.\\nBermudas, the, sold, 30.\\nBiddle, of the navy, 231.\\nBlack Warrior affair, 581.\\nBoston, first church founded in, 48 fust\\nGeneral Court at, 48 proclamation of\\nWilliam and Mary at, 67 the peace of\\nRvswick proclaimed at 72 riots at, 77\\ntumults in, occasioned by the Stamp Act,\\n190 tumults in, 198 convention at,\\n199 arrival of troops at, 199 afiray be-\\ntween the troops and populace in, 203\\nconvention at, 219 attacked by General\\nHowe, 236.\\nBoundary, north-eastern, 440.\\nBoundarj north-western, 459.\\nBraddock s defeat at Monongahela, 167.\\nBrandywine, battle of, 255.\\nBritish Parliament, proceedings of, 192.\\nBuchanan, James, inauguration of, 703.\\nBuena Vista, battle of, 471.\\nBunker Hill, battle of, 226 monument, 356.\\nBurgoyne, General, surrenders to the Amer-\\nicans, 263, 283.\\nBurr, Colonel, conspiracy of, 329.\\nCabot, voyage of, 12.\\nCalef, Robert, the fearless exposer of the\\ndelusion of witchcraft, 69.\\nCalhoun, John C, death of, 518.\\nCalifornia, mineral wealth of, 510 admitted\\nas a state, 523.\\nCambridge, introduction of printmg at, 54.\\nCamden, battle near, 277.\\nCampaign of 1757, 169 of 1758, 171 of\\n1759, 173; of 1776, 245; of 1779, 273.\\nCanada, French settlements in, 163 ex-\\npedition to, in 1775, 231 evacuated by\\nthe American troops, 237 campaign in,\\n335 revolutionary attempts in, 437 ac-\\ntion of United States, 437.\\nCanonicus, Indian chief, sold lands to Roger\\nWilliams, 105.\\nCarolina, North and South, history of, 139\\ncharter granted to Lord Clarendon, 140\\nsettlement of emigrants from Barbadoes,\\n140 constitution, 141 Dutch colony\\ntransferred to, 143 sanguinary warfare\\nin, 281 several forts surrendered, 283.\\nCaroline, Fort, taken by the S])aniards, 16.\\nCaroline, steamer, seizure of, by British\\nofficers, 437.\\nCartier, voyage of, 13 his second attempt\\nat discovery, 13.\\nCai ver, John, the first governor of Plymouth\\ncolony, 42.\\nCensus taken in 1801, 322.\\nCerro Gordo, battle of, 473.\\nChamplain, Lake, naval engagementon,253.\\nChapultepec, battle of, 495.\\nCharleston, settlement at, 47 defeat of the\\nBritish at, 240; siege of, 1780, 276.\\nChatham, Earl of, honored and esteemed\\nin America, 171.\\nChesapeake Bay, Captain Newport first\\nlands in, 25 builds Jamestown. 25.\\nChesapeake, frigate, attack on the, 329.\\nCtiippewa, battle of, 339.\\nCholera, in the United States; its progress\\nand fatality, 382.\\nChurubusco, c., battle of, 486.\\nClay, Henry, candidate for president, 454\\ndeath of, 548.\\nCochrane, Admiral, declaration of blockade\\nby, 339.\\nColonial government as instituted by King\\nJames, 24.\\nCompact of the New England pilgrims, 42.\\nCompromise of 1850, 522, 528.\\nConcord, battle of, 223.\\nConfederation, system of, adopted, 270.\\nCongress, Provincial, their proceedings the\\nday after the battle of Lexington, 224.\\nConnecticut, history of, 83 Dutch settle-\\nments, 83 emigration from Massachu-\\nsetts, 83 hostilities of the Indians, 84\\nconstitution of, 87 union of the colo-\\nnies, 87 patent granted by Charles II.,\\n88 Indian hostilities on the river, 89\\npenal enactments, 92 infringements on\\ncivil and religious liberty, 96 constitu-\\ntion modified, 97.\\nContreras, c., battle of, 484.\\nConvent, UrsuHne, at Charlestown, de-\\nstroyed, 439.\\nCornwallis, Lord, surrenders with his army,\\n287.\\nCrampton, J. F., British minister, dis-\\nmissed, 627.\\nCreeks, treaty with the, 364.\\nCuba, diplomatic correspondence relative\\nto, 558 letter of Edward Everett to\\nLord J. Russell, relative to, 571 move-\\nment for the acquisition of, 582.\\nCulpepper s insurrection, 143.\\nDearborn, in the campaign of 1777, c., 264.\\nDeclaration of independence, 242; of rights,\\n216 of war against Great Britain, 1812,\\n333.\\nDelaware, cession of, to the U. States, 329.\\nDelaware, Lord, arrival of, in Virginia, 29.\\nDenmark, negotiations with, 598.\\nDetroit, surrender of, 178, 337.\\nDieskau, Baron, defeat of 167 mortally\\nwounded in Johnson s fight near Lake\\nGeorge, 169.\\nDissenters persecuted, 49, 148.", "height": "3187", "width": "2314", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nDoctrines of South Carolina in regard to\\nthe construction of the Constitution of\\nthe United States, 385.\\nDorr, Thomas W., rebellion in Rhode\\nIsland, 447.\\nDu Quesne, Fort, capture of, 173.\\nDwight, Colonel, officer at the taking of\\nLouisbourg, 76.\\nEaton, General, his exploits in Derne, at\\nthe head of a handful of troops, 328.\\nEutaw, battle of, 284.\\nExeter, founded by Wheelwright, 80.\\nExploring expedition, 440.\\nFalmouth burnt, 1775, 231.\\nFillmore, Millard, biographical sketch of,\\n515 inauguration of, 520 administra-\\ntion of, 524 first message of, 529.\\nFire, great, in New York, 439.\\nFlorida, taken possession of, 354 attempts\\nof the Huguenots to colonize, 15 In-\\ndians in, 432.\\nFrance, secret negotiation of the states\\nwith, 268 recognizes the independence\\nof the states, 269 sends a fleet to their\\nsuccor, 272 the United States declare\\nwar against, 318; measures in relation\\nto indemnity claim from, 433.\\nFremont, John C, in California, 469 nom-\\ninated for the Presidency, 028.\\nFrench and Indian wars from 1756-1763,\\n163 causes of the rupture, 165.\\nFrench spoliations, 513-593.\\nFrench troops arrive in the United States,\\n279.\\nFrenchtown, massacre at, 335.\\nFrontignac, Fort, capture of, 173.\\nFugitive slave law, 523, 528.\\nGarrangula, chief of the Five Nations, his\\nspeech, 120.\\nGeary, John W., governor of Kansas, 626.\\nGeorgia, history of, 155 Indian chiefs\\nvisit England, 156 its advantages, 156\\nSpanish expedition against, 158 intro-\\nduction of slaves, 159 insurrection in\\n1749, 160 sui-render their charter, 162.\\nGermantown, battle of, 256.\\nGilbert obtains a charter of land in Amer-\\nica from Queen Elizabeth, 18 his equip-\\nments, 19 arrives at Newfoundland, 19\\nsails for the Isle of Sable, 19 is lost,\\nwith liis crew, in a storm, 19.\\nGorham, Colonel, officer at the taking of\\nLouisbourg, 76.\\nGosnold, voyage of discovery of, 23.\\nGospel, success of, among the Indians, 58.\\nGovernment of the province of Massachu-\\nsetts Bay, 42.\\nGreene, General, his military services and\\ncharacter, 285.\\nGrenville s voyage to Virginia, 21 his\\nsecond voyage, 22.\\nGreytown, Nicaragua, bombardment of, 590.\\nGridley, Colonel, engineer of the works on\\nBunker Hill, June 17, 1775, 125.\\nHamilton, Alexander, a writer in the Fed-\\neralist, 300.\\nHarrison, William H., inauguration of,\\n442 death of, 443.\\nHartford convention, proceedings, 396.\\nHarvard College, 54.\\nHawkins s unsuccessful attempt to find a\\nnorth-west passage, 18.\\nHayne, Colonel, senator in Congress, great\\nspeech of his on the doctrines of the\\nconvention of South Carolina, 385.\\nHendvick, Indian chief, distinguished for\\nhis wisdom, fidelity, and bravery, 165.\\nHenry, the celebrated Patrick, speech of,\\n188.\\nHeyn, Dutch admiral, scours the sea of the\\npirates on the coast of America, 112.\\nHoyt, General, his account fully given of\\nthe battles immediately preceding the\\nsurrender of Burgoyne and his army to\\nthe American forces, 264.\\nHudson s voyage in 1609, 111\\nHulsemann, Webster s reply to, 538.\\nHungary, letter of Austrian minister rela-\\ntive to American sympathy with, 537.\\nHutchinson, Anne, her religious opinions,\\nher trial, admirable defence, exile, and\\nfate, 38.\\nIllinois, admitted into the Union, 353.\\nIowa, admitted as a state, 513.\\nIndians, Eliot s efforts to convert the, 57\\nsuccess of the gospel among, 58 wars\\nof, 81 wars in 1790, 306 characteristics\\nof, 311; then customs, 313; religion,\\n314; wars, 314 J number of, in the states,\\n316.\\nJackson, President of the United States\\nhis inaugural speech, 386 his proclama-\\ntion against the ordinance of South\\nCarolina, 387 review of first adminis-\\ntration of, 428 second administration\\nof, 431 removal of the deposits from\\nthe bank of the United States, 431.\\nJapan, difficulties with, 534 expedition to,\\n534, 588 treaty with, 590.\\nJay, John, one of the writers of the Fed-\\neralist, 300.\\nJefferson, his administration, 320 retires\\n330.\\nJohnson s fight near Lake George, 168.\\nJones s, Sir William, ingenious fragment\\nof Greek history alleged to br from\\nPolybius, 291.\\nKansas Indians, treaty with the, 365.\\nKansas, bill to establish the territory of,\\n578, 579 emigration to, 579, 625 first\\ngovernor of, 580 fraudulent election in,\\n594, 603, 624 disturbed state of, 595,\\n597,601,603, 624 change of governors,\\n596, 626 free state party in, 596 To-\\npeka constitution framed, 597 state gov-\\nernment prospectively organized, 602\\nagitation of the country relative to af-\\nfairs in, 605 speech of senator Sumner\\nupon, 605-624 its consequences, 624.\\nKane, Dr., ai-ctic expedition, 598.\\nKidd, Captain, piracies of, 123.\\nKing, W. R., death of, 569.\\nKnow-Nothing party, 591.\\nKossuth, reception of, 545.\\nKoszta, Martin, release of, 576.\\nLa Fayette arrives in America, 355 de-\\nparture from AVashington city, 363.\\nLaudonniere s expedition to Florida, 13\\nhis fleet destroyed in a storm, 15.\\nLeisler usurps the governorship of New\\nYork, 120 is executed, 121.\\nLexington, battle of, 223.\\nLiberties, body of; synopsis, 55.\\nLondonderry settled, 82.\\nLong Island, the Americans defeated in, 246.\\nLopez, expedition of, against Cuba, 516.\\nLos Angelos, capture of, 469.\\nLouisbourg, expedition against, 75 taken,\\n76; second capture of, 171; taken by\\nthe forces from New England, 76.\\nLouisiana, purchased from France, 323.;\\noperations of the British in, .341.\\nLyman, General, second in command in\\nJohnson s fight near Lake George, 168.\\nMadison, one of the authors of the Fed-\\neraUst, 300; administration of, 331.\\nMaine, submits to Massachusetts, 60 ad-\\nmitted into the Union, 354.\\nManufactures, 159 state of, in 1789, 159\\naccount of, 1810, 160; imposition of ad-\\nditional duties in 1816, 161 further in-\\ncrease in 1824, 161 proceedings in\\nCongress, 1828, 162 general manufac-\\ntures, 169 rise and progress in Amer-\\nica, 345.\\nMaryland, history of, 136 granted by\\nCharles U. to Lord Baltimore, 136;\\nrapid progress of, 137 first assembly,\\n137 persecution of the Catholics and\\nQuakers, 138; separated from Delawai-e,\\n139.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nlU\\nMassachusetts, history of, 39 early at-\\ntempts at settlement, 40 immigration\\nof Puritans, 41 progress of the col-\\nony, 46 Gorges appointed governor\\nof New England, 46 extensive immi-\\ngration, 47 disfranchisement of dis-\\nsenters, 49 fii St representatives, 50\\nlarge accession to the colony, 52 An-\\ntinomian dissenters, 52 printing in-\\ntroduced, 54 laws of, 55 required to\\ndeliver up their charter, 60 confederacy\\nof the Indians, and commencement of\\nhostilities, 64 the colonists raise an\\narmy and disperse them, 65 hostilities of\\nthe French and Indians, 67 first paper\\nmoney issued, 67 new charter granted,\\n67 the governor opposes the assembly,\\n73 defensive preparations of the colony\\nagainst France, 75 disturbances arising\\nfrom the currency question, 70 immi-\\ngi ation from Germany, 70 proceedings\\nof the house of representatives in 1765,\\n189 in 1768, 196 provincial congress\\nof, 219 insurrection in 1786, 302.\\nMexico, war with, 456, 461 battles of,\\n484-497 city of, taken, 498 treaty\\nof peace with, 502 boundary between\\nUnited States and, 580.\\nMilitary stoi-es taken at sea by the Ameri-\\ncans, 234.\\nMinnesota, admission of, as a state, 645.\\nMinuit, governor of New Netherlands, his\\nembassy to the Plymouth colony, 1627,\\n113.\\nMississippi, admitted into the Union, 353.\\nMissouri, admitted into the Union, 354.\\nMissouri compromise, 528 repeal of\\n578.\\nMolino del Key, battle of, 492.\\nMonmouth, battle of, 271.\\nMonroe, James, administration of, 349\\ndeath of, 430.\\nMontcalm, his epitaph, 177.\\nMonterey, capture of, 467.\\nMontgomery, General, death of, 233.\\nMontreal, expedition against, 122 cruel-\\nties of the French and Indians, 123\\nsurrender of, 178, 232.\\nMorgan, in the campaign of 1777, 264.\\nMormons, difficulty with, 439.\\nMugford, a naval hero of the revolution,\\n231.\\nNative-American party, 449, 591.\\nNavigation Act, English, 36 insurrection\\nagainst, in Virginia, 37 in Massachu-\\nsetts, 64.\\nNavy, an historical sketch of, 325.\\nNebraska, bill to organize the territory of,\\n578 governor of, 579.\\nNewburg Letters, an insurrectionary\\nmovement in the army at the close of\\nthe revolutionary war Washington s\\naddress on the occasion, 295.\\nNew England, 333 state of, 55 union\\nof the colonies, 55 commissioners ap-\\npointed by Charles II. to visit, 64 com-\\nplaints against the colonists of, 66 ex-\\npedition of France against, 75.\\nNewfoundland, taken possession of by Sir\\nH. Gilbert, 19.\\nNew Hampshire, history of, 79 union with\\nMassachusetts, 80 Indian wars, 81.\\nNew Haven, settled, 86.\\nNew Jersey, history of, 127 conquered\\nby the Dutch, and surrendered to the\\nEnglish, 128 government of Andros,\\n128; his tjTannical proceedings, 128;\\nfirst assembly, 129 the proprietorship\\npurchased by Penn, 129 character of,\\n129.\\nNew London, destruction of, 288.\\nNew Mexico, taking of, 469 applies for\\nadmission as a state, 517, 525.\\nNew Netherlands, granted by Charles II.,\\n116.\\nNew Orleans, defence of, 341.\\nNewport, 110.\\nNew York, history of, 111 granted to the\\nDutch West India company, 112; ex-\\ntend their settlement, 112; the English\\nand Dutch unite in a war against the\\nIndians, 112; the English conquer the\\nDutch, 116; state of the colony, 118;\\nEnglish government instituted at, 118;\\ntaken by the Dutch, 119 restored by\\nthe treaty of peace, 119; expedition\\nagainst the Five Nations, 119 added to\\nthe jurisdiction of New England, 120\\nefi ects of the revolution of 1688 at, 120\\ncontests between the governor and as-\\nsembly, 125 various administrations,\\n126 state of, in the middle of the 17th\\ncentury, 127 petitions of the assembly\\nof, 186 convention of colonial dele-\\ngates at, 189 the governor burnt in\\neffigy, 191 abandoned in 1776, 250.\\nNiagara, Fort, destruction of, 169 again\\ntaken, 174.\\nNicaragua expedition, 594.\\nNova Scotia, successful attack on, 166.\\nOregon, northern boundary of, 459.\\nOsages, treaty with the, 365.\\nOstend conference, 583.\\nPakenham, General, death of, 342.\\nPalo Alto, battle of, 462.\\nParis, peace of, 179.\\nPatent Office, destruction of, 440.\\nPeace, treaty of, in 1783, between the\\nUnited States and Great Britain, 293\\nin 1815, 346.\\nPenn, William, memoir of, 130.\\nPennsylvania, history of, 130 early set-\\ntlement of the Swedes, 130 subjugated\\nby the Dutch, 130 granted by Charles\\nII. to William Penn, 131 origin of the\\nname of, 131 government of, 131 penal\\ncode, 132 rapid extension of, 136 re-\\ntreat of the Americans from, 251 in-\\nsurrection in, 308.\\nPension, provided for certain officers of the\\nrevolutionary army, 380.\\nPepperell, Sir William, commander of the\\nAmerican troops at the taking of Louis-\\nbourg, 1745, 76.\\nPhiladelphia, founded, 133 first general\\ncongress at, 215 taken possession of\\nby the British, 256 Native American\\nand Roman Catholic riot, 449.\\nPhilip, Indian insurrection under, 64 his\\ndeath, 65.\\nPhipps, his expedition against Canada, 67.\\nPierce, Franklin, inauguration of, 568.\\nPilgrims, their sufferings and character, 43.\\nPirates, encouragement given to, 144.\\nPitt, William, character of, 171.\\nPlattsburg. the British defeated at, 340.\\nPlymouth, fortified, 46 Dutch trade at, 47.\\nPocahontas, romantic story of, 26 Indian\\nprincess, the preserver of the infant col-\\nony of Virgina her life and character, 30.\\nPolk, James K., election as President, 454.\\nPoor, Gen., a pioneer in many battles, 265.\\nPort Royal, taken by the English, in 1710,\\n73.\\nPortsmouth, first assembly at, 81.\\nPreble, gallant conduct of, in the war with\\nthe Barbary powers, 336.\\nPrescott, hero of Bunker Hill, 226.\\nPrinceton, battle of, 254.\\nPrinting press, first, in America, 54.\\nPrivateering, negotiations concerning, 635\\nrules proposed at Paris, 636 Mr. Mar-\\ncy s letter, 636.\\nProclamation from President Jackson, stat-\\ning his views of constitutional law, in\\nopposition to the doctrines assumed by\\nthe convention of South Carolina, 398.\\nPulaski, death of, 274.\\nPuritanism, sketch of. 40 persecuting\\ntenet of, 49.\\nPutnam, in the battle of Bunker Hill, 226.\\nQuakers, conduct and sufi ering of the, 61\\npublic opinion against it, 62.\\nQuebec, expedition against, 174 surren-\\nders, 178; act, 211 attack on, 233.\\nQuinnipiack, purchased by Davenport, 86", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "iT\\nrNTDEX.\\nReciprocity treaty, with Great Britain, 588.\\nReeder, governor of Kansas, appointment\\nof, 580 removal, 596 his course, 601.\\nResaca de la Pahna, battle of, 463.\\nResolute, British bark, salvage and return\\nof, 599.\\nRevival of religion promoted by the visits\\nof Whitefield and Wesley, 94.\\nRevolution, American, 150.\\nRhode Island, history of, 105 government,\\n109; new charter, 109; college. 111.\\nRibault, his expedition to Florida, 15 is\\nmassacred, 16.\\nRice, introduction of, 147.\\nRight of search, claimed by Great Britain,\\n329.\\nRobinson and his church leave Leyden\\nfor America, 42 settle at Plymouth, 45.\\nRolfe s marriage with Pocahontas, 30.\\nRowley, settlement of, by Yorkshire cloth-\\niers, .34.\\nSackett s Harbor, unsuccessful attack on,\\n336.\\nSalem founded, 47.\\nSalisbirry, settlement at, 54.\\nSaltillo, battle of, 471.\\nSanta Fe, Gen. Kearney s expedition to, 468.\\nSai atoga, encampment of Burgoyne at, 259.\\nSaybrook, synod at, 91 form of church\\ngovernment, 92 descent of the British\\nen, 339.\\nSchenectady, destruction of, 121.\\nScott, Dred, ease stated, 645 opinion of\\nSupreme Court on, 646-699 examina-\\ntion of, by T. H. Benton, 699.\\nScott, General W., campaign in Mexico,\\n472 proclamation to the Mexicans, 477\\nnominated for the Presidency, 551\\nbreveted lieutenant-general, 593.\\nShannon, Wilson, governor of Kansas,\\n596, 625.\\nShirley, General, operations of, 168.\\nSlavery question, view of, 526 discussion\\nof in the message of President Pierce,\\n629 review of, by T. H. Benton, 701.\\nSmith, exertions of, in founding James-\\ntown, 26 is taken prisoner by the In-\\ndians, 26 is released, and discovers the\\nsource of the Chesapeake, 26 made\\npresident of the colony, 27 returns to\\nEngland, 28.\\nSmithson, Samuel, bequest of, 439.\\nSoniers, U. S. brig, mutiny, 448.\\nvSons of Liberty, association of, 191.\\nSoto, expedition of, in 1539, 14.\\nSoule, P., minister to Spain, his course,\\n582.\\nSouthern commercial convention, 591.\\nSpain, treaty with, 309 difficulties with,\\n581.\\nStamp Act, 190 repeal of, 193.\\nSterrett, captured the first Tripolitan ship\\nin the war with the Barbary powers, 328.\\nStillwater, actions near, 260.\\nStony Point, stormed by General Wash-\\nington, 275.\\nSumner, Charles, his speech in U. S. Senate,\\n1850, 605; assault upon, 624.\\nSynod, called at Cambridge, Massachusetts,\\nfor the trial of Mrs. Hutchinson, 52.\\nTarleton, defeat of, at Cowpens, 282.\\nTaylor, Zachary, campaign of, in the Mexi-\\ncan war, 463 inauguration of, 515\\ndeath of, $20.\\nTea sent to the United States, 208 de-\\nstroyed at Boston and other places,\\n209.\\nTexas, recognition of, 440 annexation of,\\n451,457.\\nTiconderoga, Fort, unsuccessful attack on,\\n172 taken by the English, 174.\\nTobacco, cultivated in Virginia, 32.\\nTrenton, 403 battle of, 252.\\nTrial of the witches in New England, 69.\\nTri])oli, bombarded by the fleet of the United\\nStates, 324.\\nTrist, N. P., mission of, to Mexico, 475.\\nTucker and Talbot, naval heroes of the\\nrevolution, 231.\\nTyler, John, inaugurated, 443 administra-\\ntion of. 445.\\nUtah, organization of the territory of, 517.\\nVan Buren, inaugurated, 435 address, 435.\\nVera Cruz and San Juan de Ulloa, surren-\\nder of, 473.\\nVerazzani, expedition of, 12.\\nVessels, number of, taken from the British\\nduring the revolutionary war, 230.\\nVictoria City, taking of, 470.\\nVirginia, history of, 20 partly colonized\\nby Sir W. Raleigh, 22 permanent col-\\nony, 25 second charter of, 27 disas-\\ntrous state of the colony, 28 third char-\\nI ter, 30 divided into proprietorships, 31\\nj tjTanny of Captain Argal, 32 Sir G.\\nYeardley appointed governor, 32 con-\\nI vokes the eighteenth assembly, 32 cul-\\nprits transported hither, 33 proceed-\\nings in England against the colony, 34\\ndependent on the crown, 34 state of,\\nduring the commonwealth, 35 Naviga-\\ntion Act, 36 insurrection against it, 37\\nsuppressed, 37 various governors, 38\\nresolutions of the House of Burgesses,\\n188 proceedings of the House of Bur-\\ngesses, 208 convention and declaration,\\n212; descent of the British on, 274.\\nWar, with Indians under Tecumseh, 338\\nwith Mexico, 456.\\nWard, Artemas, general and commander-\\nin-chief of the provincial army, before\\nthe appointment of George Washington,\\n225.\\nWarren, Joseph, who fell in the battle of\\nBunker Hill, his life and character, 226.\\nWashington, city of, burned, 340.\\nWashington, Fort, capture of, 351.\\nWashington, General, early operations of,\\n166 his prudence in the command of the\\narmy, 237 bold operations of, and bat-\\ntle of Trenton, 253 resigns his com-\\nmand of the army, 297 his administra-\\ntion, 301 his farewell address, 310 ITe\\nretires to Mount Vernon, 315 his death,\\n319; memoii- of, 319; his literary ac-\\nquirements. 298.\\nWebster s eulogy on Adams and Jefferson,\\n365 reply to Col. Hayne, 399 letter to\\ngovernor of Texas, 520; reply to Mr,\\nHulsemann, 538 death of, 552.\\nWesley, John, visits Georgia, 156.\\nWessagusset, Weston s settlement at, 46.\\nWhitefield, George, visits New England,\\n94 Georgia, 157 life of, 159.\\nWilliam and Mary College, Virginia, 39.\\nWilliam Henry, Fort, destruction of, 170.\\nWilliamsburg, meeting of delegates at, 213.\\nWiUiams, Colonel, killed in Johnson s fight,\\n169.\\nWilliams, Roger, persecuted and banished\\nfrom Massachusetts, 50 his character,\\n51 memoir of, 108.\\nWilmot proviso, 514.\\nWisconsin, admitted as a state, 514.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Witchcraft, in New England, 68 trials and\\nexecutions for, 69.\\nWolcott, major-general in war of 1745 at\\nthe taking of Louisbourg, 76.\\nWolfe, General, death of, 176.\\nWollaston, establishment of Mount, 46.\\nWompam, Indian money, how obtained,\\n112.\\nWoodhuU, General, life, services, and trag-\\nical death of, 247.\\nYale College, founded, 90 general synod\\nat, 90 expulsion of students from, 96.\\nYamassee war, 149.\\nYorktown, attacked and carried, 287.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "The history of the United States presents\\na marked contrast with that of the nations\\nand countries of the old world. The latter,\\ncommencing in the shadowy traditions of re-\\nmote ages, comes down from barbarism or\\nsemi-civilization, through the slow progress of\\nmany centuries. The former, commencing less\\nthan three centuries back, when the civilized\\nworld had just emerged from the middle\\nages, and a new life was infused into its\\nmaterial, intellectual, and moral condition,\\ncomprises the period of man s greatest prog-\\nress in each of these conditions, and exhibits\\nthe wonderful growth of a nation planted on\\na new soil, and under the new influences of\\nthe modern ages.\\nPrevious to the settlement of the country\\nby European colonists, the history of America,\\nand especially of the part comprised within\\nthe limits of the United States, is a blank page,\\non which it is hardly possible to write even the\\nmost vague traditions. Within the tropics the\\ninhabitants were more advanced towards civil-\\nization and ruins found in those regions, and\\nextending more or less to the north, indicated,\\naccording to the views of some, a still greater\\ndegree of civilization, in some previous age, on\\nthe part of a people who had been forced to\\nyield to the fiercer barbarism of the north.\\nBut all that is known of the previous history\\nof these people is fi om uncertain traditions,\\nand the unreliable stories of the old Spanish\\nwritei s who came over with the early expe-\\nditions to Mexico.\\nThat any colony was established in this\\ncountry by Northmen, or that the continent\\nwas discovered by them in the eleventh cen-\\ntury, as is claimed by some Danish writers, is\\nas uncertain as the traditions of the abo-\\nrigines. It is said that thej not only explored\\nthe Atlantic coast from Labrador to Carolina,\\nbut that they made a settlement in the south-\\neastern part of New England, to which country\\nthey gave the name of Vinland and the mys-\\nterious inscriptions on the Dighton Eock,\\nin Massachusetts, and even the old building\\nat Newport, in Ehode Island, are considered\\nby some as evidences of the presence and set-\\n(5)", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "6\\nINTRODUCTION.\\ntlement of these early explorers. The whole\\nstory, however, rests on narratives obscure in\\nmeaning, which recite the exploits of old vi-\\nkings, the heroes and demigods of northern\\nmythology, and the location of these exploits\\nis mere conjecture. But if the supposition\\nwere ti*ue, the adventurers could have formed\\nonly a temporary lodgment, all tx aces of\\nwhich disappeared long before the actual set-\\ntlement of the country, unless the inscriptions\\nand structure alluded to are indeed the work\\nof their hands.\\nAt the time of the establishment of settle-\\nments by the Europeans, the whole country\\nwas a vast wilderness, for the most part cov-\\nered with a dense forest, except where at the\\nwest it opened into the wide prairies, or still\\nfarther west, where the wild and desert plains\\nextended to the mountain ranges, presenting\\nthe same appearance as now.\\nThis vast extent of country was held, though\\nscarcely occupied, by the Indian tribes, who\\nwere scattered over it very sparsely, and\\nranged the interminable forests in pursuit of\\nthe game which was sufficiently abundant to\\nsupply their wants. The greater part of the\\naborigines, comprising the largest and most\\npowerful tribes, were east of the Mississippi.\\nThe entire number of these has been esti-\\nmated to be between two and three hundred\\nthousand. This number, to occupy so large\\na territory, it will be seen, is very small, and\\nthe country may well be considered to have\\nbeen an unpeopled wilderness. A brief glance\\nat these Indian tribes, as they existed at the\\nperiod of the settlement of the various parts\\nof the country, and as they came in contact\\nwith the white man, may not be inappropri-\\nate in this place, before the reader enters\\nupon the history of events with many of\\nwhich they were connected.\\nThe various tribes so closely resembled\\neach other in features, color, general appear-\\nance, and customs, that to the early settlers\\nthey seemed to be all of one family, notwith-\\nstanding there might have been some slight\\ndifferences in the customs, dress, and minor\\ncharacteristics of those living in different parts\\nof the country. But the investigations of\\nthose who have made the aborigines a study\\nhave led to the grouping of the numerous\\ntribes into eight great families, the whole or\\nportions of each of which have been found\\neast of the Mississippi.\\nThe Algonquin was the largest of these\\nfamilies, and embraced a great number of\\ntribes, including most of those connected with\\nthe history of the early settlers. It occupied\\nnearly half of the territory east of the Missis-\\nsippi, and extended even north of the St. Law-\\nrence, and in numbers it probably exceeded\\nall the other families combined. Among the\\ntribes of this family were the Abenakis, the\\nPautuckets, the Massachusetts, the Pokano-\\nkets, the Narragansetts, the Pequots, and the\\nMohegans, of New England the Manhattans\\nof New York the Lenni Lenape, or Dela-\\nwares, the Susquehannas, and the Nanticokes\\nof New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland\\nthe Powhattans of Virginia, and the Pamlicos\\nof South Carolina; and west of the Allegha-\\nnies, the Ottawas, the Chippewas, the Miamis,\\nthe Illinois, and the Shawanoes. This list,\\nhowever, comprises only a part of the tribes,\\nmany smaller ones being scattered about\\namong the larger. The Lenni Lenape, or\\nDelawares, were the central tribe of this\\nwidely-extended family, and their name, which\\nsignifies aborigines, is supposed to distinguish\\nthem as the parent stock of the Algonquins.\\nThe common characteristic which marked\\nthese various tribes as of one family, was\\ntheir language, which was spoken, though in\\ndifferent dialects, by all. But though their\\nrelationship has thus been established by the\\nresearches of the civilized student, long after\\nthe glory of the race had departed, many of\\nthese tribes were frequently at war with each\\nother, and seemed to have no ties of relation-\\nship whatever, but rather traditional causes", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTION.\\nfor hatred and hostility. Some of the smaller\\ntribes in this way became extinct, or by their\\nincreasing weakness were at last absorbed\\ninto some more powerful tribes of their allies.\\nThe next most important family was the\\nIroquois, or Huron Iroquois, as they are some-\\ntimes designated, who occupied the western\\npart of New York and a portion of Canada\\nnorth of Lakes Ontario and Erie. The Iro-\\nquois proper were composed of five tribes,\\nthe Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas,\\nand Senecas, who were united in a remarka-\\nble confederacy, and were called by the Eu-\\nropeans the Five Nations. The Hnrons and\\nthe Eries were the other principal tribes of\\nthe Huron Iroquois family. The Five Na-\\ntions occupied the central and western part\\nof New York. They were distinguished above\\nmany other tribes for their intelligence as\\nwell as warlike qualities. Their confederacy\\nwas maintained with the greatest care for\\nmany years, and this union gave them a\\nstrength exceeding that of any of the single\\ntribes with whom they were from time to\\ntime at war. They had encroached upon the\\nterritory of the Lenni Lenape, and in a great\\nmeasure subdued that tribe, which is supposed\\nonce to have been the most powerful of the\\nAlgonquin fixmily. They were surrounded by\\nthe Algonquin tribes, but they maintained\\ntheir position and extended their possessions,\\nuntil, in common with the whole Indian race,\\nthey were compelled to retreat before the\\nwhite man. The Five Nations afterwards be-\\ncame the Six Nations, (by which name they\\nare known in their later history,) by the mi-\\ngration of a kindred tribe, the Tuscaroras,\\nwho had established themselves far to the\\nsouth, in Carolina and Virginia.\\nThe Mobilian family, from the extent of\\nterritory occupied, is the next most important\\ngroup of tribes. It extended over the south-\\nem portion of the country, from Carolina to\\nthe Mississippi, including Florida and the coast\\nof the Gulf of Mexico. In this family were\\n2\\nthe Creeks, the most powerful of the southern\\ntribes, who maintained a confederacy with\\nneighboring tribes similar to that of the Iro-\\nquois, and were thus more formidable not only\\nto their native foes, but to the white man.\\nThe Seminoles, with whom the Creeks were\\nallied, and with whom the last contest be-\\ntween the Indian and the white race east of\\nthe Mississippi was maintained, also belonged\\nto the Mobilian family. The other tribes were\\neither small or came little in contact with\\nthe settlers.\\nThe three families above named occupied\\nthe greater part of the territoBy comprising\\nthe United States east of the Mississippi j but\\nthere were other tribes which have been as-\\nsigned to distinct flimilies. Among these were\\nthe Winnebagoes, who occupied lands -on the\\nwestern shore of Lake Michigan, and who\\nbelonged to the Dahcotah ftimily. This fam-\\nily was, with the exception of the Winne-\\nbagoes, and perhaps one or two other small\\ntribes, composed of tribes living west of the\\nMississij^pi, and known in the more recent\\nhistory of the western progress of civilization.\\nThe lowas, Osages, Kansas, and other tribes\\nwhose names are still familiar, belong to the\\nDahcotah family.\\nThe Catawbas and the Uchees, said to have\\nbeen once powerful tribe.s, but never formida-\\nble since known to the whites, are also con-\\nsidered distinct families, the language of the\\nlatter being extremely harsh and guttural.\\nThe Cherokees occupied the mountain ranges\\nof the central part of the country, compris-\\ning portions of what is now the States of\\nTennessee, Kentucky, Georgia, and probably\\nVirginia and North Carolina. They were origi-\\nnally a hardy and formidable tribe, and have\\nsince become more civilized than other of the\\nnative tribes, while they have also shown a re-\\nmarkable exception to the general rule, and have\\nreally flourished and increased in numbers under\\nthe influence of civilization. The Natchez, in-\\nhabiting a territory immediately east of the", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTION.\\nMississippi, are supposed to have migrated from\\nMexico after the conquest by Cortez.\\nThe four last named tribes are sometimes\\ngrouped in the Moljilian family, and the divis-\\nion into more than four distinct families may\\nbe rather the result of too nice distinctions\\ndiscovered or fancied in the rude language of\\nthese savages, than of real flifferences which\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0would presuppose any different origin. The\\nmost marked distinction between the various\\ntribes was, that some lived by the chase alone,\\nwhile others lived not only by the chase, but\\nby agriculture. The Mobilian family com-\\nprised those who gave some attention to agri-\\nculture and whether from living in a warm-\\ner and more genial climate, or from other\\ncauses, as a different origin, they were not so\\nrude as the hunters of the nortli.\\nStill the Indians were every where much\\nthe same, with similar customs and institu-\\ntions every where untamed savages, leading\\nthe life of hunters or warriors. In some re-\\nspects their institutions were comparatively\\nadvanced, as in the government of their tribes,\\nthe association of tribes in a confederacy, and\\nthe recognition and maintenance of some sun-\\npie individual and social rights. To these\\ninstitutions and to their tribes they always\\nexhibited a devoted patriotism. But however\\ntheir patriotism and bravery might suffice to\\ncope with each other, they were no match,\\nwith their simplicity and ignorance of the\\nuseful arts, for the shrewdness, skill, and en-\\nergy of the whites. They found their lands\\ninvaded and stolen from them as often as\\nfairly purchased, and in their intercourse with\\ncivilized man they have met with wrong and\\ninjury. Often they resisted, and have visited\\nupon the whites a terrible vengeance for their\\nwrongs. But their resources were feA\\\\ their\\nnumbers diminished, arid they receded before\\nthe tide of civilization, until the vast territory\\noccupied by the three great families, the Al-\\ngonquin, Iroquois, and Mobilian, now scarcely\\ncontains a remnant of them aU.\\nSuch was the condition of the country\\na vast wilderness, inhabited by these various\\ntribes of savages and the game upon which\\nthey subsisted, when a few European colonies\\nwere planted along the Atlantic coast. Hith-\\nerto, ages had brought few changes, save those\\nwrought by nature, throughout the whole\\ncontinent; but the civilization thus planted\\nneeded only to be well established in order\\nto effect a complete and wonderful change\\nwithin the space of a few generations only.\\nIn about a century and a half from the\\nsuccessful planting of the colonies, after the\\nvicissitudes which must necessarily attend their\\nsituation, they had become firmly established.\\nSettlements had been pushed into the inte-\\nrior along the rivers, and some bold pioneers\\nhad crossed the Alleghanies. But with the\\nexception of a few trading posts and forts es-\\ntablished by the French along the great lakes\\nand on the great rivers of the west, the white\\npopulation was confined to j;he Atlantic slope\\nof the Alleghanies, and chiefly to places along\\nthe coast, or on the rivers. The population\\nat this period (1760) was estimated at about\\none million seven hundred thousand. The\\nchief towns, Boston and Philadelphia, had\\neach about eighteen thousand inhabitants, and\\nNew York about twelve thousand. With the\\nincrease of population came an increase of\\nwealth, and though the colonists were simple\\nand frugal in their habits, yet the comforts\\nand even the luxuries of life had taken the\\nplace of the want and suffering endured by the\\nearly settlers. The Indians had retreated be-\\nfore the march of civilization, and were known\\nand feared only on the frontier, which was\\npractically much more distant than the far-\\nthest settlement on our western frontier at the\\npresent time. The facilities for communica-\\ntion between the colonies and the different\\nsettlements were yet very limited. Along the\\ncoast connnunication was had mostly by small\\nvessels, and in the interior the traveller was\\nobliged to resort to chance conveyance, or", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTION.\\nmore frequently accomplished liis journey on\\nhorseback. Between New York and Phila-\\ndelphia w ,gons were run once or twice a\\nweek, the journey being accomplished in two\\ndays, in 1766, which was thought to be a\\ngreat achievement. The first stage coach was\\nrun between Boston and Providence in 1772,\\ntaking two da^^s for the journey.\\nThe printing press had at an early period\\nbeen brought to America, but it had not been\\nused without restrictions. The first newspa-\\nper was published in 1704, and in 1750 there\\nwere only seven published in all the colonies.\\nJust previous to the revolutionary struggle,\\nhowever, the press became of more impor-\\ntance, as well as more bold and free, and the\\nnewspapers increased, though few, if any, were\\nissued more than once a week. Before this\\ntime few books had been published, and those\\nwere chiefly religious and historical treatises,\\nor, as the struggle between the colonies and\\nthe mother country approached, political es-\\nsays.\\nIndustry and energy characterized the peo-\\nple, and whether in agriculttu-e, commerce,\\nor manufactures, they achieved success, not-\\nwithstanding the discouragements and restric-\\ntions which were imposed upon the two latter\\nby the mother country for England had\\nbecome the possessor of all the territory which\\nhad at first been settled by various nations.\\nEducation in most of the colonies was en-\\ncouraged by the establishment of common\\nschools and colleges, which flourished under\\nthe fostering care of the government. A sense\\nof the strength and the importance of the\\ncolonies was prevalent among the people,\\nand a common interest, as well as the ties of\\nmutual trade and friendship, united them, and\\nto some extent made them one nation. And\\nthus were they able to go into that contest\\nwith the mother comitry which resulted in\\ntheir independence.\\nBut it was not till after the revolutionary\\nwar and the repose which was necessary for\\na recovery from the effects of so exhausting\\na struggle, that the country made that rapid\\nprogress which has brought it to the impor-\\ntant position which it now occupies in the\\ncivilized world. From the time when the\\nUnion of the states was formed, and a per-\\nmanent common government established, the\\nnation began really to grow, the resources of\\nthe countrj^ to be developed, and progress to\\nbe made in all that pertains to civilized life.\\nThe great and constant discoveries and im-\\nprovements made since that period in science\\nand the arts have indeed opened a new era\\nin the progress of the world but the free in-\\nstitutions, and the intelligence and energy of\\nthe people, have here made available, and at\\nthe same time encouraged, such discoveries\\nand improvements, and no other country has\\never enjoyed such advantages and facilities for\\ngrowth and advancement as the United States.\\nContrast the aspect and condition of the\\ncountry as before described, as it was when\\nthe few weak colonies were first planted on\\ntlie Atlantic coast, with its present state of\\nnational development and political importance.\\nFrom those few scattered settlements of. two\\ncenturies and a half ago, and from the thir-\\nteen colonies of less than one century ago,\\nhave grown thirty-two free and sovereign\\nstates, extending from the Atlantic to the Pa-\\ncific Oceans, and from the great lakes of the\\nnorth to the Gulf of Mexico, and forming, in\\ntheir union under one federal government, one\\nof the foremost nations of the world. From\\nthe few hundreds of the early settlers, from\\nthe two millions of colonists at the revolu-\\ntionary period, the population of the country\\nhas grown to upwards of thirty millions. Its\\nchief connuercial city numbers three quarters\\nof a million of inhabitants, its second half a\\nmillion, while numerous others, of a hundred\\nthousand inhabitants and upwards, are grow-\\nino- up uot only on the Atlantic coast, but on\\nthe great rivers of the west and on the Pacific.\\nIn wealth, in strength, in all the resources", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "10\\nINTRODUCTION.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which make a nation powerful, its progress\\nlias more than kept pace with the population.\\nIts commerce extends to every part of the\\nworld, and every sea is whitened by its sails.\\nIts products of agriculture, manufactures, and\\nmining are consumed by distant nations. Foi\\nests have fallen and cities grown up, the des-\\nert has been made to bloom, the watercourses\\nare dotted with mills. Steamboats plough the\\nwaters of its great rivers for thousands of\\nmiles from the sea, and for thousands of miles,\\nin continuous line, railroads are constructed,\\nconnecting the Atlantic seaboard with the\\ndistant frontiers, and soon to stretch across\\nthe continent to new states on the Pacific\\ncoast, while the electric telegraph is extended\\nin every direction, transmitting intelligence\\nfrom the most remote points, and bringing to-\\ngether in instantaneous communication places\\ndivided by thousands of miles of distance.\\nWhile the country has thus increased izi\\nextent, population, and wealth, and the enter-\\nprise and energy of its people have made\\nfree use of scientific discoveries and improve-\\nments in the useful arts to develop its re-\\nsources, it has grown also in the less mate-\\nrial characteristics of civilization. Education\\nis cared for in every part of the country.\\nColleges and seminaries of learning are to be\\nfound in every state, and in many the free\\nschools offer to all opportunities for educa-\\ntion rarely enjoyed elsewhere, except by the\\nwealthier classes of society. Libraries of great\\nmagnitude, many of them free to the public,\\nhave been established in the larger cities,\\nwhile those of less importance, but highly\\nuseful in their sphere, are growing up in every\\nlarge community, and institutions for the dif-\\nfusion of knowledge are found in almost every\\nvillage. Valuable collections of art are not\\nuncommon, and museums of natural history\\nare being formed, which will in time rival\\nthose of the old world. The press, the great\\nengine of civilization, pours out innumerable\\nbooks and periodicals for the use of a larger\\nreading public than the world can elsewhere\\nboast. Hundreds of daily and thousands of\\nweekly newsjiapers are published, circulating\\nwidely among the people, and read by all.-\\nInstead of the few hundred diminutive sheets\\nthat were worked off with much toil and care\\nin the days of the revolution, the improved\\nprinting machine tui-ns off its hundred thou-\\nsand copies of mammoth sheets daily, to be\\nread by thrice that number of readers, in all\\nparts of the country.\\nAll these and other blessings of advanced\\ncivilization are enjoyed and fostered under free\\ninstitutions, the germs of which were planted\\nby the Pilgrims and others of the early set-\\ntlers, and which grew with slow but sure\\ngrowth, and at last became firmly established\\nbj^ the successful war of independence. And\\nthe United States stand among the foremost\\nnations of the world as the Great Eepublic,\\nan example alike of the success of self-govern-\\nment by the people, and of material and in-\\ntellectual progress under free institutions.\\nThe storj;- of the change that has come\\nover the aspect of this country, and its prog-\\nress from an unproductive solitude to a land\\nteeaiiug with wealth, and an industrious, free,\\nand highly civilized population, is one of great\\nintrinsic interest, and to the American who\\nsees and enjoys the blessings of the present\\nit may well have surpassing attractions. Nor\\nis it less a duty than a pleasure to become\\nfiimiliar with the record of that past which\\nhas produced the rich fruits of the present,\\nand offers instruction for the future. That\\nrecord, it is believed, is faithflilly, fully, and\\nattractively presented in the following pages;\\nand whatever may be said of the later nar-\\nrative of events which tread close upon the\\npresent, all that relates to the earlier period,\\ndown to the time of the present generation,\\nis an impartial and reliable history. As such\\nit is commended to the reader, with the as-\\nsurance that it will prove alike interesting\\nand instructive.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "J\u00c2\u00a3 l ll\\nK 1- z:=r~^^\\nDISCOVERY AND COLONIZATION OF NORTH AMERICA.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nFROM THE DISCOVERIES OF THE CABOTS TO THE\\nSETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA.\\nThe early history of most nations is of fabulous,\\nor, at best, of doubtful character, and atibrds abun-\\ndant opportunity for the exhibition of romantic con-\\njecture. It might, however, have been naturally ex-\\npected that no doubtful claims to the first visitation\\nof a country so recently brought within the pale of\\nhistory* as the American continent, should be found\\nto exist; but this expectation is far from according\\nwith fact. Cambrian ambition, unsatisfied with claim-\\ning for her heroes the honour of being aboriginal\\nBritons, would invest her sons also with the wreath\\nof fame, as the discoverers of the western hemisphere.\\nDr. Powel (in his History of Wales) would have us\\nbelieve that Madoc, son of Owen Gwyneth, prince of\\nNorth Wales, reached the American shores in the\\nyear 1170 most probably, however, this worthy\\nyoung prince did not extend his voyage of discovery\\nbeyond the coast of Spain, by no means an incon-\\nsiderable exploit for that age.*\\nMadoc, another of Owen Gwpieth his sonnes, left the land\\nin contention betwixt his brethren, and prepared certaine ships,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0with men and munition, and sought adventures by seas, sailing\\nwest, and leaving the coast of Ireland so farre north, that he came\\nunto a land unknown, where he saw many strange things. This\\nland must needs be some part of that countrey of which the Span-\\nyards affirme themselves to be the first finders since Hanno s time.\\nWhereupon it is manifest that that countrey was by Britaines dis-\\ncovered, long before Columbus led any Spaniards thither. Of the\\nvoyage and returne of this Madoc there be many fables fained, as\\nthe common people doe use in distance of place and length of time,\\nrather to augment than to diminish but sure it is, there he was.\\nAnd after he had returned home, and declared the pleasant and\\nIrultfull countreys that he had scene without inhabitants, and upon\\nthe contrary part, for what barren and wild ground his brethren\\nOf a far more probable character, though by no\\nmeans uncontested, are the assertions of the Nor-\\nwegian historians, who claim for tiieir countrymen,\\nconfessedly the, most adventurous navigators ol the\\nnorthern waters of the Atlantic in the earlier ages,\\nthe discovery of this vast continent, in the year 1001,\\ndesignated Vinland by Bioru, their chief, from the\\nprofusion of wild grape-vines he found luxuriating in\\nthe plains. The discussion of this point, as also the\\nnarrative of the Zeni, we shall leave to those whose\\nlabours are less required in the more important prac-\\ntical researches which the nature of our undertaking\\nespecially embraces.f\\nIn entering the region of indisputable authenticity,\\nEngland ranks scarcely second to Spain, in the merit\\nand the success of naval enterprise. It is a cncum-\\nstancc, however, too remarkable to be passed unno-\\nticed, that England, Spain, and France, all derived\\ntheir transatlantic possessions from the science and\\nenergy of Italian navigators, although not a single\\ncolony was ever planted in the newly-discovered con-\\ntinent by the inhabitants of Italy. Columbus, a Ge-\\nnoese, acquired for Spain a colonial dominion great\\nand nephewcs did murther one another, he prepared a number of\\nships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to\\nlive in quie tnesse and taking leave of his fiiends, tooke his jour-\\nney thitherward againe. Therefore it is to be supposed that he\\nand his people inhabited part of those countreys for it appeareth\\nbv Francis Lopez de Gomara, that in Acur^aniil and other places\\ntlie people honored the crosse. Whereby it may be gathered that\\nChristians had bene there before the comming of the Span-yards.\\nBut because this people were not many, they followed the maners\\nof the land which they came unto, and used the language they\\nfound there. Hakluvfs Voyages, vol. iii. p. 1.\\nt Those of our readers who are desirous of mdulgmg their\\ncuriosity on this subject, can refer to Murray s Historical Account\\nof the Discoveries and Travels in North America, volume i. p. U\\nto ae.\\n(11)", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "li\\nHISTORY OF THE UiMTED STATES.\\nenough to satiate the most craving ambition hut,\\nreaping no personal advantage from his laliours, ex-\\n;e])ting an unprofitable fame, after having been ig-\\nnominiously driven from the world he had made\\nlaiown to Europeans, he died in poverty and dis-\\ngrace.* Cabot, a Venetian, sailing in the service of\\nEngland, conferred on that nation a claim, tlie mag-\\nnitude and iniportance of which he never lived to\\ncomprehend. t Verazzani, a F lorentine, explored\\nAmerica for the benefit of France but, sailing hither\\na second time, for tiie purpose of establishing a colony,\\nhe perished at sea.t Amerigo Vespucci gave his name\\nto the ne\\\\v world, and thus rendered his reputation as\\ndurable, probably, as the world itself, but without ac-\\nquiring any advantage for his native country.\u00c2\u00a7\\nFrom this slight digression we return to the disco-\\nveries of Cabot. The exploits of Columbus having\\nexcited a great sensation among- the English mer-\\nchants, and at the couit of Henry VH., the adven-\\nturous spirit of John Cabot, heightened by the ardour\\nof his son Sebastian, led him to propose to the king\\nto undertake a voyage of discovery, with the two-fold\\nobject of becoming acquainted with new territories,\\nand of realizing the long-desired object of a western\\npassage to China and the Indies. A commission was\\naccordingly granted, on the 5tli of March, to him\\nand his three sons, giving them liberty to sail to all\\npai ts of the cast, west, and north, imder the royal\\nbanners and ensigns, to discover countries of the\\nheathen, unknown to Christians to set up the king s\\nbajuiers there to occupy and possess, as his subjects,\\nsuch places as they could subdue giving them the\\nrule and jurisdiction of the same, to be holden on\\ncondition of paying to the king one fifth part of all\\ntheir gains. By virtue of this commission a small\\nfleet was equipped, partly at the king s expense, and\\npartly at that of private individuals, in which the\\nCabots embarked, witli a company of three hundred\\nmariners. Our knowledge of this voyage is collected\\nfrom many detached and imperfect notices of it in\\ndiflerent authors, who, while they establish the general\\nfacts in the most unquestionable manner, differ in\\nJrving s Life of Columbus.\\nt Belknap s Biog. vol. i. p. 33. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 295\u00e2\u0080\u0094300.\\nt Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 6, et seq.\\nBandini, Vita e Ijiltere d Amerigo Vespucci.\\nII An e.xtract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by\\nClement Adams, concerning his discovery of the West Indies,\\nwhich is to be seene in her Majesties prive gallerie at Westmin-\\n.^.ter: In the yere of our Lord, 1497, lohn Cabot, a Venetian, and\\nhis Sonne Sebastian, (tt-ilh an English fleet, set out from Brisloll.)\\ndiscovered that land which no man before that time had attempted,\\non the 24th of June, about five of the clocke, early in the morning.\\nThis land he called Prima Vista, that is to say, first seene, because,\\nas I suppose, it was that part whereof they had the first sight from\\nBea. That island which lieth out before the land, he called the\\nmany particular circumstances.! The most probable\\naccouiu is, that Cabot sailed north-west a few weeks\\nuntil his progress was arrested by floating ice-bergs,\\nwlien he shaped his course to the south-west, and\\nsoon came in sight of a shore, named by him Prima\\nVista, and generally believed to be some part of La-\\nbrador, or Newfoundland. Thence he steered north-\\nward again, to the sixty-seventh degree of latitude,\\nwhere he was obliged to turn back by the discontent\\nof his crew. He sailed along the coast, in search of\\nan outlet, as far as the neiglibourhood of the gulf of\\nMe.Kico, wlien a mutitiy broke otU in the ship s com-\\npany, in consequence of which the faitlicr prosecu-\\ntion of the voyage Vas abandoned. Cabot reached\\nEngland with several savages and a valuable cargo,\\nalthough some writers deny that he ever landed\\nand it is certain, that he did not attempt any conquest\\nor settlement in the countries which lie discovered.\\nThis voyage was not immediately followed by any\\nimportant consequences but it is memorable as be-\\ning the fiirst that is certainly ascertained to have been\\neffected to this continent, and as constituting the title\\nby which tiie English claimed the territories that\\nthey subsequently acquired here. Through a singu-\\nlar succession of causes, during more than sixty\\nyears from the time of this discovery of the northern\\ndivision of the continent by the English, their mo-\\nnarchs gave but little attention to this country, which\\nwas destined to be annexed to their crown, and to be\\none principal source of British opulence and power,\\ntill, in I he march of events, it sliould rise into an in-\\ndependent empire. This remarkable neglect is in\\nsome measure accounted for by the frugal maxims\\nof Henry VH., and the unpropitious circumstances of\\nthe reign of Henry VHl., of Edward VI., and of the\\nbigoted Mary reigns peculiarly adverse to the exten-\\nsion of industry, trade, and navigation.\\nWhile English enterprise lay dormant, both France\\nand Spain were on the alert. The French flag had\\nnot yet, indeed, waved on the western shores of the\\nAtlantic. A monarch of such spirit as Francis I.,\\nhowever, could not be content to see Charles, his\\nIsland of St. lohn, upon this occasion, as I ihinke, because it was\\ndiscovered upon the day of lohn the Baptist. The inhabitants of\\nthis island use to weare beasts skinnes, and have them in as yreal\\nestimation as we have our finest garments. In their warres they\\nuse bowes, arrowes, pikes, darts, woodden clubs, and slings. The\\nsoile is barren in some places, and yceldeth litle fruit, but it is full\\nof white beares and stagges, farre greater than ours. It 5 ecldelh\\nplenty of fish, and iliose very great, as seales, and those which\\ncommcmly we call salmons: there are soles al.so above a yard in\\nlength but especially there is great abundance of thai .kinde of\\nfish which the savages call baccalaos. In the same island al.so\\nthere breed hauks, but they are so Elacke that they are very like\\nto ravens, as also their partridges and eagles, which arc ill like\\nsorte blacke. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 6.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ni;5\\nrival, carrying off all the brilliant prizes offered by\\nthe new world. He listened readily to the suggestion,\\nthat he too sliould send an expedition to the west,\\nfor the discovery of kingdonis and countries un-\\nknown and Juan Verazzano, a Florentine, who had\\ndistinguished himself by successful cruises against\\nthe Spaniards, was sent with a vessel, called the\\nDolphin, to the American coast. In this voyage he\\ndiscovered, with a considerable degree of accuracy,\\nthe coast of Florida. The whole extent of his dis-\\ncovery was upwards of 700 leagues of the North\\nAmerican coast, which he named New France.* He\\nmade another voyage the next year but its records\\nare equally brief and fatal Ramusio gives neither\\ndate, nor place, nor country but states, that having\\nlanded with some of his crew, Verazzano was seized\\nby the savages, and Icilled and devoured in the pre-\\n.sence of his companions on board, who sought in\\nvain to give any assistance. Such was the fate of\\none of the most eminent navigators of that age, whom\\nForster ranks as the type of Cook, both as to his\\nexploits durinof life, and the dreadful mode of his\\ndeath. The gloomy impression produced by the tra-\\ngic fate of V^erazzano, seems to have deterred others\\nfor some time from such enterprises and, for several\\nsucceeding years, neither the king nor the nation\\nseem to have thought any more of America.\\nAfter a lapse of ten years, on a representation\\nmade by Philip Chabot, admiral of France, of the\\nadvantages that would result from establishing a\\ncolony in a country from, wiiich Spain derived her\\ngreatest wealth, these enterprises were renewed, and\\nJacques Cartier, a bold seaman of St. Malo, who pro-\\nposed another voyage, was readily supplied with two\\nships, under the direction of the Sieur de Melleraye,\\nthen vice-admiral of France. He set sail on the 20th\\nof April, 1531, and on the lOth of May came in view\\nof Cape Bonavista. As large masses of ice, however,\\nwere still floating about the coast, he deemed it wise\\nto enter a harbour, which he called St. Catherine,\\nand to remain there ten days. The sea then becoming\\nfavourable, he came out, and stood to the north,\\nsailed almost round Newfoundland, and discovered\\nthe Baye des Chaleurs. and the Gulf of St. Lawrence.\\nHaving sailed to the fifty-first degree of latitude, in the\\nfruitless hope of passing to China, he returned, in\\nApril, to France, without making a settlement.\\nA larger expedition was equipped the next spring,\\nand they proceeded direct to Newfoundland. Disco-\\nvering now the river of Canada, which graduailjr\\nHaklnyt, vol. iii. p. 295 300, where is Verazzano s own ac-\\ncount of his voyage, sent to Francis I. written in Dieppe the 8lh\\nof July, 1524. See also Universal History, vol. xxxix. p. 406.\\nobtained the name of St. Lawrence, he sailed up this\\nnoble stream three hundred leagues, to a great and\\nswift fall formed aliances with the natives took pos-\\nsession of the territory built a fort and wintered in\\nthe country, which he called New France. In sail-\\ning up the St. Lawrence, he discovered Hazel or Fil-\\nbert Island, Bacchus Island, since called the Isle of\\nOrleans, and a river, which he called St. Croix, since\\ncalled Jacques Cartier s River, where lie laid up his\\nships. From this river, before his final departure,\\npartly by stratagem and partly by force, he carried\\nofl Donnacona, the Indian king of the coimtry. lie,\\nat this time visited Ilochelaga, a large Indian settle-\\nment, which he called Montreal, where the P rrnch\\nwere well received but they were soon infected with\\nthe scurvy, of which a considerable number died.\\nThe next spring, Cartier, taking v/itli liim Donna-\\ncona, and several of the natives, returned with the\\nremains of his crew to France, and expatiated to\\nthe king en the advantages that would probably re-\\nsult from a settlement in this country, principally liy\\nmeans of the fur trade but the fallacious opinion,\\nthen prevalent among all the nations of Europe, that\\nsuch countries only as produced gold and silver were\\nworth the possession, had such influence on the\\nFrench, that they slighted the salutary advice of\\nCartier, and deferred making any establishment in\\nCanada. But, although this object was generally\\nneglected, individuals entertained just sentiments of\\nits importance, and among the most zealous for pro-\\nsecuting discoveries and attempting a settlement\\nthere, was John Francois de la Roche, loi-d of Ro-\\nberval, a nobleman of Picardy. King Francis I.,\\nconvinced at length of the expediency of the mea-\\nsure, resolved to send Cartier, his pilot, again, with\\nRoberval, to that country. He accordingly furnished\\nCartier with five vessels for the service, appointing\\nhim captain-general, and Roberval his lieutenant and\\ngovernor in the countries of Canada and Hochelaga,\\nWhen the fleet was ready for sea, Roberval was not\\nprepared with his artillery, powder, and numitions\\nbut Cartier, having received letters from the king,\\nrequiring him to proceed immediately, sailed with\\nfive ships on the 23d of May, and after a very long\\nand boisterous passage arrived at Newfoundland.\\nHaving waited here a while in vain for Roberval, he\\nproceeded to Canada and on the 23d of August ar-\\nrived at the haven of St. Croix.\\nAfter an interview with the natives, Cartier sai.ed\\nup the river, and pitched on a place about f( ur\\nForsier, Voy. p. 432\u00e2\u0080\u0094436. Belknap, Biog. vol. i. p. 33. Har-\\nris s Voy. vol. i. p. 8i 0. Purchas, vol. i. p. 769. Chambers, vol.\\ni. p. 512.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "14\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nleagues above St. Croix, to lay up three of his ships\\nfor the v/iiiter the other two he sent to France, to\\ninform the king of wliat they had done, and the dis-\\nappointment of his expectations in the non-arrival of\\nlloberval. At the new harbour there was a small\\nriver, and on the east side of its entrance, a high and\\nsteep cliff. On the top of this cliff he built a fort,\\nand called it Charlesbourgh. Below, the ships were\\ndrawn up and fortified. After the fort was begun,\\nCartier went up the river with two boats furnished\\nwith men and provisions, with tfie intenliou of pro-\\nceeding to Hochelaga leaving Viscount Bcaupre to\\ngovern daring his absence. Having again explored\\nthe St. Lawrence, viewed the falls on that river, and\\nhad interviews with the natives, Cartier returned to\\nthe fort. Finding, on his return, that the Indians\\nhad discontinued their visits and tralHc, and shown\\nsigns of hostility that his provisions were spent, and\\nthat Roberval had not arrived, he prepared to return\\nto France. Meanwhile, Roberval had been engaged\\nin the prosecution of his design of reinforcing Car-\\ntier, and carrying forward the projected settlement of\\nCanada. Whatever had retarded his embarkation,\\nhe at length sailed from Rochelle with three ships and\\ntwo hundred persons, and arrived at St. John s har-\\nbour in Newfoundland and while there, Cartier and\\nhis company arrived at the same harbour from the St.\\nLawrence. He informed Roberval of his intended\\nreturn to France yet commended the country of\\nCanada as very rich and fruitful. Thousrh the vice-\\nroy had brought a sufficient supply of men, military\\nstores, and provisions, to dispel the fearful apprehen-\\nsions of the adventurers, and had commanded Car-\\ntier to remain with him yet Cartier, persisting in his\\npurpose, eluded him in the night, and sailed for Bre-\\ntagne. Roberval proceeded up the St. Lawrence,\\nfour leagues above the island of Orleans, where, find-\\ning a convenient harbour, he built a fort, and re-\\nmained through the winter. In the following spring,\\nhe went higher up the river, and explored the coun-\\ntry but he appears soon after to have abandoned\\nthe enterprise. The colony was broken up and for\\nhalf a century the French made no farther attempt\\nto establish themselves in Canada.\\nFor the sake of continuity of narrative, in record-\\ning the attempts of France to colonize a portion of\\nNorth America, we have been necessitated to deviate\\nslightly from the direct order of chronological succes-\\nsion. It was in the year 1528, that Pamphilo (^e\\nNarvaez, having obtained from Charles V. of Spain,\\nthe indefinite grant of all the lands lying from the\\nRiver of Palms to the Cape of Florida, with a com-\\nmission to conquer and govern the provinces within\\nI these limits, sailed in March from Cuba, with five\\nships, on board of which were four hundred foot and\\ntwenty horse, for the conquest of that country. Land-\\ning at Florida, he marched to Apalache, a village\\nconsisting of forty cottages, where he arrived on the\\n5th of June. Having lost many of his men by the\\nnatives, who harassed the troops on their march, and\\nwith whom they had one sharp engagement, he was\\nobliged to direct his course toward the sea. Sailing\\nto the westward, he was lost with many others, in a\\nviolent storm, about the middle of November and\\nthe enterprise was frustrated.\\nCalamitous as was the issue of the expedition of\\nNarvaez, it did not prevent, in that age of enterprise,\\ncaptains of eminence from pursuing ardently the same\\ncourse. Fernando de Soto, a native of Badajos, ori-\\nginally possessing only courage and his sword, had\\nbeen one of the most distinguished companions of\\nPizarro, and a main instrument in annexing to Spain\\nthe golden regions of Peru but in the conquest of\\nPeru his part had been secondary the first prize had\\nbeen carried off by another and he now sought a\\ncountry, the glory of conquering and the pride of\\nruling which should be wholly his and his wishes\\nwere fulfilled. He was created Adelantado of Flori-\\nda, combining the offices of governor-general and\\ncommander-in-chief On the 18th of May, 1539, Soto\\nsailed from Havannah, on the Florida expedition, with\\nnine vessels, nine hundred men besides sailors, two\\nhundred and thirteen horses, and a herd of swine.\\nArriving on the 30th of May at the bay of Espiritu\\nSanto, on the western coast of Florida, he landed\\nthree hundred men, and pitched his camp but,\\nabout the break of day the next morning, they were\\nattacked by a numerous body of natives, and obliged\\nto retire.* Having marched several hundred miles,\\nhe passed through the Indian towns of Alibama,\\nTalisee, and Tescalusa, to Mavila, a village enclosed\\nwith wooden walls, standing near the mouth of the\\nMobile. The inhabitants, disgusted with the stran-\\ngers, and provoked by an outrage committed on one\\nof their chiefs, brought on a severe conflict, in which\\ntwo thousand of the natives and forty-eight Spaniards\\nwere slain. A considerable number of Spaniards\\ndied afterwards of their wounds, making their entire\\nloss eighty-three they also lost forty-five horses.\\nThe village was burnt in the action. After this en-\\ngagement, Soto retreated to the territory of Chica^a,\\nwhere he remained until April of this year. His\\narmy, now resuming its march through the Indian\\nterritory, was reduced to about three hundred men\\nHerrera, d. 6. lib. 7. c. 9. Belknap, Biog. Art. Soto. BiMhoth\\nI Americ. p. 37. Purchas, vol. v. p. 1529 1565.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n15\\nand forty horses. Soto, having appointed Lewis do\\nMoscoso his successor in command, died at the con-\\nfluence of the Guacoya and Mississippi. To prevent\\nthe Indians from obtaining a knowledge of his death,\\nhis body was put into an oak, hollowed for that pur-\\npose, and sunk in the river. Soto was only forty-\\ntwo years of age, and had expended 100,000 ducats\\nin this expedition. The small remains of his army,\\nconsisting of three hundred and eleVen men, arrived\\nat Panuco on the 10th of September, 1543 and\\nllie great expedition to Florida terminated only in\\nthe poverty and ruin of all who were concerned in it.\\nWe must now advert to some of the most interesting\\nbut lamentable events that the history of colonization\\naffords, in which the deadly poison of religious bigot-\\nry was deeply intermingled with the hostility excited\\nby commercial jealousy. The decided indications of\\na violent spirit of persecution, ou the part of the\\nCatholic priesthood of France, induced the brave\\nColigny to make an experiment, which might have\\nissued in the provision of a safe retreat for a consi-\\nderable portion of the oppressed Protestants. He\\nformed a party of Huguenots, among whom were\\nseveral of high respectability, who sailed under the\\ncommand of Ribault, an officer of considerable spirit,\\nwith the intention of colonizing Florida. After a\\nfavourable voyage he arrived at the entrance of a\\nriver which he called May, from the month in which\\nhe reached the coast. He here erected a fort, and\\nthen, imprudently sailed for France, to bring out a\\nre-enforcement. Albert, to whom he delrgated his\\nauthority during his absence, appears to have been\\nboth unworthy and incompetent for so important a\\nsituation. From his extreme severity and ill ma-\\nnagement, the colonists formed an iuA eterate hatred\\nagainst him, which terminated in his death. In the\\nexcitement of internal dissensions, the settlers had\\npaid little or no attention to the production of\\nfood and were compelled, after exhausting nearly\\nall their stores, to make the desperate attempt of\\nre-crossing the Atlantic with the small remainder of\\ntheir provisions. Being detained by a calm, they\\nhad commenced preying upon one another, when\\nthey were providentially delivered from their unhappy\\ncondition by an English vessel, which conveyed them\\nto their own country.\\nDuring the abode of these unfortunate men in\\nFlorida, Coligny had been so deeply engaged in the\\ndissension at home, which had ripened into an open\\nTupture and a civil war, that he was prevented from\\nsending his intended re-enforcement but no sooner\\nhad peace been concluded, than he despatched a\\nfresh expedition, under M. Ren6 Laudonniere, who\\n3\\narrived in the river May, on the 2oth of June, I5fi4.\\nAfter sailing northward about ten leagues, he returned\\nto the May, and erected a fort, which, in honour of his\\nsovereign, he styled Fort Caroline. He proved, how-\\never, inadequate to the difficult task of presiding over\\na number of spirited young men, in a state of great\\nexcitement from the disappointment of their expecta-\\ntions, which had dwelt upon the prospect of golden\\nharvests and unbounded wealth. Plots were formed\\nagainst his life, and he was on the point of leaving,\\nwith the remains of his colony, for Europe, when a\\nnew expedition, under the conunand of Kibault,\\nentered the river. That officer superseded Laudon-\\nniere, only, however, to experience still more melan-\\ncholy disasters. Scarcely a week had passed after\\nhis arrival, when eight Spanish ships were seen in\\nthe same river, where several of the largest French\\nvessels were lying at anchor. As the Spanish fleet\\nmade towards them, the French cut their cables, and\\nput out to sea. Although they were tired upon and\\npursued, they escaped but, finding that their ene-\\nmies had landed on the shores of the river Dolphin,\\nabout eight leagues distant, they returned to the May.\\nRibault now called a council at Fort Caroline, which\\ndecided, that they ought to strengthen the fort with\\nall possible diligence, and be prepared for the enemy.\\nHe was himself, however, of a different opinion.\\nApprehensive of the defection of the friendly and\\nauxiliary natives, if they should discover that, at the\\nfirst approach of the Spaniards, they should confine\\nthemselves to their camp and fortifications, he judged\\nit best to proceed against the enemy at once, before\\nthey could collect their forces and construct a forti-\\nfication in their vicinity. To strengthen this view,\\nhe produced a letter from Admiral Coligny, /:ontain-\\nina: these words While I was sealing- this letter, I\\nreceived certain advice that Don Pedro Menendez\\nis departing from Spain, to go to the coast of New\\nFrance. See that you suffer him not to encroach\\nupon you, and that you do not encroach upon him.\\nIt was, indeed, the fleet of Menendez, which had\\njust arrived on the coast, and given the alarm.\\nPhilip II. had given him the command of a fleet and\\nan army, with full power to drive the Huguenots\\nout of Florida, and settle it with Catholics. Fixed\\nin his purpose, Ribault instantly took all the best of\\nhis men at Fort Caroline, and set sail in pursuit of\\nthe Spanish fleet, leaving Laudonniere in charge of\\nthe fort, without any adequate means of defence.\\nMost unfortunately he was overtaken by a tremen-\\ndous storm, which destroyed all the vessels, the men\\nonly escaping.\\nMenendez now began to consider what advantage", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "16\\nHISTORY OF TllF, UMTED STATES.\\nhe coultl take of tliis state of affairs. It appeared to\\nhim, that, by pushing across the country, he would\\nhave every chance of reaching the fort before cir-\\ncumstances would admit of Ribault s return. He\\nset forth immediately with five hundred of his best\\ntroops, and, after overcoming the formidable obsta-\\ncles of swamps swelled by torrents of rain, on the\\nevening of the fourth day arrived within view of the\\nfort. At day-break, Menendez mounted the hill, and\\nsaw no appearance of any watch, and, before Lau-\\ndonniere could muster his little garrison, the Span-\\niards had rushed in and begun an indiscriminate\\nmassacre of men, women, and children. Laudon-\\nniere, though worn down with sickness, escaped\\nfrom the fort with about twenty others, who con-\\ncealed themselves in the woods. In this extremity,\\nsix of them ventured to throw themselves on the\\nmercy of the Spaniards but they were cruelly\\nmassacred in sight of their companions. Laudon-\\nniere, seeing no way of escape but by getting over\\nthe marshes to the ships at the mouth of the river,\\nled the way, and several of his men followed him\\nthrough the swamp into the water. Unable to pro-\\nceed, he sent two of them, who could swim well, to\\nthe ships for help. At length he was carried on\\nboard a French shallop, which was in search of\\nthem, and, having picked up the remaining fugitives,\\nwho were concealed among the reeds, carried them\\nto a little ship at the mouth of the river. In this\\ntJiey undertook to reach their native country; on\\ntheir voyage they encountered want, cold, hunger,\\nand thirst, but they ultimately entered, in a miserable\\nstate, the port of Bristol, where they met a hos-\\npitable reception. A more tragic end awaited Ri-\\nbault all his vessels were dashed to pieces (as we\\nhave before observed) in the tempest, which lasted\\nsome days. With great difficulty the crews suc-\\nceeded in reaching the shore, and directed their steps\\ntowards the fort. After a toilsome journey of nine\\ndays through a rugged country, what was their\\namazement and grief to find the fort in the hands of\\nthe inveterate enemies, alike of their enterprise and\\ntheir faith Many of them were for enduring the\\nworst extremity, rather than fall into the hands of\\nthe Spaniards but Ribault, judging their situation\\notherwise wholly desperate, determined to open a\\ntreaty with Menendez, who received them in the most\\ncourteous manner, and pledged himself, on the faith\\nof a soldier and a gentleman, that they should be\\nwell treated, and sent back to their country. Upon\\nthis pledge, the French delivered up their arms but\\nwhen they were all assembled on a plain in front of\\nthe castle, Menendez, with his sword, drew a line\\nround them on the sand, and then ordered his troops\\nto fall on, and make an indiscriminate massacre. The\\nbodies were not only covered with repeated wounds,\\nbut cut in pieces, and treated with the most shocking\\nindignities. A number of the mangled limbs of the\\nvictims were then suspended to a tree, to which was\\nattached the following inscription Not because\\nthey are Frenchmen, but because they are lieretics\\nand enemies of God.\\nWhen intelligence of this barbarous massacre\\nreached France, it excited an almost universal feel-\\ning of grief and rage, and inspired a desire for ven-\\ngeance of corresponding intensity. Though Charles\\nIX. was invoked in vain, by the prayers of fifteen\\nhundred widows and orphans, to require of the Span-\\nish monarch that justice should be awarded against\\nhis murderous subjects, there was, in the nation itself,\\nan energy which provided an avenger. Dominique\\nde Gourffues determined to devote himself, his for-\\ntune, and his whole being, to the achievement of some\\nsignal and terrible retribution. He found means to\\nequip three small vessels, and to put on board of\\nthem eighty sailors, and one hundred and fifty troops.\\nHaving crossed the Atlantic, he sailed along the coast\\nof Florida, and landed at a river about fifteen leagues\\ndistance from the May. The Spaniards, to the num-\\nber of four hundred, were well fortified, principally\\nat the great fort, begun by the French, and afterwards\\nrepaired by themselves. Two leagues lower, towards\\nthe river s mouth, they had made two smaller forts,\\nwhich were defended by a hundred and twenty sol-\\ndiers, well supplied with artillery and ammimition.\\nGourgues, though informed of their strength, pro-\\nceeded resolutely forward, and, with the assistance\\nof the natives, made a vigorous and desperate assault.\\nOf sixty Spaniards in the first fort, there escaped but\\nfifteen and all in the second fort were slain. After\\na company of Spaniards, sallying out from the third\\nfort, had been intercepted, and killed on the spot, this\\nlast fortress was easily taken. All the surviving\\nSpaniards were led away prisoners, with the fifteen\\nwho escaped tVy3 massacre at the first fort and,\\nafter having been shown the injury that they had\\ndone to the French nation, were hung on the bows\\nof the same trees on which the Frenchmen had boon\\npreviously suspended. Gourgues, in retaliation for\\nthe label Menendez had attached to the bodies of\\nthe FVench, placed over the corpses of the Spaniards\\nthe following declaration I do not this as to\\nSjianiards nor as to mariners, but as to traitors,\\nrobbers, and murderers. Having razed tlie three\\nHakluyt, vol. iii. p. 356 360; and Charlevoix, Nouv, France,\\nvol. i. p. 95\u00e2\u0080\u0094 106.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n17\\nforts, he hastened his preparation to return and\\non the 3d of May embarked all that was valuable in\\nthe forts and set sail for La Rochelle. In that\\nProtestant capital he was received with the loudest\\nacclamations. At Bordeaux these were reiterated,\\nand he was advised to proceed to Paris, where,\\nhowever, he met with a very different reception.\\nPhilip had already an embassy demanding his head,\\nwhich Charles and Catherine were not disinclined\\nto give, and had taken steps for bringing him\\nto trial, but they found the measure so excessively\\nunpopular, that they were obliged to allow him to\\nretire into Normandy. Subsequently he regained\\nroyal favour, and found ample employment in the\\nservice of his country.\\nThus terminated the attempts of the French Pro-\\ntestants to colonize Florida. Had the efforts of\\nRibault or Laudonniere been supported by the\\ngovernment, France might have had vast colonial\\ndependencies before Britain had established a single\\nsettlement in the New World, instead of inscribing\\non the pages of history a striking instance of the\\nruinous and enduring- effects of religfious hatred,\\nalike on individual and national fortune.\\nIt has been observed, by one of the most eminent\\nstatesmen this or any other country ever produced\\none who took a peculiar interest in the progress of\\nthe New World that the present age bears in many\\npoints a striking resemblance to that of Queen Eliza-\\nbeth, and certainly in no respect are the periods\\nmore assimilated, than in the singular, and to many,\\nthe inexplicable combination of commercial activity\\nand general distress. That poverty among the\\nlower and middling ranks of society was one of the\\nstrongest motives to colonization in the days of\\nElizabeth, as well as our own, the records of history\\nEdward Haies, in his report of tlie voyage of Sir Humphrey\\nGilbert, has the following observations on the motives to colonize\\nwhich then prevailed If his motives be derived from a vertuous\\nand heroycall minde, preferring chiefly the honour of God, com-\\npassion of poore infidels captived by the devill, tyrannizing in\\nmost wonderfull and dreadfull maner over thc .r bodies and soules,\\nadvancement of his honest and well disposed countreymen, willing\\nto accompany him in such honourable actions, rdicfe of siindnj\\npeople vnthin this rcalme distressed all these be honorable purposes,\\nimitating the nature of the munificent God, wherwith he is well\\npleaded, who will assist such an actour beyond expectation of man.\\nAnd tlte same, who feeleth this inclination in himselfe, by all like-\\nlihood may hope, or rather confidently repose in the pre-ordinance\\nof God, that in this last age of the world, or likely never, the time\\nis compleat of receiving also these Gentiles into his mercy, and\\nthat God will raise him an instrument to etfect the same it seem-\\ning probable, by event of precedent attempts made by the Span-\\nyards and French sundry times, that the countreys lying nortli of\\nFlorida, God hath reserved the same to be reduced unto Christian\\ncivility by the English nation. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 144. Sir\\nGeorge Pcckain also bears testimony to the correctness of this\\nopinion. God, he says, had provided the means of coloniza-\\ntion for that, through his great mercy in preserving the people\\ndo not permit us to doubt and if benefits accrue to\\nthe world, in the proportion in which the extent ot\\nemigration now exceeds that of the period of our\\npresent researches, posterity will see reason to admire\\nthe dispensations of Providence, which, however\\nunwelcome to the present, are so richly beneficial to\\nthe future ages.\\nBefore entering on the transactions which are so\\nhighly honourable to the reign of Elizabeth, it is our\\nduty to record an event which almost may be said\\nto couirterbalance, in its baneful results, all the advan-\\ntages, either to the Old World or the New, that ren-\\nder celebrated the era of the British Queen the\\ncommencement of the slave trade. The first Eng-\\nlishman w^ho brought this guilt upon himself and\\nhis country was Sir John Hawkins, who afterwards\\nattained so much nautical celebrity, and was created\\nan admiral, and treasurer of the British navy. A\\nsubscription was opened and speedily completed by\\nSir Lionel Ducket, Sir Thomas Lodge, Sir William\\nWinter, and others, who plainly perceived the vast\\nemolument that might be derived from such a traffic.\\nBy their assistance Hawkins was enabled to set sail\\nfor Africa in the year 1562, and, having reached\\nSierra Leone, he began his commerce with the\\nnegroes.t While he trafficked with them in the usual\\narticles of barter, he took occasion to give them an\\ninviting description of the country to which he was\\nbound, contrasting the fertility of its soil and the\\nenjoyments of its inhabitants with the barrenness of\\nAfrica and the poverty of the African tribes. The\\nnegroes were ensnared by his flattering promises,\\nand three hundred of them, accepting his offer,\\nconsented to embark along with him for Hispaniola.\\nOn the night before their embarkation, they were\\nattacked by a hostile tribe and Hawkins hastening\\nfor so many years from slaughter, plague, and pestilence, they were\\nin such penury and want, that many would hazard their lives for a\\nyear s food and clothing, without wages and this armament might\\nbe most cheaply equipped. Murray, vol. i. p. 191.\\nt With this companie he put off and departed I rom the coast of\\nEngland in the moneth of October, 1562, and in his course touched\\nfirst at Teneriffe, where he received friendly entertainement from\\nthence he passed to Sierra Leona, upon the coa. st of Guinea, whicli\\nplace, by the people of the countrey, is called Tagarin, where he\\nstayed some good time, and got into his possession, partly by the\\nsworde, and partly by other meanes, to the number of three hun-\\ndred negroes, at the least, besides other merchandises which that\\ncountrey yeeldeth. With this praye hee sayled over the ocean sea\\nunto the island of Hispaniola, and arrived first at the port of Isa-\\nbella, and there hee had reasonable utterance of his English com-\\nmodities, as also of some part of his negroes, trusting the Span-\\niards no further, then that by his owne strength he was able still\\nto master them. From the port of Isabella he went to Puerto dc\\nPlata, where he made like sales, standing alwaies upon his gua d\\nfrom thence, also, hee sayled to iMonte Christi, another port on ilie\\nnorth side of Hispaniola, and the last place of his touching, w^ ?re\\nhe had peaceable traflSque, and made vent of the whole numbs of\\nhis negroes. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 500.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "18\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwith his crew to their assistance, repulsed the assail-\\nants, and carried a number of tliem as prisoners on\\nboard his vessels. The next day he set sail with his\\nmixed carsro of human creatures, and, during the\\npassage, treated the negroes who had voluntarily\\naccompanied him in a different manner from his\\nprisoners of war. On his arrival at Hispaniola, he\\ndisposed of the whole cargo to great advantage, and\\nendeavoured to inculcate on the Spaniards who\\npurchased the negroes, the same distinction in the\\ntreatment of them which he himself had observed.\\nBut the Spaniards, having given the same ratio for\\nthe one as for the other, considered them as slaves\\nof the same condition, and treated them all alike.*\\nThe Spaniards have many cruelties to answer for, not\\nonly in their islands, but on the continent of South Ameri-\\nca. They never knew the true philosophy of self-interest\\nin their treatment of tlieir slaves. Tliey never learned\\nthe maxim, that kindness is more effectual than severity\\nin subduing ignorant and savage man. The Spaniards\\nwere, notwithstanding their love of enterprise and war,\\nnaturally an indolent race of people, and rejoiced in find-\\ning those who could take tlie labours of agriculture off\\ntheir hands. Men, deceived, as most of those were who\\ncame with Hawkins, were not very docile and their\\nmasters found in their tempers excuse for rigid discipline.\\nWhile the nefarious traffic of Sir John Hawkins\\nwas attended with the advantages of a profitable\\nthough iniquitous speculation, the meritorious exer-\\ntions of others were fraught with destruction to\\nthemselves, and disappointment to the nation at\\nlarge; affording a powerful lesson that the charac-\\nters of men are not to be estimated by their financial\\nsuccess, but by the honourable motives by which\\ntheir conduct is actuated. The efforts which follow-\\ned those of the founder of the slave trade were\\ndip cted to the discovery of a passage to India by\\nthe north of America ;t but, notwithstanding the\\niitirost exertions of the most eminent naval cha-\\nracters, Frobisher, Davis, and Hudson, they proved\\nOn another occasion Hawkins look advantage of a conflict\\nbetw ;en the hostile tribes. In that present instant, says the\\nnarrntor, there came to us a negro, sent from a king, oppressed\\nUy other kings, his neighbours, desiring our aide, willi promise that\\nas many negros as by these warres might be obtained, as well of\\nhis part as of ours, should be at our pleasure whereupon, we\\nconcluded to give aide, and sent a hundred and twenty of our men,\\nwhich, the 15th of Januarie, assaulted a towne of the negros of\\nour allies adversaries, which had in it eight thousand inhabitants,\\nbeing very strongly impaled and fenced after their manner but it\\nwas so well defended, that our men prevailed not, but lost sixe men\\nand f(/riie hurt, so thai our men sent forthwith to me for more\\noelpe, whereupon, considering that the good successe of this enter-\\nprise might highly further the commodilie of our voyage, I went\\nmyselfe, and with the helpc of the king on our side, assaulted the\\nlowne, both by land and sea, and very hardly with fire, (their\\nhouses being covered with dry palme leaves) obtained the lowne,\\nentirely abortive, at least, as to the accomplishment\\nof their immediate object.\\nIn the same year, however, in which Frobisher s\\nthird voyage terminated so unsuccessfully, Sir Wal-\\nter Raleigh, in conjunction with his half-brother and\\nkindred t^pirit, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, projected the\\nestablishment of a colony in that quarter of America\\nwhich the Cabots had visited in the reign of Henry\\nVII. and a patent for this purpose was procured\\nwithout dilticirlty in favour of Gilbert, from Eliza-\\nbeth. As this is the first charter to a colony granted\\nby the crown of England, the articles in it merit\\nparticular attention as they unfold the ideas of that\\nage with respect to the nature of such settlements.\\nElizabeth authorizes him to discover and take pos-\\nsession of all remote and barbarous lands, unoccupied\\nby any Christian prince or people invests in him\\nthe fall right of property in the soil of those coun-\\ntries wherof he shall take possession empowers\\nhim, his heirs and assigns to dispose of whatever\\nportion of tliose lands he shall judge meet, to per-\\nsons settled there, in fee simple, according to the\\nlaws of England and ordains that all the lands\\ngranted to Gilbert shall hold of the crown of Eng-\\nland by homage, on payment of the fifth part of the\\ngold or silver ore found there. The charter also\\ngave Gilbert, his heirs and assigns, full power to con-\\nvict, punish, pardon, govern, and rule, by their good\\ndiscretion and policy, as well in causes capital or\\ncrinrinal as civil, both marine and other, all persons\\nwho shall, from time to time, settle within the said\\ncountries and declared, that all Avho settled there\\nshould have and enjoy all the privileges of free deni-\\nzens and natives of England, any law, custom, or\\nusage to the contrary notwithstanding. And finally,\\nit prohibited all persons from attempting to settle\\nwithin two hundred leagues of any place which Sir\\nHumphrey Gilbert, or his associates, shall have occu-\\npied during the space of six years.!\\nInvested with these extraordinary powers, Gilbert\\nH\\nand put the inhabitants to flight, where we tooke two hundred and\\nfifty jiersons, men, women, and children, and by our friend the\\nking of our side, there were taken sixe hundred prisoners, whereof\\nwe hoped to have had our choice but the negro, in which nation\\nis seldom or never found truth, meant nothing lesse, for that night\\nhe rcmooved his campe and prisoners, so that we were faine to\\ncontent us with those few whicli we had gotten ourselves. Now\\nhad we obtained between four and five hundred negroes, wherwiih\\nwe thought it somewhat reasonable to seeke the coast of the West\\nIndies, and there, for our negroes and our other merchandize, we\\nhoped to obtaine, whereof to countervaile our charges with sosne\\ngaines. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 522.\\nt In the reign of Edward VI. it was also the general opiu vn\\nthat a passage to India might be found by coasting along the noi h-\\nern shores of Europe; and, when in pursuit of this object. Sir\\nHugh Willoughby and his gallant crew were frozen to deatli.\\nt Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 135.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED.STATES.\\n19\\nbegan to collect associates, and to prepare I or em-\\nbarkation. The first equipment, however, of Sir\\nHumphrey, may be said to have failed, even before\\nit set out. Being composed in a great measure of\\nvoluntary men of diverse dispositions, there was a\\ngreat falling off when it came to the point, and Sir\\nHumphrey was at last obliged to set out with only a\\nfew of his own tried friends. He encountered the\\nmost adverse weather, and was necessitated to return,\\nwith the loss of a tall ship, and, more to his grief,\\nof a valiant gentleman. Miles Morgan. This was\\na severe blow, as Sir Humphrey had embarked a\\nlarge portion of his property in this undertaking.\\nHowever, his determination continued unshaken\\nand by the aid of Sir George Peclvham, Sir Walter\\nRaleigh, and other persons of distinction, he was\\nenabled to equip another expedition, with which, in\\nthe year 1583, he again put to sea.\\nOn the 30th of July, Gilbert discovered land in\\nabout 51\u00c2\u00b0 of north latitude; but, finding nothing\\nbut bare rocks, he shaped his course to the south-\\nward, and on the 3d of August arrived at St. John s\\nharbour, at Newfoundland. There were at that\\ntime in the harbour thirty.-si.K vessels, belonging to\\nvarious nations, and they refused him entrance\\nbut, on sendins: his boat with the assurance that he\\nhad no ill design, and that he had a commission from\\n(iueen Elizabeth, they submitted, and he sailed into\\nthe port. Having pitched his tent on shore in sight\\nof all the shipping, and being attended by his own\\npeople, he summoned the merchants and masters of\\nvessels to be present at the ceremony of his taking\\npossession of the island. When assembled, his com-\\nmission was read and interpreted to the foreigners.\\nA turf and twig was then delivered to him and\\nproclamation was immediately made, that, by virtue\\nof his commission from the queen, he took possession\\nof the harbour of St. John, and two hundred leagues\\nevery way around it, for the crown of England. He\\nthen, as the authorized governor, proposed and deli-\\nvered three laws, to be in force immediately; by the first,\\npublic worship was established according to the church\\nof England; bythesecond, the attemptingof any thing\\nprejudicial to her majesty s title was declared treason\\nHakluyt has preserved a very masterly performance from the\\npen of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, entitled, A Discourse to prove a\\nPa jsage by the North-west, to the East Indies, c. Although the\\nrecent expeditions, under Captains Ross and Parry, have fully de-\\nmonstrated that no passage, of an available nature at least, exists\\nbetween America and the North Pole, it may be interesting to our\\nreaders lo form some idea of the reasons by which Sir Humphrey\\nconvinced himself, and endeavoured to persuade others, of the cer-\\ntainly of a north-west passage we, therefore, extract the contents\\nof this discourse\\nCiPiTOio I. To prove by autboritie a passage to be on the\\nby tlie third, if any person should utter words to the\\ndishonour of her majesty, he should lose his ears,\\nand have his ship and goods confiscated. When the\\nproclamation was finished, obedience was promised\\nby tiie general voice, both of Englishmen and stran-\\nger:-.. Not far from the place of meeting, a pillar\\nwas afterwards erected, upon which were engraved\\nthe arms of England. For the better establishment\\nof tins possession, several parcels of land were granted\\nby Sir Humphrey, by which the occupants were gua-\\nranteed grounds convenient to dress and dry their\\nfish, of which privilege they had often been debarred,\\nby those who had previously entered the harbour.\\nFor these grounds they covenanted to pay a certain\\nrent and service to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, his heirs or\\nassigns, for ever, and to maintain possession of them,\\nby themselves or assignees. This formal possession,\\nin consequence of the discovery by the Cabots, is\\nconsidered the foundation of the right and title of the\\ncrown of England to the territory of Newfoundland,\\nand to the fishery on its banks. Gilbert, intending\\nto bring the southern parts of the country within his\\npatent, the term of which had now nearly expired,\\nhastened to make farther discoveries before his return\\nto England. He therefore embarked from St. John s\\nharbour with his little fleet, and sailed for the Isle of\\nSable, by the way of Cape Breton^ After spending\\neight days in the navigation from Cape Race towards\\nCape Breton, the ship Admiral was cast away on some\\nshoals before any discovery of land, and nearly one\\nhundred persons perished among these was Stephen\\nParmenius Budeius, a learned Hungarian, who had\\naccompanied the adventurers, to record their disco-\\nveries and exploits. Two days after this disaster, no\\nland yet appearing, the waters being shallow, the\\ncoast unknown, the navigation dangerous, and the\\nprovisions scanty, it was resolved to return to Eng-\\nland. Changing their course accordingly, they passed\\nin sight of Cape Race on the 2d of September but\\nwhen they had sailed more than three hundred\\nleagues on their way home, the frigate, commanded\\nby Sir Humphrey Gilbert himself, foundered in a vio-\\nlent storm at midnight, and every soul on board\\nperished.*\\nnorth side of America, to goe to Cataia, China, and tc the East\\nIndia. Cap. II. To prove by reason a passage to be on the north\\nside of America, to go to Cataia, Moluccae, c. Cap. III. To\\nprove by e.xperience of sundry men s travailes, the opening of lhi.-\\nnorth-west passage, whereby good hope reraaineth of the rest.\\nCap. IV. To prove by circum.stance, that the north-west passage\\nhath bene sailed throughout. Cap. V. To prove that such Indians\\nas have bene driven upon the coastes of Germanic came not thilher\\nby the south-east and south-west, nor from any part of Afrike oi\\nAmerica. Cap. VI. To prove that the Indians aforenamed came\\nnot by the north-dast, and that there is no thorow passage nav igabie", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "20\\nHISTORY\u00c2\u00bbOF THE UNITED STATES.\\nCHAPTER II.\\nHISTORY OF VIRGINIA, FROM ITS SETTLEMENT TO\\nTHE FRENCH WAR OF 1756.\\nTerrible as was the fate of Gilbert and his\\nassociates, the ardour of Raleigh was not daunted,\\nnor his energies depressed. High in favour with\\nElizabeth, he found no difficulty in procuring a pa-\\nlent similar to that which had been granted to his\\nunfortunate brother. Prompt in the execution, as\\nintrepid in the projection of his plans, he speedily\\nequipped two small vessels, under Amadas and Bar-\\nlow, to obtain further information of the coasts, the\\nsoil, and the inhabitants of the regions he designed\\nto colonize. Approaching America by the Gulf of\\nFlorida, they touched first at the island of Ocakoke,\\nwhich runs parallel to the greater part of North Caro-\\nlina, and then at Roanoke, near the mouth of Albe-\\nmarle Sound. In both they had some intercourse\\nwith the natives, whom they found to be savages,\\nwith all the characteristic qualities of uncivilized\\nlife bravery, aversion to labour, hospitality, a pro-\\npensity to admire and a willingness to exchange\\ntheir rude productions for English commodities, espe-\\ncially for iron, or any of the useful metals of which\\nthey were destitute. After spending a few weeks in\\nthis traffic, and in, visitinir some parts of the adjacent\\ncontinent, Amadas and Barlow returned to England,\\nand gave a most fervid description of the country\\nthey had been sent to explore. Their own words,\\nas contained in their report to Sir Walter Raleigh,\\nwill convey a better idea of the mode of narrative\\nadopted, and the effect produced, than any language\\nof ours. The soile, say they, is the most plen-\\ntifull, sweete, fruitfull and wholsome of all the\\nworlde there are above fourteene severall sweete\\nsmelling timber trees, and the most part of their un-\\nderwoods are bayes and such like they have those\\nokes that we have, but farre greater and better. Af-\\nter they had bene divers times aboord our shippes,\\nmyselfe, with seven more, went twentie mile into the\\nriver that runneth towarde the citie of Skicoak,\\nwhich river they call Occam and the evening fol-\\nlowing, we came to an island, which they call Rao-\\nIhat way. Cap. VII. To prove that these Indians came by the\\nnorth-west, which indnceth a certain ie of this passage by experi-\\nence. Cap. VIII. What several reasons were alleged before the\\nqueenes niajestie, and certain lords of her highnesse privie coun-\\ncil, by M. Anih. lenkinson, a gentleman of great travailc and ex-\\nperience, to prove this passage by the north-east, with my sever.ill\\nansweres then alleaged to the same. Cap. IX. How that this pas-\\nsage hy the north-west is more commodious for our traffilce, then\\nthe other by the north-east, if there be any such. Cap. X. What\\ncommodities would ensue, this passage being once discovered.\\nHakluyt, vol. iii. p. 11.\\nnoak, distant from the harbour by whicli we entered\\nseven leagfues and at the north end thereof was a\\nvillage of nine houses, built of cedar, and fortified\\nround about with sharpe trees to keep out their ene-\\nmies, and the entrance into it made like a turnepike,\\nvery artificially when we came towardes it, stand-\\ning neere unto the waters side, the wife of Grans:a-\\nnimo, the king s brother, came running out to meete\\nus very cheerfully and friendly her husband was\\nnot then in the village some of her people shee\\ncommanded to drawe our boate on shore for the\\nbeating of the billoe, others she appointed to cary us\\non their backes to the dry ground, and others to\\nbring our oares into the house for feare of stealing.\\nWhen we were come into the utter roome, having\\nfive roomes in her house, she caused us to sit down\\nby a great fire, and after tooke off our clothes and\\nwashed them, and dried them againe some of the\\nwomen plucked oflT our stockings, and waslied them,\\nsome waslied our feete in warm water, and she her-\\nself tooke great paines to see all things ordered in\\nthe best manner she could, making great haste to\\ndresse some meate for us to eate. After we had thus\\ndryed ourselves, she brought us into the inner roome,\\nwhere shee set on the boord standing along the\\nhouse, some wheate like furmentie sodden venison\\nand roasted fish, sodden, boyled and roasted me-\\nlons, rawe and sodden rootes of divers kindes and\\ndivers fruites. Their drinke is commonly water, but\\nwhile the grape lasteth, they drinke wine, and for\\nwant of caskes to keepe it, all the yere after they\\ndrink water, but it is sodden with ginger in it, and\\nblack sinamon, and sometimes sassaphras, and divers\\nother wholesome and medicinable hearbes and trees.\\nWe were entertained with all love and kindnesse,\\nand with as much bountie, after their maner, as they\\ncould possibly devise. We found the people most\\ngentle, loving, and faithfull, voide of all guile and\\ntreason, and such as live after the maner of the\\ngolden age. The people onely care howe to defend\\nthemselves from the cold in their short winter, and. to\\nfeed themselves with such meat as the soile affbreth\\ntheir meat is very well sodden, and they make broth\\nvery sweet and savorie their vessels are earthen\\nAhhough the lapse of time has evinced the futility of the specu-\\nlation of Gilbert, the style of this treatise places this author on a\\nlevel with the most distinguished writers of this age. In the\\nSenate he was admired for his eloquence, not less than for his\\npatriotism and integrity but the most interesting feature in his\\ncharacter was the strength of his piety. In the extremity of dan-\\nger at sea, he was observed sitting unmoved, with a bible in his\\nhand, and heard to say, Courage, my lads we are as near hea\\nven at sea as at land.\\nHakluyt, vol. iii. p. 248, 24B.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n21\\npots, very large, white, and sweete their dishes are\\nwooden platters of sweet timber. Within the place\\nwhere they feede was their lodging, and within that\\ntheir idoU, which they worship, of whom they speake\\nincredible things. While we were at meate, there\\nfame in at the gates two or three men with their\\nbowes and arrowes from hunting, whom, when we\\nespied, we beganne to looke one towardes another,\\nand offered to reach our weapons but as soone as\\nshee espied our mistrust, shee was very much mooved,\\nand caused some of her men to runne out, and take\\naway their bowes and arrowes and breake them, and\\nwithal), beate che poore fellowes out of the gate\\nagaine. When we departed in the evening, and\\nwould not tarry all night, she was very sory, and\\ngave US into our boate our supper half dressed, pottes\\nand all, and brought us to our boate side, in which\\nwe lay all night, removing the same a prettie dis-\\ntance from the shoare shee perceiving our jelousie,\\nwas much grieved, and sent divers men and thirtie\\nwomen to sit all night on the banke-side by us, and\\nsent us into our boates five mattes, to cover us from\\nthe raine, using very many wordes to intreate us to\\nrest in their houses but because we were fewe men,\\nand if we had miscarried the voy^e had bene in\\nvery great danger, we durst not adventure any thing,\\nalthough there was no cause of doubt, for a more\\nkinde and loving people there cannot be found in the\\nworlde, as far as we have hitherto had triall.\\nDelighted with the prospect of possessing a terri-\\ntory so far superior to any hitherto visited by her\\nsubjects, Elizabeth was pleased to honour both the\\nnewly discovered country and herself, by bestowing\\nupon it the title of Virginia.\\nThese favourable circumstances not only encou-\\nraged the enterprising spirit of Raleigh, but, by their\\neffect on public opinion, assisted him in his arrange-\\nments to form a permanent settlement and he was\\nsoon enabled to despatch seven ships, under the com-\\nmand of Sir Richard Grenville, one of the most\\nvalorous spirits of the age, with Ralph Lane, as\\ngovernor of the colony, accompanied by Heriot, a\\nmathematician of celebrity, and some other men of\\nscience. Sailing from Plymouth on the 9th of April,\\nthey proceeded to Virgmia by the way of the West\\nIndies, and, having narrowly escaped shipwreck at\\nCape Fear, anchored at Wocokon, on the 26th of\\nMost thingrs they saw -with its, as mathematicalt instruments,\\nsea-compasses, the vertue of the loadstone, perspective glasses,\\nburning glasses, clocks to goe of themselves, booke.s, writing, guns,\\nand such like, so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought\\nthey were rather the workes of gods then men, or at least the gods\\nhad taught us how to make them, which loved us so much belter\\nthan them and caused many of them to give credit to what we\\nBpake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my\\nJune. From this island Grenville went to the con-\\ntinent, accompanied by several gentlemen, and disco-\\nvered various Indian towns. He then proceeded to\\nCape Hatteras, where he Avas visited by Granganimo,\\nthe prince seen by Amadas and Barlow the preceding\\nyear and having viewed the island of Roanoke, he\\nembarked for England, leaving one hundred and\\nseven persons under the government of Mr. Lane, to\\nform a plantation, and to commence the first English\\ncolony ever planted in America. The chief employ-\\nment of this party, during their year s residence in the\\nNew World, consisted in obtaining a more correct\\nand extensive knowledge of the country a pursuit\\nin which the persevering abilities of Heriot were ex-\\nercised with peculiar advantage.. His unremitting\\nendeavours to instruct the savages, and diligent in-\\nquiries into their habits and character, by adding to\\nthe stock of human knowledge, rendered the expedi-\\ntion not wholly unproductive of benefit to mankind.\\nHe endeavoured to avail himself of the admiration\\nexpressed by the savages for the guns, the clock, the\\ntelescopes, and other implements that attested the\\nsuperiority of the colonists, in order to lead their\\nminds to the great source of all sense and science.\\nBut, unfortunately, the majority of the colonists were\\nmuch less distinguished by piety or prudence, than\\nby a vehement impatience to acquire svidden wealth:\\ntheir first pursuit was gold and eagerly listening to\\nthe agreeable fictions of the natives, the adventurers\\nconsumed their time, and endured amazing hardships,\\nin pursuit of a phantom, to the utter neglect of the\\nmeans of providing for their future subsistence. The\\nstock of provisions brought from England was ex-\\nhausted and the colony, reduced* to the utmost dis-\\ntress, was preparing to disperse into different districts\\nof the country in quest of food, when Sir Francis\\nDrake appeared with his fleet, returning from a suc-\\ncessful expedition against the Spaniards in the West\\nIndies. A scheme which he formed, of furnishing\\nLane and his associates with such supplies as might\\nenable them to remain with comfort in their station,\\nwas disappointed by a sudden storm, in which the\\nvessel he had destined for their service was dashed\\nto pieces and as he could not supply them with\\nanother, at their joint request, as they were worn out\\nwith fatigue and famine, he carried them home to\\nEngland.t\\nbest to make his immortall glory kno-n-ne and I told them, although\\nthe bible I shewed them contained all, yet of itselfe, it was not of\\nanv such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithsland-ug,\\nmany would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and embrace it, to hold\\nit to their breasts and heads, and stroke all their body over with\\nit. _Smith s History of Virginia, p. II.\\nt Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 255\u00e2\u0080\u0094280.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "22\\nfflSTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nCO\\nHad the Virginia adventurers, however, remained\\nbut a httle time longer at their plantation, they would\\nhave received supplies from home for, a few days\\nafter their departure, a ship, sent by Sir Walter Ra-\\nleigh to their relief, arrived at Hatteras, and made\\ndiligent search for them, but, not finding them, re-\\nturned to England. Within a few days after this\\nship had left the coast, Sir Richard Grenville arrived\\nat Virginia with three new vessels laden with provi-\\nsions. Searching in vain for the colony that he\\nplanted, but yet unwilling to lose possession of the\\ncountry, he left fifty* of his crew to keep possession\\nof the island of Roanoke, and returned to England.\\nThis was, indeed, but an inauspicious ccJmmencement\\nfor English attempts at ti-ansatlantic colonization\\nbut, though its immediate results did not realize the\\nhigh expectations which had been formed, its conse-\\nquences were indirectly very beneficial. It gave\\nHeriot opportunity to describe its soil, climate, pro-\\nductions, and the manners of its inhabitants, with a\\ndegree of accuracy which merits no inconsiderable\\npraise, when compared with the childish and marvel-\\nlous tales published by several of the early visitants\\nof the New World. Another consequence of this\\nabortive colomr fs important enough to entitle it to a\\nplace in hislo)/. Lane and his associates, by their\\nconstant iiitercdurse with the Indians, had acquired a\\nrelish for Vu^\u00c2\u00b1l favourite enjoyment of smoking to-\\nbacco to the use of which, the credulity of that\\npeople not only ascribed a thousand imaginary virtues,\\nbut their superstition considered the plant itself as a\\ngracious gift of the gods, for the solace of human\\nkind, and the most acceptable offering which man can\\npresent to heaven.* They brought with them a spe-\\ncimen of this new commodity to England, and taught\\ntheir countiymen the method of using it which\\nRaleigh and some young men of fashion fondly\\nadopted. From its being deemed a fashionable ac-\\nquirement, and from the favourable opinion of its\\nsalutary qualities entertained by several physicians,\\nthe practice of smoking spread rapidly among the\\nEnglish and by a singular caprice of the human\\nspecies, no less inexplicable than unexampled, it has\\nbecome almost as universal as the demands of those\\nappetites originally implanted in our nature.\\nAmidst all the discourasfing- circumstances with\\nwhich the settlement of Virginia was attended, Ra-\\nleigh still remained devotedly attached to the object\\nand early in the year 1587, equipped another com-\\npany of adventurers, incorporated by the title of the\\nBorough of Raleigh, in Virginia. John White was\\nHakluyt says fifteen, but Smith fifty, which is the more pro-\\nbable ntunber.\\nconstituted governor, in whom, with a council of\\ntwelve persons, the legislative power was vested.\\nThey were directed to plant at the bay of Chesapeake,\\nand to erect a fort there. This expedition sailed from\\nPlymouth on ths 8th of May, and about the 16th of\\nJuly fell in with the Virginian coast. Arriving at\\nHatteras on the 22d of July, the governor, with a\\nselect party, proceeded to Roanoke, and landed at\\nthat part of the island where the men were left the\\nyear preceding but discovered no signs of them,\\nexcepting the bones of one man, who had been slain\\nby the savages. The next day the governor and\\nseveral of his company went to the north end of the\\nisland, where Lane had erected his fort, and had built\\nseveral decent dwelling houses, hoping to obtain some\\nintelligence of his fellow-countrymen biU, on com-\\ning to the place, and finding the fort razed, and all\\nthe houses, though standing unhurt, overgrown with\\nweeds and vines, and deer feeding within them they\\nreturned, in despair of ever seeing the objects of their\\nresearch alive. Orders were given the same day for\\nthe repair of the houses, and for the erection of new\\ncottages and all the colony, consisting of one hun-\\ndred and seventeen persons, soon after landed, and\\ncommenced a second plantation. In the month of\\nAugust, Manteo, a friendly Indian, who had been to\\nEngland, was baptized in Roanoke, according to a\\nprevious order of Sir Walter Raleigh and. in reward\\nof his faithful service to the English, was called lord\\nof Roanoke. About the same period, Mrs. Dare,\\ndaughter of the governor, and wife of one of the\\nassistants, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoke,\\nand baptized the next Lord s day by the name of Vir-\\nginia, being the first English child born in the coun-\\ntry.\\nBefore the close of the month of August, at the\\nurgent solicitation of the whole colony, the governor\\nsailed for England to procure supplies. Unfortu-\\nnately, on his arrival, the nation was wholly engrossed\\nby the expected invasion of the grand Spanish Ar-\\nmada and Sir Richard Grenville, who was preparing\\nto sail for Virginia, received notice that his services\\nwere wanted at home. Raleigh, however, contrived\\nto send out White with two more vessels but they\\nwere attacked by a Spanish ship of war, and so\\nseverely shattered, that they were obliged to return.\\nIt was not till 1590 that another expedition reached\\nVirginia, when they beheld a similarly dreadful scene\\nto that which had been presented on the former oc-\\ncasion. The houses were demohshed, though still\\nsurrounded by a palisade and a great part of the\\nstores was found buried in the earth but as no trace\\nwas ever found of this unfortunate colony, there is", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n23\\nevery reason to apprehend that the whole must have\\nmiserably perished.* Thus terminated the noble and\\npersevering efforts of Raleigh in the western hemi-\\nsphere in which he sent out in four years several\\nexpeditions, at a cost of \u00c2\u00a340,000, without any pro-\\nfitable return. It cannot be a matter of surprise,\\ntherefore, that he should be induced to assign his\\nright of property in that country, with all the privi-\\nleges of his patent, to other hands, especially as he\\nwas engaged in several other projects wliich now\\n-resented, to his imagination at least, a much more\\njromising appearance. Sir Thomas Smith, and a\\nlompany of mercantile men, were invested with the\\npatent but, finding it difficult, probably, to procure\\nemigrants for a spot which had proved the grave of\\nso many of their brave companions, they satisfied\\nthemselves with the traffic carried on by a few small\\nbarks, and made no attempt to take possession of the\\ncountry. Thus, after a period of a hundred and six\\nyears from the time that Cabot discovered North\\nAmerica in the service of Henry VII., and of twenty\\nyears from the time that Raleigh planted the first\\ncolony, not a single Englishman remained in the New\\nWorld and the colonization of America awaited the\\nenergy of a new impulse.\\nIn the last year of Elizabeth, the voyage of Bar-\\ntholomew Gosnold tended to revive the spirit of emi-\\ngration. He set sail in a small bark from Falmouth,\\nwith thirty-two persons, for the northern parts of\\nVirginia, with the design of beginning a plantation.\\nInstead of making the unnecessary circuit by the\\nCanaries and West Indies, he steered, as steadily as\\nthe winds would permit, due west, and acquired the\\nhonour of being the first Englishman who came in a\\ndirect course to this part of America. t After a pas-\\nsage of seven weeks, he descried the American coast;\\nand sailing along the shore, arrived at a head land,\\nin the latitude of 42\u00c2\u00b0, where they came to anchor.\\nHaving taken a great number of cod at this place,\\nthey designated it Cape Cod. On the day following\\nHakluyt, vol. iii. p. 281\u00e2\u0080\u0094294. Murray, vol. i. p. 204. And\\nthus we left seeking our colony, that was never any of them found,\\nnor seene to this day, 1622. And this was the conclusion of this\\nplantation, after so much time, labour, and charge consumed;\\nwhereby we see,\\nNot all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath if beene.\\nThat God doth offer and confer his blessings upon men.\\nSmith, p. 16.\\nt Smith (Hist. Vir^. p. 16) says, this course was shorter than\\nheretofore by five hundred leagues. Belknap, Biog. vol. i. p. 231\\nii. 100. Robertson, b. 9.\\nt Point Care is supposed by Dr. Belknap to be Makbarre, or\\nSandy Point, forming the south-ea Stern extremity of the county of\\nBarnstable, in Massachusetts. Martha s Vineyard was not the is-\\nland which now bears that name, but a small island, now called\\nNo-Man s Land. Dover Cli/f was Gay Bead. Gosnold s Hope\\nthey coasted the land southerly and, in attempting\\nto double a point, came suddenly into shoal water, at\\na place they called Point Care. On the 24th they\\ndiscovered an island, which they called Dover C lifl\\nand the next day came to anchor, a quarter of a mile\\nfrom the shore, in a large bay they termed Gosnold s\\nHope. On the northern side of it was the main\\nand on the southern, four leagues distant, was a large\\nisland, which, in honour of the queen, they deter-\\nmined should bear the name of Elizabeth. Consult-\\ning together on a fit place for a plantation, they\\nconcluded to settle on the western part of this island.\\nIn it they found a small lake of fresh water, tv\\\\ 0\\nmiles in circumference, in the centre of which was a\\nrocky islet and here they began to erect a fort and\\nstorehouse. While the men were occupied in this\\nwork, Gosnold crossed the bay in his vessel, went on\\nshore, trafficked amicably with the natives, and,\\nhaving discovered the mouth of two rivers, returned\\nto the island. t In nineteen days the fort and store-\\nhouse were finished but discontents arising among\\nthose who were to have remained in the country, the\\ndesign of a settlement was relinquished, and the\\nwhole company returned to England.il\\nHowever inconsiderable this voyage may appear,\\nits results were by no means insignificant. It was\\nnow discovered that the aspect of America was very\\ninviting far north of any portion the English had\\nhitherto attempted to settle. The coast of a vast\\ncountry, stretching through the most desirable cli-\\nmates, lay before them. The richness of its virgin\\nsoil promised a certain recompense to their industry.\\nIn its interior provinces unexpected sources of wealth\\nmight open, and unknown objects of commerce might\\nbe found. Its distance from England was diminished\\nalmost a third by the new course which Gosnold had\\npointed out and plans for establishing colonies began\\nto be formed in different parts of the kingdom. The\\naccession of James to the English crown was also\\nhighly favourable to the colonization of America, and\\nwas Buzzard s Bay. The narrator in Purchas says, it is one of\\nthe stateliest sounds that ever I was in. Elizabeth Island was the\\nwesternmost of the islands which now bear the name of Elizabeth\\nIslands. One of the two rivers discovered by Gosnold, was that\\nnear which lay Hap s Hill and the other, that on the banks of\\nwhich the town of New Bedford is now built. Holmes s Annals\\nof America, vol. i. p. 118.\\nThe I3th beganne some of our corapanie that before vowed\\nto stay, to make revolt whereupon, the planters diminishing, all\\nwas given over. Purchas. In 1797, Dr. Belknap, with several\\nother gentlemen, went to the spot which was selected by Gosnold s\\ncomjiany on Elizabeih Island, and had the supreme satisfaction to\\nfind the cellar of Gosnold s storehouse the stones of which were\\nevidently taken from the neighbouring beach the rocks of the\\nislet being less moveable, and lying in ledges. Belknap. Biog,\\nvol. ii. p. 115.\\nII Smith s Hist. Virg. p. 16\u00e2\u0080\u009418.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "24\\nfflSTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfatal to the illustrious projector of this design. Peace\\nwas immediately concluded with Spain and Eng-\\nland, in the enjoyment of uninterrupted tranquillity,\\nwas enabled to direct to more bloodless pursuits the\\nenergies matured in a war which had strongly excited\\nthe spirit of the nation without impairing its strength.\\nThese projects were powerfully aided by the judi-\\ncious counsel and zealous encouragement of Richard\\nHakluyt, prebendary of Westminster, a man of emi-\\nnent attainments in naval and commercial knowledge,\\nthe patron and counsellor of many of the English\\nexpeditions of discovery, and the historian of their\\nexploits. By his persuasion, two vessels were fitted\\nout by the merchants of Bristol, to examine the dis-\\ncoveries of Gosnold, and ascertain the correctness of\\nhis statements. They returned with an ample con-\\nfirmation of his veracity. A similar expedition,\\nequipp ^d and despatched by Lord Arundel, not only\\nproduced additional testimony to the same effect, but\\nreported so many additional particulars in favour of\\nthe country, that all doubts were removed and an\\nassociation sufficiently numerous, wealthy, and pow-\\nerful, to attempt a settlement, being soon formed, a\\npetition was presented to the king for the sanction of\\nhis authority to its being carried into efl ect.\\nFond of directing the active genius of his English\\nsubjects towards occupations not repugnant to his\\nown pacific maxims, Jam.es listened with a favoura-\\nble ear to the application. But as the extent as well\\nas value of the American continent began now to be\\nbetter known, a grant of the whole of such a vast\\nregion to any one body of men, however respectable,\\nappeared to him an act of impolitic and profuse\\nliberality. For this reason he divided that portion\\nof North America, which stretches from tlin thirty-\\nfourth to the fifty-fifth degree of latitude, into two\\ndistricts nearly equal the one called the first or\\nsouth colony of Virginia, the other, the second or\\nnorth colony. He authorized Sir Thomas Gates,\\nSir George Summers, Richard Hakluyt, and their\\nassociates, mostly resident in London, to settle any\\npart of the former which they should choose, and\\nvested in them a right of property to the land extend-\\ning along the coast fifty miles on each side of the\\nplace of their first habitation, and reaching into the\\ninterior country a hundred miles. The latter district\\nhe allotted, as the place of settlement to sundry\\nknights, gentlemen, and merchants of Bristol, Ply-\\nmouth, and other parts of the west of England, with\\na similar grant of territory. The supreme govern-\\nment of the colonies that were to be settled, was\\nStith, Virg. Appendix, No. 1, and Hazard, Coll. vol.i. p. SO-\\nBS, contain entire copies of this patent.\\nvested in a council, resident in England, named by\\nthe king, with laws and ordinances given under his\\nsign manual and the subordinate jurisdiction waa\\ncommitted to a council, resident in America, which\\nwas also nominated by the king, and to act conform-\\nably to his instructions. The charter, while it thus\\nrestricted the emigrants in the important article of\\ninternal regulation, secured to them and their de-\\nscendants all the rights of denizens, in the same\\nmanner as if they had remained or had been born in\\nEngland and granted them the privilege of holding\\ntheir lands in America by the freest and least bur-\\ndensome tenure. The king permitted whatever was\\nnecessary for the sustenance or commerce of the new\\ncolonies to be exported from England, during the\\nspace of seven years, without paying any duty and,\\nas a farther incitement to industry, he granted them\\nliberty of trade with other nations and appropriated\\nthe duty to be levied on foreign commodities, as a\\nfund for the benefit of the colonies, for the period of\\ntwenty-one years. He also granted them liberty of\\ncoining for their own use, of repelling enemies, and\\nof detaining ships that should trade there without\\ntheir permission.* In this singular charter, says\\nRobertson, the contents of which have been little\\nattended to by the historians of America, some articles\\nare as unfavourable to the rights of the colonists as\\nothers are to the interest of the parent state. By\\nplacing the legislative and executive powers in a\\ncouncil nominated by the crown, and guided by its\\ninstructions, every person settling in America seems\\nto be bereaved of the noblest privilege of a free man\\nby the unlimited permission of trade with foreigners,\\nthe parent state is deprived of that exclusive com-\\nmerce which has been deemed the chief advantage\\nresulting from the establishment of colonies. But in\\nthe infancy of colonization, and without the guidance\\nof observation or experience, the ideas of men, with\\nrespect to the mode of forming new settlements, were\\nnot fully unfolded or properly arranged. At a period\\nwhen they could not foresee the future grandeur and\\nimportance of the communities which they were\\nabout to call into existence, they were ill qualified to\\nconcert the best plan for governing them. Besides,\\nthe English of that age, accustomed to the high pre-\\nrogative and arbitrary rule of their monarchs, were\\nnot animated with such liberal sentiments, either\\nconcerning their own personal or political rights, as\\nhave become familiar in the more mature and im-\\nproved state of their constitution T\\nWe may regard the colonies of North and South\\nt History of America, b. ix. p. 290.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n25\\nVirginia, or Virginia and New England, as they were\\nBubsequently denominated, as forming, from this\\nperiod, the subject of two distinct and continuous\\nhistories that of the former, being earliest in point\\nof time, will continue to occupy our attention during\\nthe remainder of this chapter.\\nThe proprietors of the royal patent lost no time in\\ncarrying their plans into effect. It cannot, however,\\nbe said, that they commenced their operations on a\\nscale at all worthy of the magnitude of the under-\\ntaking, as their fleet consisted only of three ships,\\nconveying one hundred emigrants and, although\\nsome persons of rank were among the number of\\nproprietors, their pecuniary resources were but\\nscanty. The charge of this embarkation was com-\\nmitted to Christopher Newport, already famous for\\nhis skill in western navigation. He sailed from the\\nThames on the 20th of December, 1606, having, in\\na sealed box, the royal instructions, and the names\\nof the intended colonial council, with orders not to\\nbreak the seal till twenty-four hours after the expe-\\ndition had effected a landing to which singular\\npolicy, may be attributed the dissensions which soon\\ncommenced among the leaders, and which continued\\nto distract them during a voyage long and disas-\\ntrous.* Captain Newport had designed to land at\\nRoanoke but fortunately, being driven by a storm\\nto the northward, he stood into the spacious bay of\\nChesapeake, that grand reservoir into which are\\npoured almost countless tributaries, which not only\\nfertilize the country through which they flow, but\\nopen to it a commercial intercourse which can\\nscarcely be said to be surpassed in any portion of the\\nglobe. The promontory on the south of the bay\\nwas named Cape Henry, in honour of the prince of\\nWales and that on the north. Cape Charles, after\\nthe then duke of York. At night the box, contain-\\ning the sealed instructions, was opened, in which\\nBartholomew Gosnold, John Smith, Edward Wing-\\nfield, Christopher Newport, John Ratcliffe, John\\nMartin, and George Kendall, were constituted the\\ncouncil of government, with power to elect a presi-\\ndent from among their number. The adventurers\\nwere employed in seeking a place for settlement until\\nCha .mers, Political Annals, b. i. c. 2. Their animosities\\nweie powerfully inflamed by an arrangement which, if it did nnt\\noriginate with the king, at least evinces a strong affinity to thai\\nostentatious mystery and driftless artifice which he affected as the\\npeileclion of political dexterity. Grahame, vol. i. p. 47.\\nf It would perhaps be difficult to find any individual who ex-\\nperi ;nccd more gallant adventures and daring enterprises, of a\\nhigl ly romantic character, in various countries, than Captain\\nSmith. His life, without any fictitious additions, might easily be\\ntaken for a mere romaace. He appears to have possessed many\\ngrcit qualities, and to have been deficient in nothing but that mean\\nthe thirteenth of May, when they took possession of\\na peninsula, on the north side of the river Powhatan,\\ncalled by the emigrants James River, about forty\\nmiles from us mouth. To make room for their pro-\\njected town, they commenced clearing away the\\nforest, which had for centuries afforded shelter and\\nfood to the natives. The members of the council,\\nwhile they adhered to their orders in the choice of\\ntheir president, on the most frivolous pretences ex-\\ncluded from a seat among them, the individual, who\\nwas probably of all others the best fitted for the office,\\nCaptain Smith,t though nominated by the same in-\\nstrument from which they derived their authority.\\nHis superior talents, and the fame he had previously\\nacquired in war, excited their envy, while possibly\\nthey induced him to assume, that a greater deference\\nwas due to his opinion than his coadjutors were\\nwilling to admit. At length, however, by the prudent\\nexliortations of Mr. Hunt, their chaplain, the animo-\\nsities which had arisen were composed. Smith was\\nadtnitted into the council, and they all turned their\\nundivided attention to the government of the colony.\\nIn honour of their monarch, they called the town,\\nthe erection of which they now commenced, James\\nTown. Thus was formed the first permanent colony\\nof the English in America.\\nThe vicinity of the settlement was a vast wilder-\\nness, though a luxuriant one, inhabited by a race of\\nIndian savages, possessing both the virtues and the\\nvices peculiar to their state. At first, they treated\\nthe colonists with kindness but misunderstandings,\\nfrom various causes, ere long interrupted the peace,\\nand annoyed the proceedings of the English. Nor\\nwas the hostility of the natives the only occasion of\\ndiscomfort the extreme heat of the summer, and the\\nintense cold of the succeeding winter, were alike fatal\\nto the colonists. From May to September, fifty per-\\nsons died, among whom was Bartholomew Gosnold,\\na member of the council! The storehouse at James\\nTown accidentally taking fire, the town, thatched\\nwith reeds, burned with such violence, that the forti-\\nfications, arms, apparel, bedding, and a great quantity\\nof private goods and provision, were consumed.\\nThese distresses naturally led them to reflect upon\\ncunning and sordid spirit, by the aid of which inferior men were\\nable to thwart his views, and deprive him of those stations and\\nre\u00c2\u00ab ards which his services amply merited. He was one of the\\nearliest and most ardent of those who undertook the settlement of\\nVirginia; his bravery and capacity more than once saved that in-\\nfanl^colony from destruction, and kept the enterprise from being\\nabandoned for several vears, though the absurdity of the schemes,\\nand the profligacy, folly, and dishonesty of those who were to ex-\\necute them, exposed the colony for many years to every caiamicy,\\nand often brought it to the brink of ruin. North American Re-\\nview, vol. iv. p. 146.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "26\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\niheir situation and having become sensible of their\\ninjustice to Smitli, his personal talents and activity\\nwere, in their adversity, appealed to with that regard\\nand deference which, in prosperous times, are yielded\\nonly to vested authority and official station. From\\nsome unaccountable jealousy on the part of the go-\\nvernor, the fort had been left in an unprotected state,\\nbut, by the advice of Smith, it was now put into a\\nstate to defend them against the attacks of the Indians.\\nTo procure provisions and explore the country, he\\nmade frequent and distant excursions into the wilder-\\nness. In one of tliese, he seized an Indian idol, made\\nwith skins stuffed with moss, for the redemption of\\nwhich as much corn was brought him as he required.\\nSome tribes he gained by caresses and presents, and\\nprocured from them a supply of provisions others he\\nattacked with open force, and defeating them on\\nevery occasion, whatever their superiority in numbers\\nmight be, compelled them to impart to him some por-\\ntion of their winter stores. As the recompense of all\\nhis toils and dangers, he saw abundance and content-\\nment re-established in the colony, and hoped tliat he\\nshould be able to maintain them in that happy\\nstate, until the arrival of ships from England in the\\nspring. But in the midst of his energetic measures,\\nwhile exploring the source of the river Chickahominy,\\nhe was surprised and attacked by a party of Indians.\\nHe defended himself bravely until his companions\\nwere killed, when he took to flight but running in-\\ncautiously, he sunk up to his shoulders in a swamp,\\nand was taken prisoner. The exulting savages con-\\nducted him in triumph through several towns to\\nWerowocomoco, where Powhatan, their king, resided\\nin state, with a strong guard of Indians around him.\\nWhen the prisoner entered the apartment of the\\nsovereign, all the people gave a shout. The queen\\nof Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to\\nwash his hands and another person brought a bunch\\nof feathers, instead of a towel, to dry them. Having\\nfeasted him in their best manner, they held a Ion?\\nconsultation, at the conclusion of which, two great\\nstones were brought before Powhatan. Smith had\\nnow reason to consider his career as drawing to a\\nclose by the united efforts of the attendants, he was\\nforcibly dragged, his head laid upon one of the stones,\\nand the mighty club up-raised, a few blows from\\nSmith s Hist. Virg. p. 49.\\nt So to lames Tomie with twelve guides Powhatan sent him.\\nThat night they quarter J in the woods, he still expecting (as he had\\ndone all this long time of his imprisonment) every hoiire to be put\\nto one death or other, for all their feasting. But Almightie God\\n(by his divine providence) had mollified xke hearts of those sterne\\nbarbarians with compassion. The next morning betimes they\\ncame to the fort, where Smith having used the salvages with what\\nkindnesse he could, he showed Rawhunt, Powhatan s trusty ser-\\nwhich were to terminate his existence. But a very\\nunexpected interposition now took place. Pocahontas,\\nthe favourite daughter of Powhatan, was seized with\\nemotions of tender pity, and ran up to her father,\\npathetically pleading for the hfe of the stranger.\\nWhen all entreaties were lost on that stern and\\nsavage potentate, she hastened to Smith, snatched his\\nhead in her arms, and laid her own on his, declaring\\nthat the fiust blow must fall upon her. The heart\\neven of a savage father was at last melted, and Pow-\\nhatan granted to his favourite daughter the life oi\\nSmith.*\\nIt appears at first to have been the intention, of the\\nsavage monarch to have detained the captive, and\\nemployed him in manufacturing utensils and orna-\\nments for his majesty s use but from some cause he\\nspeedily changed his mind, and in two days after his\\ndeliverance, sent him, to his high gratification, with\\na guard of twelve of his trusty followers, to James\\nTown, upon condition that he should remit two culve-\\nrins and a millstone as his ransom. t\\nAfter an absence of seven weeks. Smith arrived\\nbarely m time to save the colony from being aban-\\ndoned. His associates, reduced to the number of\\nthirty-eight, impatient of farther stay in a country\\nwhere they had met with so many discouragements,\\nwere preparing to return to England and it was not\\nwithout the utmost difficulty, and alternately employ-\\ning persuasion, remonstrance, and even violent inter-\\nference, that Smith prevailed with them to relinquish\\ntheir design. Pocahontas, persevering in her gene-\\nrous designs, continued to supply the colony with\\nprovisions till a vessel arrived from England with\\nsupplies. Having preserved the settlement during\\nthe winter by his active exertions and his careful\\nmanagement. Smith embraced the earliest opportunity,\\nin the following manner, to explore the extensive and\\nmultifarious ramifications of the Chesapeake. In an\\nopen barge, with fourteen persons, and but a scanty\\nstock of provisions, he traversed the whole of that\\nvast extent of water from Cape Henry, where it meets\\nthe ocean, to the rii er Susquehannah trading with\\nsome tribes of Indians, and fighting with others. He\\ndiscovered and named many small islands, creeks,\\nand inlets sailed up many of the great rivers and\\nexplored the inland parts of the countrj During\\nvant, two demi-culverings and a mill-stone to carrj Powhatan\\nthey found Ihem somewhat too heavie, but when they did see him\\ndischarge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs Qf a\\ngreat tree loaded with isickles, the yce and branches came so tum-\\nbling downe, that the poore salvages ran away halfe aead with\\nfeare. But at last we regained some conference with them, and\\ngave them such toyes, and sent to Powhatan, his women, and chil-\\ndren, such presents as gave them in generail full content. -Smith s\\nHist. Virg. p. 49", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n27\\nthis enterpri-ie, the Susquehannah Indians Adsiu^d him,\\nEnd made him presents. At this early period they\\ntad hatcliets, and utensils of iron and brass, which,\\nby their own account, originally came from the\\nFrench of Canada. After sailing about three thou-\\nsand miles, Smith returned to James Town. Having\\nmade careful observations during this excursion of\\ndiscovery, he drew a map of Chesapeake Bay, with its\\ntributary rivers, annexing to it a description of the\\ncountries, and of the nations inhabiting them, and\\nsent it to the council in England.*\\nThe superior abilities of Smith had now been so\\nmanifestly subservient to the general welfare, that\\nthey had silenced, at least, the malignity of envy and\\nfaction, and although it waii comparatively a short\\nperiod since he had been so unjustly calunmiated,\\nand deprived of his seat at the council-board, inmie-\\ndiately after his return from his voyage, he was, by\\nthe election of the council and the request of the\\nsettlers, invested with the government, and received\\nletters-patent to be president of the colony. The\\nwisdom of his administration inspired confidence, its\\nvigour commanded obedience, and the military exer-\\ncises, which he obliged all to perform, struck the\\nIndians with astonishment, and inspired them with\\naTre.t\\nThe colony continued to proceed, under the ad-\\nministration of President Smith, as favourably as the\\nnature of its materials would permit. They were,\\nindeed, by no means of the most desirable description,\\nbeing chiefly poor gentlemen, tradesmen, serving-\\nmen, libertines, and such like, ten times more fit to\\nspoil a commonwealth than either to begin or main-\\nlain one. As they went out usually \u00e2\u0096\u00a0with extrava-\\ngant hopes of sudden and brilliant wealth, they paid\\nlittle regard to any solid or substantial pursuit, and\\nscorned even the slight labour which was necessary\\nto draw subsistence from this fertile soil. The\\ncaprice and suspicion of the Indians also assailed\\nhim with numberless trials. Even Powhatan, not-\\nwithstanding the friendly ties that united him to his\\nancient guest, was induced, by the treacherous arti-\\nfices of certain Dutchmen, who deserted to him from\\nThis map was made with such admirable exactness, that it is\\nthe original from which all subsequent maps and descriptions of\\nVirgfoia have been chiefly copied. In Purehas, and in some\\ncopies of Smith s History of Virginia, his own original map is\\nstill to be found, but it is rery rare.\\nt About this time there was a marriage betwiit lohn Laydon\\nand Anne Burras, which was the first marriage we had in Virgi-\\nnia. Smith s Hist. Virg. p. 73.\\nt Copies of this second charter, containing the names of the\\nproprietors, are preserved in Stith, Virg. Appendix, No. ii. and in\\nHaza d. Coll. i. 58 72. By this charter the company was made\\nnne Body or Commonalty perpetual, and incorporated by the\\naame of The Treasurer and Company of Adveninrers and\\nJames Town, first to form a secret conspiracy, and\\nthen to excite and prepare open hostility against the\\ncolonists. Some of the fraudful designs of the royal\\nsavage were revealed by the unabated kindness of\\nPocahontas, others were detected by Captain Smith,\\nand from them all he contrived to extricate the co-\\nlony with honour and success, and yet with little\\nand only defensive bloodshed. But Smith was not\\npermitted to complete the work he had so honourably\\nbegun. His administration was unacceptable to the\\ncompany in England, for the same reasons that ren-\\ndered it beneficial to the settlers in America. The\\npatentees, very little concerned about the establish-\\nment of a happy and respectable society, had eagerly\\ncounted on the accumulation of sudden wealth by\\nthe discovery of a shorter passage to the South Sea,\\nor the acquisition of. territory replete with mines of\\nthe precious metals. In these hopes they had been\\nhitherto disappointed and the state of affairs in the\\ncolony was far from betokening even the retribution\\nof their heavy expenditure.\\nThe company of South Virginia, therefore, treated\\nfor, and obtained from king James a new charter\\nwith more ample privileges.* This measure added\\nmaterially to the list of proprietors, among whom we\\nfind some of the most respectable and wealthy, not\\nonly of the commoners, but of the peers of the realm.\\nThe council of the new company appointed Lord\\nDelaware governor of Yirginia for life Sir Thomas\\nGates, his lieutenant Sir George Soniers, admiral\\nand Christopher Newport, vice-admiral and fitted\\nout seven ships, attended by two small vessels, having\\non board fire hundred emigrants. Lord Delaware\\ndid not, however, accompany this expedition, not\\nfrom any want of attachment to the cause, but from\\na desire to preside for a period over the council at\\nhome, and to make more efiicient arrangements for\\nfurther reinforcements. The ship in which the three\\nother oflicers? sailed, becoming separated from tho\\nrest of the fleet in a violent storm, was wrecked on\\nthe Bermudas Islands, where all the company, con-\\nsisting of one hundred and fifty persons, were provi-\\ndentially saved. One small vessel was lost in the\\nPlanters of the City of London, for the First Colony in Virginia.\\nCharter. To them were now granted in absolute properly, what\\nseem formerly to have been conveyed only in trust, the lands e.t-\\ntending from Cape Comfort along the sea coast southward, two\\nhundred miles; from the same promontory two hundred miles\\nnorthward and from the Atlantic westward to the South Sea\\nand also all the islands Ij-ing within one hundred miles along the\\ncoast of both seas of the aforesaid precinct.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Chalmers.\\nEach of these had a commission and the first who should\\narrive, was authorized to recall the commission that had been\\ngranted for the government of the colony but because they\\ncould not agree for place, it was concluded they should go all in\\none ship. Smith s Hist Virg. p. 89.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "2S\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsturin the other ships, much damaged and distressed,\\narri ed aboi.i the middle of August at James river\\nbut so little were they expected, that when they were\\nlirst descried at sea, they were mistaken for enemies\\nand these apprehensions, which were dissipated by\\nthe nearer approach of the fleet, only gave place to\\nmora substantial and more formidable evils, arising\\nfrom the composition of the reinforcement which it\\nbrought to the colonial body.* A great proportion\\nof these new emigrants consisted of profligate and\\nlicentious youths indigent gentlemen, too proud to\\nbeg, and too lazy to work idle retainers depend-\\nants too infamous to be decently protected at home,\\nless fitted to found a commonwealth than to destroy\\none. In fact, the whole colony was speedily involved\\nin distress and disorder by the anarchical state intro-\\nduced by their pride and folly, while the Indian\\ntribes were alienated and exasperated by their turbu-\\nlence and injustice.\\nA systematic design was now meditated against\\nthe whole colony by the sovereign of the country;\\nbut it was providentially discovered and frustrated.\\nPocahontas, the tutelary friend of Virginia, though\\nbut a child of thirteen years of age, went in a very\\ndark and dreary night to .Tames Town, and, at the\\nhazard of her life, disclosed to the president a plot\\nof her father to kill him and all the English. This\\ntimely notice put the colony on its guard and some\\nfavourable occurrences soon after contributed still\\nfarther toward its preservation. An Indian, appa-\\nrently dead through the effect of a charcoal fire in a\\nclose room, was, on the application of vinegar and\\naqua vitce by the president, reanimated. This sup-\\nposed miracle, with an explosion of powder, which\\nkilled two or three Indians, and scorched and wound-\\ned others, excited such astonishment, mingled with\\nsuch admiration of English power and art, that\\nPowhatan and his people came to them with pre-\\nsents of peace and the whole country, during the\\nremainder of Smith s administration, was entirely\\nfree from molestation, and the colonists pursued\\nSpeaking of this company, Smith says, To a thousand mis-\\nehiefes those lewd Captaines led this lewd company, wherein were\\nmany unruly gallants, packed thither by their friends to escape ill\\ndestinies, and those would dispose and determine of the govern-\\nment, sometimes to one, the next day to another; to-day the old\\ncommission must rule, to-morrow the new, the next day neither in\\nlino, they would rule all, or ruine all yet in charitie we must en-\\ndure them thus to destroy us, or by correcting their follies, have\\nbrought the worlds censure upon us to be guiltie of their blouds.\\nHappie had we beene had they never arrived, and we for ever\\nahandimed, as we were left to our fortunes for on eartK, for the\\nnumber, was never more confusion, or misery, then their factions\\noccasioned.\\nThe president seeing the desire those braves had to rule see-\\ning how his authoritie so unexpectedly changed would willingly\\nhave left all, and have returned for England. Bat seeing there\\ntheir plans of improvement, both in agricuhure and\\nin some of the manufactures, with tolerable success.\\nUnhappily, however, the president, while exerting\\nhimself with his usual energy in the concerns of the\\nsettlement, received a dangerous wound from the\\naccidental explosion of a quantity of gunpowder.\\nCompletely disabled by this misfortune, and destitute\\nof surgical aid, he was compelled to resign his com-\\nmand, and take his departure (and it was a final one)\\nfor England. It was natural, observes Grahame,\\nthat he should abandon with regret the society he\\nhad so often preserved, the settlement he had con-\\nducted through difficulties as formidable as the in-\\nfancy of Carthage or Rome had to encounter, and\\nthe scenes he had dignified by so much wisdom and\\nvirtue. But our sympathy with his regret is abated\\nby the reflection, that a longer residence in the colo-\\nny would speedily have consigned him to very\\nsubordinate office, and might have deprived the\\nworld of that stock of valuable knowledge, and\\nhis own character of that accession of fame, which\\nthe publication of his travels has been the means of\\nperpetuating t\\nThe departure of Smith was, as might have been\\nanticipated, a most inauspicious circumstance for the\\ncolony. The Indians, finding that the person whose\\nvigour they had so often felt no longer ruled the\\nEnglish settlers, generally revolted, and destroyed\\nthem wherever they were found. Captain RatcliflT,\\nin a small ship, with thirty men, going to trade, and\\ntrusting himself indiscreetly to Powhatan, he and\\nall his people, excepting two, were slain one boy\\nwas saved by the benevolent Pocahontas. The pro-\\nvisions of the colony being imprudently wasted, a\\ndreadful famine ensued, and prevailed to such ex-\\ntremity, that this period was many years distinguish-\\ned by the name of the starving time. Of nearly\\nfive hundred persons left in the colony by the late\\npresident, sixty only remained at the expiration of\\nsix months. In this extremity, they received unex-\\npected relief from Sir Thomas Gates, and the compa-\\nwas rmall hope this new commission would arrive, longer he would\\nnot suffer those factious spirits to proceede. It would be too tedi-\\nous, too strange, and almost incredible, should I particularly relate\\nthe infinite dangers, plots, and practices, he daily escaped amongst\\nthis factious crew, the chiefe whereof he quickly layd by the\\nheeles, till his leasure better served to doe them justice. Smith s\\nHist. Virg. p. 90.\\nThe History of the Rise and Progress of the United States\\nof North America, till the Revolution in 1688. By James Grahame,\\nEsq. 2 vols. Svo. This work appears to have been the result of\\nlengthened and extensive research, and we know not which most\\nto commend, its general correctness, its vigorous and just con-\\nceptions, or its decided advocacy of Christian principles;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and\\nwe take the liberty of expressing our hope that the volumes con-\\ntaining the subsequent portions of the history will not be hmgei\\ndelayed.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n29\\nny wrecked the previous year at the Bermudas, who,\\nhaving built two small vessels, were at length able\\nto leave the Island, and reached Virginia on the 23d\\nof May. Finding the small remains of the colony\\nin a famishing condition, Sir Thomas Gates consulted\\nwith Sir George Somers, Captain Newport, and the\\ngentlemen and council of the former government; and\\nthe conclusion was, that they would abandon the\\ncountry. It was their intention to sail for New-\\nfoundland, where they expected to meet with many\\nEnglish ships, into which, it was hoped, they might\\ndisperse most of the company, and thus get back to\\nEngland. On the 7th of June they all embarked in\\nfour small vessels, and about noon, fell down the\\nriver with the tide. The next morning ihey disco-\\nvered a boat making toward them; and it proved to\\nbe the long-boat of Lord Delaware, who had just\\narrived at the mouth of the river, with three ships\\nand a hundred and fifty men. Hearing at the fort\\nof the company s intention to return to England, he\\nhad despatched an officer with letters to Sir Thomas\\nGates, informing him of his arrival. Gates instantly\\nchanged his purpose, and that night relanded all his\\nmen at James Town. On the 10th, Lord Delaware\\ncame up with his ships, bringing plentiful supplies\\nto the colony, which he proceeded to resettle.*\\nHaving published his commission, which invested\\nhim with the sole command, he appointed a council\\nof six persons to assist him in the administration.\\nAn essential change now took place in the form of\\nthe ancient Virginia constitution; for the original\\naristocracy was converted into a monarchical govern-\\nment, over whose deliberations the people had no\\ncontrol. Under the auspices of this intelligent and\\ndistinguished nobleman, the affairs of the colony\\nwere soon re-established. He allotted to every man\\nhis particular business the French who had been\\nimported for the purpose, he commanded to plant\\nthe vine the English, to labour in the woodlands\\nand he appointed officers to see his orders obeyed.\\nAll patiently submitted to an authority, which expe-\\nrience had taught them to be wise and necessary\\nand peace, industry, and order, now succeeded tu-\\nmult, idleness, and anarchy. Lord Delaware speedi-\\nly erected two more forts for the more effectual\\nprotection of the colony; the one he designated\\nFort Henry, the other Fort Charles. On the report\\nof his deputy governors of the plenty they had\\nSmith, Virg. p. 106. Stith, p. 115. Beverly, p. 34, 35. Bel-\\nknap, Biog. Art. Delaware. The narrator, in Purchas, gives this\\nvivid description of the scene The three and twentieth day of\\nMay we cast anchor before James Towne, where we landed, and\\nonr much grieved governour first visiting the church, caused the\\nbell to be rung, at which all such bs were aMe tr come forth of\\nfound in Bermudas, he despatched Sir George Somers\\nto that island for provisions, accompanied by Captain\\nSamuel Argal in another vessel. They sailed to-\\ngether until, by contrary winds, they were driven\\ntowards Cape Cod; whence Argal, after attempting,\\npursuant to instructions, to reach Sagadahock, found\\nhis way back to Virginia. He was next sent for\\nprovisions to the Potomac, where he found Henry\\nSpelman, an English youth, who had been preserved\\nfrom the fury of Powhatan by Pocahontas and by\\nhis assistance procured a supply of corn. Somers,\\nafter struggling long with contrary winds, at length\\narrived safely at Bermudas, and began to execute the\\npurpose of his voyage but, exhausted with fatigues,\\nto which his advanced age was inadequate, he soon\\nafter expired. Previously to his death, he had charged\\nhis nephew, Matthew Somers, who commanded under\\nhim, to return with the provisions to Virginia but,\\ninstead of obeying the charge, he returned to Eng-\\nland, carrying the body of his deceased uncle for\\ninterment in his native country.\\nThe health of Lord Delaware not permitting him\\nto remain in his office of captain general of the\\nVirginia colony, he departed for England, leaving\\nabove two hundred people in health and tranquillity.\\nNot long after his departure, Sir Thomas Dale arri-\\nved at Virginia with three ships, three hundred emi-\\ngrants, and a supply of cattle, provisions, and other\\narticles needful for the colony. In August, Sir Tho-\\nmas Gates also arrived with six ships, two hundred\\nand eighty men, and twenty women, a considerable\\nquantity of cattle and hogs, military stores, and\\nother necessaries; and assumed the government.\\nFinding the people occupied with but little amuse-\\nments, and verging towards their former state of\\npenury, he directed their employment in necessary\\nworks. The colony now began to extend itself up\\nJames river, where several new settlements Avero\\neffected, and a town built, enclosed with a pali-\\nsade, which, in honour of prince Henry, was called\\nHenrico.\\nTo avenge some injuries of the Appamatuck Indi-\\nans, Sir Thomas Dale assaulted and took their town,\\nat the mouth of the river of that name, about five\\nmiles from Henrico. He kept possession of it, call-\\ning it New Bermudas, and annexed to its corporation\\nmany miles of champaign and woodland ground, in\\nseveral hundreds.\\ntheir houses, repayred to church, where our minister. Master Bucke,\\nmade a zealous and sorrowful! prayer, finding all things so contrary\\nto our expectations, so full of misery and misgovernment. After\\nservice our governour caused mee to reade his commission, and\\nCaptaine Percie (then president) delivered up unto him his com-\\nmission, the old patent, and the conncell scale.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "30\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nIn the following year, application was made to the\\nking, by the patentees, for a new charter. The prin-\\ncipal objects which they were desirous of obtaining,\\nand in which they succeeded, were, their investiture\\nwith the islands situated within three hundred leagues\\nof the coast the prolongation of the period of their\\nexemption from the payment of duties on their ex-\\nports povFer to raise additional funds by lottery;\\nand some fresh regulations in the internal manage-\\nment.\\nThe Bermudas, lying within the limits assigned\\nby their new charter, were sold by the company to\\none hundred and twenty of its own members, who,\\nin honour of Sir George Somers, named them the\\nSomers Islands. To these islands they sent a colony\\nof sixty persons, with Richard Moor as their govern-\\nor. These colonists having landed in June on the\\nTo give a detail of the history of this Indian princess seems\\nscarcely compatible with a due regard to other departments of our\\nworic and yet it is of too remarkable and interesting a character\\nto be omitted. We therefore insert, as a note, Captain Smith s\\nown account, in a narration made to the Glueen of James I.\\nSome ten yeeres agoe being in Virginia, and taken prisoner by\\nihe power of Powhatan, their chiefe king, I received from this\\ngreat salvage exceeding great courtesie, especially from his sonne\\nNanlaquaus, the most manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit, I ever saw\\nin a salvage, and his sister Pocahontas, the king s most deare and\\nwel-beloved daughter, being but a childe of twelve or thirieene\\nyeeres of age, whose compassionate pitifuU heart, of my desperate\\nestate, gave me much cause to respect her I being the first Chris-\\ntian this proud king and his grim attendants ever saw and thus\\ninthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the least\\noccasion of want that was in the power of those my mortall foes\\nto prevent, notwithstanding al their threats. After some six weeks\\nfatting amongst those salvage courtiers, at the minute of my exe-\\ncution, she hazarded the heating out of her owne braines to save\\nmine, and not onely that, but so prevailed with her father, that I\\nwas safely conducted to lames Towne, where I found about eight\\nand thirtie miserable poore and sicke creatures to keepe possession\\nof all those large territories of Virginia. Such was the weaknesse\\nof this poore commonwealth, as had the salvages not fed us, we\\ndirectly had starved.\\nAnd this reliefe, most Gracious dueene, was commonly brought\\nus by this Lady Pocahontas notwithstanding all these passages\\nwhen incon .tant fortune turned our peace to warre, this tender\\nvirgin would still not spare to dare to visit us, and by her our\\njarres have beene oft appeased, our wants still supplyed were it\\nthe policie of her father thus to imploy her, or Ihe ordinance of\\nGod thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinarie affec-\\ntion to our nation, I know not but of this I am sure, when her\\nfather with the utmost of his policie and power, sought to surprize\\nmee, having but eighteene with me, the darke night could not af-\\nfright her from comming through the irksome woods, and wilh\\nwatered eies gave me intelligence, with her best advice, to escape\\nhis furie, which had hee knowne, hee had surely slaine her.\\nlames Towne, wilh her wild traine, she has freely frequented as\\nlicr falhers habitation and, during the time of two or three yeers,\\nshe ne.M, under God, was still the instrument to preserve this\\ncolonic from death, famine, and utter confusion, which, if in those\\ntimes, had once beene dissolved, Virginia might have lyne as it\\nwas on our first arrivall to this day. Since then, this businesse\\nhaving beene turned and varied by many accidents from that I\\niel l it at, it is most certaine, after a long and troublesome warre\\nafter my departure, bclwixt her father and our colonic, all which\\nliine she was not heard of; about two yeeres after shee herselfe\\nwtis taken prisoner, being so detained neere two yeeres longer, the\\nprincipal island, in August subscribed to articles of\\ngovernment and in the course of the year received\\nan accession of thirty persons. The Virginia com-\\npany, at the same time, took possession of other\\nsmall islands discovered by Gates and Somers, and\\nprepared to send out a considerable reinforcement\\nto James Town. The expense of these extraordi-\\nnary efforts was defrayed by the profits of a lottery,\\nwhich amounted nearly to \u00c2\u00a330,000.\\nIt was in the year following the grant of the new\\ncharter, that the marriage of Pocahontas, the famed\\ndaughter of Powhatan, was celebrated an alliance\\nwliich secured peace to Virginia many years. Hav-\\ning been carefully instructed in the Christian reli-\\ngion, it was not long before she renoitnced the\\nidolatry of her country, made profession of Christi-\\nanity, and was baptized in the name of Rebecca.*\\ncolonie by that meanes was relieved, peace concluded, and at last,\\nrejecting her barbarous condition, was mariied to an English gen-\\ntleman, wilh whom at this present she is in England Ihe first Chris-\\ntian ever of that nation, the first Virginian ever spake English, or\\nhad a childe in marriage by an Englishman, a matter surely, if my\\nmeaning bee truly considered and well understood, worthy a princes\\nunderstanding.\\nBeing about this time preparing to set saile for New England,\\nI could not stay to doe her that service I desired, and she well de-\\nserved but hearing shee was at Brenford with divers of my friends,\\nI went to see her. After a modest salutation, without any word,\\nshe turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well contented\\nand in that humour her husband, with divers others, we all left\\nher two or three houres, repenting myselfe to have writ she could\\nspeake English but not long after, she began to talke, and remem-\\nbered mee well what courtesies she had done, saying, you did\\npromise Powhatan what was yours should bee his, and he the Jike\\nto you; you called him father, being in his land a stranger, and\\nby the same reason so must I doe you which, though I wcitld\\nhave excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a\\nkings daughter; with a well set countenance, she said, Were you\\nnot afraid to come into my falhers counlrie, and caused feare in\\nhim and all his people, (but mee,) and feare you here I should call\\nyou father I tell 3 ou ^hen I will, and you shall call mee child,\\nand so I will bee for ever and ever your countrieman. They did\\ntell us alwaies you were dead, and I knew no other lill I came to\\nPlimolh, yet Powhatan did command Vitamatomakkin to seeke\\nyou and know the truth, because your countriemen will lie much.\\nThe treasurer, councell, and companie, having well furnished\\nCaptaine Samuel Argall, the Lady Pocahonlas, alias Rebecca,\\nwith her husband and others, in the good ship called the George,\\nit pleased God, al Gravesend, to lake this young l.ndy to his mercie,\\nwhere she made not more sorrow for her unexpected death, than\\njoy to Ihe beholders, to heare and see her make so religious and\\ngodly an end. Smith s Hist. Virg. p. 121\u00e2\u0080\u0094123.\\nAs lliis eulogy of Pocahontas does not give us such a detail as\\nthe reader might wish lo have, the American editor adds the fol-\\nlowing froin Knapp s Female Biography.\\nPocahontas. In every age and nation, rare instances of genius\\nand benevolence have been found but in the whole range of un-\\neducated nations, no female can be produced that has superior\\nclaims to Pocahontas, Ihe Indian princess, daughter to the sachem\\nof Virginia, Powhalan. This princess was born somewhere about\\n1594, according to Captain Smith s conjecture, for the savages\\nhave no methods of keeping an exact register of births, or deaths,\\nand ihcir compulations by seasons or moons were seldom accur.nte.\\nThe first that was known of Pocahonlas was in the year 16 07,\\nwhen that prince of chivalry, Captain John Smith, whose fame\\nhad filled the old world, came to this continent for adventures,", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n31\\nIn some measure connected with this event, by the\\ninfluence so powerful an alliance was calculated to\\nhave upon the minds of the natives in the vicinity,\\nwas the treaty which Sir Thomas Dale effected with\\nthe Chickahominy tribe of Indians, a bold and free\\npeople, who now voluntarily relinquished their name,\\nfor that of Tassantessus, or Englishmen and solemn-\\nly engaged to be faithful subjects to King James.\\nDuring the interval of tranquillity procured by the\\nalliance with Powhatan, an important change was\\nno right\\nmade in the state of the colony. Hitlierto\\nand in exploring the country about James s river, was taken pri-\\nsoner by some of the warriors of the tribes under Powhatan, and\\nbrought this powerful chief to be disposed of according to hiswill\\nand decree. The fame and exploits of Smith had reached Pow-\\nhatan. The prowess he had shown when taken was sufficient for\\ntheir justification in taking him off; for he had been a wonder and\\nterror to all his foes, Powhatan was as far an absolute despot as\\ncan e.\\\\ist in a state of nature. But the chief did not decide alone\\nupon Captain Smith s fate he called a council of his chiefs upon\\nhis case. In this convention the most wonderful stories of the\\nwhile man s prowess, since he had been in this country, were told.\\nSmith understood enough of the Indian language to comprehend\\nthe course of the debate, and made up his mind to die. Poca-\\nhontas was a listener in the council. Heroism and beauty have\\nalways an effect on the female heart and even age and philoso-\\nphy are not proof against these magicians. It was decided that\\nhe must die, as being too formidable a foe to suffer to escape. His\\ndeath was to be by beating him on the head with clubs while he\\nwas in a recumbent posture, with a stone for a pillow. He was\\nfirst boimd, and then thrown down, and the clubs were uplifted,\\nwhen Pocahonlas, then a mere child, rushed forward and tlirew\\nherself on the body of Smith, and protected his life at the risk of\\nher own. The fierce savage hearts of the warriors were affected,\\nand Smith was at once released and became an inmate, for a while,\\nof the wigwam of Pou hatan, and soon afterwards released, carry-\\ning with him a grateful sense of the services rendered him by this\\nnoble daughter of the forest. Sometime after this the Indians\\nbecame alarmed, by witnessing the extraordinary feats of Smilli,\\nand laid a plan to get him into their power, under the pretence of\\nwishing an interview with him in their territory. But Pocahontas,\\nknowing the designs of the warriors, left the wigwam after her\\nfather had gone to sleep, and ran more than nine miles through\\nthe woods to inform her friend Captain Sinith of the dangers that\\nawaited him, either by stratagem or attack. For this service,\\nCaptain Smith offered her some trinkets but young as she was,\\nand no doubt had a natural fondness for finery, which belongs to\\nher age, sex, and nation, yet she refused to accept any thing, or\\nstop to refresh herself, for fear of being discovered by her father,\\nor his wives. She returned before any one awaked, and laid\\nherself gently in her blanket near where her father slept.\\nFor several years she continued to assist the whites against her\\nfather s plots for their destruction. Although she was a great\\nfavourite with her father, he was so incensed against her for favour-\\ning the English, that he sent her to a chief of a neighbouring tribe\\nor, perhaps, he feared that the other chiefs of his omi might, in\\nIndian style, sacrifice her for want of patriotism. Such a sacrifice\\nwould not be a rare occurrence in Indian history. Here she\\nremained for some time, when Captain Argall coming up the\\nPotomac, and finding out that she was with Jopazaws, tempted\\nthe deceitful wretch to deliver her to him as a prisoner, for the\\nbribe of a brass kettle, of which the chief had become enamoured,\\nas the biggest trinket he had ever seen. Argall thought, by hav-\\ning her as a hostage, he should be able to bring Powhatan to\\nterms of peace, but he refused to ransom her on the hard terms\\nproposed by the colonists. He offered five hundred btishels of\\ntorn for her ransom, which was not accepted. She was well\\ntreated while a pri-soner, and Mr. Thomas Rolfe, a pious yotmg\\nof private proverty in land had been established.\\nThe fields that were cleared had been cultivated by\\nthe joint labour of the colonists; their product was\\ncarried to the common storehouses, and distributed\\nweekly to every family, according to its number and\\nexigencies. However suitable such an arrangement\\nmight have been deemed for the commencement of a\\ncolony, experience proved that it was decidedly oppo-\\nsed to its progress in a more advanced state. In\\norder to remedy this. Sir Thomas Dale divided a\\nconsiderable portion of the land into small lots, am\\nman, and a brave officer, undertook to teach her (he English lan-\\nguage, as it was an object to have an influential interpreter omonj*\\nthem. From a knowledge of what she had done for his friend\\nSmith, and from finding her intelligent, brave, and noble, he\\nbecame attached to her, and offered her his hand. This was\\ncommrmicated to Powhatan, who gave his consent to the union,\\nand she was married after the form of the church of England, in\\npresence of her tmcle and two brothers. She was then but litile\\npast seventeen years of age. Powhatan did not attend the mar\\nriage, perhaps from a fear that some treachery might be in the\\nbusiness, but finding none, he extended the hand of friendship to\\nhis new allies as long as he lived.\\nThe colon} was now relieved from war, and for a while seemed\\nto flourish. Pocahonlas vvas a great favourite among the colonists,\\nand her husband having business in England, it v/as thought best\\nfor her to make Ihe voyage with him. She took several Indians\\nof bolh sexes with her, such a number as her brothers and uncle\\nthought belonged to her lineal honours. In England she was bap-\\ntized and called Rebecca. She was there a subject of great curi-\\nosity, and was treated by all classes as a princess. She had made\\ngreat progress in the English studies, and spoke the language with\\nwonderful fluency. In London she was visited by Captain Smilh,\\nwhom she supposed to have been dead. When she first beheld\\nhim, she was overcome with emotion, and shrunk from him as from\\none from the grave, hiding her face with her hand. An exjilana-\\ntion soon look place, and she again used the endearing aiiiiellaiion\\nof father, in conversation with her old friend. The only solution\\nof this deception is, that the colonists wished to bring about a\\nmatch between lier and some one of their number, and feared,\\nperhaps, that she cherished too fond a recollection of the gal-\\nlant Smith, to think of tuiiting herself to another, while he was\\nliving.\\nCaptain Smith wrote a memorial to the queen in her behalf,\\nsetting forth in a free and noble m nner the services of the Indian\\nprincess, rendered to himself and to the colony; and the queen\\nbecame her personal friend. She only lived long enough in Eng-\\nland to prove to them that genius and virtue are Uie productions\\nof every age and clime. She died as she was about to embark for\\nher native land, at Gravescnd, leaving an infant son. She was\\ndeeply lamented in England, and sincerely mourned in Virginia.\\nThe son she left, was educated by his uncle in England, and\\nafterwards became a worthy and highly respectable character in\\nVirginia, from whom has descended several distinguished families,\\nnow of that state. Several works of fiction have been founded on\\nthe incidents in the life of Pocahontas, but they have not been\\nsuccessful. The whole of her story surpasses all that fiction could\\ncreate, and the embellishments were not wanted along side of the\\nsimple character of this child of nature. A thousand artificial\\nflowers, in gilded vases, have not, to the true botanist, the beauty\\nand perfume of the rose in the garden where it grew nor can the\\nGeraldines and Cherubines, those monsters of loveliness in fiction,\\nreach the unsophisticated elegance of character displayed in Poca-\\nhontas. There is now a strong sympathy felt and acknowledged\\nfor the Indians. Books are written to defend them from many\\nslanders which have been thrown upon them by former historians,\\nand when this race has become nearly extinct, all will feel how\\ngreatly they have been injured.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "32\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,\\ngranted one of these to each individual in full pro-\\nperty. From the moment that industry had the\\ncertain prospect of a recompense, it advanced rapid-\\nly. The articles of primary necessity were cultivated\\nwith so much attention as secured the means of sub-\\nsistence; and such schemes of improvement were\\nformed as prepared the way for the introduction of\\nopulence into the colony.\\nThe increased industry of the colonists was not\\nlong before it found a new and somewhat singular\\nchannel the cultivation of tobacco indeed, so in-\\nconsiderately and exclusively were their energies\\ndirected to that object at this time, that the most fatal\\nconsequences were rendered almost inevitable. The\\nland which ought to have been reserved for raising\\nprovisions, and even the streets of James Town, were\\nplanted with tobacco. Various regulations were\\nframet. o restrain this ill-directed activity but, from\\neagerness for present gain, the planters disregarded\\nevery admonition. Tobacco, however, had many\\ntrials to pass through before it reached its present\\nestablished station. King James declared himself its\\nopen enemy, and drew against it his royal pen. In\\nthe work which he entitled Counterblast to To-\\nbacco, he poured the most bitter reproaches on this\\nvile and nauseous weed. He followed it up by a\\nproclamation to restrain the disorderly trading in\\ntobacco, as tending to a general and new corruption\\nof both men s bodies and minds. Yet tobacco, like\\nother proscribed objects, throve under persecution,\\nand achieved a final triumph over all its enemies.\\nThe prosperity of the colony, in a financial point\\nof view, may now be considered as rapidly advancing\\nbut its government was by no means in a satisfactory\\nstate. After the brief and somewhat lax administra-\\ntion of Mr. Yeardley, the ofiice of presiding over the\\naffairs of the colony devolved on Captain Argal.\\nThe severity of his measures occasioned a multipli-\\ncity of complaints, though some of them appear to\\nhave been for the general benefit. The representa-\\ntions made by the colonists to the company in Lon-\\ndon, induced Lord Delaware, who ever took a lively\\ninterest in their welfare, to venture a second time to\\nembark for America. He took with him two hun-\\ndred passengers and abundant supplies. He was\\nnot, however, permitted to realize his benevolent pur-\\nposes, but died on the voyage, in or near the bay\\nwhich bears his name. His ship safely arrived at\\nVirginia, and was soon after followed by another,\\nwith forty passengers. On the death of Lord Dela-\\nware, the administration of Argal, deputy governor\\nof Virginia, became increasingly severe. Martial\\nlaw, which had been proclaimed and executed during\\nthe former turbulent times, was now made the com-\\nmon law of the land. He published several edicts\\nof most absurd severity as a specimen of his tyranny\\nwe quote his decree, That every person should go\\nto church on Sundays and holidays, or be kept con-\\nfined the night succeeding the ofFence, and be a slave\\nto the colony the following week for the second of-\\nfence, a slave for a month and for the third, a year\\nand a day.\\nThe tidings of the death of Lord Delaware were\\nfollowed to England by increasing complaints of the\\nodious and tyrannical proceedings of Argal and the\\ncompany having conferred the office of captain-gene-\\nral on Mr. Yeardley, the new governor received the\\nhonour of knighthood, and proceeded to the scene of\\nhis administration. He arrived in April, and imme-\\ndiately proceeded, in a truly liberal spirit, to take\\nmeasures for convoking a colonial assembly, which\\naccordingly met at James Town, on the 19th of\\nJune. The people were now so increased in their\\nnumbers, and so dispersed in their settlements, that\\neleven corporations appeared by their representatives\\nin this convention, where they exercised the noblest\\nrights of freemen, the power of legislation. They\\nsat in the same house with the governor and council,\\nand acted as one body.* This was the first legisla-\\nture which ever assembled in the transatlantic states,\\nand may be considered the progenitor of the most\\npure and effective system of representative govern-\\nment which the world has ever witnessed. The\\nlaws which they enacted were transmitted to Eng-\\nland for the approbation of the treasurer and com-\\npany, who passed an ordinance by which they ap-\\nproved and established this constitution of the Vir-\\nginian legislature, reserving to themselves the crea-\\ntion of a council of state, which should assist the\\ngovernor, and form a part of the colonial assembly.\\nThis period of the history of the colony is distin-\\nguished by several other occurrences, the narration\\nof which may be regarded as the history of the\\nhome department of the colony. We shall first\\nnotice the efforts which were made to introduce edu-\\ncation, both among the natives and the settlers. King\\nJames having formerly issued his letters to the seve-\\nral bishops of the kingdom for collecting money to\\nerect a college in Virginia for the education of In-\\ndian children, nearly \u00c2\u00a31500 had been already paid\\ntowards this benevolent design. Henrico had been\\nselected as a suitable place for the seminary, and the\\nVirginia company granted 10,000 acres of land, to\\nbe laid off for the university of Henrico a donation\\nStith, p. 160, 161. Smith s Hist. Virg. p. 126.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n33\\nwhich, while it embraced the original object, was in-\\ntended also for the foundation of a seminary of learn-\\nins: for the En2:lish. Two other circumstances, of a\\ndifferent character to that which we have now re-\\ncorded, occurred about this time. The company\\nwere directed by James to transport to Virginia one\\nhundred idle and dissolute persons, then in custody\\nfor various misdemeanors. They were distributed\\nthrough the colony as servants to the planters. Much\\nhas been said on this subject by writers; but the influence\\nof these outcasts was not of long continuance, for nearly\\nthe whole number of them died single. The stain upon\\nthe colony is unjustly continued by modern historians, who\\ncopy their predecessors without examining the sources of\\nthe information they retail. In this manner, error and\\nprejudice are often perpetuated, and, when once fixed,\\nhowever inconsistent with the whole current of events, if\\nthey have a slight foundation, gain strength by the lapse\\nof years. In 1620, a Dutch man-of-war brought into\\nJames River twenty Africans, and landed them for sale.\\nThe scarcity of labourers made them acceptable to the\\nplanters. These were the first seen in North America.\\nThe other colonies soon followed the example. The race,\\nprolific every where, soon multiplied in the colonies, and\\nbecame new sources of wealth to their owners, greatly in-\\ncreasing the exports of the country.\\nAt this early period of colonial enterprise, it may\\nreadily be supposed that few females had ventured to\\ncross the ocean. This was necessarily a great im-\\npediment to the prosperity of the colony, as it not\\nonly prevented the increase of the population, but\\nprohibited the settlement being regarded as a perma-\\nnent residence. Most of the adventurers sought\\nonly to amass wealth with all possible expedition,\\nthat they might return to their native country, where\\nonly the enjoyments of domestic life were attainable.\\nIt was therefore proposed by some intelligent mem-\\nbers of the company in London to send out a num-\\nber of agreeable and virtuous young women, and no\\nless than ninety were prevailed on, by the high pro-\\nbability of forming respectable matrimonial engage-\\nments, to embark for Virginia. The speculation\\nproved so acceptable to the planters, and so profitable\\nto the company, that, in the following year, sixty\\nmore were sent over, and, like the former, were very\\nspeedily disposed of to the young planters as wives.\\nStith, p. 166, 197. Robertson, book ix. Holmes s American\\nAnnals, vol. i. p. 165. Grahame s History, vol. i. p. 86.\\nThe two and twentieth of March, as also in the evening\\nbefore, as at other times they came unarmed into our houses, with\\ndeere, turkies, fish, fruits, and other provisions to sell us, yea, in\\nsome places set downe at breakfast with our people, whom immedi-\\nately, with their own tooles, they slew most barbarously, not sparing\\neither age or sex, man, woman, or childe, so sudden in their execu-\\nThe price was at first one hundred, and afterwards\\none hundred and fifty, pounds of tobacco, then valued\\nat three shillings per pound and it was ordered,\\nthat debts contracted for wives should be paid in pre-\\nference to all others.*\\nThe full tide of prosperity was now enjoyed by\\nthe colony. Its numbers greatly increased, and its\\nsettlements became widely extended. At peace with\\nthe Indians, it reposed in perfect security, and realized\\nthe happiness its fortunate situation and favourable\\nprospects aflbrded, without suspecting the sudden and\\nterrible reverse of fortune it was doomed to experi-\\nence. Opechankanough, the successor of Powhatan,\\nhad adopted with ardour all the early enmity of his\\nnative tribe against the settlers and he formed one\\nof those dreadful schemes, so frequent in Indian\\nannals, of exterminating the whole race at one blow.\\nSuch was the fidelity of his people, and so deep the\\npower of savage dissimulation, that this dire scheme\\nwas matured without the slightest intimation reach-\\ning the English, who neither attended to the move-\\nments of the Indians, nor suspected their machina-\\ntions and though surrounded by a people whom\\nthey might have known from experience to be both\\nartful and vindictive, they neglected those precautions\\nfor their own safety that were requisite in such cir-\\ncumstances. All the tribes in the vicinity of the\\nEnglish settlements were successively gained, except\\nthose on the eastern shore, from whom, on account\\nof their peculiar attachment to their new neighbours,\\nevery circumstance that might discover what they in-\\ntended was carefully concealed. To each tribe its\\nstation was allotted, and the part it was to act pre-\\nscribed. On the morning of the day consecrated to\\nvengeance, each was at the place of rendezvous ap-\\npointed and at midday, the moment they had previ-\\nously fixed for this execrable deed, the Indians, raising\\na universal yell, rushed at once on the English in all\\ntheir scattered settlements, butchering men, women,\\nand children, with undistinguishing fury, and every\\naggravation of brutal outrage and savage cruelty.\\nIn one hour, three hundred and forty-seven persons\\nwere cut off, almost without knowing by whose hands\\nthey fell.t Indeed, the universal destruction of the\\ncolonists was prevented only by the consequences of\\nan event, which perhaps appeared but of little im-\\ntion that few or none discerned the weapon or blow that brought\\nthem to destruction in which manner also they slew many of our\\npeople at several! works in the fields, well knowmg in what places\\nand quarters each of our men were, in regard of their famiharUie\\nwith us for the eflecting that great masterpiece of work, their\\nconversion and by this means fell, that fatall morning, under the\\nbloudy and barbarous hands of that perfidious and inhumane people,\\nthree hundred and forty-seven men, women, and children, most by", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "34\\nHISTOKV OF THE L.MTED STATES.\\nportance in the colony at the time when it took\\nplace the conversion of an Indian to the Christian\\nfaith. On the night before the massacre, this man\\nwas made privy to it by his own brotlier, bnt as soon\\nas his brother left him he revealed the dreadful secret\\nto an English gentleman in whose house he was re-\\nsiding, who immediately carried the tidings to James\\nTown, and communicated them to some of the near-\\nest settlers, scarcely in time to prevent the last hour\\nof the perfidious truce from being the last hour of\\ntheir lives.*\\nThe horrid spectacle before them roused the\\nEnglish from repose to vengeance; and peace was\\nsucceeded by a vindictive and exterminating war.\\nThe colonists were victorious, destroying many of\\ntheir enemies, and obliging the remainder to retire\\nfar into the wilderness. But their own number\\nmelted away before the miseries of war their settle-\\nments were reduced from eighty to eight, and famine\\nagain visited them with its afflicting scourge. These\\ncalamities, and the dissensions which had agitated\\nthe company, having been represented to King James\\nand his privy council as subjects of complaint, a\\ncommission was issued under the great seal, to in-\\nquire into all matters respecting Virginia, from the\\nbeginning of its settlement. A writ of quo warranto\\nwas also issued by the court of king s bench against the\\ncompany. The colony, however, had received infor-\\nmation of the whole proceedings in England, and had\\nalready in its possession copies of several papers\\nwhich had been exhibited against it. A general\\nassembly was called, which met on the 14th of\\nFebruary, and drew up answers to the charges in a\\nspirited and masterly style, appointing an agent to\\ngo to England to advocate its cause. The quo\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0warranto was brought to trial in the court of king s\\nbench, and, as was usually the case with the courts\\nin this reign, judgment was given in favour of the\\nkins:, and against the company; James, therefore,\\navailed himself of the opportunity, vacated the char-\\nter, and dissolved a company which had consisted\\nof gentlemen of noble and disinterested views,\\nwho expended more than 100,000/. of their own\\nfortunes, and sent out more than nine thousand per-\\ntlicir own weapons; and not being content with their lives, they\\nfell ag-aine upon the dead bodies, making as well as they could a\\nfresh murder, defacing, dragging, and mangling their dead car-\\nkases into many peeces, and carrying some parts away in derision,\\nwith base and brutish triumph. Smith s Hist. Virg. p. 145.\\nThe slaughter had beene universal, if God had not put it into\\nthe heart of an Indian, who, lying in the house of one Pace, was\\nurged by another Indian, his brother, that lay with him the night\\nbefore, to kill Pace, as he should doe Perry, which was his friend,\\nbeing so commanded from their king, telling him also how the next\\nflay the execution should be finished Perry s Indian presently\\nsons from the mother country, to plant the first\\nEnglish colony in America. It is trae that success,\\nthough considerable, had not equalled the expendi-\\nture, either of money or of human life. The annual\\nexportation of commodities from Virginia to England\\ndid not exceed 20,000/. in value and, at the disso-\\nlution of the company, scarcely two thousand per-\\nsons survived.\\nKino- James now issued a new commission for the\\ngovernment of Virginia, continuing Sir Francis Wyat\\ngovernor, with eleven assistants or counsellors. The\\ngovernor and council were appointed during the\\nking s pleasure and, in correspondence with the\\narbitrary tendencies of the father of Charles 1., no\\nassembly was mentioned or allowed. Though the\\ncommons of England were submissive to the dictates\\nof the crown, yet they showed some regard to the\\ninterest of Virginia, in petitioning the king that no\\ntobacco should be imported but of the growth of the\\ncolonies.; and his majesty condescended to issue a\\nnew proclamation concerning tobacco, by which he\\nrestrained the culture of it to Virginia and the\\nSomer Islands.t\\nJames I. died on the 8th of April, 1625 and the\\ndemise of the crown having annulled all former ap-\\npointments for Virginia, Charles I. reduced that colo-\\nny under the immediate direction of the crown, ap-\\npointing a governor and council, and ordering all\\npatents and processes to issue in his own name. Hi.\\nproclamation for settling the plantation of Virginia,\\nis dated the 18th of May. It partakes of all the self-\\nsufficiency and tyrannical ideas of royal prerogative\\nwhich so fatally distinguished that unfortunate mo-\\nnarch. Our full resolution is, says Charles, that\\nthere may be one uniforme course of government in\\nand through the whole monarchic, that the govern-\\nment of the colony of Virginia shall ymmediately\\ndepend upon ourselfe, and not be commytted to anie\\ncompany or corporation, to whom itt male be proper\\nto trust matters of trade and commerce, but cannot\\nbe fitt or safe to communicate the ordering of state\\naffairs, be they of never soe mean consequence.\\nThat his Majesty possessed no eminent capacity for\\norderinsr state affairs, the issue of his reign afford\\narose and reveales it to Pace, that used him as his sonne; and\\nthus them that escaped was saved by this one converted infidell\\nand though three hundred and fortie-seven were slaine yet thou-\\nsands of ours were by the meanes of this alone thus preserved, for\\nwhich Gods name be praised for ever and ever. Pace, upon this,\\nsecuring his house, before day, rowed to lames Townc, and told\\nthe governor of it, whereby they were prevented, and at such\\nother plantations as possibly intelligence could be given. 3id, p.\\n147.\\nt Belknap, Biog. vol. ii. p. 85 98. Rymer s Foedera, vol. xvii.\\np. 618-", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n35\\nample proof; and it was speedily evident to the Vir-\\nginians, whose commerce was injured by the re-\\nstraints, as their persons were enslaved by the prero-\\ngatives of ourselfe.\\nThe first governor appointed by Charles to preside\\nover the state affairs of Virginia was Sir George\\nYeardley but his early death prevented the evils of\\nthe despotic principles, of which he was the represen-\\ntative, from being felt to their full extent. He was\\nsucceeded by one who was the very type of his royal\\nmaster. Sir John Harvey. He exercised his authority\\nwith insolence, and even with cruelty and took\\npains to evince that the system of tyranny he was\\nselected to conduct, was perfectly congenial with his\\ndisposition. Indeed, such was his excessive solici-\\ntude to play the part of a tyrant in a bold style, that\\neven Charles himself deemed it expedient at first to\\nappear to check his career. Roused at length by\\nreiterated provocation, the Virginians seized the per-\\nson of Harvey, and sent him a prisoner to England,\\nalong with two deputies, charged to represent the\\ngrievances of the colony, and the misconduct of the\\ngovernor. So far from redressing their wrongs,\\nhowever, Charles regarded their conduct as little\\nshort of rebellion he refused even to hear a smgle\\ncharge against Harvey, and sent him back to Vir-\\nginia, with an ample renewal of the powers which\\nhe had so grossly abused, where he resumed and\\naggravated a tyrannical sway that has entailed infa-\\nmy on himself and disgrace on his sovereign. Had\\nhis government been continued much longer, it must\\nhave ended in the revolt or the ruin of the colony.\\nBut a great change was now at hand, which was to\\nreward the patience of the Virginians with a blood-\\nless redress of their grievances. After a long inter-\\nmission, Charles was forced to contemplate the re-\\nassembling of a parliament and, well aware of the\\nill humour which hi.s government at home had exci-\\nted, he had the strongest reason to dread that the\\ndispleasure of the commons would be inflamed by\\ncomplaints of the despotic sway he had exercised\\nover Virginia. There was yet time to soothe the\\nirritation, and even to secure the adherence of a peo-\\nple, who, in spite of every wrong, retained a gene-\\nrous attachment to .the prince whose sovereignty was\\nfelt still to unite them with the parent state. Harvey\\nChalmRrs Political Annals, p. 110 113.\\nt By ihese it was agreed, among other things, that the inha-\\nbitants of the colony should remain in due obedience and subjection\\nto the commonwealth of England should enjoy such freedom and\\nprivileges as belonged to the free-born people of England and\\nthat the former government, by commission and instruction, be\\nnull and void that the grand assembly should convene and trans-\\nact the affairs of the colony but nothing was to be done contrary\\nto the laws of the commonwealth; that they should have as free\\nwas therefore recalled, and the government of Vir-\\nginia committed to Sir William Berkeley, a person\\ndistinguished by every popular virtue in which\\nHarvey was deficient.\\nThe new governor was instructed to restore the\\ncolonial assembly, and to invite it to enact a body\\nof laws for the province. Thus, all at once, and\\nwhen they least expected it, was restored to the colo-\\nnists the system of freedom which they had originally\\nderived from the Virginia Company universal joy\\nand gratitude were excited throughout the colony;\\nand the king, amidst the hostility that was gathering\\naround him in every other quarter, was addressed in\\nthe language of affection and attachment by this peo-\\nple. Indeed, such was their gratitude to the king\\nfor this favoiir, that, during the civil wars, they were\\nfaithful to the royal cause, and continued so even\\nafter he was dethroned, and his son driven into exile.\\nThe parliament was irritated by this conduct of the\\nVirginians, and it was not the mode of that age to\\nwage a war of words alone. The efforts of a high\\nspirited government in asserting its own dignity were\\nprompt and vigorous. A powerful squadron, with a\\nconsiderable body of land forces, was despatched to\\nreduce the Virginians to obedience. Berkeley, obtain-\\ning the assistance of some Dutch vessels, witli more\\nspirit than prudence, opposed this formidable arma-\\nment but, after making a gallant resistance, was\\nobliged to yield. His bravery, though unsuccessful\\nin its primary object, obtained the most favourable\\nterms for the colony,t while he disdained to make\\nany stipulations in his own favour, with those whose\\nauthority he disowned. Withdrawing to a retired\\nsituation, he lived beloved and respected by the peo-\\nple whom he had governed.\\nThe political state of the colony, from the time of\\nthis capitulation to the restoration of Charles II. has\\nnot, until lately, been perfectly understood. The\\nearly historians of Virginia have stated, that, during\\nthis period, the people of that colony were in entire\\nsubjection to the government of Cromwell and that\\nthe acts of parliament in relation to trade were there\\nrigidly enforced, while they were relaxed in favour\\nof the New England colonies. Recent researches,\\nhowever, prove these statements to be incorrect.}\\nUnder the articles of capitulation, parliament and the\\ntrade as the people of England do enjoy, to all places and wilh all\\nnations, according to the laws of that commonwealth, and enjoy all\\nprivileges, equal wilh any plantations in America; and likewise\\nbe free from all taxes, customs, and impositions whatsoever, and\\nnone to be imposed upon them, without the consent of the grand\\nassembly. Pitkin s Civil and Political History, vol. i. p. 74.\\nt See Henning s Statutes at large. The publication of these\\nstatutes, comprising the whole from the commencement of the\\ncolony of Virginia, in thirteen or fourteen volumes, throws much", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "36\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nlord protector, left the inhabitants of the colony to\\ngovern themselves. The burgesses, or grand assem-\\nbly, elected their governor and councillors, and all\\nother officers, and the people enjoyed a free trade\\nwith all the world. The inhabitants, indeed, expected\\ninstructions and orders from England concerning\\nthe government, but none were sent during this\\nwhole period. The commissioners of parliament as-\\nsumed the government for a short time, but in April,\\n1652, the grand assembly met, and, with the consent\\nof the commissioners, proceeded to elect a governor\\nand councillors. Richard Bennet, one of the com-\\nmissioners, was appointed governor, until the further\\npleasure of the commonwealth should be known.\\nIn 1G55, Edward Digges was chosen governor by\\nthe house of burgesses, and after him, in 1657, Samuel\\nMatthews. After the resignation of Richard Crom-\\nwell, the house expressly declared, that the supreme\\npower of government should reside in the assembly,\\nand that all writs should issue in the name of the\\ngrand assembly of Virginia, until such a command\\nand commission come out of England, as should be\\nby the assembly judged lawful. At the same session.\\nSir William Berkeley was appointed governor,* and,\\nby a special act, was directed to call an assembly\\nonce in two years at least, and oftener if necessary.\\nHe was empowered to choose a secretary and council\\nof state, with the approbation of the assembly, and\\nrestrained from dissolving the legislature, without\\nthe consent of a major part of the house.\\nThe colonists of Virginia, or a majority of them,\\nwere episcopalians, and attached to the church of\\nEngland the religion of that church, indeed, was\\nestablished by law in the colony and it is evident\\nthat they were strongly in favour of the royal cause.\\nTheir warm-hearted loyalty could not fail to be exhi-\\nHrating to the spirits of Charles II., during his ba-\\nnishment. He transmitted from Breda a new com-\\nmission to Sir William Berkeley, as governor of\\nVirginia, declaring his intention of ruling and order-\\ning the colony according to the laws and statutes of\\nEngland, which were to be established there. Thus,\\nwhile that prince was not permitted to rule over a\\nfoot of ground in England, he exercised the royal\\njurisdiction over Virginia. On receiving the first\\naccount of the restoration, the joy and exultation of\\nlight oa the history of that colony, and does great credit to the\\nindustry and researches of the publisher, and lo the state, under\\nwhose patronage, it is understood, the publication was made.\\nRobertson, following Beverley and Chalmers, gives a differ-\\nent account of these transactions but he is incorrect, at least as\\nto the government being appointed by Cromwell. On the death\\nof Matthews, the last governor named by Cromwell, observes\\nRobertson, the sentiments and inclination of the people, no longer\\nonder the control of authority, burst out with violence. They\\nthe colony were universal and unbounded, though\\nnot of long continuance.\\nIt had been observed with concern, during tlie\\ncommonwealth, that the English merchants for seve-\\nral years past had usually freighted the Hollander s\\nshipping for bringing home their own merchandise,\\nbecause their freight was lower than that of the Eng-\\nlish ships. For the same reason the Dutch ships\\nwere made use of for importing American products\\nfrom the English colonies into England. The Eng-\\nlish ships meanwhile lay rotting in the harbours\\nand the English mariners, for want of employment,\\nwent into the service of the Hollanders. The govern-\\nment, therefore, not unnaturally, titrned its attention\\ntowards the most effectual mode of retaining the co-\\nlonies in dependence on the parent state, and of secu-\\nring to it the benefits of their increasing commerce.\\nWith these views the parliament enacted, That no\\nmerchandise, either of Asia, Africa, or America, in-\\ncluding also the English plantations there, should be\\nimported into England in any but English built ships\\nand belonging either to English or English plantation\\nsubjects, navigated also by an English commander,\\nand three fourths of the sailors to be Englishmen\\nexcepting such merchandise as s hould be imported\\ndirectly from the original place of their growth or\\nmanufacture in Europe solely and that no fish\\nshould thenceforward be imported into England or\\nIreland, nor exported thence to foreign parts, nor\\neven from one of their own home ports, but what\\nshould be caught by their own fishers only. The\\nfirst house of commons after the restoration, instead\\nof granting the colonies that relief which tliey ex\\npected from the restraints on their commerce imposed\\nby Cromwell, not only adopted all their ideas con\\ncerning this branch of legislation, but extended them\\nfurther. Thus arose the navigation act, the most\\nimportant and memorable of any in the statute-book\\nwith respect to the history of English commerce.\\nBy these several and successive regulations, the plan\\nof securing to England a monopoly of the commerce\\nwith its colonies, and of shutting up every other\\nchannel into which it might be diverted, was per-\\nfected, and reduced into complete system. On one\\nside of the Atlantic these laws have been extolled as\\nan extraordinary effort of political sagacity, and have\\nforced Sir William Berkeley to quit his retirement they unani-\\nmously elected him governor of the colony and as he refused to act\\nunder a usurped authority, they boldly erected the royal standard,\\nand acknowledging Charles II. to be their lawful sovereign, pro-\\nclaimed him with all his titles and the Virginians long boasted,\\nthat as they were the last of the king s subjects who renounced\\ntheir allegiance, they were the first who returned to their duty.\\nRobertson s History of America, b. ix. Chalmers, p. 125. Be-\\nverley, p. 55.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n37\\nbeen considered as the great charter of national com-\\nmerce, to which the parent state is indebted for its\\nopulence and power on the other, they have been\\nregarded as instruments of oppression, more charac-\\nterized by ignorance of the true principles of political\\neconomy, than by legislative wisdom. At this mo-\\nment that branch of the colonial code which regu-\\nlates, or rather restrains, the intercourse of the West\\nIndia islands with the United States, forms the sub-\\nject of continued negotiation between the American\\nand British governments.*\\nThis oppressive system excited great indignation\\nin Virginia, where the extensive commerce and pre-\\neminent loyalty of the people rendered the pressure\\nof the burden more severe, and the infliction of it\\nmore exasperating. No sooner was the navigation\\nact knov/n in Virginia, and its effects experienced,\\nthan the colony warmly remonstrated against it as a\\ngrievance, and petitioned earnestly for relief, but\\nwithout success so that the discontents, far from\\nbeing abated by the lapse of time, were aggravated\\nby the constant pressure of the commercial restric-\\ntions. Various additional causes concurred to in-\\nflame the angry feelings of the colonists a consider-\\nable native population had now grown up in Virginia,\\nwhose dissatisfaction was not mitigated by the fond\\nremembrance which emigrants retain for the parent\\nstate, which is also the land of their individual nati-\\nvity and a complication of exasperating circum-\\nstances brought the discontents of the colony to a\\ncrisis. The indignation of the people became gene-\\nral, and was worked up to such a pitch, that nothing\\nwas wanting to precipitate them into the most despe-\\nrate acts, but some leader qualified to unite and to\\ndirect their operations. Such a leader they found in\\nNathaniel Bacon. He was a lawyer, educated in\\nLondon, and was appointed a member of the council\\na short time after his emigration to Virginia. Young,\\nbold, ambitious, with an engaging address, and com-\\nmanding eloquence, he harangued the colonists upon\\ntheir grievances inflamed their resentment against\\ntheir rulers declaimed particularly against the lan-\\nGreat Britain has, in her colonial regulations, deemed it ex-\\npedient, on the grovmd of political necessity, to overlook our just\\nclaims in measuring out general privileges to all nations. She\\nmight have had some excuse, barely plausible, however, for decli-\\nning to negotiate on this question in 1826 but she can now have\\nno sound apology for persevering in the same course towards those\\nwho advocated the acceptance of her colonial commerce, on the\\nterms proposed by the acts of Parliament in 1825. Should she\\ncontinue to suffer her commercial interests to be controlled and\\nsacrificed through a jealousy of us should her coimcils be too\\nmuch influenced by the apprehension expressed by one of her\\nlate ministers, that in commerce, in navigation, in naval power,\\nand maritime pretensions, the United States are her most formida-\\nble rival she must pardon us for responding that sentiment, and\\nguor with which the war, then existing with the In-\\ndians, had been conducted and such was the effect\\nof his representations, that he was elected general by\\nthe people. To give some colour of legitimacy to\\nthe authority he had acquired, and perhaps expecting\\nto precipitate matters to the extremity which his in-\\nterest required that they should speedily reach, he\\napplied to the governor for an official confirmation of\\nthe popular election, and offered instantly to march\\nagainst the common enemy. This Sir William\\nBerkeley firmly refused, and issued a proclamation\\ncommanding the dispersion of the insurgents. Bacon\\nhad advanced too far to recede and he hastened, at\\nthe head of six hundred armed followers, to James\\nTown, surrounded the house where the governor and\\ncouncil were assembled, and repeated his demand.\\nIntimidated by the threats of the enraged multitude,\\nthe council hastily prepared a commission, and, by\\ntheir entreaties, prevailed on the governor to sign it.\\nBacon and his troops then began their march against\\nthe Indians but no sooner were the council relieved\\nfrom their fears, than they declared the commission\\nvoid, and proclaimed Bacon a rebel. Enraged at\\nthis conduct, he instantly returned, with all his forces,\\nto James Town. The aged governor, unsupported,\\nand almost abandoned, fled precipitately to Accomack,\\non the eastern shore of the colony collecting those\\nwho were well affected towards his administration,\\nhe began to oppose the insurgents, and several skir-\\nmishes were fought, with various success. A party of\\nthe insurgents burned James Town, laid waste those\\ndistricts of the colony which adhered to the old ad-\\nministration, and confiscated the property of the\\nloyalists. The governor, in retaliation, seized the\\nestates of many of the insurgents, and executed seve-\\nral of their leaders. In the midst of these calamities,\\nBacon sickened and died. Destitute of a leader to\\nconduct and animate them, their sanguine hopes of\\nsuccess subsided all began to desire an accommo-\\ndation and after a brief negotiation with the go-\\nvernor, they laid down their arms, on obtaining a\\npromise of general pardon.\\nfor adopting the most efficient measures to countervail a spirit and\\npolicy so unfriendly to our navigation. If her peculiar conduct\\ntowards us should drive us to measures of specific retaliation to\\na more extensive and effective interdiction of our intercourse with\\nher colonies\u00e2\u0080\u0094 she will have no just reason to complain, that we\\nhave not afforded her every opportunity to re-establish our inter-\\ncourse on terms of the most general and friendly reciprocity. It\\nwill remain for Great Britain to determine, whether she will open\\nthe whole of her vast empire to our commerce on mutually ad-\\nvantageous terms or whether, by persisting in excluding us from\\na part of her dominions, she will allow other nations to supersede\\nher in the trade with North America. Report of the Committee\\non the Commerce and Navigation of the United States, 1830, p.\\n47, 48.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "38\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThus terminated an insurrection, which, in the\\nannals of Virginia, is distinguished by the name of\\nBacon s rebellion. During seven months this daring\\nL-ader was master of the colony, M hile the royal\\ngovernor was shut up in a remote and ill-peopled\\ncorner of it. In addition to the cause already re-\\nferred to, the prejudicial influence of the navigation\\nlaws, this popular commotion was probably much\\ninfluenced by the extremely low price of tobacco\\nthe splitting of the territory into proprietaries, con-\\ntrary to the original charters; the extravagant taxes\\nto which the colonists were subjected and the inef-\\nfective manner in which the governor and council\\nhad protected the inhabitants against the Indians. It\\nis said to have injured the colony to an amount not\\nless than 100,000Z. As soon as Berkeley found him-\\nself reinstated in his office, he called together the re-\\npresentatives of the people, that by their advice and\\nauthority public order might be re-established. Al-\\nthougli this assembly met while the memory of reci-\\nprocal injuries was still recent, and when the passions\\nexcited by such a fierce contest could scarcely have\\nsubsided, its proceedings were conducted with a mo-\\nderation seldom exercised by the successful party in\\na civil war. No man suffered capitally, and a small\\nnumber only were subjected to fines. The council\\nmade, however, a somewhat singular exception to\\ntheir charitable forbearance. While they spared the\\nliving, they wreaked their vengeance on the dead,\\nand passed an act of attainder against Bacon long\\nafter he was beyond the reach of their enmity.\\nOn hearing of the disturbances in Virginia, Charles\\ndespatched, though with no great haste, a fleet with\\nsome troops for its pacification. These did not ar-\\nrive, however, till they might well have been dis-\\npensed with. With them came Colonel Jefl! reys,\\nappointed to recall and replace Sir William Berkeley\\nin the government of the colony. This brave and\\nbenevolent man did not long survive his dismissal,\\nand may justly be said to have lived and died in the\\nservice of Virginia.\\nThe only event of importance during the adminis-\\ntration of Colonel Jeffreys, was the conclusion of the\\nIndian war, which, by the aid of the troops he brought\\nwith him, he speedily effected, and arranged a treaty\\nwhich afforded universal satisfaction. On the death\\nof Jeff reys, the government devolved on Sir Henry\\nChicheley. During his presidency, the extensive\\nand unjustifiable grants of the crown, which had-\\nlong been a most ruinous grievance, were recalled,\\nand the colony enjoyed an interval of repose pre-\\nvious to the arbitrary rule of Lord Culpepper, who\\nhad l)een sometime appointed by Charles, but, hap-\\npily for the colony, delayed the assumption of his\\noffice.\\nIn May, 1680, Lord Culpepper commenced his\\nadministration, in the true spirit of a representative\\nof the then British monarch and, as a masterpiece\\nof tyrannical legislation, he endeavoured to silence all\\ncomplaints, both against his despotism and his plun-\\nder, by creating a law which prohibited, under the\\nseverest penalties, all disrespectful allusions to his per-\\nson, and all observations on his proceedings. A just\\ndiscontent, thus denied its natural and legitimate\\nmode of expression, broke forth as it should do, as\\nmuch for the good of the oppressor as the oppressed,\\nin a more substantial form and an insurrection en-\\nsued, which would have been attended with very\\nserious consequences, had not the prudence, kindness,\\nand vigour of Sir Henry Chicheley been ready at\\nhand. Having diffiised terror through the colony\\nby his trials and executions. Lord Culpepper proceed-\\ned to England to report the success of his experi-\\nments on colonial government. His services do not\\nappear to have been appreciated even by the kindred\\nspirit of his royal master for, on his arrival, he was\\nordered into confinement for returning without leave\\nand being brought to trial, he was found guilty, and\\ndeprived of his commission.*\\nIn the exercise of his royal pleasure, Charles select-\\ned, for the loyal colony of Virginia, a governor very\\nlittle better than his predecessor. Lord Effingham,\\namong other instructions equally illiberal, brought\\nwith him an order that no person should use a print-\\ning press in the colony on any pretence whatever\\nan example, by the way, which both our African\\nand Indian colonial governments have frequently\\nevinced a considerable inclination to imitate. Hav-\\ning thus set the press perfectly free from all its labours,\\nhe felt himself at ease in the pursuit of plans of ag-\\ngrandizement, which have frequently formed a most\\nimportant branch of the science of colonial political\\neconomy and, in order to attach to plunder the\\nsanction of a mock legality, he established a court of\\nchancery, with suitable powers, appointing himself\\nthe judge! He institxUed fees worthy of so high an\\noffice, provided that nearly the whole should centre\\nin himself, and even divided with the clerks of the\\ncourt the emoluments which nominally appertained\\nto them.\\nAlthough the press was silenced, the governor\\ncould not prevent the assembly from delegating an\\nagent to advocate their cause in England, and to\\nurge his removal. But before Lord Effingham or\\nChalmers, p. 340\u00e2\u0080\u0094346.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n39\\nhis accuser coiild cross the Atlantic, the revolution\\nof 1668 had happily occurred. Some of the requests\\nforwarded by Colonel Ludwell were complied with,\\nbut William was either unable or unwilling to dis-\\nplace the officers appointed by the preceding go-\\nvernment and Lord Effingham was continued till\\n1692, when he was replaced by Sir Edmund Andros,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0i/ho, as might have been anticipated from his pro-\\n\u00c2\u00abedings in New England, was no less obnoxious to\\nhe colonists.\\nIt was during this year that William and Mary,\\nt the solicitation of the general assembly of Vir-\\nginia, granted a charter for The College of William\\nind Mary in Virginia. Tlie preamble states, that\\n.he church of Virginia may be furnished with a\\nseminary of ministers of the gospel, and that the\\nyouth may be piously educated in good letters and\\ninanners, and that the Christian faith may be propa-\\ngated among the Western Indians, to the glory of\\nAlmighty God their trusty and well beloved sub-\\njects, constituting the general assembly of their colony\\nof Virginia, have had it in their minds, and have\\nproposed to themselves, to found and establish a cer-\\ntain place of universal study, or perpetual college of\\ndivinity, philosophy, languages, and other good arts\\nand sciences, consisting of one president, six masters\\nor professors, and a hundred scholars more or less,\\naccording to the ability of said college, and its sta-\\ntutes, to be made by certain trustees nominated and\\nelected by the general assembly of the colony.* An\\nattempt was also made at this time to establish a\\npost throughout Virginia. A patent was laid before\\nthe Virginian assembly, for making Mr. Neal post-\\nmaster-general of that and other parts of America;\\nbut, though the assembly passed an act in favour of\\nthis patent, it had no effect. The reason assigned\\nthat it was impossible to carry it into execution,\\non account of the dispersed situations of the inhabit-\\nants.\\nFrom this period to the French war in 1756,\\n(which, as it affected the interests of all the settle-\\nments, will form a distinct chapter subsequent to the\\nhistory of the several colonies,) there is scarcely any\\nmemorable occurrence in the history of Virginia.\\nNotwithstanding some unfavourable circumstances,\\nFrancis Nicholson, lieutenant-governor of Virginia and\\nMaryland, and seventeen other persons nominated and appointed\\nby the assembly, were confirmed as trustees, and were empowered\\nto hold and er.joy lands, possessions, and incomes, to the yearly\\nvalue of 2000Z. and all donations, bestowed for their use. The\\nRev. James Blair, nominated and elected by the assembly, was\\nmade first president, and the bishop of London was appointed and\\nconfirmed by their majesties to be the first chancellor of the college.\\nTo defray the charges of building the college, and supporling the\\npresident and masters, the king and queen gave nearly 2000?., and\\nthe colony continued to increase. The use of tobacco\\nbecoming general in Europe, gave constant employ\\nment to the industry of the planters, and diti used\\nwealth among them. Its position, remote from the\\nsettlements of the French in Canada, and of the\\nSpaniards in Florida, was favourable to its quiet\\nand New England and New York, on the one hand,\\nGeorgia and the Carolinas on the other, protected it\\nfrom savage incursions.\\nNew England had no rest until the peace of 1763.\\nThe French and Indians were constantly harassing the\\nfrontier settlers, by massacres and conflagrations, while\\nVirginia was biiikllng up her institutions. She had in her\\ninfancy drunk deeply of the cup of miseries which is filled\\nby Indian warfare but now it had passed from her, and\\npeace and plenty were in all her borders a inost desirable\\nsituation for any country.\\nCHAPTER III.\\nMASSACHt;SETTS.\\nThe world presents no parallel to the history on\\nwhich we now enter. The love of glory or of gold\\nhas been the impelling cause of the commencement\\nof other colonies, and the foundation of other empires\\nbut in this instance religion, and that of no ordinary\\nkind, either as to its purity or its intensity, was the\\ngrand principle of colonization. It was a church\\nrather than a kingdom that these master-spirits of the\\nage sought to establish on the transatlantic shores\\nand the selection of their location seems to have well\\naccorded with their object. Arrived at this outside\\nof the world, as they termed it, they seemed to them-\\nselves to have found a place where the Governor of\\nall things yet reigned alone. The solitude of their\\nadopted land, so remote from the communities of\\nkindred men that it appeared like another world,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a\\nwide ocean before them, and an unexplored wilder-\\nness behind, nourished the solemn deep-toned feel-\\ning. Man was of little account in a place where the\\nrude grandeur of nature bore as yet no trophies of\\nhis power. God, in the midst of its stern magnifi-\\ncence, seemed all in all and with a warmer and\\nendowed the college with 20,000 acres of the best land, together\\nwith the perpetual revenue arising from Ihe duly of one penny\\nper pound on all tobacco transported from Virginia and Maryland\\nto the other English plantations. By Ihe charier, liberty was\\ngiven to the president and masters or professors to elect one mem-\\nber of the house of burgesses of the general assembly. In grateful\\nacknowledgment of the royal patronage pnd benefaction, the col-\\nle e was called William and Mary. Holmes s American Annals,\\nvol. i. p. 14S.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "40\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ndcvouter fancy than that which of old peopled the\\ngroves, the mountains, and the streams, each Avith its\\ntutelary tribe, they mused in the awful loneliness of\\ntheir forests on the present Deity, saw him directing\\nthe bolt of the lightning, and pouring out refreshment\\nin the flood throned on the cloud-girt hill, and\\nsmiling in the pomp of harvest. If ever the character\\nof men has been seen more than any where else in\\npowerful action or development, and operated on by\\nthe force of peculiar and strongly-moving causes, it\\nwas here. Nor, wrought on as all were by similar\\ninfluences of place, fortune, and opinion, was ever\\nany thing produced like a lifeless unpoetical mono-\\ntony of character. Nothing could be more opposed\\nto this than was the spirit of puritanism. Wrong or\\nright, every thing about these men was at least pro-\\nminent and high-toned. Excitement was their daily\\nbread, as it is other men s occasional luxury and\\nthe diversities of character in this community, where,\\nfor the most part, people thought so much alike, were\\nmore strongly marked than they have often been in\\nother places in the most violent conflicts of opinion.\\nTo a religious model, by force or accord, every thing,\\neven relating to the most private and secular con-\\ncerns, was made as far as might be to conform for\\nnoe man, saith Mr. Cotton, fashioneth his house to\\nhis hanjrinsrs, but his hangings to his house. Reli-\\ngion, politics, fashion, and war, never came elsewhere\\ninto so close companionship. The meeting-house\\nand the armory were built side by side, as yet, by the\\nforce of old habit, they stand the country through.\\nA desperate courage and dexterity in arms were en-\\njoined as religious duties. The old considered ques-\\ntions of polity at the meeting. The demure youth\\nwent from testifying with his mouth in the assembly,\\nto testify with his firelock in the field and the muf-\\nfled maiden lisped in biblical phrase her soft words\\nof encouragement or welcome. This is a powerful\\ndescription but the reality will be found much to\\nexceed it.\\nWe can barely allude to the attempt to form a\\nsettlement on the Sagadahock, or Kennebeck river,\\nin the year 1607 ;t the voyage of Hudson in the ser-\\nvice of the Dutch, in 1609 and the discoveries of\\nthe celebrated Captain Smith.! Although these voy-\\nages tended to keep alive the spirit of colonization,\\nthey did not produce any permanent results. It is\\nnot till the arrival of Mr. Robinson s church, in 1620,\\nNorth American Review, vol. xii. p. 480 482.\\nt Hutchinson s History of Massacliusetts, vol. i. p. 2. Holmes s\\nAnnals, vol. i. p. 130. Robertson, b. x. Grahame, vol. i. p. 184.\\nSmith s Hist. Virg. and New England, p. 203.\\nJ Smith s Hist. Virg. and New Englajid, p 207. Hutchinson,\\nthat the settlement of New England can date its\\norigin.\\nAs the whole history of this important colony is so\\nclosely interwoven with the religious sentiments of\\nits founders, it will be desirable briefly to notice the\\ncircumstances in which they originated. The re-\\nformation is an event, with the character of which,\\ndoubtless, all our readers are Avell acquainted but of\\nall the churches that underwent the purifying process\\nof that age, the English was placed, perhaps, in cir-\\ncumstances the least favourable. While governed by\\na proverbially libidinous and tyrannical monarch,\\nwho sought his own aggrandizement from the reve-\\nnues of the monasteries, and revenge on the papacy\\nfor opposition to his insatiable desires, rather than\\nany beneficent influence on the corruptions of the\\nclergy, little could be expected, and less was realized.\\nThe young and pious Edward would have efllected a\\nthorough reform, both in the constitution and the\\nforms of the church, but his life was too brief to al-\\nlow of the completion of his designs. The horrors\\nof the reign of Mary had a powerful tendency to pro-\\nmote the spirit of puritanism which had arisen during\\nthe previous reigns and Elizabeth found that her\\nmost strenuous endeavours, though plentifully sealed\\nwith innocent blood, could not qxiell it, but only left\\nher to indulge in unavailing self-reproach for the\\ncruelties which disgraced her otherwise brilliant\\nreign.\\nThe accession of James of Scotland to the Eng-\\nlish crown naturally excited the hopes of the puri-\\ntans. He had been bred a presbyterian, and was\\nknown to have publicly declared that the Scotch\\nchurch was the purest under heaven, and that the\\nEnglish liturgy sounded to him like an ill-mumbled\\nmass but availing himself liberally of that privi-\\nlege of altering his opinion with circumstances, which\\nkings have at all times found a most convenient and\\ntruly royal prerogative, when he found himself safely\\nseated on the English throne, he discovered that a\\nScottish presbytery agreed as well with monarchy, as\\nGod with the devil. He gratified the puritans so\\nfar as to appoint a conference between them and\\nthe high church party, at Hampton Court, but the\\nresult showed that they had no reason to expect\\nfavour or justice at his hands.\\nIn these circumstances, many of them prepared to\\nseek a refuge in Virginia, but were prevented from\\nvol. i. p. 2. Hubbard, New England, e. 2. Mather s Magnal. b.\\ni. c. 1. Chalmers, b. i. c. 4. Belknap. Biog. Art. Smith, vol. i. p,\\n305. Robertson, b. x. Holmes s Annals, vol. i. p. 147. Grabame,\\nvol. i. p. 186. Murray, vol. i. p. 239.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n4]\\ncarrying their intentions into effect by a proclama-\\ntion, commanding that none should settle in that\\ncolony without express license under the authority\\nof the great seal. Thus harassed and oppressed,\\nthe puritans emigrated in considerable numbers to\\nthe protestant states of Europe. Among these dis-\\nsentients, it might very naturally be expected that\\nconsiderable variety of opinion should exist some\\nwere for a total separation from the established church,\\nand would not even receive any as members of their\\nassociation, who would hold any kind of communion\\nwith their episcopal and endowed brethren others\\nwere desirous only of a more effectual reformation of\\nthe corruptions of the church, and objected little,\\neither to its episcopal form, or its emoluments. The\\nformer class were termed Brownists, from one of their\\nprincipal ministers but Mr. Robinson* and his\\nchurch were of the more liberal party they retired\\nto Amsterdam, in the year 1607, and subsequently\\nremoved to liCyden.\\nAfter residing several years in that city, various\\ncauses influenced them to entertain serious thoughts\\nof a removal to America. The imhealthiness of the\\nlow country where they lived the hard labours to\\nwhich they were subjected the dissipated manners\\nof the Hollanders, especially their lax observance of\\nthe sabbath the apprehension of war at the conclu-\\nsion of the truce between Spain and Holland the\\nMost of the historians of New England have confounded Mr.\\nRobinson and his congregation with the Brownists. Robertson has\\n(lone so and even Grahame, who is usually peculiarly accurate,\\nhas followed him. From the attention we have given this point,\\nwe agree with the opinion of the writer in the North American\\nReview. The term Brownist, says the reviewer, is one by\\nwhich the people, who emigrated to Leyden and afterwards found-\\ned the Plymouth colony, were stigmatized by their contemporaries\\nbut it was an appellation which they disavowed, and which Dr.\\nPrince, in his invaluable New England Chronology, has satisfac-\\ntorily shown did not belong to them. The Brownists were the most\\nrigid sect of the puritans, and vehemently insisted on a total sepa-\\nration from the church of England. Robinson, on the contrary,\\nthe father of the Leyden church, published a book, in which he\\nallowed and defended the lawfulness of communicating with the\\nchurch of England in the word and prayer, and allowed the pious\\nmembers of the church of England, and of all the reformed churches,\\nto communicate with his church. This liberality was so offensive\\nto the Brownists, that they would hardly hold communion with the\\nchurch of Leyden. The members of this church were more pro-\\nperly called Independents or Congiegationalists. They acknow-\\nledged all the doctrinal articles of the chuirh of England, and dif-\\nfered from it only in matters of an ecclesiastical nature. In respect\\nlo these, they maintained the principles which are at the founda-\\ntion of the congregational churches of this country to this day.\\nRobinson, in his farewell address to that part of his flock which\\nembarked for this continent, after a discourse which breathes a\\nnoble spirit of Christian charity, not only remarkable at that day,\\nbut which has been often quoted with admiration in the present\\nage, adds, t must also advise you to abandon, avoid, and shake off\\nthe name of Brownist. It is a mere nickname and a brand for the\\nmaking religion, and the professors of it, odious to the Christian\\nworld. The followers of Brown, who emigrated to Amsterdam,\\nnever came to this country. There is no truth, therelore, in tra-\\nfear, lest their young men would enter utto the mili-\\ntary and naval service the tendency of their little\\ncommtmity to become absorbed and lost in a foreign\\nnation the natural and pious desire of perpetuating\\na church, which tliey believed to be constituted after\\nthe simple and pure model of the primitive church\\nof Christ and a commendable zeal to propagate the\\ngospel in the regions of the New World all con-\\ncurred to direct their attention to the selection of an\\nabode free from the evils they dreaded, and affording\\na field for the perpetuation and extension of their re-\\nligious sentiments. In 1617, having concluded to go\\nto Virginia,t and settle in a distinct body under the\\ngeneral government of that colony, they sent two oi\\ntheir brethren to England to treat with the Virginia\\ncompany, and to ascertain whether the king would\\ngrant them liberty of conscience, in that distant coun-\\ntry. Though these agents found the company very\\ndesirous of the projected settlement, and Avilling to\\ngrant them a patent with as ample privileges as they\\nhad power to convey, yet they could prevail with the\\nking no farther, than to engage that he would con-\\nnive at them, and not molest them, provided they\\nshould conduct themselves peaceably. Toleration in\\nreligious matters by his pubhc authority, under his\\nseal, was denied the agents therefore returned to\\nLeyden with tidings which tended to discourage tlie\\ndesign of the cono-reo-ation. Resolved to make ano-\\neing the origin of the New England settlements to the obscure sect\\nof the Brownists. North American Review, vol. ix. p. 368, 369.\\nSo far, indeed, from Mr. Robinson being a bigot, he was in ad-\\nvance of his age in the liberality of his sentiments; and many\\nwho now boast much of their attachment to truth alone, would do\\nwell to attend to this excellent man s charge to his congregation\\ndelivered two centuries ago. If God reveal aiiyihing to you, by\\nany other insirument of his, be as ready to receive it as ever you\\nwere to receive any truth by my ministry for I am verily per-\\nsuaded, I am very confident, the Lord has more truth yet to break\\nforth out of his holy word. For my part, I cannot sufficiently be-\\nwail the condition of the reformed churches, who are come to a\\nperiod in religion, and will go at present no farther than the instru-\\nments of their reformation. The Lutherans cannot be drawn to\\ngo beyond what Luther saw whatever part of Jiis will our God\\nhas revealed to Calvin, they will rather die than embrace it and the\\nCalvinisis, you see, stick fast to where they were left by that great\\nman of God, who yet saw not all things. This is a misery much to\\nbe lamented, for though they were burning and shining lights in\\ntheir limes, yet they penetrated not into the whole counsel of God\\nbut, were they now living, would be as willing to embrace farther\\nlight, as that which they first received. I beseech you remember\\nit, tis an article of your church covenant, that you be ready to re-\\nceive whatever truth shall be made known to you from the written\\nword of God. Remember that, and every other article of your\\nsacred covenant. But I must herewithal exhort you to take heed\\nwhat you receive as truth. Examine it, consider it, and compare it\\nwith other scriptures of truth, before you receive it; for tis not\\npossible tlie Christian world should come so lately out of anti-\\nchristian darkness, and that perfection of knowledge should break\\nforth at once. Mather, b. i. c. iii 8.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f The whole of British North America at this period still re-\\ntained this appellation.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "42\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nther trial; they sent two other agents to England, in\\nthe following Febrnary, to make arrangements with\\nthe Virginia company but dissensions then arising\\nin that body, the bnsiness was necessarily procrasti-\\nnated. After long attendance, the agents obtained a\\npatent but, though procured with much expense\\nand labour, it was never used, because the gentleman,\\nin whose name it was taken out, was prevented from\\nexecuting his purpose of accompanying his intended\\nassociates. This patent, however, being carried to\\nLeyden for the consideration of the people, with seve-\\nral proposals from English merchants and friends for\\ntheir transportation, they were requested to prepare\\nimmediately for the voyage. It was agreed that some\\nof their number should go to America to make pre-\\nparation for the rest. Mr. Robinson, their minister,\\nwas prevailed on to stay with the greater part at Ley-\\nden Mr. Brewster, their elder, was to accompany\\nthe first adventurers but these, and their brethren\\nremaining in Holland, were to continue to be one\\nchurch, and to receive each other to Christian com-\\nmunion, without a formal dismission, or testimonial.\\nSeveral of the congregation sold their estates, and\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2made a common bank, which, together with money\\nreceived from other adventurers, enabled them to\\npurchase the Speedwell, a ship of sixty tons, and to\\nhire in England the May-flower, a ship of one hun-\\ndred and eighty tons, for the intended enterprise.\\nPreparation being thus made, the emigrants having\\nleft Leyden for England in July, sailed on the 5th of\\nAugust from Southampton for America but, on ac-\\ncount of the leakiness of one of the vessels they were\\ntwice obliged to return. Dismissing this ship, as im-\\nfit for the service, they sailed from Plymouth on the\\n6th of September in the May-flower. After a boister-\\n[t was his intention to follow them wilh the majoritv that re-\\nmained, buj various disappointments prevented. He died March\\nI, 1625, in the fiftieth year of his age, and in the height of his use-\\nfulness. Another portion of his church, with his widow .and child-\\nren, afterwards came to New England. Allen s Biography, p.\\n501.\\nt Ft was as follows In the name of God, .amen. We, whose\\nnames are under-written, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign\\nLord, King James, c., having undertaken, for the glory of God\\nand advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king\\nand country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts\\nof Virginia, do, by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the\\npresence of God, and of one another, covenant and :ombine our-\\nselves together, into a civil body politic, for our belter ordering\\nand preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid and by\\nvirtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal\\nlaws and ordinances, acts, constitutions, and ofiicers, from lime to\\ntime, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general\\ngood of the colony; unio which we promise all due submission\\nand obedience. Pitkin s Civil and Political History of the United\\nStales, vol. i. p. 33.\\ni John Carver, the first governor of the Plymouth colony, was\\na native of England, and one of those who fled to Holland with\\nMr. Robinson, to enjoy, in that Protestant country, Wi hout fear of\\nous passage, they, at break of day, on the 9th of No-\\nvember, discovered the land of Cape Cod. Perceiving\\nthat they had been carried north of tlie place of their\\ndestination, they stood to the southward, intending\\nto find some place near Hudson s river, for settle-\\nment but they were ultimately induced, by the ad-\\nvanced season of the year, and the weakness of their\\ncondition, to relinquish that part of their original\\ndesign. The master of the ship, availing himself of\\nthe fears of the passengers, and of their extreme\\nsolicitude to be set on shore, gladly shifted his course\\nto the northward and it is said he had been clan-\\ndestinely promised a reward in Holland, if he would\\nnot carry the English to the Hudson river. Steering\\nagain, therefore, for the cape, the ship was clear of\\ndanger before night and the next day, a storm com-\\ning on, they dropped anchor in Cape harbour, where\\nthey felt themselves secure.\\nNever were any civilized people placed more com-\\npletely in a state of nature than this little band of\\npilgrims, as they have been justly called. They had,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2indeed, literally, a world before them; but that world\\nwas a wilderness, and Providence was their only\\nguide. Being without the limits of the South Virgi-\\nnia patent, they were destitute of any right to the soil\\non which they landed nor had they any powers of\\ngovernment derived from authority. Sensible of the\\nnecessity of some compact or form of civil govern-\\nment among themselves, they voluntarily entered\\ninto, and subscribed a written constitution.t This\\nbrief but comprehensive code of civil government,\\nwas signed by forty-one persons. It contained the\\nelements of those forms of government peculiar to\\nthe New World. Under this system, John Carvert\\nwas, by general consent, chosen their first governor.\\na hierarchy that dealt in fagots and stakes, the religion of their\\nchoice. New difliculties beset them here; although they were not\\npersecuted for their belief, they were apprehensive that their child-\\nren would be led away by the people about them, who were not\\nsufficiently strict for those pilgrims. The history of these adventu-\\nrers ought never to be forgotten. It is wonderful to think what\\nchanges have been produced in the world by Ihe simple circum-\\nstance that a handful of men should have left one continent to find\\na resting place on another. On Ihe 22d day of December, 1620, a\\nsmall vessel, of a hundred and eighty tons burthen, not much larger\\nthan some of our coastmg vesseis at this period, on board of which,\\naccording to the noliocs of modern comfort, not more than a dozen\\npassengers could be accommodated for a short voyage, entered the\\nharbour of Plymouth, and from her landed, with the intention of\\nmaking it a permanent residence, one hundred and one persons.\\nThe bleak shores of New England received this little band of pil-\\ngrims, at this inclement season of the year, after they had been a\\nhundred and si.xty-nine days from Holland, and a hundred and\\nseven from England. The deed was one of daring, and one which\\ncould alone have been supported by religion, enthusiasm, and for-\\ntitude their minds were braced up to it there was something of\\nthat glow which beamed from the countenance of the first martyr\\nin every breast of the pilgrims. They had lived nearly eleven\\nyears in a strange land, and had learned to concentrate their mental", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n43\\nconfiding, as the electors say, in his prudence,\\nthat he would not adventure upon any matter of mo-\\nment without the consent of the rest, or, at least,\\nI advice of such as were known to he the wisest\\namonsr them.\\nGovernment being thus established, sixteen men.\\nenergies, anj to bring them to bear on this one purpose on find-\\ning an asylum, where they could, without being molested, enjoy\\ntheir religion in llieir own way. The whole time of their exile\\nivas one continued training fur the enterprise, both as to body and\\nmind. Their great leader and patriarch, John Robinson, was a\\nman of true evangelical piety, and of the most consummate poli-\\ntical sagacity his religious creed was simple and pure the doc-\\ntrines of his divine Master. He held in reverence the mighty\\nnames of the reformers, but he spurned the thoughts of holding on\\nthe skirls of the garments of mortal, sinful man, to raise him to\\neternal life, and he bade his followers beware of names. His part-\\ning blessing to the pilgrims should have a brighter glory than being\\nwritten in letters of gold, in temples reared by hands; they should\\nbe written on the hearts of every Christian republican. His doc-\\ntrines were the essence of human reasoning, aided by the lights of\\nrevelation. He implored them in the name of his Father in hea-\\nven by all they sufl ered, and by all they enjoyed, to become wiser\\nand better. They followed his principles from love and duty; and\\nevery wind that lacerated the branches of the trees they planted,\\ndrove the roots deeper into the soil.\\nThe first days of the pilgrims were dark and sorrowful before\\nthe return of spring, many of them had paid the debt of nature\\nmourning was in every family, and the cold and snowy bosom of\\nthe virgin earth had been consecrated by the ashes of their beloved\\ndead, and hallowed by the hopes of the resurrection and the life to\\ncome, before the soil had been turned up for the planting of a sin-\\ngle vegetable for their sustenance, or a flower had sprung from it\\nby the hand of cultivation. Forty-four had died before the end of\\nMarch, and the rest were weary and heavy laden with many cares;\\nbut the sickened soul has a eommimion with God that no language\\ncan reach it rests on the promises of revelation, and has a fore-\\ntaste of immortality.\\nThe settlement of Massachusetts Bay, ten years after the land-\\ning of the pilgrims, was in pursuance of the same great plan of\\nenjoying their own thoughts in their own way. This expedition\\nwas on a tenfold broader scale than the former, with a better di-\\ngested system of operations, and, of course, was more successfully\\nexecuted but those settlers had days of sickness, of heart-ache, of\\nhardships and trials; but in their march, they cheered the pilgrims,\\nand made their safety a common cause. The usual view of this\\nsubject is, that the settlement of New England grew out of the re-\\nligious persecutions in England, after the death of Elizabeth. I\\nam not content with so confined a view, and will venture on a wider\\nrange of thought than this for I consider the discovery and set-\\ntlement of this countrj the greatest event in the history of man,\\nsaving and excepting the introduction of our holy religion and I\\nthink I see through the vista of history the finger^f God pointing\\nto it for six centuries before its accomplishment. The crusades open-\\ned the drama they did indeed exhaust Europe, ignorant and fana-\\ntical Europe, of her best blood and treasure but they brought\\nhome many lessons of experience. They learnt much from the\\nvirtues of the infidels they went out to extirpate or proselyte. In\\nthe Saracenic character was a sturdiness of virtue, far transcend-\\ning that which passed well in the Christian world at that time and\\nthat they were far better informed, cannot now be questioned.\\nEvery battle, and all the bloodshed of the crusades sprung, from the\\nexcitement which at that period awakened the human mind to ac-\\ntion and out of the sum of human errors were brought many true\\nresults. In the year 1453, the Turkish emperor turned his sword\\non Europe and Constantinople, so long the proud seat of the\\nGreek emperors, fell before his conquering arm. The Christian\\nworld was amazed and terrified beyond description they saw in\\nthe standard of the Turk, a meteor, that was to blaze over Europe.\\nChurches were to sink before minarets and mosques and the Al-\\ncoran was to supplant the Sacred Scriptures but short sighted man\\nvfas disappointed most happily in this the arms of the conqueror\\nwent no farther, and the seeming evil produced abundance of good.\\nThe Mussulman drove out, from this ancient and lovely seat of\\nlearning, the Greek scholars and philosophers who had long con-\\ngregated there, and made them schoolmasters for all Europe. They\\nbrought out with them many rich manuscripts, which had been con-\\ncealed from the greatest portion of the world for ages. Kings,\\nnobles, and sovereign pontiffs, contended with one another for the\\nposse.ssion of these treasures but while they were engaged in this\\nnoble strife, the art of printing was discovered and almost fault-\\nless copies of the classics were multiplied, until the humblest scho-\\nlar could enjoy the company of the poets and orators of ancient\\ndays, with the same fieedom as the potentates of the earth. From\\nthis moment the intellectual world was changed. This invention\\nwas at once the sign and the proof, that the world should ne\\\\ cr\\nagain be deluged by a flood of ignorance not only were the classics\\ndisseminated, but the Scriptures also were put into every one s\\nhands. The human mind began to throw off its shackles, and a\\nspirit of free inquiry went abroad. Every one was active in the\\npursuit of knowledge. This was not all about this time gun-\\npowder, which had been previously discovered, came into general\\nuse, in military and naval warfare, and the campaign was now\\nmore often decided by science and skill than by mere physical\\nforce.\\nThis change in warfaie was absolutely necessary to the settle-\\nment of this country, in order that the skill of the few should be\\nequal to the strength of the many. This skill saved the New\\nEngland colonies in the Pequot war. If piinting had not been\\ndiscovered, in all probability, Columbus would not have received\\nsuflncient of the elements of geometry to have assisted him in tra-\\nversing the Atlantic and if fire-arras and cannon had not een in\\nuse, the handful of Spaniards would not have got a fooling on the\\ncontinent.\\nThe discovery of the new world gave a new spring to huma\\nenterprise, opened new trains of thought, new paths of gain and\\nof information. Man, before this period, was more dependant on\\nhis own thoughts for improvement than afterwards, when by a rapid\\ncirculation oi^books his mind became enriched by the rays of light from\\nten thousand other minds. Guided by these new impulses, he arose and\\nswept awav the thousand little errors of thinking, and grappled with\\ndogmas, which in formcrdays he feared to touch. The sovereign pon-\\ntiff, whose ecclesiastical reign was not bounded by seas and empires,\\ngrew more proud by this extent of authorily, and more lavish of his\\nwealth, believing that the western world was lull of gold. Still the\\nfulness of time had not come for planting a colony in New England.\\nIt was necessary not only that man should become enlightened and\\npolished, but that his morals should become stricter, and his reason-\\ning powers made more acute and discriminating, before he could\\nset out upon the doctrine of self-government, and to fix his own\\narticles of belief. The awful responsibility of reasoning for oiie s\\nself had not been for ages assumed. Scinlillaiions of frf dom of\\nthought were seen here and there, when Lullicr burst in a blaze\\nupon the errors of the pontifl^, the church, and all who had sustain-\\ned them. Like other reformers, he was often more zealous than\\nwise, and sometimes laboured harder to correct a folly, than to de-\\nstroy a lalse principle but his ends were noble, and his means ho-\\nnest and primitive. He dared, single-handed, to pluck Ihe wizard\\nbeard, of hoary error to meet the idols of wealth and power, with\\nreason and scripture, as his only weapons. He wrestled with ig-\\nnorance and sophistry fought bigotry and unappalled, met tyrar.ny\\nand oppression. With the natural courage of a Cesar, he united\\nthe inflexible spirit of the Christian martyr. His labours weie\\nwonderful, and their eff ects still more so. In imitation of his di-\\nvine master, he entered the temple with a scourge, and drove out\\nthe changers of money, the extortioners, and those who daily pol-\\nluted the sacred fane. But one man, however great his powers,\\ncould not reform an age, or correct a church, grown calloiii and\\nproud, and a^tsping at still greater sway over the minds of men.\\nAnother reformer followed with equal genius, and equal zeal. Lu-\\nther attacked practices and habits but Calvin, striving to root out\\nfalse principles, plunged into the depths of metaphysics, and set the\\nworld to reasoning on all abstruse subjects. He came more to re-\\nform thoughts and pomions, than acts and deeds still he was not", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "44\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwell armed, with a few others, were sent on shore\\nthe same day, to fetch wood and make discoveries\\nbut they returned at night without having found any\\nperson or habitation. The company, having rested\\nunmindful of these things. In the ways of God, the wrath of man\\nshall praise him so do liis weaknesses, his follies, and his passions\\nthe quarrel between Henry YIII. and the Pope, was another cause\\nof the advancement of true religion. Henry s case proved that all\\nthat was done on earth, by man assuming to be holy, was not rati-\\nfied in heaven for England flourished notwithstandhig all the ana-\\nthemas launched from the Vatican. After men had begun to rea-\\nson for themselves in every part of Europe, sects grew up, and\\nboldly assailed the established order of things. Some of them rose\\niu frenzy, and died in shame but others have continued, and will\\ncontinue, because they were founded upon immutable principles.\\nAmong those who held their faith steadfast and immoveable, were\\nour Pilgrim Fathers for their belief contained what no other creed\\never did before a declaration that it was susceptible of improve-\\nment, and with this frank avowal that God has more truth yet to\\nbreak forth from his holy word and it was their firm persuasion,\\nthat new lights would constantly arise, and new and refreshing\\nviews of the will of God would be given from the Scriptures that\\nman, as a religious being, was to be progressive, as well as an intel-\\nlectual one. The pilgrims were of the order called Puritans, and of\\nthe sect improperly called Brownites but the great divine at their\\nhead conjured them to sink the name, and they did so among them-\\nBelves, after they arrived in this country but the appellation of\\nPilgrims they retained with fondness for the first child born among\\nthem, on these shores, they baptized Peregrine, in allusion to their\\nwanderings.\\nThus the moral, intellectual, religious, and political seed sown\\non these northern shores, was as pure and as full of life as any ever\\nsown on any soil in any age of the world. In examining the course\\npursued by the pilgrims, every one must be struck with the strong\\nmoral honesty, in their first intercourse with each other. A com-\\nmunity of interests they soon found would not answer their purpose,\\nand they came to an amicable understanding of having separate\\nworldly interests, preserving the integrity of ecclesiastical, legisla-\\ntive, and military power. There were still so few of them for\\nmany years, and they were so closely connected in every thing, that\\nthey understood each other s minds, dispositions, and course of\\nthinking, as well as acting. They were truly one people, of one\\nheart, and of one mind. Labour gave them muscular strength,\\nand their habits of reasoning upon every thing, taught them saga-\\ncity and quickness of thought. The philosophy of man as a think-\\ning and an immortal being, tried by the standard of the Scriptures\\nthe nature of governments the doctrine of equal rights the du-\\nties of rulers how far obedience to civil institutions should extend\\nwere constant topics of discussion in the labours of the field, in the\\nchase over the hunting grounds, in the fishing smack, or on their\\ntravels in search of their foes. The constant alarm they were in\\nfor their personal safety, and the protection of their dwellings, in-\\nstructed them in the true grounds of human courage\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a confidence\\nin themselves and in one another. Almost any man will fight\\nbravely who is sure of the courage of his associates. They knew\\nwith whom they went out to fight, against whom they were to fight,\\nand for what they fought not only for their own existence, but for\\ntheir wives and little ones. It was necessity that made them war-\\nriors there was no prince or potentate to reward their valour no\\nspoil of an opulent enemy to gain and divide no wreaths of glory\\nno huzzas of a grateful people were known to them. To fight well,\\nwas an every day duty, and their ties grew stronger by every shock.\\nThey were anxious for their offspring and not for their immedi-\\nate descendants alone, but for more remote posterity. They wisely\\ncame to the conclusion, that a republican government could not be\\nsupported without a more than ordinary share of ijitelligence, and\\nthey set about establishing schools on the broadest basis and de-\\nclared, that as the community shared in the benefits of a general\\ndiffusion of knowledge, they should be at the expense of educating\\nthe whole mass of the children. In the seven teen th year of the\\nsettlement of Massachusetts Bay, (May, 1647,) they passed this or-\\nduring the sabbath, disembarked on Monday, the 13th\\nof November and soon after proceeded to explore\\nthe interior of the country. In their researches they\\ndiscovered heaps of earth, one of which they dug\\ndinance, the most remarkable on the page of history. It was at\\nonce a proud tribute to their ancestors, and a spirited determination\\nof their own, not to sutler their descendants to degenerate. They\\nordered that every town containing fifty families, or householders,\\nshould maintain a school for reading and writing and that every\\ntown lliat numbered one hundred families or householders, should\\nsupport a grammar school. The reasons given may seem qiiain\\nat the present day, but they are most admirable, and should never\\nbe forgotten. Some have attempted to lake from Ihem the honour\\nof first establishing public schools at the common expense this\\nwas a vain attempt our records show the fact without difficulty;\\nand we know that our records are true. The ordinance was car-\\nried into effect, if possible, in a more republican manner than one\\nwould expect from the very letler of the ordinance for when a\\ntown was divided into school districts, each districi was taxed in\\nproportion to its properly, and the school money was divided among\\nthe districts in proportion to the number of persons in it. And\\nthis principle, in many parts of New England, is still exiant. The\\nordinance referred to runs thus It being one chief project of\\nSatan, to keep men from the knowledge of the Scriptures, as in\\nformer times, keeping them in unknown tongues, so in these lailer\\ntimes, by persuading from the use of tongues, that so at least the\\ntrue sense and meaning of the original might be clouded and cor-\\nrupted with false glosses of deceivers to the end that learning\\nmay not be buried in the graves of our forefathers in church and\\ncommonwealth, the Lord a.ssisting our endeavours; it is ordered,\\nc., making the requisitions we have mentioned. In May, 1671,\\nthe penalty for neglect of thi\u00c2\u00ab ordinance was increased and in Oc-\\ntober, 1683, it was ordered, that every town, consisting of more\\nthan five hundred families or householders, should support two\\ngrammar schools and two writing schools. At the very threshold\\nof their political existence, a college was founded; and from that\\ntime to this, most liberally supported. The system of parish, town,\\nand county government, gave all, who strove for it, an opportunity\\nto display their talents in some public way there was noparlicular\\nrank aside from the elective franchise, for the aspiring youth to bow\\nto for office or favour. A man must then have had regard to the feel-\\nings of a virtuous and an enlightened people to rise into power.\\nThe government was in its form simple but there is more wisdom\\nin simplicity than in complexity.\\nThe machinery of government was understood by all, for there\\nwere no concealed wires or hidden springs known to a favoured\\nfew, but unknown to the mass of the people and there was but\\nvery little party spirit existing among them. The good of the\\nwhole was IheiJiappiness of each.\\nFor the first century their growth was slow, but solid and hardy.\\nTheir numerous wars, and their traffic to the unhealthy climate of\\nthe West Indies, made great inroads upon the ranks of those jnsl\\nentering, and of those who had just entered, into life. The whole\\ncommunity were like that class in other countries, in which it has\\nbeen said, that nearly all virtue and intelligence centres; in the\\nclass which has not reached opulence, and yet is above want. Our\\nforefathers put in no claims for ancestral honours or splendid alli-\\nances, but they were justly proud of a pure honest blood there\\nwere no left-hand marriages among them, and none of the poison\\nof licentiousness, or the lainl of crime. The women were as\\nbrave as the men, and a heroic mother .seldom has a coward son.\\nHe who learns his lessons of valour on the knee of her who bore\\nhim, never shrinks from tales of fear, told by other tongues. Pure\\nprinciples, early instilled into the human mind, where there are no\\nevil communicalions to corrupt them, generally last through life.\\nThe other portions of New England were settled principally by\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0emigrants from the old colony and Massachusetts Bay, and pos-\\nsessed the same characteristics, and have retained them quite as\\nwell as the parent stales.\\nCarver did not live long to enjoy this land of religious freedom,\\nI for after enacting a few laws, and making a treaty with tbe Tn-", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OP Tlffi UNITED STATES.\\n45\\nopen, but, finding within implements of war, they\\nconcluded these were Indian graves and therefore,\\nreplacing what they had taken out, they left them\\ninviolate. In different heaps of sand they also found\\naskets of corn, a large quantity of which they car-\\nried away in a great kettle, found at the ruins of an\\nIndian house. This providential discovery gave\\nthem seed for a future harvest, and preserved the in-\\nfant colony from famine.* On the 6th of December\\nthe shallop was sent out with several of the princi-\\npal men, to sail round the bay in search of a place\\nfor settlement. During their researches, part of the\\ncompany travelled along the shore, where they were\\nsurprised by a flight of arrows from a party of In-\\ndians but, on the discharge of the English muskets,\\nthe Indians instantly disappeared. The shallop,\\nafter imminent hazard from the loss of its rudder and\\nmast in a storm, and from shoals, which it narrowly\\nescaped, reached a small island on the night of tlie\\n8th here the company reposed themselves, grateful\\nfor their preservation during the week and on this\\nisland they kept the sabbath. The day following\\nthey sounded the harbour, and found it fit for ship-\\nping; went on shore, and explored the adjacent land,\\nwhere they saw various corn-fields and brooks and,\\njudging the situation to be convenient for a settle-\\nment, they returned with the welcome intelligence to\\nthe ship.\\nOn the 23d, as many of the company as could,\\nwith convenience, went on shore, and felled and car-\\nried timber to the spot appropriated for the erection\\nof a building for common use. On the 25th, they\\ncommenced the erection of the first house. A plat-\\nform for their ordnance demanding the earliest atten-\\ntion, they formed one upon a hill, which commanded\\nan extensive prospect of the plain beneath, of the ex-\\npanding bay, and of the distant ocean. They divided\\ntheir whole company into nineteen families mea-\\nsured out the ground and assigned to every person\\nby lot half a pole in breadth, and three poles in\\nlength, for houses and gardens. In grateful remem-\\nbrance of the Christian friends whom they found at\\nthe last town they left in their native country, they\\ncalled their settlement Plymouth. Thus was founded\\nthe first British town of New England.t\\nThe climate was found much more severe than the\\ncolonists had anticipated and they had arrived when\\nwinter was neatly one third advanced. They had\\ndians, he died suddenly on the 23d of March, 1621, and was suc-\\nceeded by Mr. Bradford, as governor. Carver was a man of ta-\\nlents and integrity, and was a great loss to the infant cotony, as\\nthese pioneers of religions and political liberty required all that\\nwas firm in purpose and steadfast in faith to surmount the diffi-\\nculties thai beset ikcm.^- American Editor.\\nevery thing to do, and in this season could do very\\nlittle, even of what was indispensable. Their shelter\\nwas wretched their sufferings were intense their\\ndangers were not small, and were rendered painful\\nby an absolute uncertainty of their extent. All these\\nevils they encountered with resolution, and sustained\\nwith fortitude. To each other they were kind to\\nthe savages they were just they loved the truth of\\nthe gospel embraced it in its purity and obeyed it\\nwith an excellence of life, which added a new wreath\\nto the character of man.\\nSuch, says Dr. Dwight, was the first coloniza-\\ntion of this country. Almost every country on this\\nglobe has been originally settled by savages or, if\\nsettled by civilized people, has been peopled solely for\\npolitical or commercial purposes. Here the enjoy-\\nment and perpetuation of civil and religious liberty,\\nconformity to the dictates of conscience, and a reve-\\nrential obedience to the law of God, were the con-\\ntrolling principles. It is not contended that every\\nindividual was governed by tliese principles but\\nthat this was the character of the great body is un-\\nanswerably evinced, if history can evince*liny thing.\\nThe manner in which they acted, and the spirit with\\nwhich they endured distress, both in England and in\\nHolland the cool determination with which they\\nresolved on so difficult an enterprise the honoura-\\nble testimonies which they received from the Dutch\\nmagistrates and people the sacrifices which they\\nmade of property, safety, and comfort the affection\\nwhich they manifested to each other; the serenity,\\nfirmness, and submission with which they sustained\\nthe distresses of their voyage the undiscouraged\\nperseverance with which they encountered danger\\nand suffering after they had landed the wisdom of\\nthe government which they established the steadi-\\nness of their submission to its regulations their\\nardent piety to God and the equity, gentleness, and\\ngood-will with which they treated the Indians, form\\na constellation of excellence eminently brilliant and\\ndistinguished. No iirtelligent Englishman would\\nhesitate to acknowledge it as a luminous spot on the\\ncharacter of his nation were he not, in a sense, com-\\npelled to remember, that he may be descended from\\nthose very men, by whose injustice these pilgrims\\nwere driven into this melancholy exile.\\nJames I. about this time, being dissatisfied with the\\nlimited extent of the colony which had proceeded to\\nBefore the close of the month, Mrs. Susannah White was de-\\nlivered of a son, who was called Peregrine and this was the first\\nchild of European e-xtraction born in New England.\\nt Hubbard s History of New England, c. 9. p. 35\u00e2\u0080\u009461. Smith s\\nHist. Virg. p. 230\u00e2\u0080\u0094233. I. Mather s Hist. New England, p. 5.\\nJ Dwighf a Travels, vol. i. p. 107.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "46\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nestablish his dominion on the vast tract over which\\nhe claimed the sovereignty and the old chartered\\ncompany of Plymonth having done nothing effectual\\ntowards any permanent settlement, he issued a new\\ncharter to the duke of Lenox, the marquis of Buck-\\ningham, and several other persons of distinction in\\nhis court, by whicli he conveyed to them a right to a\\nterritory in America, still more extensive than what\\nhad been granted to the former patentees, incorpora-\\nting them as a body politic, in order to plant colonies\\nthere, with powers and jurisdictions similar to those\\ncontained in his charters to the companies of South\\nand North Virginia. This society was distinguished\\nby the name of the Grand Council of Plymouth for\\nplanting and governing New England and their\\npatent was the only civil basis of all the subsequent\\npatents and plantations which divided this country.\\nThe expectations of the king respecting his new com-\\npany were, however, disappointed and after many\\nschemes and arrangements, all the attempts towards\\ncolonization proved imsuccessful.\\nWhile this was transpiring in England, the New\\nPlymouth colonists were advancing under favourable\\ncircumstances. After commencing their town, they\\ntook the earliest opportunity to ascertain the state of\\nthe surrounding country and tliey found, to their\\nsurprise, that it had been absolutely depopulated,\\nthroughout a considerable extent, by the small pox, a\\nshort time before their arrival. This event opened\\nto them a place of settlement, not only without any\\njealousy, but even with the good wishes of their\\naboriginal neighbours. The people who had been\\ndestroyed were Wampanoags. Massasoit, the chief\\nsachem of his tribe, was continually threatened, after\\nthis destruction of his people, by their formidable\\nneighbours, the Narrhagansetts. Having gained\\nsome knowledge of the character of the English from\\none of his own people, named Squanto, or Tisquan-\\ntum, (one of twenty-four Indians kidnapped, carried\\noff, and sold to the Spaniards of Malaga, by Thomas\\nHunt, as slaves, but afterwards conveyed to liOndon,\\nand thence again to America,) Massasoit believed,\\nthat the colonists might be made useful allies in the\\npresent state of his affairs. Accordingly he soon\\ncame to Plymouth, and entered into a treaty, offensive\\nand defensive, with the colonists, which he maintained\\nwithout any serious interruption to his death. He\\nappears to have been a fair, honest, benevolent man.\\nAll these circumstances were favourable to the\\nMorton took the counsel of the wicked husbandmen about the\\nvineyard in the parable for making the company merry one night,\\nhe persuaded them to turn out Filcher, and keep possession for\\nthemielTes, promising himself to be a partner with them, and tell-\\nEnglish, but they deemed it piudent to use the means\\nof farther security. They accordingly surrounded\\nthe town with fortifications, and erected three gates,\\nwhich were guarded every day, and locked every\\nnight. In the succeeding summer they built a strong\\nand handsome fort, on which cannon were mounted,\\nand a watch kept it was also used as a place of\\npublic worship.\\nDuring this year, Thomas Weston, a merchant of\\ngood reputation in London, having procured for him-\\nself a patent for a tract of land in Massachusetts\\nBay, arrived with two ships and fifty or sixty men,\\nat his own charge, to settle a plantation at a place\\nsince called Weymouth, midway between Plymouth\\nand Boston. But the colonists were of a dissolute\\ncharacter, and therefore totally unqualified for such\\nan enterprise. The Indians whom they abused\\nformed a plot for their destruction, but it was pre-\\nvented from issuing fatally by the interference of the\\nPlymouth settlers. The colony, however, was ruin-\\ned the next year. Several other attempts of a simi-\\nlar nature were made soon after, but failed.\\nOf thess fruitless efforts, we can only notice very\\nbriefly that of Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando,\\nsent by the Plymouth council as general governor of\\nNew England, who arrived at Massachusetts Bay\\nwith several passengers and families, and purposed\\nto begin a plantation at Wessagusset but he return-\\ned home, with scarcely saluting the country within\\nhis government. Gorges brought with him William\\nMorrell, an episcopal minister, who had a commission\\nfrom the ecclesiastical courts in England to exercise\\na kind of superintendence over the churches which\\nwere, or might be, established in New England\\nbut he found no opportunity to execute his commis-\\nsion. This was the first essay for the establishment\\nof a general government in New England but, like\\nevery succeeding attempt, it was totally unsuccessful.\\nAmong the attempts at forming settlements at this\\ntime was one of a character as peculiar as it was\\nundesirable. Captain Wollaston began a plantation,\\nwhich he named after himself. One Morton, of\\nFurnival s inn, was of this company. He was not\\nleft in command, but contrived to make himself chief,\\nchanged the name of Mount Wollaston to Merry\\nMount, set all the servants free, erected a may-pole,\\nand lived a life of dissipation, until all the stock\\nintended for trade was consumed.* He was charged\\nwith furnishing the Indians with guns and ammuni\\ning them, that otherwise they were like all to bo sold for slaves, \u00c2\u00abB\\nwere the rest of their fellows, if ever Rasdale returned. This\\ncounsel was easy to be taken, as suiting well with the genius of\\nyoung men, to eat, drink, and be merry, while the good things Iset-\\n*6N\\nera", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "^^^^^i^^^^^.^", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "1", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n47\\ntion, and teaching them the use of them. At length,\\nhe made himself so obnoxious to the planters in all\\nparts, that, at their general desire, the people of New\\nPlymouth seized him by an armed force, and confin-\\ned him, until they had an opportunity of sending\\nhim to England.\\nDuring the year 1628, the Plymouth colonists\\nobtained a patent for Kennebeck and up this river,\\nin a place convenient for trade, erected a house, and\\nfurnished it with corn and other commodities and\\nwhile the trade of their infant colony was thus com-\\nmencing toward the East, it became also gradually\\nextended toward the west. After this commence-\\nmeiu of trade, the Dutch often sent goods to the same\\nplace, and a traffic was continued several years.\\nThe offers of commercial intercourse made by the\\nDutch, who were settled upon the Hudson, were\\nwillingly accepted and the arrangements then\\nentered into laid the foundation of an advantageous\\ntrade, which was carried on for many years between\\nthe English and Dutch plantations, much to their\\nmutual benefit.*\\nThe time was now at hand, when the causes which\\nhad induced the voluntary exile of the Leyden con-\\ngregation should produce an effect far more exten-\\nsive. Applications to the Plymouth company from\\npuritan congregations were now becoming frequent\\nand, in the year 1628, the council of Plymouth sold\\nto Sir Henry Roswell and others, their heirs and\\nassociates, that part of New England which lies\\nbetween two boundaries, one three miles north of the\\nMerrimac, and the other three miles south of Charles\\nriver, from the Atlantic to the South sea. The same\\nyear Mr. Endicot, one of the patentees, came to New\\nEngland, and planted himself, with a small colony,\\nin Naumkeag, now Salem. The following year they\\nwere joined by about two hundred others, making\\nthree hundred in the whole, one hundred of whom,\\nhowever, removed the same year, and settled them-\\nselves, with the consent of Mr. Endicot, governor of\\nthe colony, at Mishawum, now Charlestown. The\\nsecond Salem company brought with them a consi-\\nderable number of cattle, horses, sheep, and goats\\nwhich, after a little period, became so numerous as\\nto supply all the wants of the inhabitants. Powers\\nof government were granted to these colonists by\\nCharles I., which constituted them a corporation, by\\nthe name of the Governor and Company of Massa-\\ned, which was not long, by that course which was taken with them,\\nmore being flung away in some merry meetings, than, with fru-\\ngality, would have maintained the whole company divers months.\\nIn fine, they in proved what goods they had, by trading with the\\nIndian! awhile, and spent it as merrily about a may-pole; and, as\\nif thpy had found a mine, or spring of pleniy, called the place\\nchuseits Bay, in New England, with power to elect\\nannually a governor, deputy governor, and eighteen\\nassistants four great and general courts were to be\\nheld every year, to consist of the governor, or, in his\\nabsence, the deputy governor, the assistants, or at\\nleast six of them, and the freemen of the company.\\nThese courts were authorized to appoint such offi-\\ncers as they should think proper, and also to make\\nsuch laws and ordinances for the good and welfare\\nof the company, and for the government of the colo-\\nny, as to them should seem meet, provided such\\nlaws and ordinances should not be contrary or re-\\npuo;nant to the laws of England. The readiness\\nwith which this application was acceded to, and the\\nprinciples on which this charter was constituted, are\\nnot easily accounted for, except that Charles and\\nhis ecclesiastical counsellors were desirous, at this\\ntime, to disencumber the church, in which they me-\\nditated extensive innovations, of a body of men, from\\nwliom the most unbending opposition to their mea-\\nsures might be expected.\\nThe arbitrary proceedings of the British court, in\\naffairs both of church and state, continued without\\nany abatement, and induced many gentlemen of\\nwealth and distinction to join the Plymouth com-\\npany, and remove to New England. In 1629, many\\npersons of this character, and among them the dis-\\ntinguished names of Isaac Johnson, John Winthrop,\\nThomas Dudley, and Sir Richard Saltonstall, pro-\\nposed to the company to remove, with their families,\\non condition that the charter and government should\\nbe transferred to New England. To this the com-\\npany assented, and in the course of the next year,\\nJohn Winthrop, who had been chosen governor,\\nwith about one thousand five hundred persons,\\nembarked. The fleet consisted of ten sail, one of\\nwhich was of three hundred and fifty tons, and,\\nfrom Lady Arabella Johnson, who sailed in her, was\\ncalled the Arabella. Among the passengers were a\\nnumber of eminent nonconformist ministers. The\\nmost highly esteemed was Mr. Wilson, the son of a\\ndignitary of the church, who, by his connexions and\\ntalents, might have aspired to its highest honours,\\nbut chose to renounce all, in order to suffer with\\nthose whom he accounted the people of God. But\\nthe circumstance which threw a greater lustre on\\nthe colony than any other, was the arrival of Mr.\\nJohn Cotton, the most esteemed of all the puritan\\nMerry Mount. Thus stolen waters are sweet, and bread eaten\\nin secret is pleasant, till it be found, that the dead are there, and\\nher guests in the depths of hell. \u00e2\u0080\u0094Hubbard s Hist. New England,\\np. 103, 104.\\nHubbard s Hist. New England, p. iOO.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "48\\nHISTORY OF THl] UNITED STATES.\\nministers in England. Becoming an object of the\\njoersecuting fuiy of Laud, he left Boston in disguise,\\nand spent some time in London, seeking a proper\\nopportunity to emigrate. There went out with him\\nMr. Hooker and Mr. Stone, who were esteemed to\\nmake a glorious triumvirate, and were received in\\nNew England with the utmost exultation. Mr.\\nCotton was appointed to preach at Boston, now the\\nprincipal town in Massachusetts Bay, and was mainly\\nemployed in drawing up the ecclesiastical constitu-\\ntion of the colony.\\nOn the arrival of the principal ships of the fleet\\nat Charlestown, the governor and several of the\\npatentees, having viewed the bottom of the Bay of\\nMassachusetts, and pitched down on the north side\\nof Charles river, took lodgings in the great house\\nbuilt there the preceding year, and the rest of the\\ncompany erected cottages, booths, and tents, about\\nthe town hill. Their place of assembling for\\ndivine service was under a tree. When the fleet\\nhad safely arrived, a day of thanksgiving was kept\\nin all the plantations. Early attention was paid to\\nthe great object of the enterprise. On the 30th of\\nJuly, a day of solemn prayer and fasting was kept\\nat Charlestown, when Governor Winthrop, Deputy\\nGovernor Dudley, and Mr. Wilson, first entered into\\nchurch covenant and at this time was laid the\\nfoundation of the church of Charlestown, and of the\\nfirst church in Boston. On the 27th of August, the\\ncongregation kept a fast, and chose Mr. Wilson their\\nteacher. We used imposition of hands, says\\nGovernor Winthrop, but with this protestation by\\nall, that it was only a sign of election and confir-\\nmation, not of any intent that Mr. Wilson should\\nrenounce the ministry he received in England.\\nOn the 23d of August, the first court of assistants,\\nsince the arrival of the colonists, was holden at\\nCharlestown. The first question proposed was. How\\nthe ministers should be maintained? The court\\nordered, that houses be built, and salaries raised for\\nthem, at the common charge. At the second court\\nof assistants held at Charlestown, it was ordered, that\\nno person should plant in any place within the limits\\nCotton Mather, in his Magnalia, bestows this just, though\\nsoniewnat quaint tribute to their character. Of those who soon\\ndy l after their first arrival, not the least considerable was the\\nLady Arabella, who left an earthly paradise in the family of an\\nearldiim, to encounter the sorrows of a wilderness, for the enter-\\ntainments of a pure worship in the house of God and then im-\\nmediately left that wilderness for the heavenly paradise, whereto\\nthe compassionate Jesus, of whom she was a follower, called her.\\nWe have read concerning a noble woman of Bohemia, who forsook\\nher friends, her plate, her house, and all and because the gates\\nof the city were guarded, crept through the common sewer, that\\nshe might enjoy the institutions of our Lord at another place\\nwhere ihey mght be had. The spirit which acted that noble wo-\\nof the patent, without leave from the governor and\\nassistants, or the major part of them that a warrant\\nshould presently be sent to Agawam, to command\\nthose who were planted there to come immediately\\naway and that Trimountain be called Boston\\nMatapan, Dorchester and the town on Charles\\nriver, Watertown. The governor, with most of the\\nassistants, about this time removed their families to\\nBoston having it in contemplation to look for a\\nconvenient place for the erection of a fortified town.\\nThe first general court of the Massachusetts colo-\\nny was also held this year at Boston when many\\nof the first planters attended, and were made free of\\nthe colony. It was now enacted, that the freemen\\nshould in future elect assistants, who were empow-\\nered to choose out of their own ntimber the governor\\nand deputy governor, who, with the assistants, were\\nto have the power of making laws, and choosing\\nofficers for their execution. This measure was fully\\nassented to by the general vote of the people; but\\nwhen the general court met, early the next year, it\\nrescinded this regulation, and ordained, that the\\ngovernor, deputy governor, and assistants, should be\\nchosen by the freemen alone.\\nThe colony was now gaininff strength from its\\nnumbers and organization but it had also its trials\\nto contend with, not the least of which was the sick-\\nness arising from the severity of the climate, or, more\\ntruly, from the means of counteracting the injuri-\\nous tendencies of the climate not being yet properly\\nunderstood. Among those who fell an early sacri-\\nfice, none were lamented more than Lady Arabella\\nJohnson and her husband, who had left the abodes\\nof abundance and of social comfort for the American\\nwilderness, purely from religions principle. As\\nsoon as the severity of the winter was abated suffi-\\nciently to admit of assemblies being convened, the\\ncolonists proceeded to enact laws for their internal\\nregulation. It has been before observed, that those\\nwho so resolutely ventured to cross the ocean, and\\nto brave the hardships attendant on clearing the\\nAmerican forests, sought rather to establish churches,\\nthan to found a kingdom it will naturally be sup-\\nman, we may suppose, carried this blessed lady thus to and thro\\nthe hardships of an American desert. But as for her virtuous\\nhusband, Isaac Johnson, Esq.,\\nHe try d\\nTo live without her, lik d it not, and dy d.\\nHis mourning for the death of his honourable consort was too\\nbitter to be extended a year about a month after her death, his en-\\nsued, unio the extreme loss of the whole plantation. But at the\\nend of this perfect and tipright man, there was not only peace, but\\njoy and his joy particularly expressed itself, that God had kept\\nhis eyes open so long as to see one church of the Lord Jesus Christ\\ngathered in these ends of the earth, before his own going av/ay to\\nheaven. Cotton Mather s Magnalia, p. 21 22.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n49\\nposed, therefore, that their legislation partook largely\\nof an ecclesiastical character. Indeed the history of\\nthis colony (thongli we shall endeavour to make it\\nas prominently a civil history as the case will admit)\\npresents more matter for the ecclesiastical than the\\ncivil historian. At the very first court of election, a\\nlaw was passed, enacting that none should hereafter\\nbe admitted freemen, or be entitled to any share in\\nthe government, or he capable of being chosen ma-\\ngistrates, or even as serving as jurymen, but such\\nas had been or should hereafter be received into the\\nciuirch as members.* This Vv as a most extraordi-\\nnary order or law, says Hutchinson, and yet it\\ncontinued in force until the dissolution of the\\ngovernment, it being repealed in appearance only\\nafter the restoration of King Charles H. Had they\\nbeen deprived of their civil privileges in England\\nby an act of parliament, unless they would join in\\ncommunion with the churches there, it might very\\nwell have been the first in the roll of grievances.\\nBut such were the requisites to qualify for church-\\nmembership here, that the grievance was abun-\\ndantly greater.\\nThis is a very interesting-, though reprehensible,\\nfeature in the history of the New England states. It\\nhas been justly observed, by a living author, that the\\npuritans, whom the English dissenters claim as their\\nNone may now be a freeman of that company, unless he be\\na church member among them none have voice in elections of\\ngovernor, deputy, and assistants none are to be magistrates,\\nofficers, or jiiiymen, grand or petit, but freemen. The ministers\\ngive their votes in all elections of magistrates. Now the most of\\nthe persons at New England are not admitted of their church, and\\ntherefore are not freemen and when they come to be tried there,\\nbe it for life or limb, name or estate, or whatsoever, they must be\\ntried and judged too by those of the church who are, in a sort,\\ntheir adversaries. How equal that hath been, or may be, some by\\nexperience do know, others may judge. ^Lechford. This law\\nat once divested every person who did not hold the prevailing opi-\\nnions, not only on the great points of doctrine, but with respect to\\nthe discipline of the church and the ceremonies of worship, of all\\nthe privileges of a citizen. An uncontrolled power of approvmg\\nor rejecting the claims of those who applied for admission into com-\\nmunion with the church, being vested in the ministers and leading\\nmen of each congregation, the most valuable civil rights were\\nmade to depend on their decision with respect lO qualifications\\npurely ecclesiastical. Even at a later period, when the colonists\\nwere compelled, by the remonstrances of Charles II., to make some\\nalteration of this law, they altered it only in appearance, and en-\\nacted that every candidate for the privilege of a freeman, should\\nproduce a certificate from some minister of the established church,\\nthat they were persons of orthodox principles, and of honest life\\nand conversation a certificate which they who did not belong to\\nthe established church necessarily solicited with great disadvantage.\\nThe consequence of such laws was to elevate the clergy to a very\\nbtgh degree of influence and authority and, happily for the colony,\\nshe was long blessed with a succession of ministers whose admira-\\nble virtues were calculated to counteract the mischief of this inor-\\ndinate influence, and even to convert it into an instrument of good.\\nVarious persons, indeed, resided in peace within the colony, though\\nijxcluded from political franchises; and one episcopal minister is\\nparticularly noted for having said, when he signified his refusal to\\nancestors, had none of, what he is pleased to term,\\ntlie latitudinarian ideas which the moderns possess.\\nIt does not appear that they disapproved of the prin-\\nciples of persecution but rather of the extent to\\nwhich it was carried, and of tliemselves being its\\nobjects. They adhered firmly to the doctrine that\\nthe sword of the magistrate should be employed to\\nprevent the promulgation of sentiments diflfering from\\ntheir own, never, apparently, having perceived that\\nthe principle would also justify the Romish church,\\nand would call upon heathen magistrates to repel all\\nchristian instructers by a similar method thus, what\\nthey regarded as pious in themselves, they felt to be\\niniquitous in others. Surely the dreadful results to\\nwhich this erroneous principle so speedily led even\\nthese excellent men, to their irretrievable disgrace,\\nmust stagger, if not convince, the most ardent advo-\\ncate for the intermixture of the civil power with the\\nspiritual. In censuring, we must however bear in\\nmind, that the light of experience had not shone on\\nthem with the lustre it sheds on the present genera-\\ntion, although it must be admitted, that the truth on\\nthis point was clearly stated to them by some of the\\nobjects of their persecution, especially by Roger\\nWilliams,t whose history we shall have more parti-\\ncularly to record.\\nIt has already been observed, that the small-pox\\njoin any of the colonial congregations, that, as he had left England\\nbecause he did not like the lurd bishops, so they might rest assured\\nhe had not come to America to live under the lord brethren.\\nGrahame, vol. i. p. 263, 264.\\nt Dr. Dwight makes the following apology for the founders of\\nNew England. Every government in the Christian world claim-\\ned, at that time, the right to control the religious conduct of its sub-\\njects. This claim, it is true, finds no warrant in the scriptures; but\\nits legitimacy had never been questioned, and therefore never in-\\nvestigated. All that was then contended for was, that it should be\\nexercised with justice and moderation. Our ancestors brought\\nwith thein to America the very same opinions concerning this sub-\\nject which were entertained by their fellow-citizens, and by all\\nj other men of all Christian countries. As they came to New Eng-\\nland, and underwent all the hardships incident to colonizing it, for\\nthe sake of enjoying their religion mimolested, they naturally were\\nvery reluctant that others, who had borne no share of their bur-\\nthens, should wantonly intrude upon this favourite object, and dis-\\nturb the peace of themselves and their families. AVith these views,\\nthey began to exercise the claim which I have mentioned, and, like\\nthe people of all other countries, carried the exercise to lengths\\nwhich nothing can justify. But it ought ever to be remembered,\\nthat no other civilized nation can take up the first stone to cast\\nagainst them. An Englishman certainly must, if he look into the\\necclesiastical annals of his own country, he for ever .silent on the\\nsubject. It ought also to be remembered, that they scrupulously\\nabstained fromdisturbing all others, and asked nothing of others,\\nbut to he unmolested at home. Dwight, vol. i. p. 134. It is\\nsuflicient to remark, says a writer in the North American Re-\\nview, that they never professed themselves the advocates of tole-\\nration. Toleration was not a virtue of the age in which they\\nlived and they ought not to be reproached with the want of it.\\nsince they cannot be charged with the opposite error, beyond every\\nother Christian sect of that dav. Their grand object wa.s to wor-\\nship God according to the dictates of conscience, and for this objacl", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "50\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nhad devastated the neighbourhood of the English\\nsettlements to a very considerable extent. As several\\nof the vacant Indian stations were well chosen, such\\nwas the eagerness of the English to take jjossession\\nof them, that their settlements became more numerous\\nand more widely dispersed than suited the condition\\nof an infant colony. This led to an innovation\\nwhich totally altered the nature and constitution of\\nthe government. When a general court was to be\\nheld in 1634, the freemen, instead of attending it in\\nperson, as the charter prescribed, elected representa-\\ntives in their different districts, authorizing them to\\nappear in their name, with full power to deliberate\\nand decide concerning every point that fell under the\\ncognizance of the general court. Before the court pro-\\nceeded to the choice of magistrates, they asserted their\\nright to a greater share in tlie government than they\\nhad hitherto been allowed, and passed several reso-\\nhitions, defining the powers of the general court, and\\nordaining trial by jury. After the election of magis-\\ntrates, they further determined, that there should be\\nfour general courts every year that the whole body\\nof freemen should be present at the court of election\\nonly and that the freemen of every town might\\nchoose deputies to act in their names at the other\\ngeneral courts, whicli deputies should have the full\\npower of all the freemen. The legislative body thus\\nbecame settled and, with but inconsiderable altera-\\ntions, remained in this form during the continuance\\nof the charter. The colony must henceforward be\\nconsidered, not as a corporation whose powers were\\ndefined, and its mode of procedure regulated by its\\nIhey sought an asylum in the wilderness of this continent, where\\nthey should be removed from the sight of antichristian errors of\\nevery description. Nothing was farther from their thoughts, than\\nto build up a republic, in which sectarians and fanatics of every\\ndenomination under hea en might mingle their multifarious rites,\\nand confound their modes of Christian worship with their own.\\nNorth American Review, vol. ix. p. 375. In the first moment\\nthat they began to taste of Christian liberty themselves, they for-\\ngot that other men had an equal title to enjoy it. With an incon-\\nsistency, of which there are such flagrant instances among Chris-\\ntians of every denomination, that it cannot be imputed as a reproach\\npeculiar to any sect, the very men who had themselves fled from\\npersecution became persecutors and had recourse, in order lo en-\\nforce their own opinions, to the same unhallowed weapons, against\\nthe employment of which they had lately remonstrated with so\\nmuch violence. Robertson s Hist. America, b. x.\\nLest our readers should be incredulous that many of these po-\\nsitions, which are now considered as indubitable truths, and acted\\non by most civilized nations, were then regarded as criminal errors,\\nby men who were justly considered the excellent of the earth, we\\nrefer them to the following extracts from the authentic histories of\\nHubbard and Mather.\\nMr. Williams proceeded vigorously to vent many dangerous\\nopinions as amongst many others, these that follow are some\\n1. First, that it was the duly of all the female sex to cover them-\\nselves with veils when they went abroad, especially when they ap-\\npeared in the public assemblies. 2. Another notion diffused by him,\\noccasioned more disturbance for, in his zeal for advancing the\\ncharter, but as a society, which, having acquired or\\nassumed political liberty, had, by its own voluntary\\ndeed, adopted a constitution or government framed\\non the model of that in England.\\nThe baneful influence of the erroneous principles\\nof the union of the civil and ecclesiastical power now\\nbecame apparent, in the persecution of the most libe-\\nrally minded man in the colony, Roger Williams. It\\nis true, that he enthusiastically supported some tenets\\nwhich were deemed heterodox, and occasioned con-\\nsiderable excitement by inveighing against the use of\\nthe cross in the national flag. In consequence of the\\nspread of his opinion, some of the troops would not\\nact till the relic of popery, as they considered it, was\\ncut out of the banner, while others would not serve\\nunder any flag from wliich it was erased. At length\\na compromise was entered into, by which it was\\nagreed that the obnoxious emblem should be omitted\\nfrom the banners of the militia, while it was retained\\nin those of the forts. This, however, was only one\\nof the errors charged against Williams it is said that\\nhe maintained that no female should go abroad unless\\nveiled that unregenerate men ought neither to pray\\nnor to take oaths that, indeed, oaths had better be\\naltogether omitted that the churches of New Eng-\\nland should not acknowledge or communicate with\\nthe hierarchy from which they had separated that\\ninfants should not be subjects of baptism that the\\nmagistrate should confine his authority wholly to\\ntemporal afiairs and that James or Charles of Eng-\\nland had no right at all to grant away the lands of\\nthe Indians without their consent.* For the zealous\\npurity of reformation, and abolishing all badges of superstition, he\\ninspired some persons of great interest in that place, that the cross\\nin the king s colours ought to be taken away, as a relic of antichris-\\ntian superstition. 3. Thirdly, also he maintained, that it is not\\nlawful for an imregenerate man to pray, nor to take an oath, and\\nin special not the oath of fidelity to the civil government; nor was\\nit lawful for a godly man to have any communion, either in family\\nprayer, or in an oath, with such as they judged unregenerate, and\\ntherefore he himself refused the oath of fidelity, and taught others\\nso to do. 4. And that it was not lawful, so much as to hear the\\ngodly luinislers of England, when any occasionally went thither\\nand therefore he admonished any church members that had so\\ndone, as for heinous sin. Also he spake dangerous words against\\nthe patent, which was the foundation of the government of the Mas-\\nsachusetts colony. 5. He affirmed also, that magistrates had nothing\\nto do with matters of the first table, but only the second, and that\\nthere should be a general and unlimited toleration of all religions,\\nand for any man to be ptmished for any luatlers of his conscience,\\nwas persecution. Hubbard s General History of New England,\\np. 204\u00e2\u0080\u0094206.\\nI tell my reader that there was a whole country in America\\nlike to be set on fire by the rapid motion of a windmill in the head\\nof one particular man. Know, then, that about the year 1630, ar-\\nrived here, one Mr. Roger Williams, who, being a preacher that\\nhad less light than fire in him, hath, by his own sad example,\\npreached unto us the danger of that evil, which the apostle men-\\ntions in Roiu. X. 2, They have a zeal, but not according to know-\\nledge. He violently urged, that the civil magistrate might not", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n51\\npropagation of these sentiments, he was deemed wor-\\nthy of banishment from the colony of Massaciiusetts.\\nThe order of the court was, that he should be trans-\\nported to England but he escaped the limits of their\\njurisdiction, repaired to the Narraganset country, and\\nbecame the founder of a new colony.\\nThere is scarcely any writer that has done the\\nsentiments or character of this eminent, though some-\\nwhat eccentric man, even tolerable justice all his\\nhistorians are his opponents and they have evidently\\nlaboured hard to justify the proceedings of his perse-\\ncutors, while they could not conceal the benevolent\\nand unexceptionable character of the far greater por-\\ntion of his life.* His reputation has, however, been\\nplaced in its true light by at least one of the Ameri-\\ncan writers. The first legislator who fully recog-\\nnised the rights of conscience, says Mr. Verplanck,\\nwas Roger Williams, a name less illustrious than it\\ndeserves to be for, although his eccentricities of con-\\nduct and opinion may sometimes provoke a smile, lie\\nwas a man of genius and of virtue, of admirable firm-\\nness, courage, and disinterestedness, and of unbounded\\nbenevolence. After some wanderings, he pitched his\\ntent at a place, to which he gave the name of Provi-\\ndence, and there became the founder and legislator\\nof the colony of Rhode Island. There he continued\\nto rule, sometimes as the governor, and always as\\npunish breaches of the first table in tlie laws of the ten command-\\nmenis; which assertion, besides the door which it opened unto a\\nthousand profanities, by not being duly limited, it utterly took away\\nfrom the authority all capacity lo prevent the land, which they had\\npurchased on purpose for their own recess from such things; its\\nbecoming such a sink of abominations, as would have been the re-\\nproach and ruin of Christianity in these parts of the world. The\\nchurch taking the advice of their fathers in the slate, on this occa-\\nsion Mr. Williams removed unto Plymouth, where he was accept-\\ned as a preacher for the two years ensuing. These things were, in-\\ndeed, very disturbant and offensive but there were two other\\nthings in his quixotism, lliat made it no longer convenient for the\\ncivil authority to remain unconcerned about him; for, first. Whereas\\nthe king of England had granted a royal charter unto the governor\\nand company of this colony, which patent was, indeed, the very\\nlife of the colony, this hot-headed man publicly and furiously\\npreached against the patent, as an instrument of injustice, and\\npressed both rulers and people to be humbled for their sin in taking\\nsuch a patent, and utterly tlirow it up, on an insignificant pretence\\nof wrong thereby unto the Indians, which were the natives of the\\ncountry, therein given lo the subjects of the English crown. Se-\\ncondly, An order of the court, upon some just occasion, had been\\nraaile, that an oath of fidelity should be, though not imposed upon,\\nyet offered unto the freemen, the better to distinguish those whose\\nfidelity might render them capable of employment in the govern-\\nment which order this man vehemently withstood, on a pernicious\\npretence, that it was the prerogative of our Lord Christ alone to\\nhave his office established with an oath and that an oath being the\\nworship of God, carnal persons, whereof he supposed there were\\nmany in the land, might not be put upon it. These crimes at last pro-\\ncured a sentence of banishment upon him. Mather, b. vii. chap. ii.\\nGiaharae has followed Mather, Hubbard, and Hutchinson, too\\nclosely and has by no means perceived the true merit of his cha-\\nracter. We are surprised he should have censured so strongly the\\nobjection jble traits, (vol. i p. 26S,) while he has passed over, with\\nthe guide and father of the settlement, for forty-eight\\nyears, employing himself in acts of kindness to his\\nformer enemies, affording relief to the distressed, and\\noffering an asylum to the persecuted. The govern-\\nment of his colony was formed on his favourite prin-\\nciple, that in matters of faith and worship, every\\ncitizen should walk according to the light of his own\\nconscience, without restraint or interference from tlu;\\ncivil mao-istrate. Durinsf a visit which Williams\\nmade to England, in 1643, for the purpose of procu-\\nring a colonial charter, he published a formal and\\nlaboured vindication of this doctrine, under the title\\nof The Bloody Tenet, or a Dialogue between Truth\\nand Peace. In his work, which was written with\\nhis usual boldness and decision, he anticipated most\\nof the arguments, which, fifty years after, attracted\\nso much attention, when they were brought forward\\nby Locke. His own conduct in power was in perfect\\naccordance with his speculative opinions and when,\\nin his old age, the order of his little community was\\ndisturbed by an irruption of quaker preachers, he\\ncombated them only in pamphlets and public dispu-\\ntations, and contented himself with overwhelming\\ntheir doctrines with a torrent of learning, invective,\\nsyllogisms, and puns. It should also be remembered,\\nto the honour of Roger Williams, that no one of the\\nearly colonists, without excepting William Penn him-\\nbut a slight notice, those principles which immortalize the name of\\nRoger AVilliams. Murray is brief, but, in this case, exercises more\\npenetration, and is more impartial. Even the North American Re-\\nview seems embarrassed by an attempt to commend both parties:\\nWe are not prepared to defend the proceedings against Roger\\nWilliams, and especially the ultimate sentence but many consi-\\nderations in extenuation, may be offered. The settlement was in\\nits infancy. Some of the opinions which he pertinaciously incul-\\ncated, were dangerous to the establishment; and his conduct, in\\nseveral particulars, may be justly viewed as seditious. In a more\\nadvanced state of the colony, his peculiar sentiments might have\\nbeen inculcated without hazard, and would, probably, have been\\nless seriously regarded. The new settlement had enemies of power-\\nful influence, and its leaders were compelled to observe the most\\nvigilant course in every transaction. Williams was continually\\ngaining adherents by his perseverance and zeal, and some oT his\\ntenets were so extravagant, that their adoption would have con-\\nvulsed and degraded the country. The leading characters, both in\\nchurch and state, solicitious for the preservation of the system of\\nreligious and civil polity which they had sacrificed and suffered so\\nmuch to erect, were desirous of recommending it to others by a\\ndiscreet deportment, which might invite sober and considerate men\\nto unite with them, and repel the malignant suggestions of their\\nenemies. The fact is, the puritan emigrants were decidedly\\nwrong in the principle they laid down as the basis of their common-\\nwealth and the proof of their error is abundant in the absurdity,\\ninjustice, cruelty, and murder, to which it seduced the noblest and\\npurest spirits of the age, results which never arose from the influ-\\nence of truth. All Ihat can be said in Iheir palliation is, that all\\nthe world, except the banished Roger Williams and a few other.\\nwere in the same error; and that hundreds of learned and pro-\\nfessedly enlightened men found il very hard to abandon the error\\nin the nineteenth century, till touched by the magic wand of the\\ngreatest captain of the age, and the first lord of the richest trua-\\n.sury in the world.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "52\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nself, equalled him in justice and benevolence towards\\nthe Indians.\\nWhile the colonies were occupied with internal\\ndisputes, the English parliament, inquiring into the\\ngrievances of the nation, had turned their attention\\nto the charters of the New England states and\\ndeeming them injurious monopolies, both that of\\nPlymouth and Massachusetts were declared forfeited\\nto the king, and the colonies removed from the juris-\\ndiction of the companies to that of the crown, an ar-\\nrangement which, for some time, proved rather bene-\\nficial than detrimental.\\nDuring the year 1635, no less than three thousand\\npersons arrived in New England.! Among them\\nwas Henry Vane, a young man of noble family, ani-\\nmated with a devotion to the cause of religion and\\nliberty, which induced him to relinquish all his hopes\\nin England, and settle in an infant colony which as\\nyet afforded little more than a bare subsistence to its\\ninhabitants: he was naturally received in New Eng-\\nland with high regard and admiration, and was in-\\nstantly complimented with the freedom of the colony.\\nEnforcing his claims to respect by the address and\\nability which he showed in conducting business, he\\nwas elected governor in the year subsequent to his\\nAnniversary Discourse, delivered before the New- York Histo-\\nrical Society, December 7, 1818, by Gulian C. Verplanck, Esq. p.\\n23\u00e2\u0080\u009426.\\nf It was at this time that Charles 1. prevented Pym, Hampden,\\nand Cromwell, from emigrating to New England. The destitution\\nof foresight with which despots are frequently visited, cannot but\\nbe admired as one of the most excellent arrangements of a merci-\\nful Providence. Two Charleses now have set their seal to the\\ntruth of this proverb, Cluem Deus vnlt perdere, prius demenlat.\\nt It often happens, that persons live in an age too early to have\\nUieir merits duly estimated. This was the case of Galileo and\\nothers, who have done much for mankind. It often takes whole\\nages to set history right upon matters of fact and opinion. No\\nperson, in our annals, has suffered more obloquy without cause,\\nthan Mrs. Hutchinson. She came with her husband from Lincoln-\\nshire to Boston, in 1636. Her husband was a man of note, being\\na representative of Boston, and in good repute. Mrs. Hutcliin-\\n.son was a well educated, shrewd woman she was a great admirer\\nof Mr. Cotton, then a popular preacher in Boston, with whom, it\\nis probable, she was well acquainted in England, as they came from\\nthe same county. She was ambitious and active, and was delight-\\ned with metaphysical subtleties and nice distinctions. She had a\\n.\u00e2\u0096\u00a0eady pen, and a fine memory, and from the habit of taking notes\\nin church, she possessed herself of all the points in Mr. Cotton s\\nsermons, which she was fond of communicating to others of less\\nretentive faculties. She held conference meetings at her own\\nhouse, and commented on the great doctrines, of salvation. She\\ncnlerlained several speculative opinions, that, in the present state\\nof intelligence, would be considered as harmless as a poet s dream,\\nbut which, at that time, threw the whole colony into a flaiue.\\nEvery household was fevered by religious discussions upon cove-\\nnants of faith and covenants of works, always the most bitter of\\nall disputes. In all probsbilily, the vanity of Mrs. Hutchinson\\nwas raised, to see that she tould so easily disturb the religious and\\nmetaphysical world about her; and no doubl, but that the persecu-\\ntions she suffered, made her more obstinate than she otherwise\\nwould have been. If they had let her alone, her doctrines would\\nliave passed away with a thousand ot acr vagariHs but the clergy\\narrival, by the universal consent of the colonists, and\\nwith the highest expectations of an advantageous ad-\\nministration. These hopes, we shall find in the se-\\nquel, were by no means realized. He entered too\\ndeeply into polemical theology, to allow him to devote\\nthe energies of his mind to the civil and political\\nduties which aflbrded so abundant a field for their\\nexercise. During his administration, the increase\\nwhich had taken place in the colony promoted the\\nsettlement of Connecticut, and indirectly led to the\\nwar with the Pequod Indians, both of which circum-\\nstances we shall notice in the history of that state.\\nA brief period elapsed after the expulsion of Roger\\nWilliams, before the repose of the colony was again\\ninterrupted by religious dissensions. The puritans\\nhad transported, with their other religious practices,\\nthat of assembling one evening in the week to con-\\nverse over the discourses of the preceding sabbath\\na proceeding well calculated to keep alive that zeal\\nwhich arises from the vigorous exercise of private\\njudgment, but not to promote the subserviency requi-\\nsite to a quiet submission to the uniformity of autho-\\nrized opinions. These meetings had been originally\\nconfined to the brethren but Mrs. Hutchinson, t a\\nlady of respectable station in life, of considerable\\nwould not suffer this to be, notwithstanding they risked something\\nin calling this popular woman to an account. She was considered\\nwiser and inore learned in the scriptures than all her opponents.\\nShe had powerful friends. Sir Henry Vane, the governor, a popu-\\nlar young man, of large wealth, was her friend, and Cotton and\\nWheelwright, the ministers, were her warm supporters, and had a\\nprofound respect for her talents and virtues but still the majority\\nof the clergy was against her.\\nIn 1637 a synod w.as called, the first in our history, which was\\nheld in conclave at Cambridge. It was composed of the governor,\\nthe deputy governor, the council of assistants, and the teachers and\\nthe elders of churches. They .sat in conclave for fear of the people,\\nparticularly Mrs. Hutchin.son s followers. Her friend. Sir Henry\\nVane, was no longer in the chair of state. In this body she was\\ncharged with heresy, and called upon to defend herself before\\nthese inquisitors. The charges and specifications were numerous,\\nas is proved by the judgment of the court. Before the tribunal she\\nstood for three weeks, defending herself against a body of inqui-\\nsitors, who were at once the prosecutors, the witnesses, and the\\njudges. The report of the trial is said to be from the minntesof\\nGovernor Winthrop, certainly not from her own brief The\\ncharges froiu the governor, who presided, were vituperations and\\nvague, consisting of general matters, rather than of special allega-\\ntions to all of which she returned the most acute and pregnant\\nanswers, evincing a mind of the first order. One after another of\\nher judges questioned and harangued, but she never lost her self-\\npossession. The only circumstance in the whole case that shows\\nthe sincerity of her judges, is the report they have made of her\\ntrial. Her judges were the first in the land, comprising every one\\nin the colony, who had not fallen under the suspicion of having been\\nher friend. That intolerant old Dudley, the lieutenant governor,\\nwas the most inveterate of her enemies. Cotton, who was called\\nas a \u00e2\u0096\u00a0witness, behaved well, and, grave and holy as he was, was\\ntreated with great severity as a witness. On the whole, they\\nproved nothing against her, hut that she had expressed her own opi-\\nnions freely, and supported them manfully, by unanswerable texts of\\nscripture. No defence ever recorded in profane history has ever\\nbeep equal to this. Socrates before his judges did not meet his ao-", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n53\\nnative talent, and of affable manners, deemed it de-\\nsirable that the sisters should also exercise a similar\\nprivilege. Unfortunately, it was not long before this\\nlady and her assocfates discovered that there Avould\\nbe much more propriety in their instructing their\\nministers than in the reverse process, which had\\nhitherto prevailed. They adopted that most conve-\\nnient dogma, that good works are no evidence of\\nbeing a true Christian, or one of the elect and that\\nthe only testimony to a state of justification, was the\\noverpowering assurance of the mind, produced by\\nthe immediate influence of the divine Spirit. It is\\nnot our place to discuss doctrines, but to record\\nfacts or it would not be difficult to demonstrate,\\nthat it is through the incongruous and irrational\\nideas which have existed among the great mass of\\nthose who have been accustomed to deem themselves\\nsound in doctrine, that these vagaries have acquired\\nand maintained so utterly undeserved a prominence\\nin what is termed the religious world. It has ever\\nbeen a prime mancEuvre of the great enemy of man,\\nto connect the most magnificent truths with the most\\nabsurd errors and thus to raise a cloud which en-\\ncircles itself with the brilliancy of that very orb\\nwhose rays it obscures.\\nThe disturbance occasioned by the propagation of\\nthese offensive sentiments, was aggravated by the\\ncircumstance of the governor, Mr. Vane, being their\\ndecided advocate. Vehement discussions and bitter\\naccusations abounding but the antinomian party,\\nthough most zealous, were least numerous and at\\nthe annual election, Mr. Vane was displaced by Mr.\\nWinthrop, by a very decided majority. After various\\ncusers with half the aciiteness. Eugene Aram s defence had not\\nthe same directness and power nor that of Maria Antoinette more\\nhigh mindcdness. St. Paul s alone, before the Arcopagii, can bear\\nany comparison. He was charged of inlrodiicing a new God,\\nwhich, by an Athenian law, was death, to prevent an increase of\\ntheir catalogue of divinities. He escaped by declaring that he had\\nnot enlarged their number, but that he taught them who was the\\nunknown God, whose temple he had seen among them, and whose\\nname was inscribed on its walls.\\nInstead of raising a monument, as they should have done, to this\\nmost acute metaphysician and eloquent defender of herself, they\\nfound her guilty of more than eighty heretical opinions; but fortu-\\nnately for themselves, they did not venture to specify them in her\\nsentence, but ordered her to recant and renounce them, under the\\npenalty of excommunication and banishment. Mrs. Hutchinson\\nwas firm she made a fair explanation, but would not renounce\\nwhat she conscientiously believed to be right, and was accordingly\\nbanished. She went to Rhode Island, but did not long remain\\nthere. After the death of her husband, in 1642, she went to the\\nDutch country beyond New Haven, and was, with most of her\\nlarge family, massacred by the Indians. This, the superstitious\\nconsidered as a judgment, for many evils in her conversation, as\\nwell as for corrupt opinions and to this day she is called an artful\\nwoman, but not one of her accusers dare name one of those evils\\nof conversation, and but two or three of those corrupt opinions.\\nThe writer feels ashamed of the land of his birth, in reading the\\nwhole course of this fanatical and unjust sentence, but would not\\nmeasures had been resorted to, in order to bring the\\ndissentients within the pale of orthodoxy, a synod\\nwas called, which determined that the sentiments of\\nMrs. Hutchinson and her followers were grievously\\nerroneous, and, as they still refused submssion, the\\nfavourite measure of banishment was had recourse\\nto. Another accession was thus made to the allu-\\nvies, as Mather terms it, of Rhode Island but not\\nfinding that land of liberty perfectly to her taste,\\nMrs. Hutchinson removed to a Dutch plantation,\\nwhere, not long after, she was basely murdered,\\nwith many of her family, by the Indians.*\\nWhile these transactions were occurring in Ame-\\nrica, the enemies of the colonists in England were\\nbusily engaged in promoting the destruction of the\\nMassachusetts charter. That of Plymouth had been\\nalready surrendered. The principal reasons as-\\nsigned for this surrender were, that the people of\\nMassachusetts had improperly extended the limits of\\ntheir patent, so as to include lands granted to others,\\nand that in civil and ecclesiastical affairs, they had\\nmade themselves independent of the council, as well\\nas the crown. These evils, the council said, they\\nwere rniable to remedy and therefore deemed it ne-\\ncessary for his majesty to take the whole business\\ninto his own hands. t Soon after the surrender of\\nthe Plymouth charter, a quo warrnnto was issued\\nagainst that of Massachusetts. The writ was served\\nonly on those in England, who either then were, or\\nhad been members of the company but no notice\\nwas given to the company in New England. Some\\non whom the writ was served in England appeared,\\nand disclaimed any right under the charter, others\\nhave it erased from the records, as it is calculated to humble the\\npride of the infallible bigot, and serves as a good lesson for modern\\ntimes, in more than in one instance. That woman must have been\\nof virtuous life, that such a band of inquisitors could not find cause\\nto condemn, except as to opinions. The whole story is a les,son,\\nfor it shows, that men, in a body, may do that which but few of\\nthem, separately, would dare to support. In that body were to be\\nfound the learned Phillips, the apostle Elliot, the honest Welde,\\nwith many other excellent men, who voted against the great female\\nmetaphysician of her time. Three only of the synod had the\\ncourage to di.ssent from the judgment. It seems, after all, that the\\nsentence was more a matter of policy than of law, as may he\\ndrawn from the scantiness of the record on this head for Win-\\nthrop was an acute lawyer, and if he had found any thing which\\nhe dared to put on record, in justification of this body, it would\\nhave been found there. That they should have erred, is not sur-\\nprising; but that historians of a later age should have continued\\nto justify them, is astonishing, and shows how little independence\\nor original thinking there is among those who venture to call them-\\nselves historians. American Eililor.\\nVarious other persons, besides the immediate adherents of\\nMrs. Hutchinson, were di.ssatisfied with the proceedings of the\\nsynod and council of Massachusetts, migrated from the colony,\\nand assisted in the formation of the settlements of Rhode Island,\\nNew Hampshire, and Maine the circumstances of which will be\\nrecorded at length in the history of those states.\\nt Pitkin, vol. i. p. 39.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "54\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwere defaulted, and the rights and franchises in the\\ncharter \\\\yere seized and taken into the hands of the\\nking, so far as tliose in England were concerned, and\\nthe other patentees were outlawed. No judgment,\\nin form, was ever rendered against the corporation\\nitself. Not satisfied with this proceeding, a special\\norder was sent by the lords of trade and plantations,\\nto Massachusetts, in April, 1638, requiring the go-\\nvernor, or such other person as had the custody of\\nthe charter, to transmit the same by the return of the\\nship which carried the order, with a threat, in case\\nof neglect or refusal, that the king would resume the\\nwhole plantation into his own hands. The general\\ncourt of Massachusetts, before whom this order was\\nlaid, resolved not to send the charter, but presented\\nan humble petition to the commissioners. The colo-\\nnists found on this, as on many other occasions, the\\nadvantage of the delay arising from their distance\\nfrom the mother country for, while these negotia-\\ntions were pending, the disputes between Charles and\\nhis parliament acqaiied an importance that left little\\nopportunity for the monarch to trouble himself with\\ncolonial affairs and thus the charter of Massachu-\\nsetts, and the liberties of New England, were pre-\\nserved.*\\nScarcely had the venerable founders of New Eng-\\nland felled the trees of the forest, when thoy began\\nto provide means to insure the stability of their co-\\nlony. Learning and religion they wisely judged to\\nbe the firmest pillars of the commonwealth. The le-\\ngislature of Massachusetts, having previously founded\\na public school or college, had, the last year, directed\\nits establishment at Newtown, and appointed a com-\\nmittee to carry the order into effect. Tiie liberality\\nof an individual now essentially contributed to the\\ncompletion of this wise and benevolent design.\\nA copy of Charles s commission for regulating the planta-\\ntions; of the letter of the lords of the council for the patent of\\nthe plantation to be sent to them; and of the humble petition of\\nthe Massachusetts in the general court there assembled are all\\nto be found in Hubbard s History, chap, xxxvi.\\nt Hubbard, chap, xxxii. p. 237. There were several benefac-\\ntors to this college, besides Mr. Harvard and the otlier colonies\\nsent some small help to the undertaking and several gentlemen\\ndid more than whole colonies to support and forward it. Mather s\\nMagnalia, b. iv. p. 120. There were probably, at that time, forty\\nor fifty sons if the university of Cambridge in Old England, one\\nfor every two hundred or two hundred and fifty inhabitants, dwell-\\ning in the few villages of Massachusetts and Connecticut. The\\nsons of Oxford were not few. Savage note upon Winthrop.\\nt A printing house was begrm at Cambridge by one Daye, at\\nthe charge of Mr. Glover, who died on sea hitherward. The first\\nthing which was printed was the freemen s oath the next was an\\nAlmanack, made for New England by Mr. William Peirce, ma-\\nriner the next was the Psalms, newly turned into metre. Win-\\nthrop, vol. i. p. 289. lb. Hist. Camb. Mass. Hist. Soc. vol. vii.\\np. 9. Thomas s History of Printing in America, vol. i. p. 227.\\nMr Glover was a worthy and wealthy nonconformist minister.\\nJohn Harvard, a worthy minister, dying this year at\\nCharleston, left a legacy of nearly 800/. to the pub-\\nlic school at Newtown. In honour of their benefac-\\ntor, tiie collegiate school was, by an order of court,\\nnamed Harvard College and Newtown, in compli-\\nment to the institution, and in memory of the place\\nwhere many of the first settlers of New England re-\\nceived their education, was called Cambridge. t At\\nthis time also, Rowley, in Massachusetts, was founded\\nby about sixty industrious families from Yorkshire,\\nunder the guidance of Ezekiel Rogers, an eminent\\nminister. These settlers, many of whom had been\\nclothiers in England, built a fulling mill employed\\ntheir children in spinning cotton wool and were\\nthe first who attempted to make cloth in North Ame-\\nrica. A still more important branch of business was\\nintroduced this year, that of printing, the first press\\never used in North America being established at\\nCambridge.!\\nThe colony of Massachusetts, as well as its rural\\nneighbours, continued rapidly to increase. In the\\nyear 1639, a settlement was begun on the north side\\nof Merrimack, called Salisbury and another at\\nWinicowet, called Hampton.\\nNew England was henceforth to be left almost ex-\\nclusively to her own resources. The state of affairs\\nin England was now reversed and the persecuting\\npower of Charles was wrested from his grasp. The\\nprincipal motive to emigration, therefore, no longer\\nexisted indeed, several of the most considerable\\ncolonists, and many of the ministers in New Eng-\\nland, returned to their native country but the great\\nmajority of the settlers had experienced so much\\nhappiness in the societies which had been formed in\\nthe colony, that they feh themselves united to New\\nEngland by stronger feelings than those of attach-\\nHe contributed liberally toward a sum sufficient to purchase print-\\ning materials and for this purpose solicited the aid of others in\\nEngland and Holland. He gave to the .college a fount of printing\\nletters, and some gentlemen of Amsterdam gave, towards furnish-\\ning of a printing press with letters, forty-nine pounds, and some-\\nthing more. Records of Harvard College; American Annals,\\nvol. i. p. 255.\\nNow that fountain began to be dried, and the stream turned\\nanother way, and many that intended to have followed their neigh-\\nbours and friends into a land not sown, hoping by the turn of the\\ntimes, and the great changes that were then afoo*, to enjoy that at\\ntheir own doors and homes, which the other had travelled so far to\\nseek abroad, there happened a total cessation of any passengers\\ncoming over yea, rather, as at the turn of a tide, many came back\\nwith the help of the same stream, or sea, that carried them thither;\\ninsomuch, that now the country of New England was to seek of a\\nway to provide themselves of clothing, which they could not attain\\nby .selling of their cattle as before; which now were fallen from\\nthat huge price forementioned, 25/., first to 141. and 10/. an head,\\nand presently after (at least, within a year) to bl. a piece nor\\nwas there at that rate ready vent for them neither. Hubbard,\\np. 23S.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n55\\nnient to their native soil, and resolved to remain in\\nthe region whicli their virtue had converted from a\\nwilderness into a garden.\\nThere does not appear to be any authentic state-\\nment of the population of the New England colonies\\nat this period. It would seem to have been under\\ntwenty thousand.* In the twenty years which had\\nelapsed since the settlement of Plymouth, nearly three\\nhundred vessels had transported more than twenty-\\none thousand persons across the Atlantic, at the im-\\nmense cost of nearly 200,000/. an amazing sum in\\nthat age, which nothing but the determined and per-\\nsevering zeal which animated the puritans could\\nhave induced them to expend, in the laborious work\\nof converting a vast wilderness into the abode of\\ncivilized man.t\\nThe following year, the general court of Massa-\\nchusetts established one hundred laws, called The\\nBody of Liberties.}; Having already been submitted\\nto the court, and sent into every town for considera-\\ntion, they were now amended, and were to remain in\\nforce for the term of three years after that period,\\nto be again revised, and established in perpetuity.\\nAs it is in the laws of an infant people that we trace\\ntheir principles, and discover their policy, a sketch\\nof the most remarkable laws in the first New Eng-\\nland code is introduced. It was enacted, that there\\nnever should be any bond-slavery, villanage, or cap-\\ntivity, among the inhabitants of the province, except\\nin lawful captives taken in just wars, or such as\\nshould willingly sell themselves, or be sold to them\\nand such should have the liberties and Christian\\nusage which the law of God, establislied in Israel\\nconcerning such persons, morally requires That if\\nany strangers, or people of otlier nations, professing\\nthe Christian religion, should fly to them from tyran-\\nny or oppression of their persecutors, or from famine,\\nwars, or the like necessary and compulsory cause,\\nthey should receive entertainment and succour That\\nthere should be no monopolies, but of such new in-\\nventions as were profitable to tlie country, and those\\nfor a short time only That all deeds of conveyance,\\nGrahame says, about twentv-one thousand persons, (vol. i.\\np. 302,) but this is evidently the gross number of those who emi-\\ngrated during the twenty years and the probability is, that the\\nactual population at this period was considerably short of that\\nnumber.\\nt They, who then professed to be able to give the best account,\\nsay, that in two hundred and ninety-eight ships, which were the\\nwhole number from the beginning of the colony, there arrived\\ntwenty-one thousand two hundred passengers, men, women, and\\nchildren, perhaps about four thousand families. A modest compu-\\ntation then made of the whole charge of transportation of the per-\\nsons, their goods, the stock of cattle, pr-ovisions until they could\\nsupport themselves, necessaries for building, artillery, arms, and\\nammumiion, amounts, to I92,000Z. sterling. A dear purchase, if\\n8\\nwhether absolute or conditional, should be recorded,\\nthat neither creditors might be defrauded, nor courts\\ntroubled with vexatious suits and endless contentions\\nabout sales and mortgages That no injunction\\nshould be laid on any church, church officer, or\\nmember, in point of doctrine, worship, or discipline,\\nwhether for substance or circumstance, besides the\\ninstitution of the Lord and that, in tlie defect of a\\nlaw, in any case, the decision should be by the word\\nof God.\\nThe dispersed situation of the New England colo-\\nnists rendered union among them necessary, not only\\nfor their mutual defence against the savages, but also\\nfor protection and security against the claims and\\nencroachments of the Dutch. This union, or con-\\nfederation, was formed in 1643, by the name of The\\nUnited Colonies of New England. It had been pro-\\nposed by the colonies of Connecticut and New Ha-\\nven, as early as IC38, but was not finally completed\\nuntil five years after. This confederacy, which con-\\ntinued about forty years, constituted an interesting\\nportion of tlie political history of New England. It\\nconsisted of the colonies of Massachusetts, New Ply-\\nmouth, Connecticut, and New Haven. By the arti-\\ncles of confederation, as they were called, these colo-\\nnies entered into a firm and perpetual league of\\nfriendship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual\\nadvice and succour, upon all just occasions, both for\\npreserving and propagating the truth and liberties of\\nthe gospel, and for their own mutual safety and wel-\\nfare. Each colony was to retain its own peculiar\\njuri.sdiction and government and no other planta-\\ntion or colony was to be received as a confederate,\\nnor any two of the confederates to be united into one\\njurisdiction, without the consent of the rest. The\\naffairs of the united colonies were to be managed by\\na legislature, to consist of two persons, styled com-\\nmissioners, chosen from each colony. The commis-\\nsioners were to meet aniuially in the colonies, in suc-\\ncession, and wlien met, to choose a president, and\\nthe determination of any six to be binding on all.\u00c2\u00a7\\nThis confederacy, which was declared to be perpe-\\nthey had paid nothing before to the council of Plymoulh, and no-\\nthing afterwards to the sachems of the country. Well might they\\ncomplain, when the titles to their lands were called in question by\\nSir Edmund Andros; their labour in clearing and improving them\\nwas of more value than the lands after ihey were improved, and\\nthis other expense might be out of the question. Hutchinson,\\nvol. i. p. 93.\\nt They had been composed by Mr. Nathaniel Ward, minister\\nof Ipswich, who had formerly been a student and practitioner at\\nlaw. American Annals, vol. i. p. 260.\\nThese commissioners had power to hear, examine, weigh,\\nand determine all affairs of war, or peace, leagues, aids, charges,\\nand number of men for war, division of spoils, and whatsoever is\\ngotten by conquest, receiving of more confederates for plantations.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "5(i\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ntual, continued without any essential alteration, until\\nthe New England colonies were deprived of their\\ncharter by the arbitrary proceedings of James H.\\nThis union evidently served as tlie basis of the great\\nconfederacy afterwards formed between the thirteen\\nstates of America. An examination of the two sys-\\ntems will prove a similarity not only in names, but\\nin general principles.*\\nThe contest between the Iving and tire parliament\\nat length resuhed in open war; and the New Eng-\\nland colonies, actuated by the same feeling as the\\npuritans in England, embraced with ardour the cause\\nof the latter. Tlie parliament, however, did not lose\\nsight ol its right to govern the colonies and in 1643,\\nthey passed an ordinance, no less remarkable for the\\nextent of power exerted, than for the extraordinary\\nregulations it established. By it, the Earl of War-\\nwick was appointed governor-in-chief and lord high-\\nadmiral of the colonies, with a council of five peers\\nand twelve commoners to assist him. It empowered\\nhim, in conjunction with his associates, to examine\\nthe state of their affairs to send for papers and per-\\nsons to remove governors and officers, appointing\\nothers in their place and to assign over to these\\nsuch part of the powers that were then granted as\\nhe should think proper. Such was the authority\\nwhich the parliament exerted over its transatlantic\\ndominions. The colonists implicitly admitted its\\nrectitude, by applying to the commissioners for pro-\\ntection and patents. The right of parliament, in-\\ndeed, was not doubted in those days it was the ir-\\nregular exertion of prerogative, and not the authority\\ninto combination with any of the confederates, and all things of a\\nlike nature, which are the proper concomitants and consequences\\nof such a confederation for amity, offence and defence, not inter-\\nmeddling with the government of any of the jurisdictions, which,\\nby the third article, is preserved entirely to themselves. The ex-\\npenses of all just wars to be borne by each colony, in proportion to\\nits number of male inhabitants, of whatever quality or condition,\\nbetween the ages of sixteen and si,xty. In case any colony should\\nbe suddenly invaded, on motion and request of three magistrates of\\nsuch colony, the other confederates were immediately to send aid to\\nthe colony invaded, in men, Massachusetts one hundred, and the\\nother colonies forty-five each, or for a less number, in the same\\nproportion. The commissioners, however, were very properly di-\\nrected, afterwards, to take into consideration the cause of such\\nwar or invasion, and if it should appear that the fault was in the\\ncolony invaded, such colony was not only to make satisfaction to\\nthe invaders, but to bear all the expenses of the war. The com-\\nmissioners were also authorized lo frame and establish agreements\\nand orders in general cases of a civil nature, wherein all the plan-\\ntations were interested, for preserving peace among themselves,\\nand preventing, as much as may be, all occasions of war, or dif-\\nference with others, as about the free and speedy passage of jus-\\ntice, in every jurisdiction, to all the confederates equally as to their\\nown, receivmg those that remove from one plantation to another,\\nwithout due certificates. It was also very wisely provided in the\\narticles, that runaway servants, and fugitives from justice, should\\nbe returned to the colonies where they belonged, or from which\\nthey had fled. If any of the confederates should violate any of\\nof the legislature, that was dreaded as unconstitu-\\ntional, or feared as oppressive.\\nThe increasing prosperity of the colony naturally\\ntended to heighten the value of its political fran-\\nchises and the increasing opulence of the dissen-\\ntients, already alluded to, seemed to aggravate the\\nhardship of their disfranchisement. Some of them\\nhaving assumed privileges from which they were\\nexcluded by law, they were punished by Mr. Wm-\\nthrop, the deputy governor. They complained to\\nthe general court of this treatment by a petition,\\nwhich contained a forcible remonstrance against the\\ninjustice of depriving them of their rights as free-\\nmen, and of their privileges as Christians, because\\nthey could not join as members with the congrega-\\ntional churches, or because, when they solicited ad-\\nmission into them, they were arbitrarily rejected by\\nthe ministers. They prayed, says Hutchinson,*\\nthat civil liberty and freedom might be forthwith\\ngranted to all truly English, and that all members of\\nthe church of England or Scotland, not scandalous,\\nmight be admitted to the privileges of the churches\\nof New England or, if these civil and religious\\nliberties were refused, that they might be freed from\\nthe heavy taxes imposed upon them, and from the\\nimpresses made of them, or their children, or ser-\\nvants, into the war and if they failed of redress\\nthere, they should be under a necessity of making\\napplication to England to the honourable houses of\\nparliament, who they hoped would talce their sad\\ncondition into consideration. The party in favour\\nof the dissenters had sufficient interest to obtain a\\nthe articles, or in any way injure any one of the other colonies\\nsuch breach of agreement, or injury, was to be considered and or\\ndered by the commissioners of the other colonies. ^Pitkin s Poli-\\ntical History, vol. i. p. 51.\\nThe principles upon which this famous association was\\nformed were altogether those of independency, and it cannot easily\\nbe supported upon any other. The colonies of Connecticitt and\\nNew Haven had at that time enjoyed no charter, and derived their\\ntitle to their soil from mere occupancy, and their powers of govern-\\nment from voluntary agreement. New Plymouth had acquired a\\nright to their lands from a grant of a company in England, which\\nconferred, however, no jurisdiction. And no other authority, with\\nregard to the making of peace, or war, or leagues, did the charier\\nof Massachusetts convey, than that of defending itself, by force of\\narms, against all invaders. But, if no patent legalized the confe-\\nderacy, neither was it confirmed by the approbation of the govern-\\ning powers in England. Their consent Was never applied for, and\\nwas never given. The various colonies, of which that celebrated\\nleague was composed, being perfectly independent of one another,\\nand having no other connexion than as subjects of the same crown,\\nand as territories of the same .state, might, with equal propriety\\nand consistency, have entered into a similar compact with alien\\ncolonies, or a foreign nation. They did make treaties with the\\nneighbouring plantations of the French and Dutch; and in this\\nlight was their conduct seen in England, and at a subsequent pe-\\nriod did not fail to attract the attention of Charles II. Chalmer s\\nPolitical Annals, b. i. chap. viii. p. 178.\\nHutchinson s History of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 146.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n57\\nvote to require Mr. Winthrop to answer in public to\\nthe complaints against him. On the day appointed\\nfor his trial he descended from the tribunal, and\\nplacing himself at the bar, in presence of a nume-\\nrous assemblage of the inhabitants, he proceeded to\\nvindicate his conduct to his judges and fellow-citi-\\nzens. Having proved that his proceedings were war-\\nranted by law, and that it had no other end than to\\nmaintain the existing institutions, he was not only\\nhonourably acquitted by the sentence of the court,\\nand the voice of the public, but recommended so\\npowerfully to the esteem of his fellow-citizens by this\\nand all the other indications of his character, that he\\nwas chosen governor of the province every year after,\\nas long as he lived.* His accusers were visited with\\npublic displeasure their petition was dismissed, and\\na charge was drawn up against them but it was in-\\ntimated, that if they would acknowledge their offence\\nthey should be forgiven they, however, refused, and\\nwere fined in various sums, two or three of the ma-\\ngistrates dissenting. The petitioners, animated by\\nopposition, rather than overborne by oppression, re-\\nsolved to lay their condition before the supreme\\npower and, with this design, two deputies were sent\\nto England. The famous Cotton had asserted, in\\none of his sermons, that, if any shall carry writings\\nor complaints against the people of God in that coun-\\ntry to England, it would be as Jonas in the ship\\nand a storm unfortunately arising during the voyage,\\nthe mariners, often prone to superstition, recollected\\nthis prediction, and insisted that all obnoxious papers\\nshould be thrown overboard thus the deputies were\\nconstrained to consign their credentials to the waves.\\nThe parliament, probably influenced by the intrigues\\nof the agents, or too much engaged in their own im-\\nportant affairs, took no cognizance of this extraordi-\\nnary transaction and the petitioners never received\\nany redress. t\\nWe cannot refrain from presenting our readers with an ex-\\ntract of his admirable and powerful address The questions,\\nsaid Mr. Winthrop, that have troubled the country, have been\\nabout the authority of the magistracy and the liberty of the people.\\nIt is you who have called us unto this office but being thus called,\\nwe have our authority from God. I entreat you to consider, that\\nwhen you choose magistrates, you take them from among yourselves,\\nmen subject unto like passions with yourselves. If you see our in-\\nfirmities, reflect on your own, and you will not be so severe cen-\\nsurers of ours. The covenant between us and you is the oath you\\nhave exacted of us, which is to this purpose, That we shall govern\\nyou and judge your causes according to God s laws and the parti-\\ncular statutes of the land, according to our best skill. As for our\\nskill, you must run the hazard of it; and if there be an error only\\ntherein, and not in the will, it becomes you to bear it. Nor would\\nI have you to mistake in the point of your own liberty. There is\\na liberty of corrupt nature, which is affected both by men and\\nbeasts, to do what they list. This liberty is inconsistent with au-\\nthority; impatient of all restraint, tis the grand enemy of truth\\nmd peace, and all the ordinances of God are bent against it. But\\nHow refreshing is it to turn from the mutual recri-\\nminations of religious controversy, and the hateful\\nsight of ecclesiastical persecution, to the contempla-\\ntion of that expansive benevolence which is the true\\ngenius of Christianity History is essentially bio-\\ngraphical to a considerable extent but there are oc-\\ncasions when her pencil is called to trace, with pecu-\\nliar vividness, the moral dignity and beauty of her\\nheroes and what name shall arouse her boldest ef-\\nforts, if that of Elliot does not call them forth\\nWhen the wreaths of literary, scientific, and even\\nthe most glittering, though least enviable of all, of\\nmilitary faiue, whose leaves have never been tinged\\nwith the unction of eternity, shall fade amidst the\\nbrilliancy of holier and more resplendent honours,\\nwhose crown will shine more brightly than that\\nof tlie Indians father and friend His laboiirs\\nform the redeeming trait of an age, that might justly\\nbe termed one of the most vigorous religious selfish-\\nness. Why were not the gigantic energies more than\\nwasted in the pugnacious defence of men-made forms\\nof Christianity, devoted to spread its essence among\\nthe heathen, by whom they were surrounded, or to\\nwhom they could have obtained access Hardships\\nfor the sake of religion the puritan colonists endured,\\nindeed, abundantly but that it was for their own\\nenjoyment rather than the benefit of others, is evident,\\nfrom their treating those who differed from their opi-\\nnions as though they robbed them of their property.\\nBut Elliot was of a nobler mould he banished not\\nothers for his fancied good, but himself, for the wel-\\nfare of the ignorant and oppressed.\\nElliot was one of the ministers of Roxbury.\\nStrongly penetrated with a sense of the duty of re-\\ndeeming to the dominion of religion and civilization\\nthe wastes of human character that lay in ignorance\\nand idolatry around him, he had for some time been\\nlabouring to overcome the primary obstacle to its per-\\nthere is a civil, a moral, a federal liberty, which is the proper end\\nand object of authority: it is a liberty for that only which is just\\nand good. For this liberty you are to stand with the h.izard of\\nyour very lives and whatsoever crosses it is not authority, but a\\ndistemper thereof This liberty is maintained in a way of subjec-\\ntion to authority and the authority set over you will, in all ad-\\nministrations for your good, be quietly submitted unto by all but\\nsuch as have a disposition to shake off the yoke, and lose their true\\nliberty by their murmuring at the honour and power of authority.\\nWe cordially agree with Mr. Grahamc, when he says, The cir-\\ncumstances in which this address was delivered, remind us of\\nscenes in Greek and Roman hisioiy; while the wisdom, worth,\\nand dignity that it breathes, resemble the magnanimous vindication\\nof the judge of Israel and we must add, that the whole history of\\nthe rise and progress of these stales is more calculated to instruct\\nand elevate the mind, than the scenes of ancient history and that\\nit is a great discredit to our schools, colleges, and universities, that\\nthe study of modern history in general, and this portion of it par-\\nticularly, does not form an essential part of a liberal education,\\nt Chalmer s Annals, b. i. chap. viii. p, 180.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "58\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nformance at length he attained such acquaintance\\nwith the Indian lano-uage as enabled him to construct\\na system of grammar.* His kindness of manner soon\\ngained him a favourable hearing from many of the\\nnatives and both parties being sensible of the ex-\\npediency of altering the civil and domestic habits that\\ncounteracted the impressions which he attempted to\\nproduce, he obtained from the general court an allot-\\nment of land in the neighbourhood of the settlement\\nof Concord, in Massachusetts. A considerable body\\nof Indians resorted to the land allotted them by the\\ncolonial government, and exchanged their wild and\\nbarbarous habits for the modes of civilized living and\\nindustry. Mr. Elliot was continually among them,\\ninstructing, animating, and directing them.\\nIn endeavouring to extend their missionary influ-\\nence among the surrounding tribes, Mr. Elliot and\\nhis associates encountered a variety of issues corres-\\nponding to the varieties of human character. Many,\\nindeed, expressed the utmost abhorrence and con-\\ntempt of Christianity but, in spite of every discou-\\nragement, the missionaries persisted, and at length\\ntheir labours were rewarded with astonishing suc-\\ncess. t\\nThat our readers may have authentic testimony\\non which to form a correct idea of its extent\\nthe more as it affords a striking contradiction to the\\nstill lurking half-prevailing antinomianism, that the\\nEternal, whose very nature is benevolence, withholds\\nhis sanction and blessing from the labours of his\\nfaithful servants out of pure sovereignty we insert\\nthe following document\\nDr. Cotlnn Mather has, almost humorously, described the dif-\\nficulty of acquiring the Indian language, and giving it a graphic\\nform Behold new difficulties to be surmounted by our indefati-\\ngable Elliot i He hires a native to teach him this exotic language,\\nand, with a laborious care and skill, reduces it into a grammar,\\nwhich afterwards he published. There is a letter or two of our\\nalphabet which the Indians never had in theirs; but if their alpha-\\nbet be short, I am sure the words composed of it are long enough to\\nlire the pal ience of any scholar in the world they are scsquipcdalia\\nverba, of which their lingo is composed; one would think they had\\nbeen growing ever since Babel, unto the dimensions to which they\\nare now extended. For instance, if my reader will count how\\nmany letters there are in this one word, Nummalchekudlnnlamooon-\\ngaimimoimsh, when he has done, for his reward I ll tell him, it\\nsignifies no more in English, than our lusts; and if I were to\\ntranslate our loves, it must be nothing shorter than Nooirovian-\\nlammuoonkaimnonnash. Or, to give my reader a longer word than\\ntithcr of these, KtimmoghodonatlonltummoocliUaongannunnonafh, is,\\nin English, our question but I pray. Sir, count the letters I Nor\\ndo we find in all this language the least affinity to, or derivation\\nfrom, any European speech that we are acquainted with. We\\nthink the folly of good men as useful to posterity as their virtues;\\nand we claim sacred story as our authority; and therefore we con-\\ntinue the extract 1 know not what thoughts it will produce in\\nmy reader when 1 inform him, that once finding that the daemons\\nin a possessed young woman understood the Latin and Greek and\\nHebrew languages, my curiosity led me to make trial of this Indian\\nA Letter concerning the Success of the\\nGospel amongst the Indians in New Eng-\\nland.\\nWritten by Mr. Increase Mather, Miiiister of\\nthe Word of God, at Boston, cmd Rector of the\\nCollege at Cambridge, in New England, to Dr.\\nJohn Leusden, Hebreiu Professor in the Univer-\\nsity of Utrecht.\\ntranslated out of latin into english.\\nWorthy and much Honoured Sir,\\nYour letters were very grateful to me, by\\nwhich I understand that you and others in your fa-\\nmous university of Utrecht desire to be informed\\nconcerning the converted Indians in America take,\\ntherefore, a true account of them in a few words\\nIt is above forty 5^ears since that truly godly\\nman, Mr. John Elliot, pastor of the church at Rocks-\\nborough, (about a mile from Boston, in New Eng-\\nland,) being warmed with a holy zeal of converting\\nthe Americans, set himself to learn the Indian tongue,\\nthat he might more easily and successfully open to\\nthem the mysteries of the gospel, upon account of\\nwhich he has been (and not undeservedly) called the\\nApostle of the American Indians. This reverend\\nperson, not without very great labour, translated the\\nwhole bible into the Indian tongue he translated\\nalso several English treatises of practical divinity\\nand catechisms into their language. About twenty-\\nsix years ago he gathered a church of converted In-\\ndians in a town called Natick these Indians con-\\nlanguage, and the daemons did seem as if they did not understand\\nit Mather s Magnalia, b. iii. p. 193.\\nt It is a remarkable feature in Elliot s long and arduous career,\\nthat the energy by which he was actuated never sustained the\\nslightest abatement, but, on the contrary, evinced a steady and\\nvigorous increase. As his bodily strength decayed, the energy of\\nhjs being seemed to retreat into his soul, and at length all liis facul-\\nties (he said) seemed absorbed in holy love. Being asked, shortly\\nbefore his departure, how he did, he replied, I have lost every\\nthing, my understanding leaves me, my memory fails me, my ut-\\nterance fails me but I thank God my charity holds out still, I find\\nthat rather grows than fails. He died in tlie year 1690. While\\nMr. Elliot and an increasing body of associates were thus cmiiloyed\\nin the province of Massachusetts, Thomas Mayhew, a man who\\ncombined, in a wonderful degree, an affectionate mildne.ss that no-\\nthing could disturb with an ardour and activity that nothing could\\novercome, together with a few coadjutors, not less diligently ar.d\\nsuccessfully, prosecuted the same design in Martha s Vineyard,\\nNantucket, and Elizabeth Isles, and within the territory compre-\\nhended in the Ph-mouth patent. Grahame, vol. i. p. 326, 329.\\nOn the publication of the accounts of the hopeful progress of\\nthe Indians in New England in the knowledge of the go.spel, the\\nattention of the English nation was excited to the subject. By the\\nsolicitation of Edward Winslow, then in England as agent for the\\nUnited Colonies, an act of parliament was passed, by which the\\nSociety for propagating the Gospel in New England vas incorpo-\\nrated. Holmes s American Annals, vol. i. p. 290.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE fJNITED STATES.\\n59\\nfessed their sins with tears, and professed their faith\\nin Christ, and afterwards they and their children\\nwere baptized, and tliey were solemnly joined toge-\\nther in a church covenant the said Mr. Elliot was\\nthe first that admniistered the Lord s supper to them.\\nThe pastor of that church now is an Indian, his\\nname is Daniel. Besides this church at Natick,\\namong our inhabitants in the Massachusetts colony,\\nthere are four Indian assemblies, where the name of\\nthe true God and Jesus Christ is solemnly called\\nupon these assemblies have some American preach-\\ners Mr. Elliot formerly used to preach to them once\\nevery fortnight, but now he is weakened with labours\\nand old age, being in the eighty-fourth year of his\\nage, and preacheth not to the Indians oftener than\\nonce in two months. There is another church, con-\\nsisting only of converted Indians, about fifty miles\\nfrom hence, in an Indian town, called Mashippaug.\\nThe first pastor of that church was an Englishman,\\nv/ho, being skilful in the American language, preached\\nthe gospel to them in their own tongue. This En^f-\\nlish pastor is dead, and instead of him that church\\nhas an Indian preacher. There are, besides that,\\nfive assemblies of Indians professing the naine of\\nChrist, not far distant from Mashippaug, which have\\nIndian preachers. John Cotton, pastor of the church\\nat Plymouth, (son of my venerable father-in-law,\\nJohn Cotton, formerly the famous teacher of the\\nchurch at Boston,) both made very great progress in\\nlearning the Indian tongue, and is very skilful in it\\nhe preaches in their own language to the last five\\nmentioned congregations every week. Moreover, of\\nthe inhabitants of Saconet, in Plymouth colony, there\\nis a great congregation of those who, for distinction\\nsake, are called praying Indians, because they pray\\nto God in Christ. Not far from a promontory called\\nCape Cod, there are six assemblies of heathens who\\nare to be reckoned as Catechumens, amongst whom\\nthere are six Indian preachers. Samuel Treat, pas-\\ntor of a church at Eastham, preacheth to these con-\\ngregations in their own language. There are like-\\nwise among the islanders of Nantucket a church,\\nwith a pastor who was l3tely a heathen, and several\\nmeetings of Catechumens, who are instructed by the\\nconverted Indians. There is also another island\\nabout seven leagues long, called Martha s Vineyard,\\nwhere are two American churches planted, which\\nare more famous than the rest, over one of which\\n.here presides an ancient Indian as pastor, called\\nHiacooms. John Hiacooms, son of the Indian pas-\\ntor, also preacheth the gospel to his countrymen. In\\nanother church in that place, John Tokinosh, a con-\\nverted Indian, teaches. In these churches ruling\\nelders of the Indians are joined to the pastors the\\npastors are chosen by the people, and when they had\\nfasted and prayed, Mr. Elliot and Mr. Cotton laid\\ntheir hands on them, so that they were solemnly or-\\ndained. All the cong-rejrations of tlie converted In-\\ndians (both the Catechumens and tliose in clnu ch\\norder) every Lord s-day meet together the pastor or\\npreacher always begins with prayer, and without a\\nform, because from the heart when the ruler of the\\nassembly has ended prayer, the whole congregation\\nof Indians praise God with singing some of them\\nare excellent singers after the psalm, he that\\npreaches reads a place nf scripture (one or more\\nverses as he will) and expounds it, gathers doctrines\\nfrom it, proves them by scriptures and reasons, and\\ninfers uses from them after the manner of the Eng-\\nlish, of whom they have been taught then another\\nprayer to God in the name of Christ concludes tlie\\nwhole service. Thus do they meet together twice\\nevery Lord s-day. They observe no holy-days but\\nthe Lord s-day, except upon some extraordinary oc-\\ncasion, and then they solemnly set apart whole days,\\neither in giving thanks, or fasting and praying, with\\ngreat fervour of mind.\\nBefore the English came into these coasts, these\\nbarbarous nations were altogether ignorant of the\\ntrue God hence it is that in their prayers and ser-\\nmons they use English words and terms he that\\ncalls upon the most holy name of God, says, Jeho-\\nvah, or God, or Lord, and also they have learned\\nand borrowed many other theological phrases from\\nus. In short, there are six churches of baptized In-\\ndians in New England, and eighteen assemblies of\\nCatechumens professing the name of Christ. Of the\\nIndians there are four-and-twenty who are preachers\\nof the Word of God and besides these there are\\nfour English ministers, who preach the gospel in the\\nIndian tongue. I am now myself weary with writ-\\ning, and I fear lest, should I add more, I should also\\nbe tedious to you yet one thing I must add, which\\nI had almost forgot, that there are many of the In-\\ndians children who liave learned by heart the cate-\\nchism, either of that famous divine, William Perkins,\\nor that put forth by the assembly of divines at West-\\nminster, and in their own mother tongue can answer\\nto all the questions in it. But I must end I salute\\nthe famous professors in your university, to whom 1\\ndesire you to communicate this letter, as written to\\nthem also. Farewell, worthy Sir the Lord preserve\\nyour health for the benefit of your country, his\\nchurch, and of learning. Yours ever,\\nIncrease Mather.\\nBoston, in New England, My 12, 1687.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "60\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nTo return to the secular affairs of the colony. In\\nthe year 1651, the long parliament having fully es-\\ntablished its authority in England, determined to\\nhave its power expressly acknowledged through all\\nthe dependencies of the British empire. An order\\nwas therefore transmitted to Massachusetts to send\\nthe charter of the colony to London, and to take out\\na new patent. Alarmed at this requisition, and\\ndreading the power of parliament, the general court\\nresorted to its usual expedient of petitioning, which\\nwas, of course, productive of the desired delay and\\nthe colony being in high favour with Cromwell, it is\\nprobable his influence was exercised in its behalf, as\\nthe parliament do not appear to have followed up\\ntheir requisition with any further proceedings.\\nIn the following year, the inhabitants of the pro-\\nvince of Maine were, by their own request, taken\\nunder the protection of Massachusetts. Commis-\\nsioners, appointed by the general court, repaired to\\nKittery and Agamcnticus, summoned the inhabitants\\nto appear before them, and received their submission.\\nAgamenticus was now named York the province\\nmade a county by the same name and the towns,\\nfrom this time, sent deputies to the general court at\\nBoston.* New Hampshire had been added to Massa-\\nchusetts in the year 1641.\\nThe evil principle of the interference of the civil\\npower again displayed itself Mr. Grahame has re-\\ncorded these transactions so impartially, and reasoned\\nupon them so justly, that we shall at once give our\\nreaders an interesting portion of liistory, and an ex-\\ncellent specimen of that valuable work, by quoting\\nthe passage. Of all the instances of persecution\\nthat occur in the history of New England, says that\\nauthor, the most censurable in its principle, though\\niiappily also the least vehement in the severities\\nwhich it produced, was the treatment inflicted on the\\nanabaptists by the government of Massachusetts.\\nThe first appearance of these sectaries in this pro-\\nvince was in the year 1651, when, to the great asto-\\nnishment and concern of the community, seven or\\neiglit persons, of whom the leader was one Obadiah\\nHolmes, all at once professed the baptist tenets, and\\nseparated from the congregation to which they had\\nbelonged, declaring that they could no longer take\\ncounsel, or partake divine ordinances, with unbaptized\\nmen, as they pronounced all the other inhabitants of\\nthe province to be. The erroneoust doctrine which\\nHutchinson, vol. i. p. 177. Chalmers, b. i. p. 480, 499, 501.\\nt We do not wish to be understood as accordins;with Mr. Gra-\\nhame, in the application of this epithet, nor in that of the term ann-\\nbaptist.\\nt The baptists who were exiled from Massachusetts were al-\\nlowed to settle in the colony of Plymouth, (Hutchinson, vol. ii. p.\\nthus unexpectedly sprang up, was at this time regarded\\nwith peculiar dread and jealousy, on account of the\\nhorrible enormities of sentiment and practice with\\nwhich some of the professors of it in Germany had\\nassociated its repute and no sooner did Holmes and\\nhis friends set up a baptist conventicle for themselves,\\nthan complaints of their proceedings, as an intolerable\\nnuisance, came pouring into the general court from\\nall quarters of the colony. The court at first pro-\\nceeded no farther than to adjudge Holmes and his\\nfriends to desist from their unchristian separation\\nand they were permitted to retire, having first, how-\\never, publicly declared that they would follow out\\nthe leadings of their consciences, and obey God rather\\nthan man. Some time after, they were apprehended\\non a Sunday, while attending the preacliing of one\\nClark, a baptist, from Rhode Island, who had come\\nto propogate his tenets in Massachusetts. The consta-\\nbles who took them into custody carried them to\\nchurch, as a more proper place of christian \\\\vorship,\\nwhere Clark put on his hat the moment that the\\nminister began to pray. Clark, Holmes, and another,\\nwere sentenced to pay small fines, or be flogged\\nand thirty lashes were actually inflicted on Holmes,\\nwho resolutely persisted in choosing a punishment\\nthat would enable him to show with what constancy\\nhe could suffer for what he believed to be the truth.\\nA law was at the same time passed, subjecting to\\nbanishment from the colony every person who should\\nopenly condemn or oppose the baptism of infants,\\nwho should attempt to seduce others from the use of\\napprobation thereof, or purposely depart from the\\ncongregation when that rite was administered, or\\ndeny the ordinance of the magistracy, or their lawful\\nright or authority to make war. t The eatrerncss\\nwith which every collateral charge against the bap-\\ntists was credited in the colony, and the vehement\\nimpatience with which their claim of toleration was\\nrejected, forcibly indicate the illiberality and delusion\\nby whi.ch their persecutors were governed and may\\nsuggest to the christian philosopher a train of reflec-\\ntions, no less instructive than interesting, on the self-\\ndeceit by which men so commonly infer the honesty\\nof their convictions, and the rectitude of their pro-\\nceedings, froin that resentful perturbation which far\\nmore truly indicates a secret consciousness of injus-\\ntice and inconsistency. There is not a more com-\\nmon nor more pernicious error in the world, than\\n478,) whence it may be strongly inferred, that they did not in rea-\\nlity profess (as they were supposed by the people of Massachusetts\\nto do) principles adverse to the safety of society. The charge pro-\\nbably originated in the extravagance of a few of their own num-\\nber, and the impatience and injustice of their adversaries. Gra-\\nhame, vol. i. p. 345, 346.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfa\\nthat one virtue may be practised at the expense of\\nanother. Where sincerity without charity is profess-\\ned, there is always reason to suspect the professor of\\na dishonest disregard of the secret surmises of his own\\nspirit. The severities that were employed proved in\\nthe end totally ineffectual to restrain the growth of\\nthe baptist tenets though, for tlie present, the pro-\\nfessors of these doctrines appear to have either\\ndesisted from holding separate assemblies, or to have\\nretired from Massachusetts.\\nThese proceedings against the baptists were mild-\\nness itself when compared with subsequent coercive\\nmeasures adopted towards the quakers. There ap-\\npears, indeed, to have been in the latter case a far\\ngreater degree of exciting, though by no means\\namounting to a justificatory cause. We are far\\nfrom being inclined to give their persecutors full\\ncredit for their representation of the conduct of the\\nquakers ;t but after making every abatement for the\\nprejudice of such narrators as Mather and others,\\nthere still remains an almost incredible amount of\\nfolly on the part of these enthusiasts, as of cruelty\\nin the ruling party. It was in the month of July,\\n1566, that two females, Mary Fisher and Ann Austin,\\narrived in New England from Barbadoes; and not\\nlong after, nine more individuals, of the same tenets,\\ncame from England. They were very speedily\\nbrought before the court of assistants, where they\\ngave what were deemed very contemptuous replies\\nto the interrogatories which they were required to\\nanswer and the court did not hesitate to comiiJt\\nthem to prison. The court ultimately passed sen-\\ntence of banishment against them all and required\\nthe captain who brouglit them from England to find\\nsureties to a heavy amoiuit, that he would carry\\nthem out of the colony, detaining them in prison till\\nthe vessel was ready to sail.\\nUp to this period there had been no special law\\nfor the punishment of quakers but they had been\\nproceeded against under the general law respecting\\nheretics. At the next sessions of the general court, an\\nGrahame, vol. i. p. 343 346.\\nt It is the more difficult to realize the absurd errors and the in-\\nsane vehemence which were manifested by the quakers of the\\nseventeenth century, since those of the present day are surpassed\\nby none in peaceable and decorous demeanour, in their attachment\\nto civil order, devoted acts of benevolence, and deep interest in the\\ndistribution of the sacred volume.\\nt Great opposition was made to this law, the magistrates were\\nthe most zealous, and in general for it; but it was rejected at first\\nby the deputies, afterwards, upon reconsideration, concurred by\\ntwelve against eleven, with an amendment, that the trial should be\\nby a special jury Captain Edward Hutchinson, and Captain Tho-\\nmas Clark, two of the court, desired leave lo enter their dissent\\nagainst this law. New England Judged.\\nMather has collected from the history of the quakers of that day\\nact passed, laying a penalty of one hundred pounds\\nupon the master of any vessel wlio should bring a\\nknown quaker into any part of the colony, and\\nrequiring him to give security to carry him back\\nagain; enacting also, that the quaker should be\\nimmediately sent to the house of correction, receive\\ntwenty stripes, and afterwards kept to hard labour\\nuntil transportation. They also laid a penalty of\\nfive pounds for importing, and the like for dispersing\\nquakers books, and severe penalties for defending,\\ntlieir heretical opinions. The next year an addi-\\ntional law was made, by which all persons were\\nsubjected to the penalty of forty shillings for every\\nhour s entertainment given to any known quaker\\nand any quaker, after the first conviction, if a man,\\nwas to lose one ear, and a second time the otiier\\na woman, each time to be severely whipped and\\nthe third time, man or woman, to have their tongues\\nbored through with a red-hot iron and every qua-\\nker who should become such in the colony to be\\nsubjected to the like punishments. In May, 1658, a\\njjenalty of ten shillings was laid on every person\\npresent at a quakers meeting, and five pounds upon\\nevery one speaking at such meeting. Notwithstand-\\ning all this severity, the number of quakers, as might\\nwell have been expected, increasing rather than\\ndiminishing, in October a further law was made for\\npunishing with death all quakers who should return\\ninto the jurisdiction after banishment.]:\\nIt would appear that the enactment of severe laws\\nonly heightened the enthusiasm of the advocates of\\nquakerism, especially among its female adherents.\\nEvery species of abuse and reviling of magisterial\\nauthority was practised the divine worship of the\\ncolonists was interrupted by their violent conduct\\nand even the public decency outraged by (an un-\\ndoubted fact, though almost incredible) the appea-\\nrance of females entirely destitute of clothing in the\\nstreets and in their religious assemblies.il It is even\\nsaid that a quaker, of the name of Faubord, of Grin-\\ndleton, was detected in the act of sacrificing his son,\\nthe following epithets, which were applied, he says, to Dr. Owen, and\\nother worthy men: Thou fiery fighter and green-headed trumpeter;\\nthou hedgehog and grinning dog thou bastard, that tumbled out\\nof the mouth of the Babylonish bawd; thou mole; thou tinker;\\nthou lizard thou bell of no metal, but the tone of a kettle thou\\nwheelbarrow; thou whirlpool thou whirlegig O thou firebrand\\nthou adder and scorpion thou louse thou cow-dung; thou moon-\\ncalf; Ihou ragged tatterdemalion thou Judas; thou livest in phi-\\nlosophy and logic, which are of the devil. Mather s Magnalia,\\nb. vii. p. 26.\\nII One of the sect apologizing for this behaviour said, If the\\nLord did stir up any of his daughters to be a sign of the naked-\\nness of others, he believed it to be a great cross to a modes\\nwoman s spirit, but the Lord must be obeyed. Hutchiuson,\\np. 304.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "62\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nas an imitation of the example of Abraham.* Not-\\nwithstanding the recently enacted law, rendering\\nevery qiiak( r who returned after banishment liable\\nto the punishment of death, there were several who\\nbraved the awful penalty. Robinson, Stephenson,\\nand Dyer, were brought to trial, and for their rebel-\\nlion, sedition, and presumptuous obtruding themselves\\nafter banishment upon pain of death, were sentenced\\nto die the two first were executed the 27th of Octo-\\nber. t Dyer, upon the petition of William Dyer, her\\nson, was reprieved, on condition that she departed\\nthe jurisdiction in forty-eight hours, and if she\\nreturned to suffer the sentence. She was carried to\\nthe gallows, and stood with a rope about her neck\\nuntil the others were executed. She was so infatu-\\nated as afterwards to return, and was executed June\\n1, 16G0.\\nThe court evidently appears to have felt some\\ncompunction after these deeds of blood. Honourable\\nrepentance is but rarely deemed consistent with the\\ndignity of a public body it was resolved, therefore,\\nto put forth a vindication and as it is an official\\ndocument, wliich places the fact of the execution of\\npersons for their religious tenets, or their propagation\\nof them, at least, by the New England puritans,\\nbeyond doubt to the most skeptical, we have given\\nihe document at length.! These executions, how-\\never, notwithstanding their vindication, excited con-\\nHutchinson, p. 204.\\nt Mr. Winthrop, the governor of Connecticut, laboured to pre-\\nvent their execution, and Colonel Temple went to the court and\\ntold tliem, that if, accordins; to their declaration, they desired their\\nlives absent, rather than their deaths present, he would carry them\\naway, and provide for them at his own charge and if any of them\\nshould return, he would fetch them away again. This motion\\nwas well liked by all the magistrates, except two or three, and they\\nproposed it to the deputies the next day, but those two or three ma-\\ngistrates, with the deputies, prevailed to have execution done.\\nHutchinson, p. 200.\\nt A Declaration of the General Court of MassaJiuselts, holden\\nat Boston, October IS, 1659, and printed by their Order.\\nEdward Rawkow, Secretary.\\nAlthough the justice of our proceedings against William Ro-\\nbinson, Marinaduke Stevenson, and Mary Dyer, supported by the\\nauthority of this court, the laws of the country, and the law of\\nGod, may rather persuade us to expect encouragement and com-\\nmendation from all prudent and pious men, than convince us of\\nany necessity to apologize for the same yet, forasmuch as men\\nof weaker parts, out of pity and cominiseration, (a commendable\\nand christian virtue, yet easily abused, and susceptible of sinister\\nand dangerous impressions,) for want of full informalion, may be\\nless satisfied, and men of perverser principles may lake occasion\\nhereby to caluiri,niate us and render us as bloody persecutors to\\nsaiLsly the one and stop the mouths of the other, we thought it re-\\nquisite to declare. That, about three years since, divers persons,\\nprofessing themselves quakers, (of whose pernicious opinions and\\npractices we had received intelligence from good hands, both from\\nBarbados and England,) arrived at Boston, whose persons were\\nonly secured to be sent away by the first op|iortunity, without cen-\\nsure or punishment, although their professed tenets, turbuleni and\\ncontemptuous behaviour to authority, would have justified a severer\\naniinad version, yet the prudenee of this court was exercised only\\nsiderable clamour against the government many\\npersons were oifended by the exhibition of severities,\\nagainst which the very existence of the colony seem-\\ned designed to be a perpetual testimony and many\\nwere touched with a compassion for the suflerinss of\\nthe quakers, that effaced all recollection of the dis-\\ngust that their principles had heretofore inspired.\\nThe people began to flock in crowds to the prisons,\\nand load the unfortunate quakers with demonstrations\\nof kindness and pity. At length tlie rising senti-\\nments of humanity and justice attained such general\\nand forcible prevalence, as to overpower all opposition.\\nOn the trial of Leddra, the last of the sufferers,\\nanother quaker named Wenlock Christison, who had\\nbeen banished upon pain of death, came boldly into\\ncourt with his hat on, and reproached the magis-\\ntrates for shedding innocent blood. He was taken\\ninto custody, and soon after put upon his trial.\\nWhen sentence of death was pronounced upon him,\\nhe desired his judges to consider what they had\\ngained by their cruel proceedings against the qua-\\nkers. For the last man that was put to death,\\nsaid he, here are five come in his room; and if\\nyou have power to take my life from me, God can\\nraise up the same principle of life in ten of his\\nservants, and send them among you in my room,\\nthat you may have torment upon torment. The\\nlaw now plainly appeared to be unsupported by\\nin making provision to secure the peace and order here established\\nagainst their attempts, whose design (we were well assured of by\\nour own experience, as well as by the example of their predeces-\\nsors in Mnnster) was to tmdermine and ruin the same. And, ac-\\ncordingly, a law was made and published, prohibiting all masters of\\nships to bring any quakers into this jurisdiction, and themselves\\nfrom coming in, on penalty of the house of correction till they\\ncould be sent away. Notwithstanding which, by aback door, Ihey\\nfound entrance, and the penalty inflicted upon themselves proving\\ninsufficient to restrain their impudent and insolent obtrusions, was\\nincreased by the loss of the ears of those that offended the second\\ntime which also being too weak a defence against their impetuous\\nfanatic fury, necessitated us to endeavour our security and upon\\nserious consideration, after the former experiment, by their inces-\\nsant assaults, a law was made, that such persons should be banished\\non pain of death, according to the example of England in theii\\nprovision against Jesuits, which sentence being regularly pro-\\nnounced at the last court of assistants against the parties above\\nnamed, and they either returning or continuing presumptuously in\\nthis jurisdiction, after the time limited, were apprehended, and\\nowning themselves to be the persons banished, were sentenced by\\nthe court to death, according to the law aforesaid, which lialh l)ecn\\nexecuted upon two of them. Mary Dyer, upon the petition of her\\nson, and the mercy and clemency of this court, had liberty to de-\\npart within two days, which she hath accepted of. The considera-\\ntion of our gradual proceedings will vindicate us from the clamo-\\nrous accusations of severity; our own just and necessary defence\\ncalling upon us (other means failing) to offer the point which these\\npersons have violently and wilfully rushed upon, and thereby he-\\ncome felojies de se, which might have been prevented, and the sove-\\nreign law, sahis poptili, been preserved. Our former proceedings,\\nas well as the sparing of Mary Dyer upon an inconsiderable inter-\\ncession, will manifestly evince we desire their lives, absent, rather\\nthan their death, present. Hubbard, p. 572, 573.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n63\\npublic consent, and the magistrates hastened to\\ninterpose between the sentence and its execution.\\nChristison, and all the other quakers who were in\\ncustody, were forthwith released, and sent beyond\\nthe precincts of the colony and in the first year\\nafter the restoration of Charles II., even this degree\\nof persecution was suspended, by a letter from the\\nking to Mr. Endicot, and the other governors of the\\nNew England settlements.\\nWe have already strongly expressed our opinion\\non the persecuting principles manifested by this\\ncolony we shall now only repeat our deep regret,\\nthat those who professed to abhor the principles of a\\nLaud or a Bonner, should have so nearly copied their\\ncriminal example. It must be admitted, however,\\nas Dr. Dwight observes, that there is no nation which\\ncan cast the first stone at New England. All sects\\nhave been persecutors in turn if, indeed, we may\\nnot except, to their honour, the quakers and the\\nbaptists.*\\nIn the year 1660, Generals Whalley and GofTe,\\ntwo of the judges who tried king Charles I., arrived\\nat Boston. Having left London before the king was\\nproclaimed, they did not conceal their persons or\\ncharacters. They immediately visited Governor En-\\ndicot, who gave them a courteous reception but,\\nchoosing a situation less public than Boston, they\\nwent, on the day of their arrival, to Cambridge. By\\nthe act of indemnity, which was brought over in\\nNovember, it appeared that Whalley and Goffe were\\nexcepted from those to whom pardon was oflered\\nand they soon after went to New Haven, where they\\nremained in concealment.\\nThe following year, the king appointed the great\\nofficers of state a committee, touching the settlement\\nof New England. Complaints being made to the\\nking against Massachusetts, he commanded the go-\\nvernor and council to send persons to England to\\nanswer these various accusations. The governor,\\non receiving intelligence of the transactions that\\nwere taking place in England to the prejudice of the\\ncolony, judged it inexpedient longer to delay the\\nsolemnity of proclaiming Charles II. Calling the\\ncourt together, a form of proclamation was agreed to,\\nand Charles was acknowledged to be their sovereign\\nlord and king, and proclaimed to be lawful king of\\nGreat Britain, France, and Ireland, and all other\\nterritories thereto belonging. On receiving intelli-\\ngence of farther complaints against the colony of\\nMassachusetts, the court appointed Simon Bradstreet,\\none of the magistrates, and John Norton, one of the\\nIt has been said that these sects were never in power Rhode\\n[stand and Pennsylvania, however, contradict this assertion.\\n9\\nministers of Boston, as agents for the colony, and\\nsent an address by them to the king, which met with\\na gracious reception. The colony received a lettei\\nfrom Charles II., confirming and offering to renew its\\ncharter, tendering pardon to all his subjects, for all\\noffences, excepting such as stood attainted, but requi-\\nring the following conditions :-^That all laws made\\nin the late troubles, derogatory to the royal authority\\nand government, should be repealed that the rules\\nof the charter for administering- the oath of allesri-\\nance be observed that the administration of justice\\nbe in the king s name and charging the govern-\\nment, that freedom and liberty of conscience, in the\\nuse of the Book of Common Prayer, be allowed and\\nthat all persons of good and honest lives and conver-\\nsations be admitted to the sacrament of the Lord s\\nsupper according to it, with an exception to any\\nindulgence to quakers. The letter also enjoined,\\nthat there should be impartiality in the election of\\nthe governor and of magistrates, without any regard\\nto any faction, with respect to their opinion or pro-\\nfession that ail freeholders of competent estates, not\\nvicious in their lives, and orthodox in religion, though\\nof different persuasions concerning church govern-\\nment, should be admitted to vote.\\nThe colonists had, from their first settlement,\\nentertained such an opinion of the nature and\\nextent of their allegiance and obligations to the\\ncrown of England, as did not tend to insure a prompt\\ncompliance with all these conditions. Believing\\nthey were subject to the king, and dependent on his\\nauthority, only according to their charter, which\\nsome of the requisitions might be thought to infringe,\\ntheir compliance was slow and occasional, as pru-\\ndence would admit, or necessity impel them. The\\nanswer of the general court to his majesty s letter is\\ncharacteristic of the colony. After a respectful intro-\\nduction, they say, For the repealing of all laws\\nhere established since the late changes, contrary and\\nderogatory to his majesty s authority and govern-\\nment, we, having considered thereof, are not con-\\nscious to any of that tendency concerning the oath\\nof allegiance, we are ready to attend it as formerly,\\naccording to the charter concerning liberty to use\\nthe Common Prayer Book, none as yet among us\\nhave appeared to desire it touching administration\\nof the sacraments, this matter hath been under consi-\\nderation of a synod, orderly called, the result whereof\\nour last general court commended to the several\\ncongregations, and we hope will have a tendency to\\ngeneral satisfaction.\\nt Danforth Papers, in 2 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. vol. viii. p. 48,\\nHolmes s American Annals, vol. i. 322.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "G4\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThe New England colonies had certainly evinced\\na republican tendency it was not to be expected,\\ntherefore, that they should be favoured in the com-\\nmercial arrangements with the mother country\\nindeed, the interests of the latter were generally made\\nan object of preference by the British legislature. In\\n1663 it was enacted, that no European commodity\\nshould be imported into the colonies, unless shipped\\ndirectly from England, and in British vessels. By\\nthis regulation, in connexion with others that had\\nbeen previously made, all the trade of the colonies\\nwas secured to Great Britain. They submitted\\nreluctantly to these restrictions, and often made\\nthem the subject of complaint but the English\\ngovernment pertinaciously declined to repeal them.\\nDuring the year 1664, the king despatched four\\ncommissioners to visit the several colonies of New\\nEngland, to examine into their condition, to hear\\nand decide complaints, and to make him a report of\\ntheir proceedings and observations. This measure\\nappeared dictated by no friendly feeling, and was\\nconsidered by most of the colonists as a violation of\\ntheir charters. The first session of the commission-\\ners was at Plymouth, where but little business was\\ntransacted the next in Rhode Island, where they\\nheard complaints from the Indians, and all who were\\ndiscontented, and made divers determinations re-\\nspecting titles to land, which were but little regarded.\\nIn Massachusetts, the general court complied with\\nsuch of their requisitions as they thought proper\\nbut, professing sincere loyalty to his majesty, declined\\nacknowledging their authority, and protested against\\nthe exercise of it within their limits. In conse-\\nquence of this assertion of their rights, an angry\\ncorrespondence took place between them, at the\\nclose of which the commissioners informed the gene-\\nral court, that they would lose no more of their\\nlabours upon them, but would represent their con-\\nduct to his majesty. From Boston, the commission-\\ners proceeded to New Hampshire, where they exer-\\ncised several acts of government, and offered to\\nrelease the inhabitants from the jurisdiction of Massa-\\nchusetts. This offer was almost unanimously reject-\\ned. In Maine, they excited more disturbance. They\\nencouraged the people to declare themselves inde-\\npendent, and found many disposed to listen to their\\nsuggestions but Massachusetts, by a prompt and\\nvigorous exertion of power, constrained the disaffected\\nto submit to her authority.\\nAt the termination of the first half century from\\nthe arrival of the emigrants at Plymouth, the New\\nEngland colonies were calculated to contain one\\nhundred and twenty towns, and as many thousand\\ninhabitants, of whom sixteen thousand were capable\\nof bearing arms. The habits of industry and econo-\\nmy, which had been formed in less happy times,\\ncontinued to prevail, and gave a competency to those\\nwho had nothing, and wealth to those who had a\\ncompetency. The wilderness receded before these\\nhardy and persevering labourers, and its savage\\ninhabitants found their game dispersed, and their\\nfavourite haunts invaded. This was the natural\\nconsequence of the sales of land, which they were at\\nall times ready to make to the whites. But this\\nresult the Indians did not foresee and when they\\nfelt it in all its force, the strongest passions were\\nawakened which could animate the savage breast.\\nA leader only was wanting to concentrate and direct\\ntheir exertions, and Philip, of Pokanoket, sachem of\\na tribe residing within the boundaries of Plymouth\\nand Rhode Island, assumed that station. His father\\nwas the friend, but he had ever been the enemy of\\nthe whites and he exerted all the arts of intrigue,\\nof which he was master, to induce the Indians, in all\\nparts of New England, to unite their efforts for their\\ndestruction. He succeeded in forming a confede-\\nracy, able to send into action more than three thou-\\nsand warriors.\\nThe English were apprised of the plots of the\\nIndians, and made preparations to meet their hostili-\\nties. They hoped, however, that the threatened\\nstorm would pass by, as others had, and that peace\\nwould be preserved. But the insolence of Philip,\\nand the number of his adherents, increased daily\\nand, in June, 1675, some of them entered the town of\\nSwanzey, in Plymouth, where, after slaughtering the\\ncattle, and plundering the houses, they fired upon\\nthe inhabitants, killing and wounding several. The\\ntroops of the colony marched immediately to Swan-\\nzey, and were soon joined by a detachment from\\nMassachusetts. The Indians fled, and marked the\\ncourse of their flight by burning the buildings, and\\nfixing on poles by the way side, the hands, scalps,\\nand heads of the whites, whom they had killed.\\nThe troops pursued, but unable to overtake them,\\nreturned to Swanzey. The whole country was\\nalarmed, and the number of troops augmented. By\\nthis array of force, Philip was induced to quit his\\nresidence at Mount Hope, and take post near a\\nswamp at Pocasset. At that place the English\\nattacked him, but were repulsed. Sixteen were\\nkilled, and the Indians by this success were made\\nbolder.\\nMost of the settlements were surrounded by thick\\nforests, and as the Indians lived intermixed with the\\nwhites, the former were acquainted, of course, with", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n65\\nthe dwellings of the latter, and all the avenues to\\nthem could watch their motions, and fall upon them\\nin their defenceless and unguarded moments. Many-\\nwere shot dead as tliey opened their doors in the\\nmorning many while at work in their fields, and\\nothers while travelling to visit their neighbours, or\\nto places of worship their lives were in continual\\njeopardy and no one could tell but that, in the next\\nmoment, he should receive his death shot from his\\nbarn, the thiclcet, or the way side. Whenever the\\nenemy assembled in force, detachments were sent\\nagainst them if weaker than these, they would\\nretreat if stronger, assault and harass, or destroy\\nthem. Defenceless villages were suddenly attacked,\\nthe houses burned, and the men, women and children\\nkilled or carried into captivity. Their ruin was the\\nwork of a moment and when accomplished, its\\nauthors vanished. The colonists found their num-\\nbers sensibly diminished, and their strength impaired;\\nand they began to apprehend even total e.Ktinction.\\nNothing but a vigorous effort could save them. The\\ncommissioners of the three United Colonies met on\\nthe 9th of September, and it was concluded, that the\\nwar was just and necessary that it ought to be\\njointly prosecuted by all the United Colonies and\\nthat there should be immediately raised 1000 soldiers\\nout of the colonies, in such proportions as the articles\\nof confederation established Massachusets, 527\\nPlymouth, 158 Connecticut, 315. At an adjourned\\nmeeting, the commissioners declared the Narragan-\\nsets to be deeply accessory in the present bloody\\noutrages of the Indians that were at open war, and\\ndetermined that 1000 more soldiers be raised, for the\\nNarraganset expedition, to obtain satisfaction of those\\nIndians, or to treat them as enemies. On the 8th\\nof December, the Massachusetts forces marched from\\nBoston, and were soon joined by those of Plymouth.\\nThe troops from Connecticut joined them on the\\n18th, at Petaquamseot. At break of day the next\\nmorning they commenced their marcii, through a\\ndeep snow, toward the enemy, who were about\\nfifteen miles distant in a swamp, at the edge of\\nwhich they arrived at one in the afternoon. The\\nIndians, apprized of an armament intended against\\nthem, had fortified themselves as strongly as possible\\nwithin the swamp. The English, without waiting\\nto draw up m order of battle, marched forward in\\nquest of the enemy s camp. The Indian fortress\\nstood on a rising ground in the midst of the swamp,\\nand was composed of palisades, which were encom-\\nThe assurance of the equity of our ancestors, says the compi-\\ner of the American Annals, in giving the natives an equivalent for\\ntheir lands, is highly consoling. The upright and respected Governor\\npassed by a hedge, nearly a rod thick. It had but\\none practicable entrance, which was over a log, or\\ntree, four or five feet from the ground and that\\naperture was guarded by a block-house. Falling\\nprovidentially on this very part of the fort, the\\nEnglish captains entered it, at the head of their com-\\npanies. The two first, with many of their men,\\nwere shot dead at the entrance four other captains\\nwere also killed. When the troops had effected an\\nentrance, they attacked the Indians, who fought\\ndesperately, and compelled the English to retire out\\nof the fort but after a hard fought battle of three\\nhours, they became masters of the place, and set fire\\nto the wigwams, to the number of five or six hundred,\\nand in the conflagration many Indian women and\\nchildren perished. The surviving Indians fled into\\na cedar swamp, at a small distance and the English\\nretired to their quarters. Of the English, there were\\nkilled and wounded about two hundred and thirty\\nof the Indians, one thousand are supposed to have\\nperished.\\nFrom this blow, the confederated Indians never\\nrecovered but they still remained sufficiently strong\\nto harass the settlements by continual inroads. In\\nretaliation, the English sent several detachments\\ninto their territories, nearly all of which were suc-\\ncessful. Captain Church, of Plymouth, and Captain\\nDennison, of Connecticut, were conspicuous for their\\nbravery and success. In the midst of these reverses,\\nPhilip remained firm and unshaken. His warriors\\nwere cut off; his chief men, his wife and family,\\nwere Jcilled, or taken prisoners and at these suc-\\ncessive misfortunes, he is represented to have wept\\nwith a bitterness which proves him not to have\\nbeen destitute of the noblest affections but he dis-\\ndained to listen to any offers of peace. He even\\nshot one of his men, who proposed submission. At\\nlength, after being hunted from swamp to swamp,\\nhe was himself shot, by the brother of the Indian he\\nhad killed. The death of Philip, in retrospect, makes\\ndifferent impressions from those which were made\\nat the time of the event. It was then considered as\\nthe extinction of a virulent and implacable enemy\\nit is now viewed as the fall of a great warrior, a\\npenetrating statesman, and a mighty prince it then\\nexcited universal joy and congratulation, as a pre-\\nlude to the close of a merciless war it now awa-\\nkens sober reflections on the instability of empire,\\nand the peculiar destiny of the aboriginal race.\\nThis event was certainly the signal of complete\\nWinslow, in a letter dated at Marshfield, May 1, 1676, observes,\\nI think I can clearly say, that before these present troubles broke\\nout the English did not possess one foot of land in this colony, but", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "dG\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nvictory. The Indians in all the neighbouring coun-\\ntry now generally submitted to the English, or\\nfled, and incorporated tliemselves with distant and\\nstrange nations. Never was peace more welcome.\\nIn this short, but tremendous war, about six hundred\\nof the inhabitants of New England, composing its\\nprincipal strength, were either killed in battle, or\\nmurdered by the enemy twelve or thirteen towns\\nwere entirely destroyed and about six hundred\\nbuildings, chiefly dwelling houses, were burnt. In\\naddition to these calamities, the colonies contracted\\na very heavy debt while, by the loss of their sub-\\nstance through the ravages of the enemy, their\\nresources were greatly diminished. But, in their\\ndeepest distress, they forbore to apply to the nrother\\ncountry for assistance and this omission excited\\nsurprise and jealousy. You act, said a privy\\ncouncillor, as though you were independent of our\\nmaster s crown and though poor, yet you are\\nproud.\\nThe New England colonies, m their impoverished\\nstate, were destined to a new scene of trouble. Com-\\nplaints were brought against them the preceding year,\\nby the merchants and manufacturers of England,\\nfor their disregard to the acts of navigation.* The\\ngovernors of these colonies were therefore com-\\nmanded to enforce a strict obedience to the commer-\\ncial regulations. Commissions were transmitted,\\nempowering proper persons to administer an oath,\\nframed to secure a strict observance of those laws.t\\nThese laws being enacted by a parliament in which\\nthe colonies were not represented, they were regarded\\nas violations of their rights, and continued to be\\nevaded with impunity. Edward Randolph was\\ntherefore sent over, commissioned as inspector of the\\ncustoms in New England. He was also the bearer\\nof a letter from the king, requiring that agents should\\nbe sent to the court of London, fully empowered to\\nact for the colonies. It was well understood to be\\nthe intention of the king to procure from the agents\\na surrender of the charters, or to annul them by a\\nsuit in his courts, that he might himself place ofiicers\\nover the colonies, who would be subservient to his\\nwhat was fairly obtained by honest purchase of the Indian proprie-\\ntors. We first made a law, that none should purchase or receive\\nof ift any land of the Indians, without the knowledge and allow-\\nance of onr court. And lest they should be straitened, we ordered\\ntliat Mount Hope, Pocasset, and several other necks of the best\\nland in the colony, because most suitable and convenient for them,\\nshould never be bought out of their hands. See Hubbard s Nar-\\nrative, (where this important letter is inserted entire,) and Hazard,\\nColl. ii. p. 531\u00e2\u0080\u0094534.\\nTlie complainants stated, that the inhabitants of New Eng-\\nland not only traded to most parts of Europe, but encouraged fo-\\nreigners to go and traffic with them that they supplied the other\\nplantations with those foreign productions which ought only to be\\nviews. The inhabitants of Massachusetts felt that\\nto be deprived of their charter, which secured to\\nthem the right of self-government, would be the great-\\nest of calamities and their agents were instructed\\nin no emergency to surrender it. This being known\\nto the king, a prosecution was instituted against the\\ncorporation, and, in 1684, a subservient court of\\nchancery decreed that the charter should be forfeited\\nand their liberties were seized into the king s hands.\\nThus fell the old charter of this ancient colony\\nunder which the colonists, during fifty-five years,\\nhad enjoyed liberty and prosperity not without\\nencountering frequent aggressions to preserve the\\none, and incessant difliculties to attain the other.\\nBut, though the charter was gone, the spirit which\\nit had cherished, and the habits -which it had formed,\\nwere retained. Who would then have deemed it\\ncredible, that, within a century, its independence\\nwould be acknowledged by the parent state\\nThe impediments to the royal will being thus\\nremoved, James established a temporary government\\nover the colony, first appointing Joseph Dudley\\ngovernor, but he was soon superseded by Sir Edmund\\nAndros. This latter appointment caused the most\\ngloomy forebodings. Sir Edmund had been governor\\nof New York, and it was known that his conduct\\nthere had been arbitrary and tyrannical. Having\\nsecured a majority in the council, he assumed con-\\ntrol over the press, appointing Randolph licenser.\\nHe established new and oppressive regulations con-\\ncerning taxes, public worship, marriages, and the\\nsettlement of estates. His subordinate officers, as\\nwell as himself, extorted enormous fees for their servi-\\nces. He declared, that the charter being cancelled,\\nthe old titles to land were of no validity, and com-\\npelled the inhabitants, in order to avoid suits before\\njudges dependent on his will, to take out new patents^\\nfor which large sums were demanded.\\nHappily, this despotic rule was not of long dura-\\ntion. In the beginning of 1689, a rumour reached\\nBoston, that William, prince of Orange, had invaded\\nEngland, with the intention of dethroning the king.\\nAnimated by the hope of deliverance, the people\\nsent to England; that, having thus made New England the great sta-\\nple of the colonies, the navigation of the kingdom was greatly pre-\\njudiced, the national revenues were impaired, the people were ex-\\ntremely impoverished that such abuses, at the same time that\\nthey will entirely destroy the trade of England, will leave no sort\\nof dependence from that country to this. Holmes s American An-\\nnals, vol. i. p. 384, 385.\\nt To add weight to these measures, it was determined, that\\nno Mediterranean passes should be granted to New England, to\\nprotect its vessels against the Turks, till it is seen what dependence\\nit will acknowledge on his majesty, or whether his custom-house\\nofficers are received as in other colonies. Holmes s American\\nAnnals, vol. i. p. 385. Chalmers, b. i. p. 400\u00e2\u0080\u0094402.\\n1", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n67\\nrushed spontaneously to arms, took possession of the\\nfort, seized Andros, Randolph, and other obnoxious\\npersons, and placed them in confinement. A council\\nof safety, consisting; of their former magistrates, was\\nthen orsranized, to administer the cjovernment until\\nauthentic intelligence should be received from Eng-\\nland. It was not many weeks before the tidings\\nthat William and Mary were firmly seated on the\\nthrone arrived. This news was most joyfully recei-\\nved. The people were now relieved from anxiety\\nas to the consequences of their late conduct, which\\nmust be allowed to have been more signalized by\\nenthusiastic zeal, than by a calculating ])rudence.\\nThe proclamation of the accession of William and\\nMary was celebrated at Boston with greater cere-\\nmony than any previous event the governor and\\ncouncil, civil and military officers, the merchants\\nand principal gentlemen of the town and country,\\nmounted on horseback, formed a grand procession\\na splendid entertainment was provided in the town-\\nhall and the soldiers were supplied with wine, in\\nwhich to pledge their fidelity to their new sovereign.\\nThe people of Massachusetts now applied to the\\nBritish government for the restoration of their old,\\nor the grant of a new charter. A definitive answer\\nwas deferred, but the council was authorized to\\nadminister the government according to the pro-\\nvisions of the old charter, until fiirther directions\\nshould be given and Andros, Randolph, and others,\\nwere ordered home for trial.\\nIn this unsettled state of the country, the French\\nin Canada and Nova Scotia instigated the northern\\nand eastern Indians to commence hostilities against\\nthe English settlements. Dover and Salmon Falls,\\nin New Hampshire, Casco, in Maine, and Schenectady,\\nin New York, were attacked by different parties of\\nFrench and Indians, and the most shocking barba-\\nrities perpetrated on the inhabitants. The Indians\\nhaving taken the fort at Pemaqnid, and the French\\nprivateers from Acadie still infesting the coast of\\nNew England, the general court of Massachusetts\\ndetermined to make an attempt on Port Royal. A\\nfleet, with seven or eight hundred men, under the\\ncommand of Sir William Phipps, sailed on that expe-\\ndition in the latter end of April. The fort at Port\\nRoyal, not being in a state to sustain a siege, surren-\\ndered, with little or no resistance; and Sir William\\ntook possession of the whole sea coast, from Port\\nRoyal to the New England settlements.\\nRegarding Canada as the principal source of their\\nmiseries. New England and New York formed the\\nbold project of reducing it to subjection. By great\\nexertion they raised an army, which, under the com-\\nmand of General Winthrop, was sent against Mont-\\nreal, and equipped a fleet, which, commanded by\\nSir William Phipps, was destined to attack Quebec.\\nThe fleet, retarded by unavoidable accidents, did not\\narrive before Quebec until the fifth of October.\\nPhipps, the next morning, sent a summons on shore,\\nbut received an insolent answer from Count Fronte-\\nnac. The next day he attempted to land his troops,\\nbut was prevented by the violence of the wind. On\\nthe 8th, all the effective men, amounting to between\\ntwelve and thirteen hundred, landed at the Isle of\\nOrleans, four miles below the town, and were fired\\non from the woods by French and Indians. Having\\nremained on shore three days, they received informa-\\ntion from a deserter of the strength of the place, and\\nprecipitately embarked. A tempest soon after dis-\\npersed the fleet, which made the best of its way back\\nto Boston. A successful result had been so confi-\\ndently expected, that adequate provision was not\\nmade at home for the payment of the troops. In\\nthis extremity, the government of Massachusetts\\nissued bills of credit, or paper money and these\\nwere the first that were ever issued in the American\\ncolonies but though it afforded relief at the moment,\\nit produced in its consequences extensive and com-\\nplicated mischief\\nWhen the colonists resumed their charter in 1689,\\nthey earnestly solicited its re-establishment, with the\\naddition of some necessary powers but the king\\ncould not be prevailed on to consent to that mea-\\nsure, and a new charter was obtained. Sir William\\nPhipps arrived at Boston in May, with this char-\\nter, and a commission, constituting him governor.\\nThe province comprehended in the new charter,\\ncontained the whole of the old Massachusetts colo-\\nny, to which were added the colony of Plymouth,\\nthe province of Maine, the province of Nova Sco-\\ntia, and all the country between the province of\\nMaine and Nova Scotia, as far northward as the\\nriver St. Lawrence, also Elizabeth islands, and the\\nIslands of Nantucket and Martha s Vineyard. Under\\nthe old charter, all the magistrates and officers of\\nstate were chosen annually by the general assembly\\nby the new charter, the appointment of the governor,\\nlieutenant governor, secretary, and all the oflicers of\\nthe admiralty, was vested in the crown. Under the\\nold charter, the governor had little more share in the\\nadministration than any one of the assistants he had\\nthe power of calling the general court, but he could\\nnot adjourn, prorogue, or dissolve it. Under the\\nnew charter, there was to be an annual meeting of\\nthe general court on the last Wednesday in May\\nbut the governor might discretionally call an assem-", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "68\\nHISTORY OF THE UMTi^U .STATES.\\nbly at any other time, and adjourn, prorogue, and\\ndissolve it at pleasure, while no act of government\\nwas to be valid without his consent. He had also\\nthe sole appointment of all military officers, and of\\nall officers belonging to tire courts of justice and no\\nmoney could issue out of the treasury but by his\\nwarrant, with the advice and consent of the council.\\nThe new charter contained nothing respecting an\\necclesiastical constitution but, with the exception of\\npapists, liberty of conscience, which was not mentioned\\nin the first charter, was now expressly granted to all.\\nThe new government went into operation without\\nany opposition from the inhabitants and almost the\\nfirst act of Sir William Phipps and his council, was\\nthe institution of a court to try the unfortunate vic-\\ntims of popular delusion, accused of witchcraft, at\\nSalem. A belief in the direct and sensible agency\\nof supernatural beings has universally prevailed in\\nages of ignorance and superstition. It formed the\\nlife of the pagan mythology and it has not been\\nMurray, Vol. i. p. 294.\\nt From the mountains of Scotland, or from an indigenous\\ngrowth of superstition, witchcraft had, in England, gained such an\\nalarming height, as it was called, that a statute was passed against\\nthe crime in the thirty-third year of the reign of Henry VIII.,\\nmaking it felony, without the benefit of clergy. Many miserable\\nwretches suffered death under this law, but the evil was not dimi-\\nnished by severity. In the reign of Elizabeth, a reverend prelate.\\nBishop Jewell, loudly descanted before her upon the prevalence of\\nthe crime, and attempted, by his harangue, to awalien the fears\\nof the queen but she thought she knew as much as any oki wo-\\nman in her realms. This sermon was preached in 1558. In 1584,\\nReginald Scot, a bold writer, in the strong spirit of common sense,\\nin his treatise on the Discoverie of Witchcraft, made a comjilelc\\ndetection of the virclchcd fallacy. This work, say the historians,\\nhad a good effect for a while, but King James, in 1597, wrote his\\nwork on Demonologie, and the royal dupe to superstition had\\nthe most readers, and the good effects of Scot s w-ork were, in a\\ngreat measure, lost. Persecutions still went on, and the old and\\nignorant perished by the infatuation in great numbers. Our an-\\ncestors, though a quiet .and a religious people, brought with them\\nall the prejudices of their kindred, as well as their own. Amongst\\nthese prejudices was that of a full belief in witchcraft, and as soon\\nas they began to make laws of a permanent nature for offences,\\nthis crime was considered as capital, and enumerated the next after\\ntreason and murder in the records of the Old Colony, dated at New\\nPlymouth, November 15, 1636. The language of the law, in\\ndefining the crime, is, Solemne compaction, or conversing with the\\ndivell, by viay of witchcraft, conjuration, or the like. But on a care-\\nful examination of all llie Old Colony records, not a single indict-\\nment was found until the month of March, 1676, when Mary Ing-\\nham, wife of Thomas Ingham, of the town of Scituate, was indicted\\nfor bewitching Mehitable Woodworth, daughter of Walter Wood-\\nworth, of the same place. The woman was not convicted, and no\\nother case occurred unlil the union under the charter of William\\nand Mary. In other parts of the present Commonwealth there\\nwere several trials, and some convictions. In Charlestown, in\\n1648, Margaret Jones was tried for a witch and executed. She\\nwas the first executed in New England.\\nIn 1651, Mary Parsons, of Springfield, was tried for witchcraft\\nand murder. She was acquitted of the former, but found guilty of\\nthe latter crime. The next May, her husband, Hugh Parsons,\\nwas tried for witchcraft, and acquitted but in three years afler-\\nvfards, 1655, Mrs. Hibbons, wife of an assistant to the Governor,\\nwas tried, convicted, and executed as a witch. Her death was\\nwholly effaced among the less enlightened professors\\nof Christianity, especially amid those superstitious\\nforms which defaced it during the dark ages. Even\\nthe first reformers, who displayed sucli vigour and\\nindependence of mind, and brought to light so many\\nimportant truths, could not wholly shake ofl the\\ndelusions of the age. Luther s enemies are able to\\nproduce from his writings some comments of this\\nnature, which appear almost incredible. The New\\nEnglanders brought with them this belief, still in a\\nvery prevailing state and all the circumstances oi\\ntheir situation tended to stamp on their minds solemn\\nand supernatural impressions. Mather, after Hale,\\ndefines a witch to be a person who, having the free\\nuse of reason, doth knowingly and willingly seek\\nand obtain of the devil, or of any other besides the\\ntrue God, an ability to do or know strange things,\\nor things which he cannot by his own human abili-\\nties arrive unto. This person is a witch.\\nThe first trials for witchcraft in New Ensrland* occur-\\ndeeply felt, as most persons considered her a woman of fine intel-\\nlect and good character. This execution checked the infatuation\\nfor several years in the Commonwealth. Connecticut was the\\nnext in which it was found. It broke out there in 1662-71-73-83,\\nand made no small disturbance some were executed and some\\nescaped. In 1679, it again appeared in Massachusetts, at New-\\nbury but nothing serious followed. In 1687, and the next year,\\nthe cry of witchcraft was again heard in Boston. The four child-\\nren of John Goodwin were declared to be afflicted by an old Irish\\nwoman, who was tried and executed. This last case was four\\nyears before the delusion reached Salem, and it is impossible for\\nus to tell why that good town should bear the whole obloquy of the\\nNew England witchcraft, when she only followed the example of\\nBoston, after it had been before her for thirty years.\\nIn most histories of delusions, the lower classes become frantic,\\nand overwhelm the still sma voice of the wise but it was not so\\nhere. It began in respectable families, but the good sense of the\\ncommonalty would have soon put it down, if divines, magistrates,\\nand statesmen, had not aided the delusion by arguments from scrip-\\nture, from the opinion of English judges, and from the learned\\nnonsense of the doctors of universities. Phipps, Sloughton, Ma-\\nther, Hawthorn, and Norris, pursued witches as though they had\\nbeen possessed by some evil spirits at war with the former and\\nafter all their efforts, jurymen often stood out and took the respon-\\nsibility of an acquittal upon their own consciences, and when forced\\nby authority to convict some poor wretch, repented of it, and threw\\nthe blame on the judges. One of the judges of that day had good\\nsense enough to see the folly and wickedness of the course pursued,\\nand after a struggle to stem the current, but in vain, relreated from\\nthe scene of iniquity. This man was Judge Saltonstall, of Haver-\\nhill. He deservo: a monument more durable than brass, it will\\nhereafter be erected.\\nThe friends of common sense and humanity, at this time, found a\\npowerful advocate in Mr. Robert Calef, a merchant of Boston.\\nHe, like Reginald Scot, breasted the current of popular opinion,\\nand incurred the resentment of the Mathers. His book a perusal\\nof which is now so refreshing, was burnt in the yard of Harvard\\nCollege, by the hands of the president of that institution. Calef\\npublished his work in England, in 1700, and it has lately been repub-\\nlished in Salem.\\nIt is a subject of philosophical inquiry, at the present time, to as-\\ncertain the course of this delusion perhaps it will nev\u00c2\u00bb r be fully set-\\ntled. Our fathers, says a writer of eminence, looked upon na-\\nture with more reverence and horror before the world was enlight-\\nened by learning and philosophy and loved to astonish themselves", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n69\\nred in the year 1645, when four persons charged with\\nthis crime wore put to death in Massachusetts. For\\nmore than twenty years after, we hear but little of\\nany similar prosecutions. But, in the year 1688, a\\nwoman was executed for witchcraft at Boston, after\\nan investigation conducted with a degree of solem-\\nnity that made a deep impression on the minds of\\nthe people. The suspicions of the people thus pow-\\nerfully awakened in this direction, the charges of\\nwitchcraft began gradually to multiply, till, at length,\\nthere commenced at Salem that dreadful tragedy\\nwhich rendered New England for many months a\\nscene of bloodshed, terror, and madness, and at one\\ntime seemed to threaten the subversion of civil so-\\nciety. In February, 1692, a daughter and a niece\\nof Mr. Paris, the minister of Salem, were afflicted\\nwith disorders affecting their bodies in a maimer\\nsomewhat singular. The physicians, unable to ex-\\nplain the nature of the disease, or to effect a cure,\\npronounced them bewitched and the children, hear-\\ning of this, declared that an Indian woman who\\nlived in the house was the cause of their torments.\\nMr. Paris concurred with the physicians. Several\\nprivate fasts were kept at his house, and the gloom\\nwas increased by a solemn fast throughout the co-\\nlony. The Indian woman confessed herself guilty.\\nThe children were visited, noticed, and pitied. This\\nencouraged them to persevere, and other children,\\neither from sympathy, or the desire of similar atten-\\ntions, exhibited similar contortions. From this mo-\\nment the evil spread daily wider and wider. Several\\nfemales charged Mr. Burroughs, a clergyman, with\\nusing against them the arts of necromancy, and an\\nindictment against him was speedily drawn up. Be-\\ning brought to trial, he argued, that there neither\\nare nor ever were witches, that, having made a com-\\nwith the apprehensions of witchcraft, prodigies, charms, and en-\\nchantments. There was not a villaaje in England that had not a\\nghost in it; the church yards were all haimted every large com-\\nmon had a circle of witches belonging to it and there was\\nscarcely a shepherd to be met with that had not seen a spirit.\\nThis was not confined to England, but was in full credit in all the\\nnorthern countries.\\nThe gloomy state of New England probably facilitated the de-\\nlusion, for superstition flourishes in times of danger and dismay.\\nSome portion of the people were mourning over the loss of the\\nold charter; and others were grieving at the great expenses the\\ncolonies had incurred in their abortive attempt on the Canadas.\\nMoral causes often produce physical evils. But after all, the folly\\nof receiving what they called spiritual evidence, can never be\\natoned for. Men had indeed lost their reason. It was an evil\\nthat in time produced abundance of good. Superstition has never\\nreared its head there successfully since. American Editor.\\nThe statement afterwards given in by Deliverance Dane,\\nAbigail Baker, and four other females, affords an affecting descrip-\\ntion of the impulses which induced them to adopt this criminal\\ncourse. Joseph Ballard of Andover s wife being sick, say they,\\nhe either from limself, or the advice of others, fetched two of the\\npersons called tne afflicted persons from Salem village to Andover,\\npact with the devil, can send a devil to torment other\\npeople at a distance. This was a flight far beyond\\nthe place or age his defence was declared altogether\\nfrivolous, and sentence of death was at once pro-\\nnounced. The evil, however, instead of being\\nchecked, spread more and more. The accused were\\nmultiplied in proportion to the accusers. Children\\ndenounced their parents, and parents their children.\\nA word from those who were supposed to he afflicted,\\noccasioned tiie arrest of the devoted victim and so\\nfirinl y convinced were the magistrates that the prince\\nof darkness was in the midst of them, using human\\ninstruments to accomplish his purposes, that the\\nslightest testimony was deemed sufficient to justify a\\ncommitment for trial. The court specially instituted\\nfor this purpose held a session in June, and after-\\nwards several others by adjournment. Many were\\ntried, and received sentence of death, and twenty\\npersons were executed, one of whom was pressed to\\ndeath because he wotild not plead By a most un-\\naccountable departure from the first principles of ju-\\nrisprudence, all that confessed the crime, if imputed\\nto them, were reprieved and only those who main-\\ntained their innocence had capital punishment in-\\nflicted on them. What was still more horrible, the\\nconfessed criminals were admitted witnesses against\\nthe lives of their fellow-sufferers. By this absurd\\narrangement, those who were possessed of that high\\nintegrity, which will endure death rather than utter\\ndeliberate falsehood, fell tmder the hand of the exe-\\ncutioner, while the ignoble and dishonest preserved\\ntheir lives.* Even amidst those who had been over-\\ncome with the powerful temptation arising from the\\ndesire to escape the dreadful doom of those who per-\\nsisted in their innocence, there were some, who, on\\nmature reflection, did not hesitate to retract their\\nwhich was the cause of that dreadful calamity which befel us at\\nAndover. We were blindfolded, and our hands were laid on the\\nafflicted persons, they being in their fits, and falling into these fits\\nat our coming into their presence, and then they said that we\\nwere guilty of afflicting ihem, whereupon we were all seized as\\nprisoners by a warrant from the justice of peace, and forthwith\\ncarried to Salcm; and by reason of that sudden surprisal, we\\nknowing ourselves altogether innocent of that crime, we were all\\nexceedingly astonished, and amazed, and consternated, and af-\\nfrighted out of our reason and our ilearcst relations seeing us in\\nthat dreadful condition, and knowing our great danger, they, out\\nof tender love and pity, persuaded us to confess what we did con-\\nfess and, indeed, that confession was no other than what was sug-\\ngested to us by some gentlemen, they telling us that we were witches,\\nand they knew it, and we k-new ii, and they knew that we knew it,\\nwhich made us think that we were so, and our understanding, and\\nour reason, and our faculties being almost gone, we were not ca-\\npable of judging of our condition as also the hard measures they\\nused with us rendered us incapable of making any defence, but\\nwe said any thing and every thing they desired, and most of what\\nwe said was, in fact, but a consenting to what they said. IN eale,\\nvol. li. p. 160\u00e2\u0080\u0094162", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "70\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nforced confessions, though death looked them full in\\nthe face. Samuel Wardmel was the first who ven-\\ntured to act so noble a part and he was immediately\\nput on his trial, condemned, and executed Others\\nwere not prevented, however, from following this\\nmost meritorious example and this conduct shook\\nthe faith of many, and threw discredit on the nume-\\nrous confessions which had continually occurred.*\\nThe defenders of the faith in witchcraft, when\\nsummoned by their opponents to produce a confes-\\nsion free from just grounds of suspicion, felt them-\\nselves in a very difficult predicament, as all the con-\\nfessions must lie under the imputation of being given\\nto insure the important purpose of saving their necks\\nfrom the lialter and how does posterity blush for\\ntiiem, when they tender, as their best defence, such\\nmiserable trash as the following confession of W. B.\\nGod having called me to confess my sin and apos-\\ntacy in that fall, in giving the devil advantage over\\nme, appearing in the shape of a black man, in the\\nevening, to set my name to his book, as I liave owned\\nto my shame, he told me that I should not want, so\\ndoing. At Salem village there being, a little off the\\nmeeting-house, about a hundred fine blades, some\\nwith rapiers by their sides, which was called, and\\nmight be for aught I know, by B. and Bu, and\\nthe trumpet sounded, and bread and wine, which\\nthey called the sacrament but I had none, being\\ncarried over all on a stick, and never was present at\\nany other meeting. I being at cart last [Saturday all\\nthe day of hay and English corn, the devil bronght\\nmy shape to Salem, and did afflict M. S. and R. F.\\nby ditching my hand and on sabbath-day my shape\\nafflicted A. M., (Sec. The design was to destroy Sa-\\nlem village, and to begin at the minister s house, and\\nto destroy the churches of (iod, and to set up Satan s\\nkingdom, and then all will be well. And now I hope\\nGod hath made me in some measure sensible of my\\nsin and apostacy, begging pardon of God, and of the\\nhonourable magistrates, and all God s people; hoping,\\nand promising, by the help of God, to set to my heart\\nand hand to do what lieth in me to destroy such\\nwicked worship humbly begging the prayers of\\nGod s people foi me, I may walk humbly under all\\nthis great affliction, and that I may procure to myself\\nthe sure mercies of David. t\\nOne poor girl, of the name of Mary Jacobs, deserves to be\\nimmortalized, more than half the names that -shine so splendidly on\\nthe page of history. She gives the following iccount, in a letter to\\nher mother I having, through the threats of the magistrates, and\\nmy own vile and wretched heart, confessed several things contrary\\nto my own conscience and knowledge, though to the woimding of\\nmy own soul, the Lord pardon me for it but, oh the terrors of\\na wounded conscience who can bear But, blessed be the Lord,\\nThe nature of the evidence by which these charges\\nof demoniacal possession were sustained, was quite\\nconsistent with the confession we have just quoted.\\nA specimen from Mather will sufliciently attest the\\ntruth of this observation. It is well known, says\\nthat historian, that these wicked spectres did pro-\\nceed so far as to steal several quantities of money\\nfrom divers people, part of which individual money\\nwas dropt sometimes out of the air, befoi-e suflicient\\nspectators, into the hands of the afilicted, while the\\nspectres were urging them to subscribe their cove-\\nnant with death. Moreover, poisons to the stan-\\nders-by, wliolly invisibly, were sometimes forced\\nupon the afflicted which, when they have, with\\nmuch reluctancy, swallowed, they have swoln pre-\\nsently, so that the common medicines for poisons\\nhave been found necessary to relieve them. Yea,\\nsometimes the spectres in the struggles have so dropt\\nthe poisons, that the standers-by have smelt them,\\nand viewed them, and beheld the pillows of the\\nmiserable stained with them. Yet more, the mise-\\nrable have complained bitterly of burning rags run\\ninto their forcibly distended mouths and thouo-h\\nnobody could see any such cloths, or indeed, any\\nfires in the chambers, yet, presently, the scalds w^ere\\nseen plainly by every body on the mouths of the\\ncomplaiuers, and not only the smell, but the smoke\\nof the burning, sensibly filled the chambers. Once\\nmore, the miserable exclaimed extremely of branding\\nirons heating at the fire on the hearth to mark them\\nnow, though the standers-by could see no irons, yet\\nthey could see distinctly the print of them in the\\nashes, and smell them too as they were carried by\\nthe not-seen furies unto the poor creatures for whom\\nthey were intended and those poor creatures were\\nthereupon so stigmatized with them, that they will\\nbear the marks of them to their dying day. Nor are\\nthese the tenth part of the prodigies that fell out\\namong the inhabitants of New England. Flashy\\npeople may burlesque these things, but when hun-\\ndreds of the most sober people in a country, where\\nthey have as much mother-wit certainly as the rest\\nof mankmd, know them to be true, nothing but the\\nabsurd and froward spirit of Sadducism can question\\nthem. I have not yet mentioned so much as one\\nthing that will not be justified, if it be required, by\\nhe would not let me go on in my sins, but in mercy, I hope, to my\\nsoul, would not suffer me to keep it in any longer tiut I was forced\\nto confess the truth of all before the magistrates, who would not\\nbelieve me, and God knows how soon I shall be put to death,\\nDear father, let me beg your prayers to the Lord in my behalf, and\\nsend us a joyful and happy meeting in heaven. Neale, vol. ii. p-\\n146, 147.\\nt Mather, b. vi. p. 81.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UMTED STATES.\\n71\\nthe oaths of more considerate persons than any that\\ncan ridicule these odd phenomena.\\nTo such an extent of idiocy did this folly proceed,\\nthat irrational animals did not escape suspicion, and\\na dog was actually hanged as being an accomplice\\nwith his master After this, we shall be excused,\\nperhaps, taking our stand amongst the flashy peo-\\nple who burlesque these thing s or rather amongst\\nthose who grieve that so much ignorance and folly\\ncould possibly exist, combined with such excellent\\nmental and moral qualities, as those with which we\\nfind it associated, both in the parent country and\\nthe colonies, during the seventeenth century.\\nEmboldened by their success, and carried away by\\nthe enthusiasm of deception, the accusers took higher\\naim, and levelled their shafts of malice against many\\nof the most respectable as well as virtuous inhabit-\\nants, including ministers, and even the governor\\nhimself The community were thrown into conster-\\nnation. Each felt alarm for himself, his family, and\\nhis friends. The shock roused them to reliection.\\nThey considered more closely the character of the\\naccusers the nature of the alleged crime the testi-\\nmony, often contradictory, and never explicit and\\nmore than all these, the high standing of some who\\nwere implicated and they began to doubt whether\\nthey had not been too credulous and precipitate. Of\\nfifty-six bills which were presented at the next ses-\\nsions, the grand jury threw out thirty, rejecting, in\\nsome instances, even the confession of the accused.\\nOf the remaining twenty-six the petty jury condemn-\\ned only three but the governor had now determined\\nto make a general sweep of the whole proceedings.\\nHe pardoned all those under sentence, threw open\\nthe prison doors, and turned a deaf ear to all the\\noutcries and groans of the afflicted and, in order to\\nprevent the dissensions that might arise from retri-\\nbutory proceedings against the accusers and their\\nwitnesses, he proclaimed a general pardon to all\\npersons for any concern they might have had in the\\nprosecutions for witchcraft. The believers in witch-\\ncraft anticipated the most gloomy consequences from\\nthe free scope thus given to the operations of the\\npowers of darkness. Great then was their surprise\\nto find that from this moment all the troubles of the\\nafflicted ceased, and were never more heard of. Many\\nThe reasons given by the historian, were not the only oper-\\nating causes in staying this wide spreading evil several actions\\nfor slander were brought by persons accused, against their fanati-\\ncal slanderers; and the damages in these cases were laid to an\\namount so far above their means, that it was impossible for them\\nto procure bail cf course, the defendants were imprisoned, and\\nthis frightened the whole tribe of those who had, with impunity,\\nfalsely accused whom they pleased, and thus were they completely\\n10\\nof the witnesses now came forward and published the\\nmost solemn recantations of the testimony they had\\nformerly given, both against themselves and others\\napologizing for their perjury by a protestation, ot\\nwhich all were constrained to admit the force, that\\nno other means of saving their lives had been left to\\nthem. Many of the jurymen subscribed and published\\na declaration, lamenting and condemning the delu-\\nsion to which they had yielded, and acknowledging\\nthat they had brought the reproach of innocent blood\\non their native land. The house of assembly\\nappointed a general -fast, and prayer, that God\\nwould pardon all the errors of his servants and peo-\\nple in a late tragedy raised among ns by Satan and\\nhis instruments. Mr. Paris, the clergj^man who\\nhad instituted the first prosecutions, and promoted\\nall the rest, sensible, at length, how dreadfully erro-\\nneous his conduct had been, hastened to make a\\npublic profession of repentance, and solemnly begged\\nforgiveness of God and man. But the people decla-\\nring that they would never more attend the ministry\\nof one who had been the instrument of misery and\\nruin to so many of their countrymen, he was obliged\\nto resign his charge, and depart from Salem.\\nThis scene of delusion and crueller, which has\\njustly excited the astonishment and reprehension of\\nall civilized nations,t indicates most powerfully the\\ntruth, that the doctrines of Christianity were not\\ndesigned by their Divine Promulgator to supersede\\nthe possession of general knowledge but that there\\nis no department of knowledge, the acquisition of\\nwhich does not tend to exhibit the beauties of Christi-\\nanity more fully, and give to its purifying efficacy a\\nmore expansive surface on which to operate. This\\nis especially the case with mental and moral philoso-\\nphy. Had these excellent men been acquainted\\nwith the structure of the human mind, they woTild\\nhave at once devised far other methods to counteract\\nthe delusions of afflicted childhood and half civilized\\nIndians, than the halter and the executioner and\\nnever would have disgraced the name of Christi-\\nanity, which they pre-eminently bear, with a degree\\nof superstition and folly equal to that of the darkest\\nages of popery or of heathenism. Let some of those\\nwho now stand foremost in the ranks of Christian\\nprofession ask themselves faithfully, whether, in their\\nsilenced. This species of action has often been prosecuted since,\\nwith great benefit to society. Am.. Ed.\\nt It is but justice to the inhabitants of New England to observe,\\nthat though the present age may censure the past for its supersti^\\ntion, neither England nor any other nation is entitled to cast the\\nfirst stone at them. More persons were put to death in England\\nin a single county in a few months, than suffered in all the coloniea\\nduring the whole period of their existence.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "72\\nHISTORY OF TIIC UPs ITED ST2VTES.\\ndeficiency of general knowledge, and their rigid\\nattachment to party, they do not imitate the repre-\\nhensible features of the puritan character, while they\\nleave far behind their devoted zeal, manifested in the\\nheroic sacrifices they made for the all-important truths\\n10 which they were so ardently attached.\\nIt is matter of satisfaction to the historian, that his\\nattention is not again to be diverted, in the annals of\\nI his state, from his peculiar province, to record events\\nwhich, had the intention of religion been rightly\\napprehended, would not have intermixed with civil\\nudairs in fact, and therefore .not in history. The\\n1 gislature, at its first session under the new charter,\\n)!assed a law which indicates the same independ-\\nent spirit that afterwards resisted the usurpations of\\ntiic British parliament. It provided that no tax should\\nbe imposed upon any of his majesty s subjects, or\\ntlieir estates, in the province, but by the act and con-\\nsent of the governor, council, and representatives of\\ntlie people, in general court assembled. It is almost\\nneedless to add, that this law was disallowed by the\\nking.\\nThe war with the French and Indians, which\\nbegan in 16 0, was not yet terminated. For several\\nyears were the frontier settlements harassed by the\\nsavages, and the English were employed in expedi-\\ntions against them. This continuance of the war\\non the part of the Indians, instigated and aided by the\\nFrench, induced repeated applications for a force\\nfrom the British government, to act in conjunction\\nwith land forces to be raised in New England and\\nNew York, for the reduction of Canada and it was\\nat length determined, that an expedition should be\\nundertaken for that purpose. A fleet was to be\\nemployed in the winter in the reduction of Marti-\\nnico and, after the performance of that service, was\\nto sail to Boston, take on board a body of land forces\\nunder Sir William Phipps, and proceed to Quebec.\\nBy attempting too much, the whole of this extensive\\nproject entirely failed. The attacks of the natives\\non the English continued with little intermission till\\nthe peace of 1697. They were carried on with\\nIndian cunning, treachery, and cruelty. To these\\ncauses of suffering were superadded the power of all\\nsuch motives as the ingenuity of the French could\\ninvent, their wealth furnish, or their bigotry adopt.\\nHere all the implements of war and the means of\\nsustenance were supplied the expedition was plan-\\nned the price was bidden for scalps the aid of\\nEuropean officers and soldiers was conjoined the\\ndevastation and slaughter were sanctioned by the\\nministers of religion and the blood-hounds, while\\ntl.eir fangs were yet dropping blood, were caressed\\nand cherished by men regarded by them as superior\\nbeings. The intervals between formal attacks were\\nusually seasons of desultory mischief, plunder, and\\nbutchery and always of suspense and dread. The\\nsolitary family was carried into captivity the lonely\\nhouse burnt to the ground and the traveller way-\\nlaid and shot in the forest. It ought, however, to le\\nobserved, to the immortal honour of these people,\\ndistinguished as they are by so many traits of brutMl\\nferocity, that history records no instance in wiiich\\nthe purity of a female captive was violated by then\\nor even threatened.\\nThe peace of Ryswick, which had been signed en\\nthe 20th of September, was proclaimed at Boston on\\nthe iOth of December, and the English colonies hud\\na brief repose. By the seventh article it was agreed,\\nthat mutual restitution should be made of all the\\ncountries, forts, and colonists, taken by each parly\\nduring the war.\\nIn the year 1702, Joseph Dudley arrived at JTns-\\nsachusetts, with a commission from Queen Anne, who\\nhad succeeded William and Mary on the Briti. h\\nthrone, to be captain -general and governor-in-chici\\nover that province. In his first speech to the conn-\\ned and assembly, he informed the house of represent-\\natives, that he was commanded by her majesty to\\nobserve to them, that there is no other province rr\\ngovernment belonging to the crown of England, ex-\\ncept this, where there is not provided a fit and con-\\nvenient house for the reception of the governor,\\nand a settled stated salary for the governor, lieutenant-\\ngovernor, secretary, judges, and all other officers\\nwhich, therefore, is recommended to you. And since\\nthis province is so particularly favoured by the crown,\\nin more instances than one, their more ready obedience\\nis justly expected in this and all other occasions.\\nThe house, in their answer the next day, observed,\\nAs for those points which, in obedience to her ma-\\njesty s connnand, your excellency has laid before this\\nhouse, we shall proceed with all convenient speed to\\nthe consideration of them. Having resolved that\\nthe sum of 500/. be at this time presented out of the\\npublic treasury to the governor, the house, in their\\nanswer to some parts of his speech, observed, As\\nto settling a salary for the governor, it is altogether\\nnew to us nor can we think it agreeable to our pre-\\nsent constitution, but we shall be ready to do accord-\\ning to our ability, what may be proper on our part\\nfor the support of the government. Shortly after,\\nthe governor directed that the speaker and represen-\\ntatives should be sent for up to the council chamber\\nDwight s Travels, vol. i. p. 118, 119.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n73\\nand, after expressing his regret and disappointment\\nat their procedure, and observing that tiiere was a\\nnecessity of his seeing the other province and the\\nfrontiers, dismissed them. Tims commenced the dis-\\npute between the governor and the general assembly\\nof Massachusetts, upon the claims of the one, and\\nthe rights of the other, which lasted more than seventy\\nyears. It was a Gordian knot, which could not be\\nuntied, but which was severed at the revolution.\\nIn a few years war again broke out in Europe, and\\nhostilities speedily recommenced in America. The\\nfirst blow fell upon Deerfield. In February, 1704, it\\nwas surprised in the night, about forty persons were\\nkilled, and more than one hundred were made prison-\\ners, among whom were Mr. Williams, the minister,\\nand his family. The killed were scalped, and the\\nprisoners connnanded to prepare for a long march\\nto Canada. On the second day, Mrs. Williams was\\nso exhausted with fatigue that she could go no farther.\\nHer husband solicited permission to remain with her\\nbut the retreatinj; savages, according to their custom\\nin such cases, killed her, and compelled him to proceed.\\nBefore the termination of their journey, twenty more\\nbecame unable to walk, and were in like manner sac-\\nrificed. Those who survived the journey to Canada\\nwere treated by the French with humanity and after\\na captivity of many years, most of them were redeem-\\ned, and returned to their friends.\\nNew York having agreed with the French and the\\nWestern Indians to remain neutral, the enemy were\\nenabled to pour their whole force upon Massachu-\\nsetts and New Hampshire, the inhabitants of which,\\nfor ten years, endured miseries peculiar to an Indian\\nwar, of which the description we have given falls be-\\nlow the truth. The enemy were at all times prowl-\\ning about the frontier settlements, watching in con-\\ncealment for an opportunity to strike a sudden blow,\\nand to fly with safety. The women and children\\nretired into the garrisons the men left their fields\\nuncultivated, or laboured with arms at their sides, and.\\nwith sentinels at every point whence an attack could\\nbe apprehended. Yet, notwithstanding these precau-\\ntions, the Indians were often successful, killing some-\\ntimes an individual, sometimes a whole familj^,\\nsometimes a band of labourers, ten or twelve in num-\\nber and so swift were they in their movements, that\\nbut few fell into the hands of the whites. It was\\ncomputed, that the sum of one thousand pounds was\\nexpended for every Indian killed or made captive.\\nIn 1707, Massachusetts, New Hampshire and\\nRhode Island, despatched an armament against Port\\nRoyal, in Nova Scotia, then in possession of the\\nFrench, which returned, however, without effecting\\nits object but in 1710, the troops of New England,\\nassisted by a British fleet, succeeded in reducing the\\nplace and in compliment to Q-ueen Anne, changed\\nits name to Annapolis.\\nEncouraged by the success of this enterprise, .Gen-\\neral Nicholson visited England to concert an expe-\\ndition against Canada. His proposition was adopted,\\nand in June, 1711, Admiral Walker, with a fleet of\\nfifteen ships of war, and forty transports, bringing an\\narmy of veteran troops, arrived at Boston. Taking\\non board two additioiial regiments, he sailed from\\nthat port about the last of July. At the same time\\nGeneral Nicholson lepaired to Albany, to take the\\ncommand of the troops that were to proceed by land.\\nWhen the fleet had advanced ten leagues up the river\\nSt. Lawrence, the weather became tempestuous and\\nfoggy. A difljerence of opinion arose concerning the\\ncourse to be pursued the English pilots recommend-\\ning one course, and the colonial another. The ad-\\nmiral, like most English officers, preferred the advice\\nof his own pilots to the colonial. Pursuing the course\\nthey recommended during the night, nine transports\\nwere driven upon the rocks and dashed to pieces.\\nFrom every quarter cries of distress arose, conveying,\\nthrough the darkness, to those who were yet afloat,\\nintelligence of the fate of their comrades, and of their\\nown danger. The shrieks of the drowning pleaded\\npowerfully for assistance, but none coidd be afforded\\nuntil the morning dawned, when six or seven hun-\\ndred, found floating on the scattered wrecks, were\\nrescued from death, more than a thousand having\\nsunk to rise no more. Weakened by this terrible\\ndisaster, the admiral determined to return to England,\\nwhere he arrived in the month of October. The\\nNew England troops returned to their homes, and\\nNicholson, having learned the fate of the fleet, led\\nback his troops to Albany. In the year 1713, France\\nand England made peace at Utrecht, and the Indian\\nwars terminated at the same time.\\nColonel Shute, who had served under the celebra-\\nted duke of Marlborougli, was appointed to succeed\\nGovernor Dudley, in the year 1716. On his arrival\\nin the province, he found the people divided into two\\nparties, one in favour of a public bank, which had\\njust been establislied, the other of the incorporation\\nof a private bank. Having attached himself to the\\ninterests of the former, the latter became hostile and,\\nled by a Mr. Cooke, virulently opposed all his mea-\\nsures. At the election of speaker to the general\\ncourt, in 1720, this party were successful. The\\nchoice was communicated to the governor, v ho\\ninterposed his negative. The house persisting in\\ntheir choice, and denying his right to interfere, the", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ngovernor dissolved the assembly, and ordered a new\\nelection. The charter not giving to the governor a\\nvote on the choice of a speaker, the people resolved\\nto support their representatives, and nearly all of\\ntlieiH were again elected. Wlien met, to avoid a\\nsecond dissolution, they chose a Mr. Lindall speaker\\nbut in a remonstrance to the governor, reasserted\\ntheir right to choose their presiding officer. The\\nsession was short, and displayed no abatement in the\\nangry feelings of the house. Instead of 600Z., the\\nusual grant to the governor for half a year s salary,\\nthey appropriated but 500, and, in evident displea-\\nsure, deferred that act until n ear the close of the\\nsession. At their next meeting, the same feelings\\nprevailed, and the same diminished sum was voted.\\nThe ofovernor then informed them, that he had been\\ninstructed by the king to recommend to the assembly\\nto establish for him a permanent and honourable\\nsalary. The house, aware of the importance of re-\\ntaining the power of granting such sums as the go-\\nvernor might merit by his conduct, replied, that the\\nsubject was new, and expressed a wish that the court\\nmight rise with which request the governor com-\\nplied.\\nThis disagreement continued, the breach still\\nwidening, through several subsequent sessions. The\\nrepresentatives, confident of the support of the people,\\nrefused to establish a permanent salary for the governor,\\nand often withheld the pittance they gave, until he\\nhad sanctioned the measures they had adopted. His\\nresidence in the province being thus rendered unplea-\\nsant, he suddenly and privately quitted it, in Decem-\\nber, 1722. Upon his arrival in England, he exhi-\\nbited charges against the house, of having made\\nvarious encroachments upon the king s prerogative,\\nwhich the agents of the province were instructed to\\nanswer and repel.\\nShute remained in England until 1728, when he\\nresigned his office, and William Burnet, then governor\\nof New York, was appointed his succosser. In his\\nfirst speech, the new governor informed the house\\nthat he had received positive instructions from the\\nking to insist on a permanent salary. The repre-\\nsentatives, generous of their money, but tenacious of\\ntheir rights, appropriated 300/. for the expenses of\\nhis journey, and 1400Z. towards his support, not spe-\\ncifying for what time. The first sum he accepted,\\nbut absolutely declined receiving any compensation\\nfor his services, except in the mode of a fixed salary.\\nThe delegates were equally decided and having\\ntransacted all their necessary business, requested the\\ngovernor, by message, to adjourn them. He replied,\\nthat he could not comply with their request, as, if he\\ndid, he should put it out of their power to pay imme-\\ndiate regard to the king s instructions. The court\\nstill persisted in its refusal to comply with the reite-\\nrated and earnest requests of his majesty s repre-\\nsentative. On this account the governor adjourned\\nthe assembly, to meet at Salem, intimating that they\\nwere too much under the influence of the inhabitants\\nof Boston. The governor seemed determined to\\ncontinue the assembly in session until the members\\ncomplied with the royal mandate. In this situation,\\nthe house of representatives presented, a memorial to\\nthe king, setting forth the reasons of their conduct\\nin relation to the salary. They informed his majesty,\\nthat it is, and has been very well known in this,\\nas well as other nations and ages, that governors, at\\na distance from the prince, or seat of government,\\nhave great opportunities, and sometimes too prevailing\\ninclinations, to oppre ss the people and it is almost\\nimpossible for the prince, who is the most careful\\nfather of his subjects, to have such matters set in a\\ntrue light. This address was referred to the board\\nof trade, before whom there was a hearing in behalf\\nof the crown, as well as on the part of the house.\\nThe board condemned the conduct of the latter, in\\nrefusing to comply with the royal instructions and\\nin the conclusion of the report to the king and coun-\\ncil, discovered an extreme jealousy of the growing\\npower and wealth of that province, and of the sup-\\nposed determination of its inhabitants to become\\nindependent of the crown. The inhabitants, say\\nthe board, far from making suitable returns to his\\nmajesty, for the extraordinary privileges they enjoy,\\nare daily endeavouring to wrest the small remains of\\npower out of the hands of the crown, and to become\\nindependent of the mother kingdom. The nature of\\nthe soil and products are much the same with those\\nof Great Britain, the inhabitants upwards of ninety-\\nfour thousand, and their militia, consisting of sixteen\\nregiments of foot and fifteen troops of horse, in the\\nyear 171S, fifteen thousand men and by a medium,\\ntaken from the naval officers accotints for three years,\\nfrom the 24th of June, 1714, to the 24th of June\\n1717, for the ports of Boston and Salem only, it\\nappears that the trade of this country employs con-\\ntinually no less than tliree thousand four hundred\\nand ninety-three sailors, and four hundred and ninety-\\ntwo ships, making twenty-five thousand four hundred\\nand six tons. Hence your excellencies will be appri-\\nsed of what importance it is to liis majesty s service,\\nthat so powerful a colony should be restrained\\nwithin due bounds of obedience to the crown\\nwhich, we conceive, cannot eflectually be done\\nwithout the interposition of the British legislature,", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n75\\nwherein, in oar humble opinion, no time should he\\nlost.\\nThe controversy was suspended for a time by the\\ndeath of the governor, which was supposed to have\\nbeen hastened by his unsuccessful contest with the\\nhouse of representatives. His successor was Mr.\\nBelcher, then agent in England. As he belonged to\\nthe popiriar party, his appointment gave rise to the\\nexpectation, that the instruction to obtain a permanent\\nsalary was withdrawn. But not only was it left un-\\nrescinded, but enforced by a threat of punishment.\\nThe assembly were told, that, in case of further re-\\nfusal, his majesty would find himself under a neces-\\nsity of laying the undutiful behaviour of the province\\nbefore the legislature of Great Britain, not only in\\nthis single instance, but in many others of the same\\nnature and tendency; whereby it manifestly appears,\\nhis majesty observes, that this assembly, for some\\nyears last past, have attempted, by unwarrantable\\npractices, to, weaken, if not cast oft the obedience\\nthey owe to the crown, and the dependence which\\nall colonies ought to have on their mother country.\\nBut neither the popularity of the new governor, nor\\nthe threats of the king, could induce a change of\\nconduct on the part of the people of Massachusetts.\\nAttempts were made to eflect a compromise, but in\\nvain. The assembly made a temporary grant of\\nlOOOZ., but the governor was instructed to assent to\\nno other than a fixed and permanent salary. Satis-\\nfied that the house would never yield on this subject,\\nthe governor solicited a relaxation of his instruc-\\ntions, and the crown finally permitted him to assent\\nto temporary grants. Thus, after a constant struggle\\nof more than thirty years, the crown was at last com-\\npelled to yield to the bold and persevering opposition\\nof the people of that province. This controversy\\nwas not renewed in Massachusetts until 1773, when\\nan attempt on the part of the crown, to provide sala-\\nries for the governors and judo-es of that province,\\nindependent of the assembly, was resisted with the\\nssime firmness and, as will hereafter appear, was\\none of the causes which induced the people of that\\nprovince to declare themselves independent of the\\nparent country.t For the present, however, these\\nturbulent times were succeeded by a calm during\\nwhich the enemies of Governor Belcher, by incessant\\nmisiepresentation, deprived hiin of the favour of the\\nministry in England and, in 1740, he was replaced\\nby Mr. William Shirley.\\nIn 1744, war again broke out between England\\nand France, and the colonies were involved in its ca-\\nHutchinson, vol. ii. p. 230.\\nlamities. To guard against the incursions of the\\nFrench and Indians, five hundred men were impress-\\ned, three hundred of whom were destined for the\\neastern frontier, and two hundred for the western.\\nThe ordinary garrisons were re-#nforced, and gun-\\npowder was sent to the several townships to be sold\\nto tlie inhal)itants at the prime cost. In the spring\\nof this year opportunely arrived in Boston the king s\\ngift to Castle William of twenty pieces of heavy ar-\\ntillery, and two mortars and about the same time\\nthe legislature of Massachusetts voted a range of forts\\nto be built between Connecticut river and New York\\nboundary line.\\nCommerce in general, and especially the fisheries,\\nsufl ered great injury from privateers fitted out at\\nLouisbourg, a French port on Cape Breton. Its situ-\\nation gave it such importance, that nearly six millions\\nof dollars had been expended on its fortifications.\\nThe place was deemed so strong as to deserve the\\nappellation of the Dunkirk of America. In peace, it\\nwas a safe retreat for the ships of France, bound\\nhomeward from the East and West Indies. In war,\\nit gave the French the greatest advantage for ruining\\nthe fishery of the northern English colonies, and en-\\ndangered the loss of Nova Scotia. The reduction of\\nthis place was, for these reasons, an object of the\\nhighest importance to New England and Mr. Vaug-\\nhan, of New Hampshire, who had often visited that\\nplace as a trader, conceived the project of an expedi-\\ntion against it. He communicated it to Governor\\nShirley, and being ardent and enthusiastic, convinced\\nhim that the enterprise was practicable, and inspired\\nhim with his own enthusiasm. Early in January,\\nbefore he received any answer to the commimications\\nhe had sent to England on the subject, he requested\\nof the members of the general court, that they would\\nlay themselves under an oath of secrecy, to receive\\nfrom him a proposal of very great importance. They\\nreadily took the oath, and he communicated to them\\nthe plan which he had formed of attacking Louis-\\nbourg. The proposal was at first rejected but it\\nwas finally carried by a majority of one. Letters were\\nimmediately despatched to all the colonies, as far as\\nPennsylvania, requesting their assistance, and an em-\\nbargo on their ports. Forces were promptly raised,\\nand William Pepperell, Esq. of Kittery, was appoint-\\ned commander of the expedition. This oflrcer, with\\nseveral transports, under the convoy of the Shirley\\nsnow, sailed from Nantucket on the 24th of March,\\nand arrived at Canso on the 4th of April. Here the\\ntroops, joined by those of New Hampshire and Con-\\nt Pitkin, vol. i. p. 131.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nuecticut, amounting collectively to upwards of four\\nthousand, were detained three weeks, waiting for the\\nice, which environed the island of Cape Breton, to be\\ndissolved. At length Commodore Warren, agreeably\\nto orders from England, arrived at Canso in the Su-\\nperbe, of sixty guns, with three other ships of forty\\nguns each and, after a consultation with the gene-\\nral, proceeded to cruise before Louisbourg. The ge-\\nneral soon after sailed with the whole fleet and on\\nthe 30th of April, coming to anchor at Chapeaurouge\\nBay, landed his troops. Lieutenant Colonel Yaughan\\nconducted the first column through the woods within\\nsight of Louisbourg, and saluted the city with three\\ncheers. At tiie head of a detachment, chiefly of the\\nNew Hampshire troops, he marched in the night to\\nthe north-east part of the harbour, where they burn-\\ned the warehouses containing the naval stores, and\\nstaved a large quantity of wine and brandy. The\\nsmoke of this fire, driven by the wind into the grand\\nbattery, so terrified the French, that they abandoned\\nit; and, spiking the guns, retired to the city. The\\nnext morning Vaughan took possession of the de-\\nserted battery; but the most difficult labours of the\\nsiege remained to be performed. The cannon were\\nto be drawn nearly two miles over a deep morass\\nwithin gun-shot of the enemy s principal fortifications\\nand for fourteen nights the troops, with straps over\\ntheir shoulders, sinking to their knees in mud, were\\nemployed in this arduous service.* The approaches\\nwere then begun in the mode which seemed most\\nproper to the shrewd understandings of untaught mi-\\nlitia. Those officers who were skilled in the art of\\nwar talked of zig-zags and epaulements but the\\ntroops made themselves merry with the terms, and\\nproceeded in their own way. By the 20th of May,\\nthey had erected five batteries, one of which mount-\\ned five forty-two pounders, and did great execution.\\nMeanwhile, the fleet cruising in the harbour had been\\nequally successful it captured a French ship of\\nThis error has been kept alive by one historian after another,\\nto the astonishment of every one who has ever viewed the ground.\\nIt was impossible then, as now, to drag cannon over this morass\\nin the ordinary way. A boy of the weight of seventy ponnds was\\nsent on to the morass. He could only proceed a few feet. A pole\\nwas driven down thirty feet in the mud. That the cannon was\\nthen conveyed across the morass, there could be no doubt how,\\nwas the question. While deliberating on this subject, I heard that\\na gentleman was living, then past ninety years of age, in Newbu-\\nryport, in the commonwealth of Massachusetts, who had been an\\nartificer at the siege of Louisbourg. I paid him a visit, and stated\\nmy difficulties on this passage of histo ry. Captain Noyes at once\\nexplained the whole matter. We had (said he) several hundred\\npairs of snow-shoes in camp, expecting a winter campaign. I had\\nfound that I could walk, with a pair of them, over this morass, and\\nSlated the fact to General Pepperell. Secretly, I had drags built,\\ntwenty feet by sixteen, smooth and flat at the t)ottom. Putting the\\ncannon on these vehicles, and taking fifty men accustomed to travel\\nsixty-four guns, loaded with stores for the garrison,\\nto whoiu the loss was as distressinor as to the besies:-\\ners the capture was fortunate. English ships of war\\nwere, besides, continually arriving, and added such\\nstrength to the fleet, that a combined attack upon the\\ntown was resolved upon.\\nDiscouraged by these adverse events and menacing\\nappearances, Duchambon, the French coHimander,\\ndetermined to surrender and, on the 16th of June,\\narticles of capitulation were signed. After the sur-\\nrender of the city, the French flag was kept flying\\non the ramparts and several rich prizes were thus\\ndecoyed. Two East Indiamen, and one South Sea\\nship, estimated at 600,000/. sterling, were taken by\\nthe squadron at the mouth of the harbour. This ex-\\npedition -was one of the most remarkable events in\\nthe history of North America. It was not less haz-\\nardous in the attempt, than successful in the execu-\\ntion. It displayed the enterprising spirit of New\\nEngland; and though it enabled Britain to purchase\\na peace, yet it excited her envy and jealous) against\\nthe colonies, by whose exertions it was acquired.\\nThe intelligence of this event spread rapidly through\\nthe colonies, and diffused universal joy. Well might\\nthe citizens of New England be somewhat elated\\nwithout even a sugsfestion from the mother country,\\nthey had projected, and with but comparatively little\\nassistance achieved, an enterprise of vast importance\\nto her and to them. Their commerce and fisheries\\nwere now secure, and their maritime cities relieved\\nfrom all fear of attack from a quarter recently so great\\na source of dread and discomfort.\\nFired with resentment at their loss, the French\\nmade extraordinary exertions to retrieve it, and to in-\\nflict chastisement on New England. The next sum-\\nmer they despatched to the American coast a powerful\\nfleet, carrying a large number of soldiers. The news\\nof its approach spread terror throughout New Eng-\\nland but an uncommon succession of disasters de-\\nwith snow-shoes, and fixing a long rope to the drag, we walked the\\nmorass without difficulty, and placed the cannon where Colonel\\nVaughan wished them to be covering them with sea-weed until\\nall our business was done, without any risk or extraordinary fatigue.\\nAll the materials for the battery were transported in the same\\nmanner and where there appeared only a mass of sea-weed at\\nnight, a formidable battery rose in the morning. This finished the\\nsiege. The veteran spoke of the determined bravery of the troops\\nas surpassing every thing the most experienced officers had wit-\\nnessed. Pepperell was knighted for the exploit but Vaughan,\\nWooleot, Gorham, and Dwight, were the heroes of that campaign\\nVaughan commanded the New Hampshire troops; Wooleot the\\nConnecticut Gorham, Dwight, and others, those of Massachusetts.\\nAmerican Editor.\\nt Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. vol. i. p. 4\u00e2\u0080\u009460, where there is an au-\\nthentic account of this expedition, from original papers. Holmes s\\nAmerican Annals, vol. ii. p. 27. Hutchinson, vol. li. c. 4. Eel-\\nknap. New Hampshire, vol. ii. p. 193 224.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n77\\nprivpd it of all power to inflict injury. After remain-\\ning a short time on the coast, it returned to France,\\nhaving lost two admirals, both of whom it was sup-\\nposed put an end to their lives through chagrin\\nhaving also, by tempests, been reduced to one half its\\nforce, without effecting any of the objects anticipated.\\nIn the month of November, 1747, a great tumult\\noccurred in the town of Boston, arising from the fol-\\nlowing circumstance Commodore Knowles, while\\nlying at Nantasket with a number of men of war,\\nlosing some of his sailors by desertion, thought it\\nreasonable that Boston should supply him with as\\nmany men as he had lost. He therefore sent his\\nboats early in the morning, and surprised not only as\\nmany seamen as could be found on board any of the\\nships, but pressed some ship carpenters apprentices,\\nand other labouring landsmen. This conduct was\\nuniversally resented as outrageous and as soon as it\\nwas dusk, several thousand people assembled in King s-\\nstreet, where the general court was sitting. Stones\\nand brickbats were thrown into the council chamber\\ntlirouijh the windows. A judicious speech of the\\ngovernor from the balcony, disapproving of the im-\\npress, promising his utmost endeavours to obtain the\\ndischarge of the persons impressed, but reprehending\\nI le irregular proceedings of the people, had no effect.\\nThe seizure and restraint of the commanders and\\not icr ofiicers who were in town were insisted on, as\\nt lo only effectual method to procure the release of the\\ninhabitants aboard the ships. The militia of Boston\\nwas summoned the next day to the aid of government,\\nbut refused to appear. The governor, judging it in-\\nexpedient to remain in town another night, withdrew\\nto Castle William but kept up a communication\\nwith the commodore, urging the liberation of the\\ntownsmen. Meanwhile, the council and house of\\nrepresentatives passed some vigorous resolutions, and\\nthe tumultuous spirit began to subside. The inhabit-\\nants, assembled in town meeting, while they express-\\ned their sense of the great insult and injury by the\\nimpress, condemned the riotous transactions. The\\nmilitia of the town the next day promptly made their\\nappearance, and conducted the governor with great\\npomp to his house and the commodore dismissed\\nmost, if not all, of the inhabitants who had been im-\\npressed and the squadron sailed, to the joy and re-\\npose of the town.\\nIn October, 1748, a treaty of peace between England\\nand France was signed at Aix la Chapelle. By the\\narticles of this treaty. Cape Breton was given up to\\nthe French, in a compromise for restoring the French\\nconquests in the low countries ro the empress queen\\nof Hungary and the States General, and for a general\\nrestitution of places captured by the other belligerant\\npowers. It was naturally a mortification to the in-\\nhabitants of New England, that what they termed,\\nnot unjustly, their own acquisition, should be res-\\ntored to France but so long as peace continued, they\\nsustained no disadvantage. In most respects, Mas-\\nsachusetts Bay was never in a more easy and happy\\nsituation, than at the close of this war. By the re-\\nimbursement of the whole charge incurred by the\\nexpedition against Cape Breton, the province was set\\nfree from a heavy debt, and was enabled to exchange\\na depreciated paper mediimi, which had long been\\nthe sole instrument of trade, for the more substantial\\none of silver and gold, a commercial advantage which\\nalmost excited the envy of the other colonies, in whicli\\npaper was the principal currency. The Indians up-\\non the frontiers were so reduced, that new settlements\\nwere made without danger, which not only caused\\nthe territory settled to increase in value, but afforded\\nmaterials for enlarging the commerce of the province.\\nThere was but little subject for controversy in the\\ngeneral assembly. Governor Shirley s administration\\nhad been satisfactory to the major part of the people.\\nIndeed, the prosperous state of the province was very\\nmuch owing to the success of his vigoroiis measures,\\nof which he wished to give an account in person, and\\nfor that purpose, as well as to promote some arrange-\\nments for the defence of the colony against the en-\\ncroachments of the French, had obtained leave to go\\nto England.\\nHostilities from the Indians had ceased when peace\\nwas concluded with France but it was thought ne-\\ncessary on this, as on previous occasions, to have the\\npeace formally recognized. Scarcely, however, was\\nthis effected in due form, before a circumstance oc\\ncurred which had nearly occasioned a new war. In\\nthe end of November, actuated by feelings of revenge\\nfor past injuries, some English inhabitants of a place\\nin the comity of York, called Wiscasset, killed an\\nIndian, and dangerously wounded two others. Two\\npersons were apprehended and brought to trial for the\\nmurder but they were, it appears, unjustly acquitted.\\nMany good people at this time, says Hutchinson.\\nlamented the disposition, which they thought was\\ndiscovered, to distinguish between the guilt of killing\\nan Indian, and that of killing an Englishman, as if\\nGod had not made of one blood all the nations of\\nmen upon the face of the earth. The Indians\\nmade an attempt to avenge themselves by the capture\\nof Fort Richmond, on the Kennebeck, but were not\\nsuccessful they succeeded, however, in taking pri-\\nHistory of Massachusetts Bay, from 1749 to 1774. London, 1828.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "rs\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsoners several of the inhabitants who resided near\\nthe fort but after a short time the injury was for-\\ngotten.\\nIn the following year, tlie colonies of Massachu-\\nsetts and Connecticut were deeply engaged in a con-\\ntroversy respecting their boundary line but the\\nlimits of our work will not permit a detail of the af-\\nfair, nor would it be interesting to the general reader.\\nDuring this year also, the question of paper against\\ngold, which has occupied so much of the attention\\nof the British legislature, and of the community at\\nlarge, occasioned several tumults in Boston. Our\\nreaders will, however, be surprised to learn, that the\\ndissatisfaction was occasioned, not by the introduc-\\ntion of paper, but by the substitution of gold and\\nsilver for what has been elegantly termed the old\\nrag system. The paper, they said, was not\\nworth hoardinar, but silver and gold would all fall to\\nthe share of men of wealth, and would either be ex-\\nported or hoarded up, and no part of it would go to\\nthe labourer, r the lower class of people, who must\\ntake their pay ni goods, or go without. In a short\\ntime, however, experience taught them, that it was as\\neasy for a frugal industrious person to obtain silver,\\nas it had been to obtain paper and the prejudice in\\nthe town of Boston was so much abated, that, when\\na large number of people from Abingdon, and other\\ntowns near to it, came to Boston, expecting to be join-\\ned by the like people there, they were hooted at, and\\ninsulted by the boys and servants, and obliged to re-\\nturn home disappointed.\\nIt has already been observed, that the restoration\\nof peace, and the almost entire extinction of the In-\\ndians on the frontiers, added much to the security and\\nto the value of the land these circumstances also\\nafforded a prospect for a more extended settlement of\\nthe colony. A Mr. Waldo, proprietor of a large\\ntract of land in the eastern frontier, induced many\\nemigrants from Germany, and other foreign protes-\\ntant states, to accept conditional grants of land but\\nGovernor Hutchinson seems to be of opinion, that the\\nexpectations, both of the emigrants and of the pro-\\nprietor, were disappointed.\\nThe administration of Mr. Phipps, who had acted as\\nlieutenant-governor during Mr. Shirley s absence, was\\nbut short and, as was usually the case, the govern-\\nment of lieutenants was little disturbed by any con-\\ntroversy with the general court. Mr. Shirley return-\\ned to Boston in August, 1753. During his abode in\\nFrance, he took a step, which, according to Mr.\\nHutchinson s idea of it at least, he had reason to\\nHutchinson, p. 8, 9.\\nrepent of as long as he lived. At the age of three-\\nscore he was captivated with the charms of a young\\ngirl, his landlord s daughter in Paris, and married her\\nprivately. This imprudence lessened him in Lord\\nHalifax s esteem and, though he had shown himself\\nto be very capable of his trust of commissary in\\nFrance, as well as very faithful in the discharge of\\nit, yet, as he failed of success, which, more fre-\\nquently than real merit, entitles to reward, his private\\nfortune was much hurt by his employment. The\\nrumour of his marriage came to New England before\\nhis arrival, and some who were not well affected to\\nhim, were ready enough to insinuate that his French\\nconnexions mi?ht induce him to favour the Frencti\\ncause, but his conduct evinced the contrary. He\\npronounced an accommodation desperate, that the\\nsword must settle the controversy, and that it ought\\nto be done without delay, otlierwise the French would\\nmake themselves too strong for all the force the Eng-\\nlish could bring against them. t\\nThe period of the French war of 1756 1763, the\\nconfines of which we now approach, will require a\\nseparate notice, after the history of the remaining\\ncolonies has been brought down to the same date.\\nAs it implicated the whole of the British settlements\\nin North America, and promoted those ideas of fede-\\nrative union, which were subsequently attended with\\nsuch important results, a combined view of the ope-\\nrations of the war will be preferable to allotting a\\nshare of its history to each of the colonies.\\nIt may be imagined by some of our readers, that\\nwe have been imduly severe on the errors of the\\nnoble-minded founders of the greatest republican\\nempire the world has yet witnessed but we cannot\\nplead guilty to such a charge. These errors, it is\\ntrue, have been fully exposed but, great as they are,\\nthe characters of which they form but the exceptions\\ncan well stand the shock their development excites.\\nThe faults of great and good men should, after the\\nhighest model of historical writing, be faithfully\\nnarrated. Their record is essential to prevent the\\nmind, while it gives due weight to the example and\\nopinions of past ages, from receiving its chief impulse\\nfrom a source still impregnated with impure infu-\\nsions and to open a channel for the mighty tide of\\nreason and of truth, whose waters purify as they\\ncarry forward the mass of example. Wore the\\ndefects of the heroes of New England, however, far\\ngreater, and their virtues far less, they would yet throw\\ninto the shade of merited oblivion the characters of\\ntheir defamers, either of the past or of the present age.\\ni t Hutchinson p. 15, 16.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n79\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nNEW HAMPSHIRE AND MAINE.*\\nThe history of the colony of Massachusetts is, to\\na considerable extent, that of all the New England\\ncolonies bnt still it is requisite to give each of the\\nstates a distinct, though a more brief, notice. The\\nfirst attempts at colonizing that part of North America,\\nnow designated as the states of New Hampshire and\\nMaine, are to be traced to tlie zeal of Sir Ferdinando\\nGorges, one of the earliest and roost persevering of\\nShose wlio undertook to people with civilized inhabit-\\nants the transatlantic wilds. Having obtained a\\nerant from the chartered company of Plymouth,\\nalready so frequently referred to, in conjunction with\\nsome other principal members of the company, among\\nwhom was Sir John Popham, lord chief justice of the\\ncourt of King s Bench, with other persons of influ-\\nence, he despatched two vessels to explore their newly\\nacquired territory. One of these was seized by the\\nSpaniards but the safe return and favourable report\\nof the other encouraged the adventurers to prosecute\\ntheir undertaking. A colony was therefore orga-\\nnized, consisting of George Popham, as president,\\nRaleigh Gilbert, as admiral, and six inferior officers,\\nwith about one hundred private individuals the\\nimagination of the projectors having sketched the\\noutlines of a large and flourishing state. They\\nselected a small island at the mouth of the river\\nKennebeck for their place of residence, induced by\\nthe commodiousness of its situation as a port for\\nfishermen. Arriving towards the close of the year,\\nthey were barely enabled to build and fortify a store-\\nhouse before the cold became intense; and they\\nwere afterwards distressed by a rapid succession of\\nUTiforeseen hardships. Having emigrated in the\\nexpectation of enjoying a perpetual spring, their\\ndisappointment, when exposed to the premature and\\nunusual severity of a northern winter, may be readily\\nconceived. The loss of their store-house by fire, and\\nthe death of their president, had already depressed\\ntheir courage, when tidings arrived of the death of\\nSir .John Popham, who was the very soul of the\\nexpedition. Gilbert also returned to England in\\nthe spring, having succeeded to a rich inheritance\\nby the death of his brother. Sir John Gilbert. The\\nresolution of the adventurers seems to have sunk\\nunder these accumulated misfortunes, for the settle-\\nAlthough the Maine vas not eonsliluted a state till subsequently\\ntoihe declaration of independence, its early history is so connected\\nwith that of New Hampshire, that it is deemed desirable to unite\\nthem in this chapter.\\nt John Mason procured from the council of Plymouth a grant\\nof all the land from the river of iS aumkeag round Cape Ann to the\\n11\\nmcnt was soon afterwards abandoned in despair.\\nThe disappointed colonists seemed anxious to hide\\ntheir disgrace by invectives against the cold and\\nsterile regions which they had forsaken and they\\nwere so far successful, that the company of Plymouth\\nnever made another effort of equal magnitude with\\nthe expedition to Sagadehoc. Many attempts were\\nmade by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, individually, to\\nestablish colonies in North Virginia, with a perse-\\nverance worthy of better fortune than it obtained\\nfor, after spending a large portion of his life and\\nestate in these attempts, and involving himself in\\nseveral vexatious suits, the whole issue of his exer-\\ntions was the establishment of an inconsiderable\\nsettlement in Maine.\\nIt was in the year 1623, that Sir Ferdinando Gor-\\nges, John Mason,t and others, having obtained of the\\nPlymouth or New England company grants ol seve-\\nral tracts of land, lying north of Massachusetts, sent\\nfrom England, a few persons to begin a settlement.\\nPart landed, and for a short time remained at Little\\nHarbour, on the west side of Piscataqua river, and\\nnear its mouth, where they erected the first house,\\ncalling it Mason Hall the remainder, proceeding\\nhigher up the river, settled at Cocheco, afterwards\\ncalled Dover. Fishing and trade being the principal\\nobjects of these emigrants, their settlements increased\\nslowly.\\nIn 1635, a fresh distribution of territory was made\\nby the Plymouth Company, when they obtained a\\ngrant of land, lying along the coast from Naumkeag\\nriver, near the northern boundary of Massachusetts,\\nto the river Piscataqua, extending sixty miles into\\nthe country from their sources and the region, thus\\nconveyed, was for the first time called New Hamp-\\nshire. As no more ancient patents stood in the way\\nof the present, and as length of occupancy formed no\\nbar, Mason acquired that kind of right to the soil\\nwhich the law of England considered as valid but\\nit gave him none of the powers of government. He\\nsent agents to dispose of his lands, and to take gene-\\nral care of his interests but he soon after died, leav-\\ning it to others to enjoy his rights, and to exercise\\nhis powers. At the same period, the company made\\na grant of a still larger territory, extending from the\\nnorthern limits of New Hampshire, north-eastward,\\nto the river Kennebeck, and from them sixty miles\\ninto the country, to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in abso-\\nriver Merrimack; and up each of those rivers to the farthest head\\nof them, then to cross over from the head of the one to the head of\\nthe other, with all the islands lying within three miles of the coast.\\nThis district was called Mariana. Belknap s New Hampshire,\\nvol. i. c. 1.", "height": "3182", "width": "2379", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "80\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nlute property with such powers of jurisdiction as the\\ngrantors possessed. The same year he despatched\\nWilliam Gorges, his nephew, to govern that territory,\\nthen called Somersetshire, who ruled, for some years,\\na few traders and fishers with a good sense equal to\\nthe importance of the trust. But, whether Gorges\\ndistrusted his own powers, or was actuated by the\\nprudent caution which experience inspires, he obtain-\\ned from the favour of his prince a patent of confirm-\\nation, in April, 1639. His limits were now extended\\nto one hundred miles from the rivers south-westward\\ni:ifo the desert. This immense region was denomi-\\nmted Maine and he was invested with all the royal\\nrights of a count-palatine, with a reference to the\\npowers formerly exercised by the bishop of Durham.\\ny\\\\!iirnated by these attentions, and invested with these\\n])0\\\\vers, he established a civil government within his\\njirovince in the subsequent year. This constitution\\nwas, however, merely executive, without any of the\\n]io\\\\vers of legislation nor was an assembly in which\\nthe people were represented, either mentioned or al-\\nluded to. He did not even offer liberal terms on\\nwhich men might purchase and enjoy his lands,\\ntliough this had been at all times proposed as the best\\nmeans to promote settlement and augment population.\\nPhe province consequently languished for years in\\nhopeless feebleness.\\nThe persecuting policy of the Massachusetts colo-\\nny peopled this country, when money and persuasion\\nhad been tried in vain. It has already been stated,\\nthat among those who were expelled from the juris-\\ndiction of Massachusetts, at the time of the dissensions\\noccasioned by opposition to the spread of antinomian\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2sentiments at Boston, was the Rev. John Wheelwright.\\nPreviously to the date of Mason s patent, he had pur-\\nchased the land of the Indians, and laid the founda-\\ntion of Exeter. In the year 1630, thirty-five persons\\nresiding in that town combined and established civil\\ngovernment and within a year or two afterwards,\\nthe inhabitants of Dover and Portsmouth followed\\n(heir example, each town remaining distinct and in-\\ndependent.\\nThese towns did not long remain in this dissocia-\\nted state. There appears, indeed, to have been some\\ndifference of opinion, but the majority were for an\\nincorporation with the colony of Massachusetts and,\\naccordingly, the general court, in October, 1641,\\npassed an ordinance, declaring that the people inha-\\nbiting on the river Piscataqua shall henceforth be re-\\nputed under its power, as are already the other\\ninhabitants that they shall have the same order for\\nthe administration of justice that they shall be ex-\\nempted from all public charges, except such as shall\\narise among themselves, or shall be for their own\\nbenefit that they shall be allowed the same liberties\\nof fishing, of planting, and of felling timber, as for-\\nmerly and that they shall be allowed to send two\\ndeputies to the court at Boston. Thus New Hamp-\\nshire, at the end of six years only, ceased to be a\\nseparate province. The general court, having in. this\\nmanner conferred on its neighbours the greatest of\\nblessings, general protection, and a regular adminis-\\ntration of justice, turned its next cares to their future\\nwelfare. It sent them several ministers. Moody, Cot-\\nton, Reyner, and others, by whose care and diligence,\\nas we are assured, the people were very much civil-\\nized and reformed but Wheelwright and his follow-\\ners, who had formerly sought an as^duni in the desert\\nfrom the persecutions of their enemies, fled across the\\nPiscataqua into the province of Maine, because, in\\nthe present change, they feared future injuries. This\\nunion proved perplexing to the proprietary, and ulti-\\nmately embarrassing to the councils of the parent\\nstate. It was in vain for Mason, who now acted as\\nagent for his kinsmen, to protest against the daily\\nencroachments on their lands and it was to no pur-\\npose he petitioned the general court. It had been\\nstipulated as the groundwork on which was estab-\\nlished the subjection of New Hampshire, that the\\nviews of their opponents should be countenanced, and\\nthe assumed rights of the proprietors consequently\\ndepressed. Being now freed from the weighty cares\\nof government being protected from the attacks of\\ntheir Indian enemies, and from their internal dissen-\\nsions, the people of New Hampshire, during the space\\nof forty years, enjoyed the advantages and blessings\\nof a regular administration, and engaged successfully\\nin all the pursuits that naturally tend to promote the\\nprosperity, wealth, and greatness of nations. In the\\nyear 1652, the inhabitants of Gorges territories of the\\nMaine also were induced to submit themselves to the\\ngovernment of Massachusetts.\\nHaving contended with the general court upwards\\nof fourteen years to no purpose. Gorges and Mason\\nmade a tender of their claims to Charles II., who fa-\\nvourably received proposals which promised future\\nadvantages to his family, for he had entertained the\\ndesign of forming New Hampshire and Maine into,\\nan establishment for the duke of Monmouth, the\\nmost beloved of all his sons. The general court, re-\\nlying on its own construction of its patent, though it\\nexplained by its agents its conduct and pretensions,\\ndeclined long either to give up possession, or to ap-\\npoint deputies to defend its proceedings. The mo-\\nnarch was wearied with continued solicitation and\\nthe committee of plantations at length determined to", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nSI\\npropose to the Massachusetts government, either to\\nreceive commissioners authorized to decide amicably\\nthe claims of all, or to send agents to answer before\\nthe king in council adding, what was probably de-\\ncisive, that, should it still prove refractory, notwith-\\nstanding the equity of this overture, every means\\nwould be used to interrupt the trade of the colony,\\nwhich, by the acts of trade, may be given it. After\\nsixteen years, in which the whole energy of govern-\\nment had been exerted, the general court sent agents\\nto England, who were empowered to consent to the\\nfinal settlement of claims which had at last become\\nserious. When the disputants appeared before Rains-\\nford and North, the two chief justices to whom this\\ncontroversy was referred, the agents at once disclaim-\\ned pretensions which had been so long defended with\\nthe greatest ability as sacred, because their counsel\\ninformed them that they could not possibly be de-\\nfended before such judges.* The limits of Massa-\\nchusetts were restrained to the literal expression of\\nits charter, and its jurisdiction within the boundaries\\nof the soil and the province of Maine was adjudged\\nto Gorges, with such right of government as had\\nbeen granted by the patent under which he claimed.\\nLong had Charles H. been in treaty with the pro-\\nprietors of New Hampshire and Maine but his po-\\nverty, which was well known in New England, the\\nwars that happened in the mean time, the intrigues\\nof his adversaries, and the high expectations of the\\nowners, all prevented the completion of a business\\nwhich might have proved so advantageous both to\\nprince and people. For years had the friends of\\nMassachusetts warned her of the danger of suffering\\nsuch claims to exist and ultimately, the agents pru-\\ndently purchased what had been so long disputed.\\nThe general court applied now, with an ability equal\\nto the prudence with which it had made the acquisi-\\ntion, to derive some advantage from what had cost so\\nmuch money and vexation. As proprietary, it ap-\\npointed the deputy governor president of Maine, it\\nnamed officers, it established various judicatories,\\nand justice was administered in the mode prescribed\\nby the patent of Gorges. No assembly, of which the\\nrepresentatives of the people composed a constituent\\npart, was allowed, because none had been mentioned\\nin the original grant a measure by no means satis-\\nfaclory to the inhabitants, who were thereby deprived\\nof their rights as citizens.\\nWhen the decision respecting Maine was confirm-\\ned by Charles H., the province of New Hampshire\\nwas left without a regular government. It was de-\\nChalmers, p. 485.\\ntermined, therefore, that New Hampshire should be\\nconstituted a separate province, to be ruled by a pre-\\nsident and council to be appointed by the king, and\\na house of representatives to be chosen by the peo-\\nple. The first assembly, consisting of eleven mem-\\nbers, met in 1680, at Portsmouth. At tliis session, a\\ncode of laws was adopted, of which the first, in a\\nstyle worthy of freemen, declared that no act, im-\\nposition, law, or ordinance, should be imposed upon\\nthe inhabitants of the province, but such as should\\nbe made by the assembly, and approved by the pre-\\nsident and council.\\nMason, who had been appointed a member of the\\ncouncil, arrived during the year in the colony. He\\nassumed the title of lord proprietor, claimed the soil\\nas his property, and threatened to prosecute all who\\nwould not take from him leases of the land they oc-\\ncupied. His pretensions were resisted by most of\\nthe inhabitants, who claimed the fee-simple of the soil\\nby what they deemed a more righteous, if not a more\\nlegal title. The peace of the colony was long dis-\\nturbed by these conflicting claims. At the head of\\nthose who contended with Mason, stood Major Wald-\\nron, of Dover. Against him and many others suits\\nwere instituted. No defence being made, judgments\\nwere obtained but so general was the hostility to\\nMason, that he never dared attempt to enforce tliem.\\nAfter Sir Edward Andros was deposed, the inhabit-\\nants of New Hampshire desired to be re-incorporated\\nwith Massachusetts their request being opposed by\\nSamuel Allen, who had purchased Mason s title, it\\nwas refused, and Allen himself made governor of the\\ncolony. Under his administration, the disputes oc-\\ncasioned by adverse claims to land continued to rage\\nwith increased violence. Other suits were instituted,\\nand judgments obtained but the sheriff was forcibly\\nresisted by a powerful combination, whenever he at-\\ntempted to put the plaintiff in possession.\\nFrom Indian hostilities, this colony suffered more\\nseverely than her neighbours. The surprise of Dover,\\nin 1689, was effected with the most shocking barba-\\nrity though the natives having been ill-treated by\\none of the principal inhabitants may account for, if\\nnot palliate, their ferocious revenge. Having deter-\\nmined upon their plan of attack, the Indians employ-\\ned their usual art to lull the suspicions of the inha-\\nbitants. So civil and respectful was their behaviour,\\nthat they occasionally obtained permission to sleep\\nin the fortified houses in the town. On the evening\\nof the fatal night, they assembled in the neighbour-\\nhood, and sent their women to apply for lodgings at\\nthe houses devoted to destruction. When all was\\nquiet, the doors were opened, and the signal given.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "62\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nTlie Indians rushed into Waldron s house, and\\nluistened to his apartment. Awakened by the noise,\\nhe seized liis sword, and drove them back, but when\\nreturning for liis other arms was stunned with a\\nhatchet, and fell. They then dragged him into his\\nhall, seated him in an elbow chair upon a long table,\\nand insultingly asked him, Who shall judge Indi-\\nans now After feasting upon provisions, which\\nthey compelled the rest of the family to procure,\\neach one with his Icnife cut gashes across his breast,\\nsaying, I cross out my account. When weakened\\nwith the loss of blood, he was about to fall from the\\ntable, his own sword was held under him, which\\nput an end to his tortures. At other houses, similar\\nacts of cruelty were perpetrated in the whole,\\ntwenty-three persons were killed, and twenty-nine\\ncarried prisoners to Canada, who were mostly sold\\nto the French. Many houses were burned, and\\nmuch property was plundered but so expeditious\\nwere the Indians, that they had fled beyond reach\\nbefore the neighbouring people could be collected.\\nThe war thus commenced, was not easily terminated.\\nThe French, by giving- premiums for scalps, and by\\npurchasing the English prisoners, animated the Indi-\\nans to exert all their activity and address, and the\\nfrontier inhabitants endured the most aggravated\\nsufferings. The peace of Ryswick, in 1697, closed\\nthe distressing scene till 1703, when another war\\nbegan, which continued ten years.\\nDuring the year 1719, above one hundred families,\\nmostly presbyterians, emigrated from the north of\\nIreland, and settled in the town of Londonderry.*\\nThey introduced the foot spinning wheel, the manu-\\nThe settlement was at first called Nulfield hut it was incor-\\nporated, in 1722, hy the name of Londonderry. Mr. James Mac-\\ngregore was their first minister. He continued with them until\\nhis death; and his memory is still precious among them. He was\\na wise, affectionate, and faithful guide to them, both in cii^il and\\nreligious concerns. Belknap s New Hampshire, vol. ii. p. 36 39.\\nt John Love well, a captain in the militia of Massachusetts, the\\nhero of Pigwawkett, was the son of Zaccheus L., who was an\\nensign in the array of O. Cromwell, and who settled at Dunstable,\\nand died there, aged 120, being the oldest person who eVQr died in\\nNew Hampshire. Zaccheus had three sons, Zaccheus, d colonel\\nin the French war of 17 59; Jonathan, a preacher, representative,\\nand judge and the subject of this article. In the Indian wars a\\nlarge bounty being offered for scalps, Capt, Lovewell, at the head\\nof a volunteer company of thirty men, marched to the north of\\nWinipiseogee lake, and killed an Indian, and took a boy prisoner,\\nDec. 19, 1724. Having obtained his reward at Boston, he aug-\\nmented his company to seventy, and marched to the same place.\\nThere dismissing thirty men for the want of provisions, he pro-\\nceeded with forty men to a pond in Wakefield, now called Love-\\nwell s pond, where he discovered ten Indians asleep by a fire\\nthey were on their march from Canada to the frontiers. He killed\\nihem all, Feb. 20, 1725, and with savage triumph entered Dover\\nwith their scalps hooped and elevated on poles, for each of which\\n\u00e2\u0084\u00a2e hundred pounds was paid out of the public treasury at Boston.\\nHe marched a third time with forty-si.x men. Leaving a few men\\nfacture of linen, and the culture of potatoes. They\\nwere industrious, hardy, and useful citizens.\\nA few years only transpired before the inhabitants\\nagain sufl ered the afflictions of an Indian war. Fol-\\nlowing the example of the French, the government\\noffered premiums for scalps, which induced several\\nvolunteer companies to undertake expeditions against\\nthe enemy. One of these, commanded by Captain\\nLovewell, was greatly distinguished. In May, 1725,\\nwith thirty-four men, he fought a famous Indian chief,\\nnamed Paugus, at the head of about eighty savages,\\nnear the shores of a pond in Pequackett. Lovewell s\\nmen were determined either to conquer or die, although\\noutnumbered by the Indians more than twice. They\\nfought till Lovewell and Paugus were killed, and all\\nLovewell s men but nine were either killed or dan-\\ngerously wounded. The savages having lost, as\\nwas supposed, sixty of their number out of eighty,\\nand being convinced of the fierce and determined\\nresolution of their foes, at length retreated, and left\\nthem masters of the ground. The scene of this\\ndesperate and bloody action, which took place in the\\ntown that is now called Fryeburgh, is often visited\\nwith interest to this day, and the names both of\\nthose who fell, and those who survived, are yet\\nrepeated with exultation.!\\nAfter the lapse of a considerable period from the\\ntransfer from Mason to Alleli, it was discovered that\\nthe conveyance was so defective as to be void. In\\n1746, John Tufton Mason, a descendant of the ori-\\nginal grantee, claiming the lands possessed by his\\nancestors, conveyed them, for fifteen hundred pounds,\\nto twelve persons, subsequently called the Masonian\\nat a fort, which he built at Ossapy pond, he proceeded with thirty-\\nfour men to the north end of a pond in Pigwawkett, now Fryeburg,\\nin Maine, and there a seVere action was fought with a parlj of\\nforty-two Indians, commanded by Paugus and Wah^^a, May 8,\\n1725. At the first fire, Lovewell and eight of his men x ere killed;\\nthe remainder retreated a short distance to a favouralle position,\\nand defended themselves. With the pond in their rear, the mouth\\nof an unfordable brook on their right, a rocky point en their left,\\nand having also the shellcr of some large pine trees, they foughl\\nbravely from len o clock till evening, when the Indians, who had\\nlost their leader, Paugus, killed by Mr. Chamberlain, retired, and\\nfled from Pigwawkett. Ensign Robbins and two others were mor-\\ntally wounded these were necessarily left behind to die. Eleven,\\nwounded but .able to march, and nine, unhurt, at the rising of the\\nmoon, quitted the fatal spot. Jonathan Frye, the chaplain, Lieut.\\nFarwell, and another man, died in the woods, in consequence of\\ntheir wounds. The others, with the widows and children of the\\nslain, received a grant of Lovewell s town, or Suncook, now Pem-\\nbroke, N. H., in 1728, in recompense of their sufferings. The\\nbodies of twelve were afterwards found by Col. Tyng, and buried.\\nCapt. Lovewell had two sons John died in Dtmslable, and Colonel\\nNehemiah in Corinth, Vermont. His daughter ir-arried Captain\\nJoseph Baker, of Pembroke. The last of his company, Thomas\\nAinsworth, died at Brookfield, January, 1794, aged 85. Allen s\\nBiography.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n83\\nproprietors who, to silence opposition, relinquished\\nall title to the lands already occupied, and also\\ngranted townships on the most liberal terms. Re-\\nserving certain portions of the land for themselves,\\nfor ministers, and for schools, they required merely\\nthat the grantees should, within a limited time, erect\\nmills and meeting-houses, clear and construct roads,\\nand settle ministers. In the course of time, nearly\\nall the Masonian lands, being about one fourth of the\\nwhole, were in this manner granted and conten-\\ntions ceased to disturb the repose, or impede the\\nprosperity of the colony.\\nCHAPTER V.\\nCONNECTICUT.\\nIt appears incontrovertibly established, that the\\nDutch eifected the first settlements on the river Con-\\nnecticut and it seems impossible to account, on any\\njust principles, for their being regarded as intruders\\nby the English settlers. They had made the first\\ndiscovery of Hudson s river, and had established them-\\nselves upon its banks. They had obtained a patent\\nfrom their o-overnment, who had as g-ood a right to\\ngrant lands discovered by their subjects, as any other\\nstate. This patent included the lands on Connecti-\\ncut river, which was discovered by them before it\\nwas known by the English to exist, and before the\\ngrant of the New England patent. After trading\\nwith the Indians for several years, they purchased of\\nthem a tract of land, and built upon it a fort and tra-\\nding house, before the country had been taken pos-\\nsession of by the English and the people from the\\nPlymouth and Massachusetts polonies, when they\\nattempted to drive them from it, came without a sha-\\ndow of title from the Plymouth company, under\\nwhom they professed to claim.*\\nThe Connecticut colony consisted of people who\\nfirst emigrated from England to Massachusetts, and,\\nGovernor Bradford gives the following account of this trans-\\naction, which confirms the Dutch claim of previous purchase and\\npossession. But the Dutch begin now to repent, viz. of their in-\\nvitation to the English and hearing of our purpose and prepara-\\ntion, endeavour to prevent us, get in a little before us, make a slight\\nfort, and plant two pieces of ordnance, threatening to stop our pas-\\nsage. But we having a great new bark and a frame of a house,\\nwith boards, naiL s, c., ready, that we might have defence against\\nthe Ind ans, who are much olTended that we bring home and restore\\nthe right sachems of the place called Watawanute, so as we are to\\nencounter a double danger in this attempt, both the Dutch and In-\\ndians. When we come up the river, the Dtitch demand what we\\nintend, and whither we would go I We answer, Up the river to\\ntrade. Now our order was to go and seat above them. They bid\\nus strike and stay, or they would shoot us and stood by their ord-\\nnance ready fitted. We answer, We have a commission from the\\nin the years 1630 and 1632, settled and formed them-\\nselves into churches at Dorchester, Watertown, and\\nCambridge, where they resided several years. But\\neither because the number of emigrants to Massa-\\nchusetts did not allow them all such a choice as they\\nwished of good lands, or because some jealousies had\\narisen between their pastors and leaders, and the\\nleading men of the colony, they took the resolution\\nof seating themselves again in the wilderness and\\nin the years 1635 and 1636 they removed their fami-\\nlies to Windsor, Weathersfield, and Hartford, on the\\nConnecticut river.\\nHaving made some preparation in the course of\\nthe summer for their winter s accommodation, to the\\nnumber of about sixty, men, women, and children, set\\nout on foot, about the middle of October, from Bos-\\nton to Connecticut, through the pathless wilderness,\\naccompanied by their cattle, swine, and other proper-\\nty. After a long and tedious journey through a con-\\n.tinued forest, and over rivers and mountains, they\\nreached their place of destination very late in the\\nseason. The winter ^set in this year much sooner\\nthan usual, and the weather was stormy and severe.\\nBy the 15th of November, Connecticut river was fro-\\nzen over, and the snow was so deep, and the season\\nso tempestuous, that a considerable number of the\\ncattle, which had been driven on from Massachusetts,\\ncould not be brought across the river. The people\\nhad so little time to prepare their huts and houses,\\nand to erect sheds and shelters for their cattle, that\\nthe sufferings of man and beast were extreme. In-\\ndeed, the hardships and distresses of the first planters\\nof Connecticut scarcely admit of a description. To\\ncarry much provision or furniture through a pathless\\nwilderness was impracticable. Their principal pro-\\nvisions and household furniture were therefore put\\non hoard several small vessels, which, by reason of\\ndelays and the tempestuousness of the season, were\\neither cast away, or did not arrive. Several vessels\\nwere wrecked on the coasts of New England by the\\nviolence of the storms. Two shallops, laden with\\ngovernor of Plymouth to go up the river to such a place; and if\\nthey shoot us, we must obey our order and proceed we would not\\nmolest them, but go on. So we pass along, and the Dutch threaten\\nus hard, yet they shoot not. Coming to our place, about a mile\\nabove the DiUcli, we quickly clap up our house, land our pro-\\nvisions, leave the companv appointed, send the bark home, and af-\\nterwards palisade our hou se about, and fortify belter. The Dutch\\nsend word home lo the Monhalos what was done and, in process\\nof time, they send a band of about seventy men, in wavlike manner,\\nwith colours displayed, lo assault us; but seeing lis sirenglliened,\\nand it would cost blood, they come lo a parley, and return in peace.\\nAnd this was our entrance there. We did the Dutch no wrong, for\\nwe took not a foot of any land they bought, but went to the place\\nabove them, and bought that tract of land which belonged to ihe\\nIndians we carried with us, and our friends, with whom the Dutch\\nhad nothing to do. -North American Review, vol. viii. p 84, 85.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "84\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n^oods from Boston to Coi.necticiit, in October, were\\ncast away on Brown s Island, near the Gurnet s nose\\nand the men, with every thing on board, were lost.\\nA vessel, with six of the Connecticut people on board,\\nwhich sailed from the river for Boston, early in No-\\nvember, \\\\\\\\^s, about tlie middle of the month, cast\\naway in Manamet Bay. The men got on shore, and\\nafter wandering ten days in deep snow and a severe\\nseason, without meeting with any human being, ar-\\nrived, nearly spent with cold and fatigue, at New\\nPlymouth. By the last of November, or beginning\\nof December, provision generally failed in the settle-\\nments on the river, and famine and death looked the\\ninhabitants sternly in the face. Some of them, driven\\nby hunger, attempted their way, in this severe season,\\nthrough the wilderness, from Connecticut to Massa-\\nchusetts. Of thirteen in one company who made this\\nattempt, one, in passing the river, fell through the\\nice, and was drowned. The other twelve were ten\\ndays on their journey, and would all have perished,\\nhad it not been for the assistance of the Indians. In-\\ndeed, such was the distress in general, that, by the\\n3d and 4th of December, a considerable part of the\\nnew settlers were obliged to abandon their habita-\\ntions. Sixty persons, men, women, and children,\\nwere necessitated, in the extremity of winter, to go\\ndown to the mouth of the river to meet their provi-\\nsions, as the only expedient to preserve their lives.\\nNot meeting with the vessels wliich they expected,\\nthey all went on board the Rebecca, a vessel of about\\nsixty tons. This, two days before, was frozen in\\ntwenty miles up the river but, by the falling of a\\nsmall rain, and the influence of the tide, the ice be-\\ncame so broken, and was so far removed, that she\\nmade a shift to get out. She ran, however, upon the\\nbar, and the people were forced to unlade her to get\\nher off. She was ]-eladen, and in five days reached\\nBoston. Had it not been for these providential cir-\\ncumstances, the people must have perished with fa-\\nmine. The people who kept their stations on the\\nriver, suffered in an extreme degree. After all the\\nhelp they were able to obtain by hunting, and from\\nthe Indians, they were obliged to subsist on acorns,\\nmalt, and grains.\\nIn the following spring, those who had made their\\nescape from Connecticut returned, and they were\\njoined by the rest of those who had determined to\\nmake a part of the new colony. About the beginning\\nof .Tune, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Stone, and about a hundred\\nmen, women, and children, took their departure from\\nCambridge, and travelled more than a hundred miles\\nTrumbull s History of Connecticut, p. 62.\\nthrough a hideous and trackless wilderness to Hart-\\nford. They had no guide but their compass, and\\nmade their way over mountains, through swamps,\\nthickets, and rivers, which were not passable but\\nwith great difficulty. They had no cover but the\\nheavens, nor any lodgings but those which simple\\nnature afforded them. They drove with them one\\nhundred and sixty head of cattle, and by the way\\nsubsisted on the milk of their cows. Mrs. Hooker\\nwas borne through the wilderness upon a litter.\\nThe people generally carried their packs, arms, and\\nsome utensils. They were nearly a fortnight on\\ntheir journey. This adventure was the more re-\\nmarkable, as many of this company were persons\\nof rank, who had lived in England in honour, afflu-\\nence, and delicacy, and were entire strangers to\\nfatigue and danger. t\\nFrom the commencement of the Connecticut colo-\\nny, the natives discovered a hostile disposition. Their\\nprincipal enemy was the Pecjuods, the most nirnie-\\nrous and warlike nation within the limits of the\\nstate, and perhaps in New England. They inha-\\nbited the country which environs the towns of New\\nLondon, Groton, and Stonington. Sassacus, the\\ngreat prince of the Pequods, had under him six and\\ntwenty sachems, and could bring into the field seven\\nhundred or a thousand warriors, who had been long\\naccustomed to victory. The royal residence was at\\na large fort situated on a beautiful eminence in\\nthe town of Groton, which commans an extensive\\nprospect of the sea and of the surroimding country.\\nThere was also another fortress, called Mystic fort,\\nsituated in the town of Stonington. After suffering\\nrepeated injuries, and the murder of about thirty of\\ntheir people, principally by the Pequods, the general\\ncourt, which had b%en convened for the purpose,\\nresolved on active hostilities, and immediately raised\\nan army of ninety men, half the effective force of the\\ncolony. These were to be joined by two hundred\\nmen from Massachusetts, and forty from Plymouth.\\nThe court which declared war was holden on the.\\n1st of May the men were raised and embarked on\\nthe river, under the command of Captain Mason,\\non the 10th and, after being wind-bound several\\ndays, sailed from the mouth of the river for Narra-\\nganset bay on the 19th. They were accompanied\\nby sixty Moheagan and River Indians, under Uncas,\\na Moheagan sachem. On reaching Narraganset bay,\\nthey landed to the number of seventy-seven English\\nmen, marched into the country of the Narragansets,\\nand communicated tlieir design to Mi.antonimoh, the\\nTrumbull s History of Conneclicnt, p. 64.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n85\\nsarhem of the country, who offered to join them.\\nInformation was here received tliat Captain Patrick\\nhad reached Providence, with a company of Massa-\\nchusetts troops, but it was resolved not to wait for\\nthis reinforcement. On the next day, they marched\\ntwenty miles through the west part of Rhode Island,\\nand reached Nihantick, which bordered on the Pe-\\nIn the morning, a considerable number of Miantonimoh s\\nmen came out and joined the English. This encouraged many of\\nthe Nihanticlcs also to join them. They soon formed a circle, and\\nmade protestations how gallantly they would fight, and what num-\\nbers they would kill. When the army marched the ne.xt morning,\\nthe captain had with him nearly five hundred Indians. He march-\\ned twelve miles, to the ford in Pawcatuck river. The day was\\nvery hot, and the men, through the great heat, and a scarcity of\\nprovision, began to faint. The army, therefore, made a considera-\\nble halt, and refreshed themselves. Here the Narragansel Indians\\nbegan to manifest their dread of the Pequods, and to inquire of\\nCaptain Mason, with great anxiety, what were his real intentions.\\nHe assured them, that it was his design to attack the Pequods in\\ntheir Ibrls. At this they appeared to be panic struck, and filled\\nwith amazement. Many of them drew off, and returned to Narra-\\nganset. The army marched on about three miles, and came to\\nIndian cornfields; and the captain, imagining that he drew near\\nthe enemy, made a halt he called his guides and council, and de-\\nmanded of the Indians how far it was to the forts. They r^pre-\\nsenled that it was twelve miles to Sassacus s fort, and that both\\nforts were in a manner impregnable. Wequash, aPequod captain,\\nor petty sachem, who had revolted from Sassacus to the Narragan-\\nsets, was (he principal guide, and he proved faithful. He gave\\nsuch information respecting the distance of the forts from each\\nother, and the distance which they were then at from the chief sa-\\nchems, as determined him and his officers to alter the resolution\\nwhich they had before adopted, of attacking them both at once, and\\nto make a united attack upon that al Mj stic. He found his men\\nso fatigued in marching through a pathless wilderness wilh their\\nprovisions, arms, and ammuniliorr, and so affected with the heal,\\nthat this resolution appeared to be absolutel) necessary. One of\\nCaptain Underbill s men became lame at the same time, and began\\nto fail. The army, therefore, proceeded directly to Mystic, and\\ncontinuing their march, came to a small swamp between two hills,\\njust at the disappearing of the day-light. The officers supposing\\nthat they were now near the fort, pitched their little camp between\\nor near two large rocks, in Groton, since called Porter s rocks.\\nThe men were faint and weary, and though the rocks were their\\npillows, their rest was sweet. The guards and sentinels were con-\\nsiderably advanced in front of the army, and heard the enemy\\nsinging at the fort, who continued their rejoicings even until mid-\\nnight. They had seen the vessels pass the harbour some days be-\\nfore, and had concluded that the English were afraid, and had no\\ncourage to attack them. They were therefore rejoicing, singing,\\ndancing, insulting them, and wearying themselves, on this account.\\nThe night was serene, and, towards morning, the moon shone\\nclear. The important crisis was now come, when the very exist-\\nence of Connecticut, under Providence, was to be determined by\\nthe sword in a single action, and to be decided by the good con-\\nduct of less than eighty brave men. The Indians who remained\\nwere now sorely dismayed, and though at first they had led the\\nvan, and boasted of great feats, yet were now all fallen back in\\nthe rear. About two hours before day, the men were roused with\\nnil e-xpedition, and, briefly commending themselves and their cause\\n1.0 God, advanced immediately towards the fort. After a march of\\nibout two miles, they came to the foot of a large hill, where a fine\\n\u00c2\u00ab:;ountry opened before them. The captain, supposing that the fort\\ncould not be far distant, sent for the Indians in the rear to come\\nip. Uncas and Wequash at length appeared. He demanded of\\n;hem where the fort was. They answered, on the top of the hill.\\nHe demanded of them where were the other Indians. They an-\\nswered, that they were much afraid. The captain sent to them not\\nto fly, but to mrround the fort at any distance they pleased, and see\\nquods country.* The army wheeled directly to\\nMy.stic fort, which was immediately attacked the\\ncontest, though tremendously severe, terminated in\\nfavour of the English, and in the destruction of the\\nIndians. Althougli this victory was complete, the\\nsituation of the army was extremely dangerous and\\ndistressing. Several were killed, and one fourth of\\nwhether Englishmen would fight. The day was nearly dawning,\\nand no time was now to be lost. The men pressed on in two di-\\nvisions. Captain Mason to the north-eastern, and Captain Under-\\nhill to the western entrance. As the object which they had been\\nso long .seeking came into view, and while they reilected they were\\nto fight not only for themselves, but their parents, wives, children,\\nand the whole colony, the martial spirit kindled in their bosoms,\\nand they were wonderfully animated and assisted. As Captain\\nMason advanced within a rod or two of the fort, a dog barked, and\\nan Indian roared out, Owanu.x! Owanux That is. Englishmen!\\nEnglishmen The troops pressed on, and, as the Indians were\\nrallying, poured in upon them, through the palisadoes, a general\\ndischarge of their muskets, and then wheeling oft to the principal\\nentrance, entered the fort sword in hand. Notwithstanding the\\nsuddenness of the attack, and the blaze and thunder of the arms,\\nthe enemy made a manly and desperate resistance. Caplain Ma-\\nson and his party drove the Indians in the main street towards the\\nwest part of the fort, where some bold men, who had forced their\\nway, met them, and made such slaugliler among them, that the\\nstreet was soon clear of the enemy. They secreted themselves iu\\nand behind their wigwams, and taking advantage of every covert,\\nmaintained an obstinate defence. The captain and his men enter-\\ned the wigwams, where they were beset with many Indians, who\\ntook every advantage to shoot them, and lay hands upon them, so\\nthat it was with great difiiculty that they could defend themselves\\nwith their swords. After a severe conflict, in which many of the\\nIndians were slain, some of the English killed, and others sorely\\nwounded, the victory still hung in suspense. The captain, finding\\nhimself much exhausted, and out of brealh, as well as his men, by\\nthe extraordinary e-xertions which they had made in lliis critical\\nstale of action, had recourse to a successful expedient. He cries\\nout to his men, We must burn them. He immediately, entering\\na wigwam, took fire and put it into the mats with which the wig-\\nwams were covered. The fire inslanily kindling, spread with such\\nviolence, that all the Indian houses were soon wrapped in one ge-\\nneral flame. As the fire increased, the English retired without the\\nfort, and compassed it on every side. Uncas and his Indians, with\\nsuch of the Narragansets as yet remained, took courage, from the\\nexample of the English, and formed anolher circle in the rear of\\nthem. The enemy were now seized with astonishment and,\\nforced by the flames from their lurking places inio open light, be-\\ncame a fair mark for the English soldiers. Some climbed ihe pali-\\nsadoes, and were instantly brought down by the fire of the English\\nmuskets. Others, desperately sallying forth from their burning\\ncells, were shot, or cut in pieces -ivilh the sword. Such terror fell\\nupon them, that they would run back from the English into the\\nvery flames. Great numbers perished in Ihe conflagration. The\\ngreatness and violence of the fire, the reflection of the light, the*\\nflashing and roar of the arms, the shrieks and 3 cllings of the men,\\nwomen, and children, in the fort, and the shoutings of the Indians\\nwithout, just at the dawning of the morning, exhibited a grand and\\nawful .scene. In little more than an hour, this whole work of de-\\nstruction was finished. Seventy wigwams were burnt, and five or\\nsix hundred Indians perished, either by the sword, or in the flames.\\nA hundred and fifty warriors had been sent on the evening before,\\nwho, that very morning, were to have gone forth against Ihe Eng-\\nlish. Of these, and all who belonged to ihe fort, seven only es-\\ncaped, and seven were made prisoners. It had been previously\\nconcluded not to burn the fort, but lo destroy the enemy, and take\\nthe plunder; but the captain afterwards found it the only expedient\\nto obtain the victory, and save his men. Thus parents and children,\\nthe sannup and squaw, the old man and the babe, perished in promis-\\ncuous ruin. Trumbull s History of Connecticut, vol. i. p 83\u00e2\u0080\u009486", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "86\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ntheir number were wounded the remainder were\\nexhausted with fatigue, and destitute of provisions\\nthey were in the midst of an enemy s country, many\\nmiles from their vessels, and their ammunition was\\nnearly exhausted they were but a few miles distant\\nfrom the principal fortress of their foe, where there\\nwas a fresh army, which they knew would be exaspe-\\nrated in the highest degree on learning the fate of\\ntheir brethren. In the midst of their perplexity,\\nwhile they were consulting on the course to be pur-\\nsued, their vessels appeared in sight, steering with a\\nfair wind directly into the harbour. The army was\\nreceived on board with great mutual joy and con-\\ngratulation.\\nThe troops employed on this successful expedition\\nreached their homes before the expiration of a month\\nfrom the day that the war was resolved upon. The\\nPequods, on the departure of Captain Mason, burnt\\ntheir wigwams, destroyed their principal fort, and\\nscattered themselves throughout the country. Sassa-\\ncus, with a party of his chief warriors, abandoned\\nhis country, and moved by slow marches towards the\\nHudson river. They were followed by a party of\\nMassachusetts and Connecticut troops and, in a\\ngreat swamp in Fairfield, near the western part of\\nConnecticut, they were overtaken, and a battle en-\\nsued. Sassacus, and about twenty of his most hardy\\nmen, escaped, and fled to the Mohawk country but\\nthere he found no safety he was surprised by\\nthe Mohawks, and killed, with all his party, except\\nMononotto,* who, after being wounded, made his\\nescape. The Pequods who remained were divided\\nbetween the Moheagans and Narragansets, and the\\nnation became cxtinct.t The vigour and boldness\\nwith which this war was prosecuted on both sides,\\ngive it the air of romance. Its decisive termination,\\nwhich was so fatal to one party, was productive of\\nthe most happy consequences to the other. It struck\\nthe Indians throughout New England with such a\\nsalutary terror, that they were contented, in general,\\nto remain at peace for nearly forty years.\\nThe summer of the year 1637 witnessed the ar-\\nrival of Mr. John Davenport, a celebrated London\\nAmong the Peqnod captives were the wife and children of\\nMononotto. She was particularly noticed by the English for her\\ngreat modesty, humanity, and good sense. She made it as her\\nonly request, that she might not be injured, either as to her off-\\nspring, or personal honour. As a requital of her kindness to the\\ncaptivated maids, her life and the lives of her children, were not\\nonly spared, btit they were particularly recommended to the care\\nof Governor Winthrop. He gave charge for their protection and\\nkind treatment. Trumbull s History of Connecticut, vol. i. p. 92.\\nt The prisoners who were taken in tliis war were treated by\\nthe English with great cruelty. Many of them were put to death.\\nSeveral sachems were beheaded at Menunkaluch, and the spot\\nhas, from the cruel deed, been called Sachem s Head to this day.\\nminister, accompanied by several eminent merchants,\\nand other persons of respectability. The unmolested\\nenjoyment of civil and religious liberty was the ob-\\nject of their emigration. Not finding in Massachu-\\nsetts sufficient room for themselves, and the numerous\\nfriends whom they expected to follow them, and be-\\ning informed of a large bay to the south-west of\\nConnecticut river, commodious for trade, they applied\\nto their friends in Connecticut to piirchase for them,\\nof the native proprietors, all the lands lying between\\nthe rivers Connecticut and Hudson and this pur\\nchase they in part effected. In the autumn, some of\\nthe company made a journey to Connecticut to ex-\\nplore the lands and harbours on the coast, and pitch-\\ned upon Quinnipiack for the place of their settle-\\nment. Here they erected a hut, in Avhich a few men\\nremained through the winter. The way being thus\\nprepared, the rest of their company sailed from Boston\\nfor Quinnipiack in the following March and, in\\nabout a fortnight, arrived at the desired port. On\\nthe 18th of April, they kept their first sabbath under\\na large spreading oak, where Mr. Davenport preach-\\ned to them. They speedily entered into what they\\ntermed a plantation covenant. Determined to make\\nan extensive settlement, these enterprising colonists\\npaid early attention to the making of such purchases\\nand treaties, as would give it stability. In Novem-\\nber, they entered into an agreement with Momauguin,\\nsachem of that part of the country, and his counsel-\\nlors, for the lands of Quinnipiack. Momauguin, in\\nconsideration of being protected by the English from\\nthe hostile Indians, yielded up his right and title to\\nall the land, of Quinnipiack, of which he was the\\nsole sachem, to John Davenport, and others, their\\nheirs and assigns, for ever and they, in return, cove-\\nnanted that they would protect him and his Indians\\nthat they should always have a sufficient quantity of\\nland to plant on the east side of the harbour.t In\\nDecember, they made another purchase of a large\\ntract, lying principally north of the other, extending\\neight miles east of the river Quinnipiack, and five\\nmiles west of it towards Hudson s river. Near the\\nbay of Q,uinnipiack they laid out their town in\\nThe women and children were divided among the troops, and it is\\nstated that the people of Massachusetts sent a number of the women\\nand boys to the West Indies, and sold them for slaves. How op-\\nposed is this treatment to the benevolent spirit that breathes in the\\nletter of the amiable Robinson to the people of Plymouth, on learn-\\ning that some of the natives had been killed, when he says, O, how\\nhappy a thing had it been that you had converted some before you\\nhad killed any North American Review, vol. viii. p. 93.\\nt By the way of free and grateful retribution, they gave him,\\nhis council, and company, twelve coats of English cloth, twelve\\nalchyray spoons, twelve hatchets, twelve hoes, two dozen of knives,\\ntwelve porringers, jind four cases of French knives and scissors.\\nHolmes s American Annals, vol. i. p. 245.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfe7\\nsquares, on the plan of a spacious city, and called it\\nNew Haven. This town was the foundation of a\\nflourishing colony of the same name, of which it be-\\ncame also the capital.*\\nIt appears that these emigrants at first acknow-\\nledged the authority of Massachusetts and that the\\ngeneral court of that colony was very reluctant to\\nadmit a separate jurisdiction. t Bat it being evident\\nthat the new colonists were wholly without the limits\\nsf the Massachusetts patent, they convened an as-\\njembly at Hartford, and formed a constitution of go-\\nvernment, which was of the most popular kind, the\\nleading objects of which were to maintain the liberty\\nand purity of the gospel, the discipline of the chiu ches,\\nand the administration of the government according\\nto the laws.t The people of New Haven, also, the\\nsame year, formed a constitution sinrilar to that of\\nthe neighbouring colony, except that it was a little\\nmore strict in not admitting any but church mem-\\nbers to the privileges of freemen. These continued\\nto be the constitutions of the two colonies, until they\\nwere united under the new charter in 1661.\\nThe union of the several colonies of New England\\nhas already been described, both as to its causes, its\\nnature, and its effects on the colony of Massachusetts.\\nIt may, however, be observed, in addition to what has\\nHubbard, c. 42. Mather, Magnal. b. i. p. 25. Tnunbull, vol.\\nI.e. 6. p. 95 100. Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 83. Chalmers, b. i. p.\\n290. The last mentioned tract, bought in December, was pur-\\nchased of Montowese, son of the great sachem at Mattabeseck, and\\nwas ten miles in length, north and south, and thirteen miles in\\nbreadth. It included all the lands within the ancient limits of the\\nold towns of New Haven, Branford, and Wallingford, and almost\\nthe whole within the limits of those towns, and of the more modern\\ntowns of East Haven, Woodbridge, Cheshire, Hamden, and North\\nHaven. For this tract the English gave thirteen coats, and allow-\\ned the natives ground to plant, and liberty to hunt within the lands.\\nP. Stiles MSS. and Dr. Trumbull, from New Haven Records.\\nHolmes s American Annals, vol. i. p. 245.\\nt The annals of colonization, ancient or modern, can scarcely\\nshow the commencement of a settlement so extremely faulty as\\nthat of Connecticut. The territory, of which they thus took pos\\nsession, was not only already occupied by the Dutch, but had been\\ngranted sixteen years before to the Plymouth company. The\\nwhole coast of New England was, not long after, divided into\\ntwelve differei\u00c2\u00bbt parts and, in the presence ol James I., allotted to\\nso many distinct members of that body. And in April, 1635, that\\nportion of it was assuredly granted to .Tames, marcjuis of Hamil-\\nton, as his share, which stretches from the river Connecticut, east-\\nward, to the Narraganset bay; and, from its source, one hundred\\nmiles into the continent. That part of it which extends from\\nConnecticut to Hudson s river was probably conveyed to the earl\\nof Stirlirg as his proportion; and since the patent was now sur-\\nrendered, as we have seen, into the royal hands, the powers of go-\\nvernment, which had been formerly given in trust to that famous\\ncorporation, again reverted to the crown. The emigrants before-\\nmentioned can be considered in no other light, therefore, than as\\nmere intruders on the rights of others. The jurisdiction supposed\\nto be invested in English nobles was imdoubtedly groundless and\\nit is unnecessary to mention those governmental acts of Massa-\\nchusetts which proceeded from acknowledged usurpation. Chal-\\nmers, b. i. chap. xii. p. 288, 289.\\nt The preamble states, that they, the inhabitants and residents\\n12\\nalready been stated, that, on the completion of the\\nconfederacy, several Indian sachems came in, and\\nsubmitted to the English government, among whom\\nwere Miantonomoh, the Narraganset, and Uncas, the\\nMoheagan chief The union rendered the colonies\\nformidable to the Dutch as well as the Indians, and\\nrespectable in the view of the Frencli it also main-\\ntained general harmony among themselves, and secu-\\nred the peace and rights of the country.\\nThe Connecticut and New Haven people had been\\nengaged in the most vexatious and irritating quarrels\\nwith the Dutch, from the first settlement of their co-\\nlonies, the effect of which had been to excite them to\\na state of the most bitter hostility. In the mean\\ntime, the English parliament declared war against\\nthe United Provinces, and several obstinate naval\\nbattles were fought in the British channel thus\\nopening the way for hostilities between the infant\\ncolonies of tbe two countries on this continent, if they\\nwere so disposed. On the 19th of May, 1653, a spe-\\ncial meeting of the commissioners of the United Colo-\\nnies was holden at Boston, in consequence of a\\nrumour, that a plot had been formed between the\\nDutch at New Netherlands, and the Indians in all\\nquarters of tbe country, to cut off, by a general mas-\\nsacre, the whole English population of New England.\\noC those towns, well knowing, that, where a people are gathered\\ntogether, the AVord of God requireth, that, to maintain the peace\\nand union of such a people, there should be an orderly and decent\\ngovernment established, according to God, to order and dispose of\\nthe affairs of the people at all seasons, as occasion should require,\\ndo therefore associate and conjoin themselves to be as one public\\nstate or commonwealth. The constitution provided, that there\\nshould be annually two general courts or assemblies, one on the\\nsecond Thursday of April, and the other, on the second Thursday\\nof September that at the first, called the court of election, there\\nshould be annually chosen a governor and six magistrates, who,\\nbeing sworn according to an oath recorded for that purpose, should\\nhave power to administer justice according to the laws here esta-\\nblished, and, in defect of a law, according to the rule of the word\\nof God and that as many other officers and magistrates might be\\nchosen, as should be found requisite that all should have the right\\nof election who were admitted freemen, had taken the oath of\\nfidelity, and lived within this jurisdiction, having been admitted\\ninhabitants by the town where they live and that no person might\\nbe chosen governor more than once in two years. The towns of\\nHartford, Windsor, and Wethersfield were severally authorized to\\nsend four of their freemen, as their deputies, to every general court\\nand it was provided, that such other towns, as should afterwards\\nbe formed and admitted into the body politic, should send as many\\nas the court, upon the principle of apportioning the number of de-\\nputies to the number of freemen, should judge meet. In this body\\nwas vested the supreme power of the commonwealth, executive,\\nlegislative, and judicial. This constitution has been thought to\\nbe one of the most free and happy constitutions of civil govern-\\nment ever formed. Its formation, at a period when the light of\\nliberty was extinguished in most parts of the earth, and the rights\\nof men were, in others, so little understood, does great honour to\\nthe colonists by whom it was framed. It continued, with little al-\\nteration, to our own day and the libeity, peace, and prosperity,\\nwhich it secured to the people of Connecticut for nearly two centu-\\nries, are seldom, if ever, found in the history of nations.\\nHolmes s American Annals, vol. i. p. 251.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "8b\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nTlie rumour of this plot was derived from the In-\\ndians, and it was supposed to be corroborated by va-\\niious circumstances. It was also reported, that the\\nnorthern and eastern Indians had become insolent in\\ntheir conduct towards the English and several In-\\ndians on Long Island, and in the neighbourhood of\\nthe Manhadoes, averred that they had been solicited,\\nwith the promise of liberal presents, to join the Dutch\\nin a conspiracy to cut off the English. About the\\nsame time, the Dutch governor wrote to the govern-\\nors of the New England colonies, proposing to enter\\ninto an engagement to remain neutral, unless contrary\\norders should be given by their superiors, notwith-\\nstanding the war subsisting between the two coun-\\ntries, and offering to send an agent to treat on the\\nsubject with the commissioners. This proposition\\nwas considered as altogether insidious, and tending\\nto corroborate the rumours of hostile designs.\\nConnecticut and New Haven became alarmed a\\nmeeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies\\nwas called, and evidence of the plot laid before them.\\nA majority was in favour of war but the colony of\\nMassachusetts, being remote from the danger, was\\naverse to it. As she was much stronger than either\\nof the others, it was, at the suggestion of her depu-\\nties, resolved, that agents should first be sent to de-\\nmand of the Dutch governor an explanation of his\\nconduct. The agents did not obtain what they con-\\nceived to be a satisfactory explanation. On their\\nreturn, another meeting of the commissioners was\\nheld at Boston, additional testimony was laid before\\nthem, and several ministers of Massachusetts were in-\\nvited to assist at their deliberations, a practice not\\nunusual at that period. The opinion of these minis-\\nters being requested, they concluded, that it would be\\nsafest for the colonies to forbear the use of the sword.\\nBut all the commissioners, except one, were of opinion,\\nthat recent aggressions justified, and self-preservation\\ndictated, an appeal to the sword. They were about\\nto declare war, when the general court of Massachu-\\nsetts, in what the other colonies conceived to be a\\ndirect violation of one of the articles of the confedera-\\ntion, resolved, that no determination of the com-\\nmissioners, though all should agree, should bind the\\ncolony to engage in hostilities. At this declaration,\\nConnecticut and New Haven felt alarmed and indig-\\nnant. They conwdered the other colonies too weak,\\nwithout the assistance of Massachusetts, to contend\\nwith the Dutch and their Indian allies. They argued,\\nThose of our readers who may be desirous to understand the\\nmerits of this controversy between the colonies, we refer to a very\\nable aud impartial extract in the North American Review, vol. iv.\\np. no, et secj. We take this early opportunity to express our ac-\\nentreated, and remonstrated, but without success.*\\nThey then represented their danger to Cromwell, and\\nimplored his assistance. He, with his usual prompt-\\nitude, sent a fleet for their protection, and for the\\nconquest of their enemies tiit peace in Europe, in-\\ntelligence of which reached New England soon after\\nthe arrival of the fleet, saved the Dutch from subju-\\ngation, and relieved the colonies from the dread ol\\nmassacre.\\nSoon after the restoration, the Connecticut colony\\nsent Mr. Winthrop, son of Governor Winthrop, of\\nMassachusetts, to England, with an humble petition to\\nthe king, in which they solicited a charter under the\\nroyal signature. Mr. Winthrop was a gentleman of\\nfine talents and address, and he succeeded in enga-\\nging in his interest several gentlemen of influence at\\ncourt. He was also possessed of a valuable ring,\\nwhich had been given by Charles I. to his grandfa-\\nther this, on his audience with the king, he present-\\ned to his majesty, which is supposed to have materi-\\nally influenced the king in his favour. On the 20th\\nof April, 1662, he obtained a patent under the great\\nseal, granting the most ample privileges, and confirm-\\ning to the freemen of the Connecticut colony, and\\nsuch as should be admitted freemen, all the lands\\nwhich had been formerly granted to the earl of War-\\nwick, and by him transferred to Lord Saye and Sele,\\nand his associates. This charter established over\\nthe colony a form of government of the most popular\\nkind, and continued the fundamental law of Connec-\\nticut for the space of one hundred and fifty-eight\\nyears. It is remarkable, says a writer in the North\\nAmerican Review, that, although it was granted at\\na period of the world when the rights of the people\\nwere little understood and little regarded, and by a\\nsovereign who governed England with a more arbi-\\ntrary sway than any of his successors, the form of\\ngovernment established by this charter was of a more\\npopular description, and placed all power within the\\nmore immediate reach of the people, than the consti-\\ntution for which it has been deliberately* exchanged,\\nin these modern days of popular jealousy and repub-\\nlican freedom. The colony of New Haven was\\nincluded in the new charter of Connecticut but the\\ninhabitants for several years refused to consent to\\nthe union, till the apprehension of the appointment\\nof a general governor, and of their being united with\\nsome other colony, with a charter less favourable to\\nliberty, induced them to yield a reluctant assent.\\nknowledgment to the editors of that very ably conducted periodical,\\nfor the assistance it has rendered us in this, as in other portions of\\nthe history and to express the satisfaction we feel at the extensive\\ncirculation it is now acquirinff in the British dominions.\\ni", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n89\\nTlie circumstance which chiefly occasioned tlie\\napprehensions alhided to, was the grant of Charles II.\\nto his brother, the duke of York and Albany, of a\\npatent of a large territory in America, comprising\\nlands from the west side of the river Connecticut, to\\nthe east side of Delaware bay. A fleet was immedi-\\natel^ despatched for the reduction of the Dutch in\\nNew Netherlands, and commissioners were appointed\\nfor taking possession of the newly granted territories,\\nin which were embraced the whole of New Haven,\\nand a large portion of Connecticut. They were not\\nonly intrusted with the government of this territory,\\nbut were also invested with extraordinary powers for\\nvisiting the New England colonies, and hearing all\\nmatters of complaint and controversy which might\\narise in them. The people of New Haven, on hear-\\ning of the arbitrary disposition of these commission-\\ners, thought it expedient, as the least of two evils, to\\nshelter themselves under the Connecticut charter, and\\nto unite with that colony in endeavouring to secure\\nthe privileges granted by it. Mr. Winthrop and\\nothers (a committee appointed for the purpose) suc-\\nceeded in obtaining from the commissioners the esta-\\nblishment of the eastern line of New York, nearly\\nwhere it runs at the present day, and thus preserved\\nthe colony from being dismembered of the richest\\nand most populous section of its territory.\\nConnecticut was destined to suffer, with the rest of\\nthe colonies, from the violent acts committed in the\\nlast years of the reign of the Stuarts. Massachu-\\nsetts had been deprived of her charter, and Rhode\\nIsland had been induced to surrender hers, when, in\\nJuly, 1685, a writ of quo warranto\\\\vz.s issued against\\nthe governor and company of Connecticut. The co-\\nlonial government was strongly advised by Vane to\\ncomply with the requisition, and surrender the charter\\nbut it was determined neither to appear to defend the\\ncharter nor voluntarily to surrender it. Sir Ed-\\nmund Andros, whose appointment to the ofiice of go-\\nvernor of the New England colonies has been related\\nin the preceding chapter, made repeated applications\\nfor the surrender of the charter, but without success.\\nThe sing ilar mode of its escape from his demand in\\nperson, is thus recorded by Trumbull The assem-\\nbly met as usual, in October, 1687, and the govern-\\nment continued, according to charter, until the last of\\nthe month. About this time, Sir Edmund, with his\\nsuite, and more than sixty regular troops, came to\\nHartford, where the assembly were sitting, demanded\\nTrumbull s History of Connecticut, p. 371,372.\\nt The records of the colony announce the fad in the following\\nterras: At a general court at Hartford, October 3lst, 1687, his\\ne.iicellency. Sir Edmund Andros, knight, and captain-general and\\ngovernor of his majesty s territories and dominions in New Eng-\\nthe charter, and declared the government under it to\\nbe dissolved. The assembly were extremely reluc-\\ntant and slow with respect to any resolve to surrender\\nthe charter, or with respect to any motion to bring it\\nforth. The tradition is, that Governor Treat strongly\\nrepresented the great expense and hardships of the\\ncolonists in planting the countiy the blood and trea-\\nsure which they had expended in defending it, both\\nagainst the savages and foreigners to what hard-\\nships and dangers he himself had been exposed for\\nthat purpose and that Jt was like giving up his lifi;,\\nnow to surrender the patent and privileges so dearly\\nbought, and so long enjoyed. The important aflaii\\nwas debated and kept in suspense until the evening,\\nwhen the charter was brought and laid upon the table\\nwhere the assembly were sitting. By this time, great\\nnumbers of people were assembled, and men sufii-\\nciently bold to enterprise whatever might be necessary\\nor expedient. The lights were instantly extinguish-\\ned, and one Captain Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the\\nmost silent and secret manner, carried off the charter,\\nand secreted it in a large hollow tree, fronting the\\nhouse of the Honourable Samuel Wyllys, then one\\nof the magistrates of the colony. The people ap-\\npeared all peaceable and orderly. The candles were\\nofficiously re-lighted, but the patent was gone, and no\\ndiscovery could be made of it, or of the person who\\nhad conveyed it away. Though Sir Edmund was\\nthus foiled in his attempt to obtain possession of the\\ncharter, he did not hesitate to assume the reins of go-\\nvernment, t which he administered in a manner as\\noppressive in this as in the other colonies. When\\non the arrival of the declaration of the prince oi\\nOrange at Boston, Andros was deposed and im-\\nprisoned, the people of Connecticut resumed their pre-\\nvious form of government, having been interrupted\\nlittle more than a year and a half\\nIn the Indian war, in which PhiUp acted so con-\\nspicuous a part, Connecticut had her share of suffer-\\ning, though it was not so great as that of some of her\\nsister colonies. Hostilities were commenced by the\\naborieines, on the Connecticut river, in the summer\\nof 1675 and. on the 1st of September, the inhabit-\\nants of Hadley were alarmed by the Indians duriiijj\\nthe time of public worship, and the people thrown\\ninto the utmost confusion but the enemy were re\\npulsed by the valour and good conduct of an aged,\\nvenerable man, who, suddenly appearing in the midst\\nof the aff righted inhabitants, put himself at their\\nland, by order from his majesty, James II., king of England, Scot-\\nland, France, and Ireland, the 3lst of October, 1687, took into hia\\nhands the government of the colony of Coiftiecticut, it being, by his\\nmajesty, annexed to Massachusetts, and other colonies under \\\\\\\\u\\nexcellency s government. Finis -Ibid.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2JO\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nhead, led them to the onset, and, after the dispersion\\nof the enemy, instantly disappeared. This deliverer\\nof Hadley, then imagined to be an angel, was Ge-\\nneral Goffe, (one of the judges of Charles I.,) who\\nwas at that time concealed in the town.*\\nBut a short time elapsed, before the colonists\\nwere again called on to defend their privileges from\\nwhat they deemed an unjust encroachment. Colo-\\nnel Fletcher, governor of New York, had been vested\\nwith plenary powers to command the militia of Con-\\nnecticut, and insisted on the exercise of that com-\\nmand. The legislature of Connecticut, deeming that\\nauthority to be expressly given to the colony by\\ncharter, would not submit to his requisitions but,\\ndesirous of maintaining a good understanding with\\nGovernor Fletcher, endeavoured to make terms with\\nhim, until his Majesty s pleasure should be further\\nknown. All their negotiations were, however, un-\\nsuccessful and, on the 26th of October, he came to\\nHartford, while the assembly was sitting, and, in his\\nmajesty s name, demanded submission but the refu-\\nsal was resolutely persisted in. After the requisition\\nhad been repeatedly made, with plausible explana-\\ntions and serious menaces, Fletcher ordered his com-\\nmission and instructions to be read in audience of\\nthe train bands of Hartford, which had assembled\\nupon his order. Captain Wadsworth, the senior\\nofficer, who was exercising his soldiers, instantly\\ncalled out, Beat the drums which, in a moment,\\noverwhelmed every voice. Fletcher connnandcd\\nsilence. No sooner was a second attempt made to\\nread, than Wadsworth vociferated, Drum, drum I\\nsay. The drummers instantly beat up again, with\\nthe greatest possible spirit. Sileiace, silence, ex-\\nclaimed the governor. At the first moment of a\\npause, Wadsworth called out earnestly, Drum,\\ndrum, I say; and, turning to his excellency, said,\\nIf I am interrupted again, I will make the sun\\nshine through you in a moment. Colonel Fletcher\\ndeclined putting Wadsworth to the test, and aban-\\ndoning the contest, returned with his suite to New\\nYork. It has been already observed, that tHe history\\nof the American colonies has been decidedly vmder-\\nvalued and neglected this must have been the case\\neven with the best educated classes of society, or\\nsurely, after such specimens of determined indepen-\\ndence of spirit as the history of this colony, and of\\nMassachusetts, exhibits, the measures which ulti-\\nSuddenly, and in the midst of the people, there appeared a\\nman of a very venerahle aspect, who look the command, arranged\\nand ordered them in the best military manner, and under his di-\\nrection they repelled and routed the Indians, and the town was\\nsaved. He immediately vanished, and the inhabitants could not\\nii ;couiit f( r the phenomenon, but by considering that person as an\\nmately led to an entire separation would never have\\nreceived the sanction of the British senate.\\nIn the year 1700, Yale college was founded. The\\nproject had been the subject of conversation for the\\nspace of two years, and at length eleven gentlemen,\\nwho had been agreed on as trustees, assembled at\\nBranford, and laid the foundation of tlie college.\\nIn the year following, the trustees obtained from the\\ngeneral assembly an act of incorporation, and a grant\\nof 120/. annually. It was originally established at\\nSaybrook and, in 1702, the first degrees were there\\nconferred. Elihu Yale made several donations to\\nthe institution, and from him it derives the name it\\nbears. A succession of able instructers has raised\\nit to a high rank among the literary institutions oi\\nthe country. The history of this college, as well as\\na description of its extensive buildings, will appear\\nin the topographical department of this work.\\nThe trustees of Yale College, assembled at Guil-\\nford, March 17th, 1703, addressed a circular letter to\\nthe ministers, proposing to hold a general synod of\\nall the churches in the colony, to give their joint\\nconsent to a confession of faith, after the example of\\nthe synod in Boston, 1680. This proposal was uni-\\nversally acceptable and the ministers and churches\\nof the several counties met in voluntary consocia-\\ntion, and gave their consent to the Westminster and\\nSavoy confessions of faith, and agreed upon certain\\nrules of union in discipline, which were designed to\\nbe preparatory to a general synod. Still there was\\nno visible and acknowledged bond of union among\\nthem and the disadvantages attendant upon a want\\nof system were felt to a considerable extent. Under\\nthe influence of these considerations, the legislature\\npassed an act in May, 1708, requiring the ministers\\na-nd churches to meet by delegation at Saybrook,\\nat the next commencement to be held there, and\\nform an ecclesiastical constitution, which they were\\ndirected to present to the legislature at their session\\nat New Haven, the following October, to be consi-\\ndered of, and confirmed by them. In the same act\\nthey directed the ministers, and churches of the\\ncolony, to meet (the churches by delegation) in the\\ncounty towns of their respective counties there to\\nconsider and agree upon those rules for the manage-\\nment of ecclesiastical discipline, which they should\\njudge conformable to the word of God, and to\\nappoint two or more of their number as members of\\nangel, sent of God for their deliverance. Stiles, Hiat. Judges, p.\\n109. From New Haven, Whalley and Goffe went to West\\nRock, a mountain about three hundred feet high, and about two\\nmiles and a half from the town, and were for some time concealed\\nin a cave on the very top of the rock, about half or three qnarteiB\\nof a mile from the southern extremity. Stiles, p. 72, 76.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n91\\nthe synod at Saybrook. They also directed the\\nsynod to compare the results of these ecclesiastical\\nmeetinsjs of the several counties, and out of them to\\ndraw a form of ecclesiastical discipline. The ex-\\npenses of all these meetiasfs were to be defrayed out\\nof the public treasury. The system agreed upon by\\nthe synod was presented to the legislature at the\\ntime specified upon which they passed the follow-\\ning act\\nThe Heads of Agreement afford an autheiuic slateraeiit of\\ntliP doctrine and discipline of the New England churches and, as\\ntlipy will most eflectually vindicate these societies from misrepre-\\nsentation, and enable our readers to avoid misconception, we have\\nquoted them at length. The Platform, and the whole pro-\\nceedings respecting it, may be found in the fifth book of Mather s\\nMagnalia.\\nHEADS OP ACREEIMENT ASSENTED TO BY THE UNITED MINISTERS, FORMER-\\nLY CALLED PRESBYTERIAN AND CONGREGATIONAL.\\nI. Of Ckurches and Church Members. I. We acknowledge our\\nLord Jesus Christ to have one catholic church, or kingdom, com-\\nprehending all that are united to him, whether in heaven or earth\\nand do conceive the whole multitude of visible believers, and their\\ninfant see-i, (commonly called the catholic visible church,) to be-\\nlong to Christ s spiritual kingdom in this world; but for the notion\\nof a catholic visible church here, as it signifies its having been col-\\nlected into any formed society, imder a visible human head on\\nearth, whether one person singly, or many collectively, we, with the\\nrest of protestants, unanimously disclaim it. 2. We agree, that\\nparticular societies of visible saints, who, under Christ their head,\\nare statedly joined together, for ordinary communion with one\\nanother in all the ordinances of Christ, are particular churches,\\nand are to be owned by each other as instituted churches of Christ,\\nthough differing in apprehensions and practice in some lesser\\nthings. 3. That none shall be admitted as members, in order to\\ncommunion in all the special ordinances of the gospel, but such\\npersons as are knowing and sound in the fundamental doctrines of\\nthe christian reliffion. .without scandal in their lives; and to a\\njudgment regulated by the word of God, are persons of visible ho-\\nliness and honesty, credibly professing cordial subjection to Jesus\\nChrist. 4. A competent number of such visible saints, as before\\ndescribed, do become the capable subjects of stated communion in\\nall the special ordinances of Christ, upon their mutual declared\\nconsent and agreement to walk together therein according to gospel\\nrule. In which declaration, different degrees of explicitness shall\\nDO ways hinder such churches from owning each other as instituted\\nchurches. 5. Though parochial bounds be not of divine right, yet,\\nfor common edification, the members of a particular church ought\\n(as much as conveniently may be) to live near one another. 6. That\\neach particular church hath right to use their own officers and\\nbeing furnished with such as are duly qualified and ordained ac-\\ncording to the gospel rule, hath authority from Christ for exer-\\ncising government, and of enjoying all the ordinances of worship\\nWithin itself. 7. In the administration of church power, it belongs\\nto the pastors and other elders of every particular church, if such\\nthere be, to rule and govern, and to the brotherhood to consent, ac-\\ncording to the rule of the gospel. 8. That all professors, as before\\ndescribed, are bound in duty, as they have opportunity, to join\\nthemselves as fixed members of some particular church their thus\\njoining being part of their professed subjection to the gospel of\\nChrist, and an instituted means of their establishment and edifica-\\ntion, whereby they are under the pastoral care, and, in case of\\nscandalous or offensive walking, may be authoritatively admonish-\\ned or censured for their recovery, and for vindication of the truth\\nand the church professing it. 9. That a visible professor thus\\njoined to a particular church ought to continue steadfast with the\\nsaid church, and not forsake the ministry and ordinances there dis-\\npiinsed, without an orderly seeking a recommendation unto- another\\nchurch, which ought to be given, when the case of the person ap-\\nparently requiies it.\\nAt a general court, hold in at New Haven, Octo-\\nber, 1708\\nThe reverend ministers, delegates from the elders\\nand messengers of this government, met at Saybrook,\\nSeptember 9th, 1708, having presented to this assem-\\nbly a Confession of Faith, and Heads of Agreement,*\\nand regulations in the administration of church\\ndisciphne, as unanimously agreed and consented to\\nby the elders and churches in this government this\\nII. of the Ministry. 1. AVe agree that the minis erial office is\\ninstituted by Jesus Christ for the gathering, guiding, edifying, and\\ngoverning of his church, and fo continue to the end of the world.\\n2. They who are called to this office ought to be endued with com-\\npetent learning and ministerial gifts, as also with the grace of God,\\nsound in judgment, not novices in the faith and knowledge of the\\ngospel, without scandal, of holy conversation, and such as devote\\nthemselves to the work and service thereof. 3. That, ordinarily,\\nnone shall be ordained to the work of this ministry, but such as are\\ncalled and chosen thereunto by a particular church. 4. That in\\nso great and weighty a matter as llie calling and choosing a pastor,\\nwe judge it ordinarily requisite, that every such church consult and\\nadvise with the pastors of neighbouring congregations. 5. That\\nafter such advice, the person consulted about being chosen by the\\nbrotherhood of that particular church over which he is to be set,\\nand he accepting, be duly ordained and set apart to his office over\\nthem wherein it is ordinarily requisite, that the pastors of neigh-\\nbouring congregations concur with the preaching elder or elders,\\nif .such there be. 6. That, whereas such ordination is only intend-\\ned for such as never before had been ordained to the ministerial\\noffice if any judge, that in the case also of the removal of one\\nformerly ordained to a new station, or pastoral charge, there ought\\nto be a like solemn recommending him and his labours to the grace\\nand blessing of God no different sentiments, or practice herein,\\nshall be any occasion of contention or breach of communion among\\nus. 7. It is expedient, that they who enter on the woik of preach-\\ning the ffospel, be not only qualified for communion of saints, but\\nalso, that, except in cases extraordinary, they give proof of their\\ngifts and fitness for the said work unto the pastors of churches of\\nknown abilities to discern and judge of their qualiScations,that\\nthey may be sent forth with solemn approbation and prayer, which\\nwe judge needful, that no doubt may remain concerning their being\\ncalled unto the work, and for preventing, as much as in us lieih,\\nignorant and rash intruders.\\nIII. Of Censures. 1. As it cannot be avoided, but that in the\\npurest churches on earth, there will sometimes offences and scan-\\ndals arise, by reason of hypocrisy and prevailing corruption so\\nChrist hath made it the duty of every church to reform itself by\\nspiritual remedies appointed by him to be applied in all such cs.sei,\\nviz. admonition and excommunication. 2. Admonition being the\\nrebuking of an ofiending member in order to conviction, is, in case\\nof private offences, to be performed according to the rule in Matt,\\nxviii. 15, 16, 17, and in case of public offences, openly before the\\nchurch, as the honour of the gospel, and the nature of the scandal,\\nshall require and if either of the admonitions take place for the\\nrecovery of the fallen person, all further proceedings in a way of\\ncensure are thereon to cease, and satisfaction to be declared ac-\\ncordingly. 3. When all due means are used, according to the\\norder of the gospel, for the restoring an offending and scandalous\\nbrother, and he, notwithstanding, remains impenitent, the censure\\nof excommunication is to be proceeded unto wherein the pastor,\\nand other elders, (if there be such,) are to lead and go before the\\nchurch; and the brotherhood to give their consent in a way of\\nobedience unto Christ, and to the elders, as ovei them .n the Lord.\\n4. It may sometimes come to pass, that a church member, not\\notherwise scandalous, may sinfully withdraw, and divide liimself\\nfrom the communion of the church fo which he belongpth in\\nwhich case, when all due means for the reducing him prove inef-\\nfectual, he having thereby cut himself off from that church s com-\\nmunion, the church may justly esteem and declart itself discharged\\nof any further inspection over him.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "92\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nassembly doth declare their great approbation of such\\na happy agreement and do ordain, that all the\\nchurches within this government, that are or shall be\\nthus united in doctrine, worship, and discipline, be,\\nand for the future shall be, owned and acknow-\\nledged, and established by law provided always,\\nthat nothing herein shall be intended or construed\\nto hinder or prevent any society or church that is,\\nor shall be, allowed by the laws of this government,\\nwho soberly differ or dissent from the united churches\\nhereby established, from exercising worship and dis-\\ncipline in their own way, according to their con-\\nsciences.\\nDr. Dwight gives the following concise and clear\\nview of what he terms the two ecclesiastical judi-\\ncatories established in the state of Connecticut, a\\nparticular church, and a consociation. A particular\\nchurch, with its pastor at its head, has the power of\\nexercising the discipline of the gospel with respect to\\nall scandals which take place among its members.\\nWith respect to this subject, it is declared to be the\\nprovince of the pastor, together with the ruling elders,\\nwherever they exist, to govern and that of the bro-\\ntherhood to consent, and, of course, if they see occa-\\nsion, to dissent. This constitutes two distinct powers\\nIV. of Communion of Churches. 1. We agree that particular\\nchurches ought not to walk so distinct and separate from each\\nother, as not to have care and tenderness towards one another. But\\ntheir pastors ought to have frequent meetings together, that, hy mu-\\ntual advice, support, encouragement, .and brotherly intercourse,\\nthey may strengthen the hearts and hands of each other in the ways\\nof the Lord. 2. That none of our particular churches shall be\\nsubordinate to one another, each being endued with equality of\\npower from Jesus Christ and that none of the said particular\\nchurches, their otfieer or officers, shall exercise any power, or have\\nany superiority, over any other church or their officers. 3. That\\nknown members of particular churches, constituted as aforesaid,\\nmay have occasional communion with one another in the ordinances\\nof the gospel, viz. ihe word, prayer, sacraments, singing of psalms,\\ndispensed according to the mind of Christ, unless that church, with\\nwhich they desire communion, hath any just exception against\\nthem. 4. That we ouglu not to admit any one to be a member of\\nour respective congregations that hath joined himself to another,\\nwithout endeavours of mutual satisfaction of the congregations\\nconcerned. 5. That one church ought not to blame the proceed-\\nings of another, until it hath heard what that church charged, its\\nelders or messengers, can say in vindication of themselves from\\nany charge of irregular or injurious proceedings. 6. That we are\\nmost willing and ready to give an account of our church proceed-\\nings to each other, when desired, for preventing or removing any\\noffences that maj arise among us. Likewise, we shall he ready to\\ngive the right hand of fellowship, and walk together according to\\nthe gospej rules of communion of churches.\\nV. Of Deacons and Ruling Elders. We agree, the office of a\\ndeacon is of divine appointment, and that it belongs to their office\\nto receive, lay out, and distribute the church s slock to its proper\\nuses, by the direction of the pastor and brethren, if need be. And,\\nwhereas divers are of opinion, that there is also the office of ruling\\norders, who labour not in word and doctrine; and others think\\notherwise we agree that this diffi2rence make no breach among us.\\nVI. Of occasional Meeting of Ministers, c. 1. We agree that,\\nin order to concord, and in other weighty and difficult cases, it is\\nneedful, and according to the mind of Christ, that the ministers of\\none of which (the elder or elders) is to original t de-\\ncisions and the .other has the right of a veto with\\nrespect to every decision. This certainly is a judi-\\ncatory, attended with circumstances of extreme deli-\\ncacy for, should the brotherhood refuse their consent,\\nthe measures originated must regularly fall. It might\\nnot unnaturally be expected, that, in such a division\\nof authority, most measures actually proposed would\\nfail. The very same is, however, the constitution of\\nevery representative government, so far as a veto is\\nconcerned each branch of the legislature having, ot\\ncourse, a negative upon the other. Here, also, each\\nbranch has additionally the power of originating\\nmeasures. The general association of Connecticut\\nis a body merely advisory, yet its recommendations\\nhave no small part of the efficacy derived from au-\\nthority. The business transacted by it consists in a\\ngeneral superintendence of the prudential affairs Oi\\nthe churches in receiving applications from the\\nseveral ministers, individur.lly and associated and\\nfrom the several churches, particular or consociated,\\nconcerning their respective interests, or the general\\necclesiastical interests of the state and giving theil-\\nadvice, recommending such measures originally as\\nthey judge to be beneficial. It is undeniably true,\\nseveral churches be consulted and advised with about such mat-\\nters. 2. That such meetings may consist of smaller or greater\\nnumbers, as the matter shall require. 3. That particular ehui ;hes,\\ntheir respective elders and members, ought to have a reven niiai\\nregard to their judgment so given, and not dissent therefrom with-\\nout apparent grounds from the word of God.\\nVII. Of our Demeanour towards the Civil Magistrate. I. We\\ndo reckon ourselves obliged continually to pray for God s protec-\\ntion, guidance, and blessing, upon the rulers set over us. 2. That\\nwe ought to yield unto them not only subjection in the Lord, but\\nsupport, according to our station and abilities. 3. That, if at any\\ntime it shall be their pleasure to call together any number of us to\\nrequire an account of our atfairs, and* the stale of our congrega-\\ntions, we shall most readily express all dutiful regard to them\\nherein.\\nVIII. Of a Confession of Faith. As to what appertains to\\nsoundness of judgment in matters of faith, we esteem it sufficient\\nthat a church acknowledge the Scriptures to be the word of God,\\nthe perfect and only rule of faith and practice, and own either the\\ndoctrinal part of those commonly called the Articles of the church\\nof England, or the Confession or Catechisms, shorter or larger,\\ncompiled by Ihe assembly at Westminster, or the confession agreed\\non at the Savoy, to be agreeable to the said rule.\\nIX. Of our Duty and Deportment towards them that are not in\\nCommunion with us. 1. We judge it our duty to bear a christian\\nrespect to all Christians, according to their several ranks and sta-\\ntions, that are not of our persuasion or communion. :i. As for such\\nas luay be ignorant of the principles of the christian religion, or of\\nvicious conversation, we shall, in our respective places, as they\\ngive opportunity, endeavour to explain to them the doctrine of life\\nand salvation, and to our utmost persuade them to be reconciled to\\nGod. 3. That such who appear to have the essential requisites to\\nchurch communion, we shall willingly receive them in the Lord,\\nnot iroubling them with disputes about lesser matters. Mather s\\nMagnalia, b. v. p. 59\u00e2\u0080\u009461.\\nThe general association is also now the incorporated Mission-\\nary Society of the state, both foreign and domestic.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n93\\nthat some evils have ever been attendant on the pure-\\nly congregational or independent system of church\\ngovernment but they have arisen rather from the\\nabsence of a proper spirit among the members of the\\nchurches, than from the form of government itself.\\nThe history of the proceedings of the consociations\\nof Connecticut, affords but a poor recommendation\\nfor their general adoption, as a remedy for the disad-\\nvantages of independency although it must be ad-\\nmitted that the injurious tendencies of such associa-\\ntions was much aggravated by the intimate connexion\\nwhich existed between the civil and ecclesiastical\\npowers in this colony and, most assuredly, the acts\\nof the hierarchy of Connecticut fully evince, that the\\nsword of the magistrate should never be entrusted to\\nthe hands, or to the influence, of any priesthood, how-\\never pure or exemplary. Tlie tyrannical character\\nof their proceedings was decidedly exhibited, in their\\ntreatment of many of the most devoted labourers, in\\nthat great moral renovation which pervaded almost\\nevery part of the colony in 1738, and the following\\nyears.\\nIt might be supposed by some of our readers, that\\na revival of religion is not a subject that should oc-\\ncupy a place in the general history of a state. It is\\ntrue, that the advance or decay of any particular re-\\nligious sect belongs to the ecclesiastical, rather than\\nto the civil record but it is far otherwise with a\\ngreat moral change aflectina: all classes of society\\nsuch a circumstance is of more importance to the\\ncivil interests of society, than even the political insti-\\ntutions which are deemed essential to its prosperity.\\nOriginated by whatever circumstances, private virttie\\nis the only basis on which the security of states can\\never rest and with the extraordinary rise of the\\nAmerican republic as the peculiar subject of our con-\\nsideration, it would be unpardonable not to feel this\\nsentiment in its fullest force. We are the more de-\\nsirous of giving faithfully the general outline of the\\nproceedings which have been designated revivals,\\nboth because they have recently attracted a consider-\\nable portion of public attention, and because we con-\\nceive they have not been regarded in a perfectly cor-\\nrect point of view, either by their opponents, or by\\ntheir approvers.\\nIt was in the year 1735, that the first very decided\\nindication of a revival spirit manifested itself at North-\\nampton, Massachusetts, under the ministry of the\\nRev. Jonathan Edwards, afterwards president of the\\ncollege in New Jersey. It appears to have commenced\\namong the young people of his congregation. Pre-\\nsently, says Dr. Edwards, a great and earnest con-\\ncern about the things of religion and the eternal\\nworld became universal in all parts of the town, and\\namong persons of all degrees and ages. All the\\nconversation in all companies, and upon all occasions,\\nwas upon these things only, unless so much as was\\nnecessary for people to carry on their ordinary secular\\nbusiness. Other discourse than of the things of reli-\\ngion would scarcely be tolerated in any company.\\nThey seemed to follow their worldly business more\\nas a part of their duly, than from any disposition\\nthey had to it. The temptation now seemed to lie\\non this hand, to neglect worldly affairs too much, and\\nto spend too much time in the immediate exercises of\\nreligion. But although people did not ordinarily\\nneglect their worldly business, yet there then was the\\nreverse of what commonly is religion was with all\\nthe great concern. This state of feeling spread\\nrapidly during the following seven years through\\nmany of the towns of the New England states, and\\nin some of those of New York and New Jersey. This\\nwork, says Dr. Trumbull,* was very extraordinary\\non many accounts. It was much beyond what had\\nbeen the common course of Providence. It was more\\nuniversal than had before been known. It extended\\nto all sorts and characters of people, sober and vicious,\\nhigh and low, rich and poor, wise and unwise. To\\nall appearance, it was no less powerful in families\\nand persons of distinction, in the places which it\\nvisited, than others. In former works of this nature,\\nyoung people had generally been wrought upon, while\\nelderly people and children had been little affected,\\nif moved at all. But at this time old men were af-\\nfected as well as others. People, in a wonderful\\nmanner, flocked together to places of public worship,\\nnot only on the Lord s-day, but on lecture days, so\\nthat the places of worship could not -contain them.\\nThey would not only fill the houses, but crowd round\\nthe doors and windows without, and press together\\nwherever they could hear the preacher. They would\\nnot only thus assemble in their own towns and pa-\\nrishes when the word was preached, but if they had\\nthe knowledge of lectures in the neighbouring towns\\nand parishes, they would attend them. Sometimes\\nthey would follow the preacher from town to town,\\nand from one place to another, for several days to-\\ngether. In some instances, in places but thinly set-\\ntled, there would be such a concourse, that no house\\ncould hold them. There was, in the minds of people,\\na general fear of sin, and of the wrath of God de-\\nnounced against it. There seemed to be a general\\nconviction, that all the ways of man were before the\\neyes of the Lord. It was the opinion of men of dis-\\nHistory of Connecticut, vol. ii. p, 141.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "94\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncernment and sound judgment, who had the best op-\\nportunities of knowing the feelings and general state\\nof the pet ple at that period, that bags of gold and\\nsilver, and other precious things, might, with safety,\\nhave been laid in the streets, and that no man would\\nhave converted them to his own use. Theft, wanton-\\nness, intemperance, profaneness, sabbath-breaking,\\nand other gross sins, appeared to be put away. The\\nintermissions on the Lord s-day, instead of being spent\\nin worldly conversation and vanity, as had been too\\nusual before, were now spent in religious conversa-\\ntion, in reading and singing the praises of God. At\\nlectures there was not only great attention and serious-\\nness in the house of God, but the conversation out of\\nit was generally on the great concerns of the soul.\\nThere is a circumstance which considerably con-\\ntributed to accelerate the diffusion of a revival spirit,\\nwhich must not be overlooked the visits of-the cele-\\nbrated contemporaries, Wesley and Whitefield, to the\\nAmerican continent, just at this period.* The ex-\\ntraordinary exertions of the latter especially excited\\nand emboldened many faithful ministers of Connecti-\\ncut, whose labours and pecuniary sacrifices now be-\\ncame greater than they had ever before experienced\\nor imagined they conld endure. They not only\\nabounded in active exertions among their own and\\nneighbouring congregations, but preached in all parts\\nof the colony, where their brethren would admit them,\\nand in many places in Massachusetts, and the other\\ncolonies. They were very popular, and their labours\\nwere generally acceptable to their brethren, and use-\\nful to the people. They were not noisy preachers,\\nbut grave, sentimental, searching, and pungent. Con-\\nMr. WhilefieW landed at Philadelphia the beginning of No-\\nvember, 1739. On his arrival, he was invited to preach in all the\\nchurches, and people of all denominations flocked in crowds to hear\\nhim. After preaching a few days in Philadelphia, he made a visit\\nto New York, and preached eight times in that )ilace with great\\napplause and effect. Thence he returned to Philadelphia, preach-\\ning on the way, both going and returning. Prom thence he went\\nto Georgia by land, preaching on the way as he proceeded. Num-\\nbers followed, some twenty, and some even si.xty miles. He preach-\\ned at Chester, Wilmington, Newcastle, and Whitley-creek. At\\nthe last of these places, it was computed that his congregation con-\\nsisted of not less than ten thousand hearers; and the people seemed\\nalmost universally impressed. These reports reaching New Eng-\\nland, there was a great desire, both in ministers and people, to see\\nand hear him; and Dr. Coleman and Mr. Cooper, of Boston, sent\\npressing invitations that he would pay them a visit. Mr. White-\\nfield, touched with a curiosity to see the descendants of the good\\nold puritans, and their seats of learning, and hoping that he might\\nmake some further collections for his favourite object, the orphan-\\nhouse in Georgia, accepted their invitation. He arrived at Rhode\\nIsland on September 14th, 1740. Here a number of principal gen-\\ntlemen soon waited oi: him. He preached there three days, twice\\na day, to deeply affected auditories. He then departed for Boston,\\nwhere he was met on the road by the governor s son, several of\\nthe clergy, and other gentlemen of principal character, who con-\\nducted him into the city. His assemblies there were so large, that\\nthe most capaciotis houses could not contain them, and he often\\nnecticut was, however, more remarkably the seat of\\nthe work than any part of New England, or of the\\nAmerican colonies. In the years 1740, 1741, and\\n1742, it had pervaded, in a greater or less degree,\\nevery part of the colony. In most of the towns and\\nsocieties, it was very general and powerful.\\nIt has been estimated, that, during three years,\\nfrorp thirty to forty thousand persons had their minds\\naffected in the decided manner which has been de-\\nscribed. It might naturally have been supposed, that,\\nas many of these impressions occurred at a period oi\\nextraordinary excitement, they would not have been\\ngenerally productive of permanently beneficial results.\\nThe contrary, however, in a very great majority of\\ninstances, appears to have been the fact. The ef-\\nfects on great numbers, says Dr. Trumbull, were\\nabiding and most happy they were the_most uniform,\\nexemplary christians, with whom I was ever ac-\\nquainted. I was born, and had my education, in\\nthat part of the town of Hebron in which the work\\nwas most prevalent and powerful. They were extra-\\nordinary for their constant and serious attention on\\nthe public worship they were prayerful, righteous,\\npeaceable, and charitable they kept up their reli-\\ngious meetings for prayer, reading, and religious con-\\nversation, for many years they were strict in the re-\\nligion and government of their families, and I never\\nknew that any one of them was ever guilty of scan-\\ndal, or fell under discipline. About eight or ten\\nyears after the religious revival and reformation, that\\npart of the town was made a distinct society, and it\\nwas mentioned to Mr. Lothrop, the pastor elect, as an\\nencouragement to settle with them, that there was\\npreached on the common. This was the beginning of the most ex-\\ntraordinary revival of religion ever experienced in Boston, or in\\nthat part of New England. When Mr. Whitefield left Boston, it\\nwas for Northampton. He had read in England the narrative of\\nMr. Edwards, of the remarkable work of God in that place, in\\nI7I55, and had a great desire to see him, and receive the account\\nfrom his own mouth. On his way, pulpits and houses were every\\nwhere open to him, and the same happy influence and effects at-\\ntended his preaching, which had been experienced in other places.\\nWhen he arrived at Northampton, about the middle of October, he\\nwas joyfully received by Mr. Edwards and the people. After\\nleaving their interesting society, he preached in the neighbouring\\ntowns to large and deeply affected congregations. On the 23d of\\nOctober, he reached New Haven. Here he was affectionately re-\\nceived and, as the general assembly were then sitting, he re-\\nmained several days,,and had the pleasure of seeing numbers daily\\nimpressed. After the sabbath he preached at Milford, and prose-\\ncuting his journey to New York, and the southern colonies, he\\npreached with his usual popularity and success. Taking leave of\\nConnecticut, he preached at Rye and Kingsbridge, and, on the\\n30th of October, arrived at New York. Here he remained three\\ndays, and then departed, preaching through the southern colonies,\\nas he had done before, but apparently with still greater success.\\nIt appears he was the instrument of great good in New England,\\nas well as in the southern colonies. He greatly quickened and\\nanimated ministers, as well as private Christians, especially in\\nMassachusetts and Connecticut.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n95\\nnoi a drunkard in the whole parish. While I lived\\nin it, I did not know of one prayerless family among\\nhis people, nor ever heard of one. Some of those\\npeople, who dated their conversion from that period,\\nlived until they were far advanced in life and after\\nI was settled in the ministry, I became acquainted\\nwith them in one place and another. They appear-\\ned to be some of the most consistent practical Chris-\\ntians with whom I ever had an acquaintance. Their\\nlio;ht shone before men, through a long life, and\\nbrightened as they advanced on their way. Some I\\nwas called to visit in their last moments in full pos-\\nsession of their rational powers, who appeared per-\\nfectly to acquiesce in the will of God, to die in the\\nfull assurance of faith, and in perfect triumph over\\nthe last enemy.\\nThese proceedings, though so accordant with the\\nprinciples and spirit of the reformation, the professed\\nmodel of the Connecticut establishment, did not re-\\nceive its concurrence. In the midst of such a mani-\\nfestation of popular feeling, there were some irregu-\\nlarities which did not comport with the discipline, and\\nsome doctrinal variations from the creed, of the\\nSaybrook platform. Every deviation or excess was\\nmagnified into importance by the majority of the\\nclergy, who were indisposed to any extraordinary ex-\\nertion, and who dreaded the infectious zeal spreading\\namong their flocks. Numerous opposers appeared\\nagainst what they were pleased to term the new\\nlight and, as in most similar cases, the oppugners\\nof reform were supported by the aristocracy. The\\nbaneful effects of establishments and of consocia-\\ntions, were also plenteously exhibited. A striking\\ninstance of the deplorable illiberality of the latter\\noccurred in the case of Mr. Robbins, who, after a\\nvariety of vexatious proceedings on the part of the\\nconsociation of New Haven county, was deposed from\\nhis office of pastor of the church at Branford, for\\nhaving preached for a dissenting baptist minister at\\nWallingford, without the permission of the establish-\\ned clergyman of the parish His own church, how-\\never, resolved, that this society desire the Rev. Mr.\\nRobbins to continue in the ministry among us, not-\\nwithstanding his preaching to the Baptists, and what\\nthe consociation of New Haven county have done\\nthereon thus preferring to be excluded from the\\nconsociation, and become dissenters themselves, ra-\\nther than submit to spiritual tyranny in so gross a\\nform.*\\nThe edicts of the state were still more oppressive\\nThose of our readers who may be desirous of becoming more\\nintimately acquainted with the ecclesiastical history of this colony\\nthan our limits will permit, can refer to Trumbull s History of\\n13\\nthan those of the clergy, and remind us of the pater-\\nnal decrees of the Emperor Ferdinand II., who, from\\nthe urgings of his tender conscience, and from his\\nfatherly care for the salvation of his kmgdom of\\nBohemia, denounced ruin and destruction against all\\nwho resisted his spiritual decrees. In May, 1742,\\nthe general assembly of Connecticut resolved as fol-\\nlows\\n1. Be it enacted by the governor, council, and\\nrepresentatives in general court assembled, and by the\\nauthority of the same, that if any ordained minister,\\nor any other person licensed as aforesaid, to preach,\\nshall enter into any parish not immediately under his\\ncharge, and shall there preach and exhort the people,\\nhe shall be denied and excluded the benefit of any law\\nof this colony, made for the support and encourage-\\nment of the gospel ministry, except such ordained\\nminister, or licensed person, shall be expressly invited\\nand desired to enter into such parish, and there to\\npreach and exhort the people, by the settled minister,\\nand the major part of the church and society within\\nsuch parish.\\n2. And it is further enacted by the authority\\naforesaid, that if any association of ministers shall\\nundertake to examine or license any candidate for the\\ngospel ministry, or assume to themselves the decision\\nof any controversy, or as an association, counsel and\\nadvise in any affair that, by the platform, or agree-\\nment above mentioned, made at SayV)rook, aforesaid,\\nis properly within the province and jurisdiction of\\nanother association, then, and in such case, every\\nmember that shall be present in such association so\\nlicensing, deciding, or counselling, shall be each and\\nevery one of them denied and excluded the benefit of\\nany law in this colony, for the encouragement and\\nsupport of the gospel ministry.\\n3. And it is further enacted, by the authority\\naforesaid, that if any minister, or ministers, contrary\\nto the true intent and meaning of this act, shall pre-\\nsume to preach in any parish, not under his immedi-\\nate care and charge, the minister of the parish where\\nhe shall so offend, or the civil authority, or any of\\nthe committee of said parish, shall give information\\nthereof in writing, under their hands, to the clerk of\\nthe society or parish where such offending minister\\ndoth belong, which clerk shall receive such informa-\\ntion, and lodge and keep the same on file in his office,\\nand no assistant or justice of the peace in this colony\\nshall sign any warrant for the collecting any minis-\\nter s rate, without first receiving a certificate from\\nConnecticut, a very valuable work, to which we are indebted lor\\nmuch of the information comprised in this chapter.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "96\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe clerk of the society, or parisli, where such rate is\\nto be collected, that no such information as is above\\nmentioned hath been received by him, or lodged in\\nbis office.\\n4. And be it further enacted, by the authority\\naforesaid, that if any person whatsoever, that is not\\na settled or ordained minister, shall go into any\\nparish, without the express desire and invitation of\\nthe settled minister of such parish, if any there be,\\nand the major part of the church and congregation\\nwithin such parish, and publicly teach and exhort\\nthe people, he shall, for every such offence, upon\\ncomplaint made thereof to any assistant or justice of\\nthe peace, be bound to his peaceable and good beha-\\nviour, until the next county court in that county\\nwhere tlie ofience shall be committed, by said assist-\\nant or justice of the peace, in the penal sum of one\\nhundred pounds lawful money, that he or they will\\nnot offend again in the like kind and the said\\ncounty court may, if they see meet, furtlier bind the\\nsaid person or persons, offending as aforesaid, to\\ntheir peaceable and good behaviour, during the\\npleasure of the court.\\n5. And it is further enacted, by the authority\\naforesaid, that if any foreigner, or stranger, that is\\nnot an inhabitant of this colony, including as well\\nsuch persons as have no ecclesiastical character, or\\nlicense to preach, or such as have received ordina-\\ntion or license to preach, by any association or pres-\\nbytery, shall presume to preach, teach, or publicly\\nexhort, in any town or society within this colony,\\nwithout the desire and license of the settled luinister,\\nand the major part of the church of such town and\\nsociety, or at the call and desire of the church and\\ninhabitants of such town and society, provided that\\nit so happen that there be no settled minister there,\\nthat every such preacher, teaclier, or exhorter, shall\\nbe sent, as a vagrant person, by warrant from any\\nassistant or justice of the peace, from constable to\\nconstable, out of the bounds of this colony.\\nThese enactments were afterwards rendered still\\nmore severe and, under their authority, several worthy\\nministers were arrested and imprisoned. Thislawwas\\nan outrage on every principle of justice, and on the most\\ninherent and valuable rights of the subject. It was\\na palpable contradiction, and gross violation, of the\\nConnecticut bill of rights. It was equally an inva-\\nsion of the rights of heaven, and incompatible with\\nthe command, Go ye into all the world, and preach\\nthe gospel to every creature. In obedience to this\\ncommand, the primitive preachers went every where,\\npreaching the word. They regarded no parochial\\nlimits, and when high priests and magistrates forbade\\ntheir preaching, they answered, Whether it be\\nright in the sight of God to hearken unto you more\\nthan unto God, judge ye for we cannot but speak\\nthe things which we have seen and heard. This\\nlaw was also contrary to the opinion and practice of\\nall the reformers and puritans. The reformers all\\npreached within the parishes and bishopricks of the\\nRoman catholics, and by this means, under Divine\\nProvidence, effected the reformation. It never could\\nhave been effected without it. The puritans preached\\nwithin the parishes of the church of England, and\\njudged it their indispensable duty to preach the gos-\\npei whenever and wherever they had an opportu-\\nnity. They did it zealously and faithfully, though\\nexposed to fines, imprisonment, and loss of living.\\nEven in Connecticut, the Episcopalians were allowed\\nto preach and collect hearers, erect churches, and\\nform ecclesiastical societies, in opposition to the\\nestablished ministers and churches. The law was\\ntherefore partial, inconsistent, and highly persecu-\\nting.\\nAnother circumstance, of a character equally\\nilliberal, occurred about the same period as the\\nenactment of these obnoxious laws. Two young\\nmen, of the name of Cleveland, were students at\\nYale College. Their parents had separated, with\\nothers, from the ministry of a Mr. Coggswell, at\\nCanterbury, and had attended meetings at a private\\nhouse. These young gentlemen, while at home\\nduring the vacation in September, attended the sepa-\\nrate meetings with their parents. One of them, it\\nseems, was a member of the separate church. For\\nthis, and their neglect to confess their fault in that\\nrespect, they were both expelled from college. The\\nexpulsion of these yoimg men made a great clamour\\nin the state, as unprecedented and cruel. It was\\nconsidered as a severity exceeding the law of college\\nrespecting that case. The president and tutors\\nallowed young men of the church of England, and\\nof other denominations, to be in college without\\nrenoxmcing their principles the treatment of these\\nyoung men was therefore considered as partial,\\nsevere, and unjust. It began to be perceived, by\\nmany, that people had a right to worship God\\naccording to the dictates of their own consciences,\\nand at such times, and in such places, as they plea-\\nsed that this was the principle on which the pro-\\ntestants and puritans acted, and the only one on\\nwhich their separation and conduct could be justified.\\nThey discovered, that if christian legislatures and\\ncouncils had a right to appoint the modes and places\\nof worship, and confine Christians to them, that then\\nthe papists, and church of England, had a right to\\nI", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n97\\nbind all Christians to worship with them, and the\\nreformers and puritans were totally wrong, and the\\npersecutions raised against them were just. Hence\\nthey rejected the constitution, as then understood\\nand acted upon, and the laws as really tyrannical and\\npersecuting.*\\nThis circumstance tended considerably to mcrease\\nthe dissatisfaction which had already evinced itself by\\nseveral separations from the established church, and\\nthese now became more frequent and extensive. The\\nministers of the separatists were exposed to continual\\npersecution at Canterbury. Some of them were ar-\\nrested, condemned, and sentenced to be bound in a\\nbond of a hundred pounds not to offend again in\\nthe like manner but as they conceived it was their\\nindispensable duty to exhort and teach the people,\\nand as they determined to teach and exhort when\\nthey should have opportunity, they would not give\\nbonds, and so were committed to prison, and kept a\\nlong time from their families, and from the worship\\nand communion of their brethren, and endured much\\nThe acl of the legislature, and the proceedings in conse-\\nquence of it towards ministers and others, and the procedure at\\ncollege, were repugnant to the sentiments of Mr. Locke, and all\\nthe best writers on toleration. The intolerant spirit of the president\\nand governors of college at that time, will appear from an atfair\\nwhich happened soon after the law was made to prevent disorders,\\nc. A number of the senior class in college set a subscription on\\nfoot for the reprinting of Mr. Locke s essay on toleration, and ob-\\ntained a considerable number of subscribers, and were about to en-\\ngage, or had engaged, for the reprinting of it. The president found\\nit out, and reprimanded thetn for such a piece of conduct, and or-\\ndered them to make a public confession for what they had done, or\\nelse they should not have their degrees. They all made their con-\\nfessions but one he was of age, and a man of considerable pro-\\nperty, and had some knowledge of the credit of Mr. Locke s wri-\\ntings, and of that tract in particular, and he would make no con-\\nfession for his attempts to obtain the reprinting of such a tract.\\nThe day before commencement he found his name was not in the\\ncatalogue of his class, who were to have their degrees he waited\\non the president and corporation to know the reason why his name\\nwas not in the catalogue he was told that he had been in the mis-\\nchievous business of carrying about subscriptions for the reprinting\\nof Mr. Locke on toleration. Ele told them he was of age, and had\\nproperty, and if he could not have his degree, he would appeal to\\nthe king in council; that he had an attorney, and would enter it\\nsoon. Some time after, a freshman was sent to him, acquainting\\nhim that the president and corporation wished to see him. He\\nwaited on them, and they treated him with much complaisance,\\nand told him to appear with his class, and take his degree.\\nTrumbull, vol. ii. p. 183.\\nt To know well the origin of our early institutions, and those\\nshades of djflerence which mark different portions of the Union,\\nIn legard to our religious and literary establishments; and, also,\\nthe cause of certain sectional feelings or prejudices, now less felt\\nthan formerly, is a subject of some interest. We profess not to\\nbe able, in every case, to give complete satisfaction, but we hope,\\nin the e.x.amination of this subject, to show, generally, the origin\\nof our institutions, to develop the character of the first settlers of\\nour country, and to exhibit the causes which have given certain\\nsectional traits to our people.\\nWe praise our ancestors, and deservedly too, for our literary,\\nmoral, and religious institutions but when we examine the sub-\\nject with accuracy, we shall know what, and how much, to attri-\\nbute to accident, and what to design. To do this, we must look\\nhardship in their long confinement. Others were ar-\\nrested and imprisoned for refusing to pay their min-\\nister s rates which were laid upon them, though they\\nhad protested against his settlement, and withdrawn\\nthemselves wholly from his ministry. Others had\\ntheir cattle and goods taken and sold at half their\\nvalue, to pay for the support of the minister of the\\nparish. These violent measures, instead of checking\\nthe separation, and conciliating the minds of the peo-\\nple, alienated them more and more from the constitu-\\ntion and standing churches, and confirmed them in\\ntheir belief that they were right, and actually suffering\\nin tlie cause of christian liberty.\\nThe persevering opposition of the dissenters, though\\na circumstance of great annoyance to a large portion\\nof the community, was attended with results, remote\\nindeed, yet highly beneficial. It put to the test the\\nprinciples on wliich the Connecticut establishment\\nwas founded its constitution has consequently under-\\ngone successive modifications, until it has been render-\\ned far more worthy of a liberal and enlightened state.!\\nto the parent country, and ascertain, with brevity, the religious,\\nand political stale of England previous to the settlement of this\\ncountry, and see with what motives and feelings our progenitors\\nwere induced to leave their native land, where were deposited the\\nashes of their ancestors, and dissolve all the ties of home and\\nfriendship, and emigrate to a wilderness, separated from the mo-\\nther country by a great ocean.\\nWe go back to the time of Henry VIII., and take a short view\\nof the state of religion from that period to the time of the first\\nsettlements in our own country. During this period changes were\\neffected which dissolved the ties by which England was held to the\\npapal See, and created other sects, which equally dissented from\\nthe prolestant episcopal church of England.\\nAt the commencement of the reign of Henry, the whole Chris-\\ntian world acknowledged the supremacy of the Pope, and every\\ncrowned head did him homage and received his dominions of him.\\nIn fact, all countries were considered the dominions and actual pa-\\ntrimony of his holiness.\\nPerhaps no prince was ever more devoted to the representative\\nof St. Peter than Henry VIII. The holy father pressed him to his\\nbosom as his most faithful child. Henry wrote a hook in vindica-\\ntion of the Pope s supremacy in temporal and spiritual affairs, and\\nin answer to Martin Luther, a monk, who wrote and preached\\nagainst the sale of indulgences by Leo X. For this act of filial de-\\nvotion, Henry, in addition to his other splendid titles, received from\\nhis holiness that of defender of the faith, a mark of confidence\\nnot before or since bestowed on any monarch. This appendage he\\nbore with peculiar complacency during his reign, and handed it\\ndown to his successors.\\nBut that capricious monarch received an affront from the Pope,\\nbecause he refused to grant him a divorce from his queen, Catha-\\nrine of Arragon. He openly renounced all subjection to his holi-\\nness, and actually declared war against him. He breasted the\\nspiritual thunders of the Vatican, which in former times had\\nshook the most powerful kingdoms, and humbled to the dust the\\nproudest monarchs. Henry seized upon the revenues of the church,\\nwhich were considered sacred, and converted them to his own use j\\nbesides this, he put himself at the head of the English church,\\nwithout materially affecting any articles of faith or forms of\\nworship.\\nThis was then considered by the Christian world a wicked and\\nblasphemous usurpation and the life of Henry, as well as many\\nsubsequent monarchs of England, would badly fit them to stand\\nat the head of those who minister at the altar of the living God", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "98\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nBut the course pursued served in a degree to diminish the amount\\nof general reverence for the Pope, and the head of the British\\nchurch. IVlany were led to examine the pretensions of both, and\\nlo discard the arrogance of morials, who should dictate creeds and\\nforms of worship. But at this period, there was universally adopt-\\ned this principle, by all sects, that uniformity of faith was indis-\\npensable to religion. It never entered their minds, that honest men\\ncould come to diiferent results upon so momentous and so im-\\nportant a subject. Wickliff, Huss, Jerome of Prague, Luther, and\\nCalvin, and their respective followers, were equally sure of infal-\\nlibility with the King and the Pope. They seem never to have\\nseriously thought or actually believed, that the great object of the\\nChristian religion was to make mankind lead pure and honest\\nlives, and extend the principles of charity and benevolence, to in-\\nculcate forgiveness to enemies, and give a confident hope in the\\nhour of death. Hence we may trace the cruel persecutions in-\\nflicted by the dominant sects in succeeding reigns.\\nEdward, the successor of Henry, is represented to have been a\\nmild and amiable prince, but his reign was short. He died before\\nschemes of ambition and the pomp of power had corrupted his\\nheart or inflamed his passions. He left the throne to Mary, with-\\nout ameliorating the condition of ecclesiastical affairs. His suc-\\ncessor was wholly devoted to the papal See. She threw herself\\ninto the arms of his holiness, and laboured lo atone for the heresy\\nof her falher, by a prodigal use of fire and sword, to produce uni-\\nformity in faith and worship, according lo the canons of the Ro-\\nmish church. All who perished in Ihese religious conflicts, were\\nbelieved by their respective sects to have fallen martyrs to the true\\nfaith so that, in every change of power, the lines of party be-\\ncame distinct, and the parties more confirmed in a failh as positive\\nas actual knowledge.\\nElizabeth, the successor of Mary, possessing all the masculine\\nvirtues, without a moderate share of the qualities which render\\nthe woman amiable in private life, was equally tenacious of pre-\\nrogative as her father, Henry, and exerted her power to stop the\\nprogress of popery, seated herself at the head of the church, and\\nremained undisturbed in this seat during her long, and to the peo-\\nple of England, happy reign. She appears (o have been more than\\nhalf a Papist but the love of power would not permit her to sub-\\nmit to the supremacy of the Pope. She treated the dissenters with\\ngreat rigour, and placed them without the pale of law and hu-\\nmanity. The dissenters increased in numbers, in proportion to\\ntheir persecutions and hardships. But the vigilant energy of the\\ngovernment, and her unyielding nature, made the bravest dissent-\\ners timid. Uniformity in religious faith and worship, was with her\\na grand and unvarying object but, in many instances, much re-\\nlaxation was granted to the Papists.\\nThis change from popery to protestantism efl^ected by Henry,\\nand from protestantism lo popery by Mary, and protestantism re-\\nstored by Elizabeth, appeared more the result of human pride,\\npolicy, and passion, than the effect of divine wisdom. Contradic-\\ntory systems always tend to destroy each other and especially\\nwhen they have been advocaled and enforced by the physical\\nstrength of a whole kingdom. When the rights oi^ both contend-\\ning parties were examined, these several claims weighed, and the\\nbalance struck, nothing remained for either, except what was re-\\ntained by the arm of power. Hence, in England, were many who\\ndisregarded the claims of both, and threw ofi the imposing forms\\nof established worship, and established one of Iheir own. These\\nwere principally the followers of Calvin. They intended to insti-\\ntute a pure and spiritual worship, unshackled by the canons and\\nrescripts of human invention and it seems to be granted by all\\nwriters of the day, that the lives of these people were more in con-\\nformity with the strict rules of moral duty, than that of any other\\nsect in the kingdom; and from this they assuuied the name of Pu-\\nritans, and were known by that appellation till long after the emi-\\ngration of a portion of them to this country. But it should be re-\\nmembered that at this time they were few in number a weak and\\ninefficient minority. They could hardly be said to have acted\\nthemselves from the spontaneous impulse of principle and chasten-\\ned feeling, for they were continually surrounded by spies and in-\\nformers, to drag them to imprisonment, scourging, and death. It\\nis impossible that we should discern a complete development of\\ntheir principles; for, however daring and bold, they inust have act-\\ned under a partial disguise undoubtedly much of human passion\\nwas enlisted on their side, for it is in our nature, and never has\\nbeen on neutral ground in long and protracted controversy. How-\\never, we must behold them with admiration for their courage,\\nwhich nothing can overawe, and for Iheir constancy and zeal,\\nwhich could brave danger, imprisonment, and death. Neal, in his\\nhistory of the Puritans, gives a detail of the hardships and suflfer-\\nings of this sect, during the reign of Elizabeth, so cruel, that what-\\never allowances we make for the times and circumstances attend-\\ning ihem, we must see the unrelenting hand of a despot in a prin-\\ncess, where softness and sympathy might have been expected. The\\naccumulated weight of distress heaped upon this class of Christ-\\nians in England, France, and Germany, form a catalogue of hor-\\nrors useful only lo teach us moderation and forbearance in religious\\ncontroversies; and that religion is a matter of conscience, and lies\\nbetween inan and his Maker.\\nJames I., the successor of Elizabeth, came to the throne with as\\nhigh notions of his unlimited power as any of his predecessors.\\nHis right to control the faith and consciences of men, was not to\\nbe questioned. James was a good natured prince, and valued him-\\nself much for learning, and his power of discussion upon all sub-\\njects. His object in matters of religion, was complete uniformity\\nin failh and modes of worship, the reasonableness of which he at-\\ntempted to show by argument. It seems that here he was unsuc-\\ncessful; but what he wanted in argument and the arts of persua-\\nsion, he made up by absolute power but this argument, enforced\\nby power, did not convince or deter the unyielding Puritans. They\\nheld fast their determination to enjoy freedom in religion, and held\\nequally fast the belief, that they were correct in matters of failh\\nand worship so delermined and so confident were Ihey in their\\nprinciples, that civil liberty, disconnected with religious aflairs, was\\nhaidly considered. Hence we find a whole congregation, with\\ntheir minister, Mr. Robinson, in 1607, renounced iheir country and\\nall its endearments, and settled in Holland, for the sole purpose of\\nenjoying religious freedom. This was a most unequivocal mark of\\ntheir sincerity, and devotion to their favourite object.\\nAt this period the manners of the Puritans were rigidly austere\\ntheir long periods of fasting, and the length of their prayers\\nand devotional exercises, approached, in severity, monkish castiga-\\ntion and corporeal chastisements. Their customs led to a belief,\\nthat they were the peculiar favourites of Heaven, and daily had\\npeculiar converse and special tokens of favour from Iheir Maker.\\nBut this removal to HolLindby this resolule congregation, was by no\\nmeans suited to their feelings and principles, although ihey were\\nprotected in all their civil and religious rights. The manners of\\nthe Dulch were not sufficiently austere. The youth of this con-\\ngregation w-ere insensibly drawn aside from the narrow path of\\npuritanic discipline and walk in life, by the cold and frigid man-\\nners of the Dutch. The observance of the Sabbath was kept with\\na strictness surpassing the rigidity of the Jewish ceremony. Their\\nfastings approached lo starvation. No wonder, then, that the youlh,\\nand others who were not thoroughly saturated with enthusiasm,\\nshould intermix wifh the Dulch, and hail with pleasure, and even\\nwith gralilude to God, some relaxation from the severe ihtlies of re-\\nligion. The elders of this church were alarmed at the growing\\nevil, and Ihey resolved on another removal. Their attention was\\nturned to the New World, where they should not be troubled by\\nheretical neighbours, and where the youlh would be kept pure from\\nthe contagion of loose morals.\\nThis ccmgregation, having obtained permission from James to\\nsettle in his territories, and also assurances from him of toleralion\\nin religion, delermined lo encounter the perils of the ocean, the\\nhardships of Ihe wilderness, and the dangers to which they must\\nbe exposed from Ihe savage tribes who inhabited the shores of this\\nnew world. James was undoubtedly willing to rid his kingdom of\\nsubjecls, which he could not subdue by confiscations, fines, im-\\nprisonment, and death and indeed, of such as he could nol quietly\\nrelain in his own kingdom. The public feeling was lired and sa-\\ntiated by frequent spectacles of horror, and the prisons had groan-\\ned a long time, by being overcrowded with obstinate and confirmed\\nheretics. James granted them no aid for the voyage, or any faci-\\nlities for commencing a new settlement. He undoubtedly expect-\\ned that this wandering people would fall a prey tc the hardships\\nand diseases incident to new settlements, or be cut off bv the na-\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n99\\nlives, or should any survive, their obstinacy being subdued, and\\nspirits broken, they would relent, and return with humble submis-\\nsion to his royal will, and bring with them a lesson and example to\\nthe Puritans in England, which they would learn and imitate or\\nshould they brave and surmount all the ditficultics to be expected,\\nand make a permanent settlement in his waste and uncultivated\\nlands, his power would be extended, and the resources of tlie na-\\ntion would be increased, without any expense to the crown.\\nPerhaps no course of discipline could be contrived by the inge-\\nnuity of man, so well adapted to prepare the mind and feelings lor a\\ngreat and hazardous project, as was imposed on the first settlers of\\nNew England in the mother country. The forty years travel of\\nthe children of Israel in the wilderness, directed by Deity himself,\\nwas not better suited to them for a forcible entry into the promised\\nland. Frederick the Great never enforced a discipline upon his troops\\nmore .severe, nor half so salutary, to prepare them for conflict and\\nvictory, as was forced upon our progenitors, to fit them to settle in\\na new world. Our forefathers were familiar with danger and dis-\\ntress in all its forms. They knew the lies of home and of country,\\nand they had experienced the dissolution of them. They had en-\\ndured poverty, cold, hunger, stripes, and imprisonment, and rose\\nabove them, and even death was disrobed of his terrors. Such\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0were the people who landed at Plymouth in the cold of winter, in\\n1620, and of this cliaracter were the settlers generally in New\\nEngland, firm and resolute in action, and in matters of religion,\\nunyielding, and fully per.suaded in the complete rectitude of their\\nown peculiar creed, without a single ray of toleration, or any thing\\nlike charity for those who might dilfer from themselv-es in opinion.\\nThey insisted, with equal force and power, to coerce opinion, and\\ncontrol matters of faith, and produce uniformity in it, as ever were\\npractised by a Catholic or Protestant monarch.\\nThe early writers and historians of our country give us only the\\ndetails of ecclesiastical affairs, the gathering of churches, dull and\\ntininteresting accounts of ministers, church disturbances, the sup-\\npression of heresy, and barbarous and cruel punishments inflicted\\nagainst it, and various bloody conflicts with the Indians. But\\nenough is told us to lead to a correct knowledge of the nature of\\nthe government, and of the spirit of the times. We have often\\nbeen told, that our first settlers were a race of stern republicans,\\nwho came here to enjoy civil and religious freedom. But no opi-\\nnion is more erroneous. It is true they came here to enjoy their\\nown peculiar system of religious faith and mode of worship, but\\nnot to admit or tolerate any other. Our republican feelings, insti-\\ntutions, and habits, which made us free, were purely accidental, and\\nwere by no means designed by the first settlers.\\nIn 1629, about three hundred emigrants arrived at Salem from\\nEngland, where they found a few families under the care of Mr.\\nEndicott. These families undoubtedly were there to attend to the\\nfisheries and carry on a traffic with the natives. Mr. Hutchinson says,\\nin the ten succeeding years, more than twenty-one thousand settlers\\ncame to New England. About 1640, emigration ceased, owing to\\nthe ascendancy of the puritanic party in England, headed by the\\nfamous Oliver Cromwell.\\nThe first General Court in the Province of Massachusetts Bay\\nwas held in 1629, on board the ship Arabella, moored in Charles\\nRiver. This court resolved that every elector, or any person eligi-\\nble to office, should be a member of some regular church. This\\nedict, so often praised, made the government purely ecclesiastical.\\nThe power of the church to punish heresy, afterwards so frequently\\nexercised, and also to determine, in all cases, what heresy was, laid\\nprostrate all civil liberty. We shall notice the exercise of this\\npower hereafter in several instances. There can be no question,\\nthat nearly all the males of every congregation would become mem-\\nbers of the church, and it was in fact a stigma upon a man then,\\nas it would be now, not to possess the rights and privileges of his\\nneighbour. All offices were then elective, and we may presume,\\nthat office then had charms, as well as at the present age. Office\\nseekers then had their views to subserve, and the requisite means\\nat hand, as they have at the present day. If long prayers, absti-\\nnence, and a piteous whine, were required to obtain an object, they\\nwere as readily performed, as professions of love of country and\\n(he happiness of the nation are made in the present state of our\\nrepublic. We may, perhaps, calculate the amount of sincerity in\\ntlie early professors, as we now may calculate the amount of pa-\\ntriotism of those who make lond and noisy professions of it. In\\nboth cases, perhaps, much credit will be given, but the man of ex-\\nperience will not be bound beyond the conclusions formed by the\\nhonest dictates of his own mind.\\nTo repel the attacks of the Indians, to acquire their lands, and\\nto guard against the various avenues where heresy might advance\\nand make encroachments upon their religious system, were the\\nonly public employments of our ancestors. They were nearly as\\nhostile to the deluded and mistaken heretic, as to the savage, arm-\\ned with his tomahawk and scalping knife. It is true, that the he-\\nretic was first ordered to recant and renounce his wicked and er-\\nroneous opinions, but on refusal he was doomed to banishment, and\\non a return to the province was to suffer death. But with the In-\\ndians there was not perpetual war there were times cf peace and\\na friendly interchange of kind offices between them and the whites,\\nbut there was neither truce nor peace with heretics.\\nIn 1634, Roger Williams, who had been a distinguished minis-\\nter at Plymoutli, and afterwards at Salem, was banished the colony\\nfor holding many exceptionable tenets. He was enthusiastic in hi.s\\nsentiments, and had in great abhorrence every relic of popery, and\\nany conformity to the protestant episcopal church of England yet\\nhe was no persecutor. His declared opinion was, that to punish\\na man for any matters of conscience is persecution. His attach-\\nment to this principle, so worthy of an enlightened mind, was fully\\nevinced by his subsequent life and conduct. Mr. Williams went\\nsouth, without the jurisdiction of the province, and settled in a\\nplace, now Providence. He obtained a charter from the crown of\\na district called Providence Plantations, of which he was a long\\ntime governor. Here he displayed all the mild and Christian vir-\\ntues. His province was the asylum of the oppressed and perse-\\ncuted of all sects and denominations. Mr. Williams possessed a\\nmind more than a century and a half in advance, in liberality and\\nmanlj lhinking, to his conlempoiaries in New England. His exam-\\nple is scarcely equalled in brightness at the present day. It is true\\nwe have not at present actual persecution in matters of religion or\\nconscience, yet the hollow murmur of heresy too often rolls through\\nthe gloomy recesses of the dark, and its labours sometimes are ex-\\nposed to the light, attended with the fierce and intolerant spirit of\\nancient times.\\nThe case of Mrs. Hutchinson is worthy of consideration, since\\nit shows more unequivocally the temper of the times, the state of\\nthe church, and the important and religious triflings of synods and\\ncouncils, composed of the civil and religious dignitaries of the co-\\nlony. Mrs. Ann Hutchinson came to Boston, in 1636. Her hus-\\nband was a man of good estate, and of much note and esteem\\namong the people. He several times represented the town in Ge-\\nneral Court. She was a woman of good education, of a lively\\nimagination, and of distinguished zeal and piety. She attracted\\nmuch attention in Boston, was greatly caressed by Sir Harry Vane,\\nIhe governor, and treated with marked respect by Mr. Cotton and\\nMr. Wheelwright, two very distinguished ministers of that day.\\nHer house became the resort of religious females, to whom Mrs.\\nH. expounded the Scriptures, and made her remarks upon the ser-\\nmons recently delivered. She was greatly extolled for learning\\nand an aident piety. At her lectures, she had an attentive and\\ncrowded auditory. Whether her popularity gave the alarm to the\\nministers of the other sex, who chose rather that women should\\nlisten and obey\u00e2\u0080\u0094 or that the good lady actually stepped aside from\\nthe narrow and mysterious path of prescribed faith, we have not\\nsufficient documentary evidence to determine. But certain it is,\\nthat she was charged with heresy, and brought before the gover-\\nnor, deputy governor, and council of assistants, Ihe teachers and\\nelders of the churches, assembled in conclave at Cambridge. A\\nhistorian of that day says, the heresy she propagated divided the\\npeople, and came near bringing destruction upon church and state.\\nFortunately, says he, by the vigilance and prudence of Go-\\nvernor Winthrop, the evils and mischiefs of her heresy were\\nbrought upon herself\\nThis grave and dignified assembly continued in session at Cam-\\nbridge for three weeks; and all this time they spent in fervent\\nprayer for divine light and direction, and in interrogatories put to\\nthe accused with all the subtlety peculiar to scholastic divinity.\\nEvery member of this synod was a grave inquisitor and what is\\nremarkable in this transaction, is, that a female, unassisted by", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "100\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncounsel, should be able to stand this length of time in presence of\\nthis most dignified and learned body, and answer, defend and reply to\\nit, individually and collectively. The council must have been\\ngieatly embarrassed; and this is manifest from the long period of\\nits session. But the charge of heresy was a crime hard to defend,\\nand we have no records of a complete acquittal in such a case. At the\\nconclusion, the synod foimd that Mrs. Hutchinson entertained more\\nthan eighty heretical opinions in matters of religion These opi-\\nnions she was ordered to recant and renounce, under the penalty of\\nexcommunication and banishment from the jurisdiction of the pro-\\nvince, and not to return under pain of death Mrs. Hutchinson\\ndid not renoimce to the satisfaction of the church, and she left the\\nprovince according to sentence.\\nOur grave historian does not inform us how many correct opi-\\nnions this lady had, but charity would lead us to conclude that she\\nhad some. So plain are Christian precepts and Christian doctrine,\\nthat it is a matter of surprise, that a person could entertain more\\nthan eighty distinct heresies. We have not the curiosity to inquire\\nmori! particularly into the doctrines or discipline of the church at\\nthat time. It is apparent that much, and perhaps the greater part,\\nwas mere serious and holy trifling, wherein the heart and tmder-\\nstanding had very little to do.\\nIt is manifest frcm history, that the inquisitorial powers and ar-\\nbitrary proceedings of the Cambridge synod, were not wholly ap-\\nproved by the people. They must have seen the hand of oppres-\\nsion in the long and protracted inquiry, and cruelty in the sen-\\ntence pronounced against Mrs. Hutchinson. This may be fairly\\ninferred from the nature of the transaction, unless we .suppose the\\nlast feeling of sympathy and the generosity natural to man to be\\nwholly extinct. That this council was censured is evident; for at\\nthe next general court a law passed rendering it highly penal for\\nany person to censure or comment upon the doings of ministers or\\nmagistrates. It was tantamount to saying that ministers and ma-\\ngistrates could do no wrong.\\nIt was expected that numbers of Mrs. Hutchinson s friends and\\nadherents were on the eve of embarking to this country. This\\ngave alarm to the people, and that they might guard against so\\ngreat an evil, in 1637 the general court took the matter into hand.\\nThey intended to preserve entire the absolute power of the church\\nat the expense of humanity and ordinary justice. The general\\ncourt passed a severe law against entertaining strangers in their\\nhouses, or selling lands to them, or affording aid, as, we now con-\\nceive, the common principles of humanity enjoin. By the two laws\\nabove mentioned, the right of expressing an opinion of censure, or\\nmaking any comments upon the doings of ministers or magistrates,\\nand of showing hospitality and kindness to strangers, were wholly\\ntaken away and rendered highly penal. It would require a won-\\nderful degree of chymical knowledge in politics and religion, to\\nfind a single principle, upon which our republican liberty of any\\nkind could claim growth and residence at this time. For the liber-\\nties of our country we must look to other sources than the princi-\\nples of our ancestors at that day, or till long after the restoration\\nof Charles II. For the government was completely ecclesiastical,\\nand equally arbitrary and despotic as any government in all Chris-\\ntendom.\\nOur early historians dwelt much upon remarkable providences,\\nand the frowns and favours of God; so that His clear and manifest\\ncounsels were open and known to the people. If a heretic should\\ndie of a fever, break a limb, be taken captive by the Indians, or\\nkilled by them, they would see, in all this, the just anger of Hea-\\nven, and deserved punishment and displeasure of God towards\\nthem. Should the same pious historians revisit New England, and\\nsee the great variety of sects, and not one pursuing the course of\\nthe then dominant party, they would think that our Heavenly Fa-\\nther had neglected his business, and ceased from his watchful care\\notherwise we should all have been exterminated without distinc-\\ntion, for having violated the primitive and puritanic faith. They\\nmight bewail our departure, but if they possessed the kindly feel-\\nings of humanity, they would rejoice to see errors corrected,\\nabuses reformed, and the principles of justice and charity widely\\nextended; so that, except in some strongly excited people, shadow-\\ned by ignorance and strong and gloomy prepossessions, the different\\nsects live in harmony without any provocation, unless it be to\\nprovoke one another to love and good works\\nOur ancestors separated from all other religious sects by their\\nown acts, and guarding at every corner against heresy, soon be-\\ncame sensible that time would shortly lessen the number of elders\\nand teachers, and many more would be required lO supply destitute\\nflocks, daily increasing by natural growth of population, and by\\nemigration. Those who could aflbrd to send their sons to the\\nmother country for an education, would not harbour the thought\\nof exposing them to the heresies of the established church of Eng-\\nland and above all, on their return to the province, these sons\\nwould be a medium to communicate doctrines so much detested.\\nThere were very few in the province of sufficient wealth to give\\ntheir sons an education in a distant country. All these circum-\\nstances combined, our progenitors looked to their own resources,\\nand resolved to educate their sons at home for the ministry, the\\nonly liberal profession of that day, and in fact, all that was great\\nand good in society. For this purpose, a college was established\\nI in Cambridge as early as the year 1638, for the sole and expres.*:\\npurpose of educating and raising up a learned ministry. Common\\nand public schools were also established, that the youth might be\\nable to read the scriptures and the standard works of puritanic\\nfaith and discipline in our churches.\\nCotton Mather, who wrote voluminously and reasoned sparingly,\\nif he reasoned at all, states explicitly the object of the founders of\\nour college, and the object of our common and public schools.\\nThis writer says nothing upon the principles of civil liberty, nor\\ndoes he any where advocate the rights of conscience and private\\njudgment in matters of religion. These were unknown in his day,\\nand his writings serve only to show the darkness of the mental at-\\nmosphere. Dr. Mather filled a great space in his time, both in\\nchurch and state for church included both. In his writings we\\nhave specimens of the greatest fanaticism, the most shameless cre-\\ndulity, that ever escaped the lips or pen of mortals. His account\\nof the flying vessel and the Salem witchcraft, and the latter upon\\nhis own knowledge, are enough to give a lasting stamp upon his\\nown character, and mark in capitals the spirit of the times. We\\nhope not to offend by our remarks; but we would rather wish that\\nour institutions, so wisely calculated for the happiness of our na-\\ntion, and as blazing examples to the world, should be traced to their\\ntrue and legitimate sources. AVe have so long been in the habit of\\nextolling our brave and venerable forefathers, as if they came pure\\nfrom the regions of blessedness, pious, devout, and patriotic, that\\nthey with political foresight laid the foundation of our republican\\nliberties, that we shall not be disappointed if we do not obtain full\\ncredence, when we state, that our liberties, both civil and religious,\\nwere accidental, rather than designed. We have no need to call\\nto our aid any thing like a fabulous origin of our race we have\\nno need of a she u-olf to nurture our ancestors, or to cany off\\nin a tempest the founders of our churches. We have only to fol-\\nlow the march of mind, attended with local circumstances, to ac-\\ncount for our freedom and our goodly institutions. We ought to\\nvalue highly every thing done by our fathers, the fruits of which\\nwe daily reap but by no means ought we to suppose that our an-\\ncestors had powers and faculties, or wisdom, superior to those of\\nthe present generation for we must remember, that their whole\\nbusiness was to repel the Indians, and acquire possession of their\\nlands, to preserve uniformity of faith and practice in matters of re-\\nligion, and to guard with sleepless vigilance against heresy.\\nIt is not the present object to censure with severity the acts of\\nthe ecclesiastic government of the colony, and much less to apolo-\\ngize for them. We could not offer any thing to extenuate the\\ncruelty, or even guilt, of punishing four Quakers in Boston, with\\ndeath, about the year 1660, for heresy. This rigour in discipline\\nhas often been passed over, if not with applause, certainly with the\\nplea of necessity\u00e2\u0080\u0094 this necessity we could never understand. Dr.\\nIncrease Mather, once a promoter of these cruel and bloody pro-\\nceedings, in time relented, and denounced this intolerant spirit.\\nThe colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts obtained no advan-\\ntages by such proceedings over Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and\\nMaryland, where religious persecutions have never been known.\\nGovernor Winthrop, in the last days of his life, when urged to sign\\na warrant, to carry into effect the decrees of spiritual domina-\\ntion, said, I have done too much of this business already, and\\nrefused his signature. When such men as Governor Winthrop\\nand Dr. increase Mather, in the cool of the evening of life, when", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n101\\nobjects of earthly power were in subjection to reason and con-\\nscience, gave their decided and unequivocal opinion against cruel\\ncoercion in matters of faith aud modes of worship, what must we\\nthink of those of the present day, who stand their professed apolo-\\ngists, and represent the present, compared with former times, as the\\nperiod of impiety and irreligion t\\nWe know that our fathers have been praised with the extrava-\\ngance of eulogy, and we acknowledge that they have strong claims\\nupon us for respect and reverential regard, but we cannot bestow\\nupon them any thing of commendation for piety and love of reli-\\ngion beyond what now belongs to the present age. We would ask the\\nmost enthusiastic admirer of the puritans, whether he would now\\ndesire to exchange his turn of existence, and spend his life with\\nsuch a people, or wait and stay with the present veneration, till he\\nreturned to the dust 1 We believe that he woulu not be inclined\\nfor a change, and we are confident that the present circumstances\\nof our country are such, that no period since the first settlement of\\nit has been equally propitious to the man of science, tlie artisan,\\nagriculturist, and merchant. The man of benevolence and charity\\nwill hail the present as the holyday of holy affections, compared\\nto any former period. We, in fact, belittle ourselves, as did many\\nof the Patrician families in Rome, by a constant strain of panegyric\\nupon our venerable forefathers, and pious pilgrims.\\nLiberty is natural lo man, and we can scarcely find an instance\\nsince the creation of Adam, that man has not exercised that li-\\nberty when in his power. Our ancestors did this, and were cau-\\ntious in leaving a single trace of neglect in their course. But they\\ndid no more than what has been done in the mother coimtry. The\\nBritish parliament from the time of King John, when they wrested\\nfrom him his magna charter, which he nor his successors ever ob-\\nserved, unless in extreme peril, and to avoid a revolution, have\\nseized upon every circumstance to extend the liberty of the subject.\\nEven what the British call their constitution at the present day, is\\nan invasion upon what was once the acknowledged rights of the\\nking. The increase of knowledge, directing physical force, is the\\norigin of modern liberty and this j^jerty is more or less extensively\\nenjoyed according to the degree of knowledge and other accompa-\\nnying circumstances favourable or unfavourable to the attainment\\nof the object. The love of liberty was as great in Britain at the\\ncommencement of our revolution as in America, but circumstances\\nin regard to the enjoyment of it were different in these two portions\\nof the world.\\nWe would not here be understood that Great Britian was then\\nmled in despotism. The person, property, and reputation of the\\nsubject, were as well secured and protected at that period in the\\nrealm, as at any subsequent time, in this or any other country.\\nWhere these rights are secured by permanent and equal laws,\\naided by the trial by jury, there must be liberty, let the form of go-\\nvernment be what it may. We have, in a great measure, in poli-\\ntics, said what our ancestors often repeated in regard to religion,\\nthat pone could be genuine, except the one of our o-n-n creed. The\\nobject of religion is to make men good, and the object of govern-\\nment is to make the governed secure in their rights, promote in-\\ndustry, encourage learning and enterprise, and make (he naticm\\ncontented, safe, and happy. When these objects are attained, the\\nnames and forms are of minor consideration. The mind of man\\nhas never been able to devise a system of government so well adapt-\\ned to the feelings, habits, and circumstances of a people, as our\\nown is for us but we should greatly err, should we suppose that\\nour constitution and form of government were suited, under exist-\\ning circumstances, to almost any other nation in the world.\\nProm the first landing of our ancestors, in New England, till the\\nyear 1692, if we except the rule of Sir Edmund Andros, which\\nlasted about two years, all officers were elective. Plymouth and\\nthe Massachusetts colonies were as free in the management of their\\naffairs in the election and support of their rulers, as the Common-\\nwealth is now. The lands were parcelled out in such manner that\\nevery one had enough, and few had any to spare. A monopoly\\nwas not sought, except by Mason and Gorges, who probably failed\\nin the accomplishment of their wishes, for this very reason. In-\\ndustry and rigid economy were requisite among the early settlers,\\nto obtain the means of subsistence. Almost every settler had a\\nfreehold estate, that he would claim as absolute property he had\\nno tithes, rents, or service to perform, as the condition of his te-\\nnure. This raised him to the dignity of a peer of the realm, in\\nall respects, but a seat m the house of lords. He acknowledged\\nhimself a loyal subject, but fell no gratitude to the king, for he or\\nhis ancestors never received any acts of parental kindness for which\\nthey should return any sincere acknowledgments. The story of the\\nwrongs which were suffered at home, and the actual labours and\\nhardships endured here, without aid or assistance, were enough to\\nextinguish all sincere regard for king, queen, lords, and commons;\\nand above all, the abhorrence with which they beheld the religion\\nof the court, amoimted to absolute hatred.\\nBut from the influence which the French had with the natives,\\nthe common enemies of the whites, by means of the Jesuits, our\\nancestors could look only to the mother country for aid in case of\\nextremity. This almost continual and common danger operated\\npowerfully to restrain and keep within bounds the commcn and\\nuniform feelings of the colonists towards the parent country. The\\ngreat number of people, to whom our ancestors were connected by\\nfamily and friendship, at hovie, was another tie which bound them\\nto remember Great Britain with partial affection. Our fathers had\\nmuch more loyalty upon their lips than was felt in their hearts.\\nUntil the arrival of the new charter under William and Mary, ex-\\ncepting the short government of Andros, the colonies exercised all\\nthe rights and privileges they could desire, and these continued lor\\na period of more than sixty years. Many of the settlers were born\\nand bred with this free exercise of right so that they could not be\\ndivested of it, without an invasion of their best and dearest pri-\\nvileges. The crown took care to control their commerce, and pro-\\nfit by it. The duties levied on goods in England, exported to the\\ncolonies, were acquiesced in without a murmur, and these duties be-\\ning paid by the consumer, were scarcely felt or thought of here.\\nSir William Phipps, the first governor under the charter of\\nAVilliam and Mary, arrived here in 1692. By this charter, the\\ngovernor, deputy governor, and secretary, were appointed by the\\ncrown. The judicial department was appointed by the executive,\\nat the head of which was the governor, who represented majesty\\nitself The people chose their representatives, who, in general\\ncourt, elected a council, to assist in executive duties. The general\\ncourt could make no laws to have any force or effect, if the crown\\nshould disapprove of them within three years from the time they\\nwere enacted. Power was reserved to parliament, to make laws,\\nto regulate our trade, and legislate for us in other cases; and these\\nstatutes were to be binding upon us. This charter prohibited any\\nreligious test in regard to the elective franchise. By this, an end\\nwas put to ecclesiastical tyranny and from the time the provisions\\nof this charter went into operation, we may date the cry of the de-\\ncay of religion in our country. We may also, with more truth,\\nstate the gradual decay of hypocri.sy, and from this period, the\\ncommencement of bold and correct reasoning, and the introduction\\nof common law and common sense in courts of justice. By all\\nthese our liberties were deeply rooted, had their growth, and have\\narrived to maturity.\\nWhen Governor Phipps came here, he found the colonies dis-\\ntracted with ecclesiastical matters, at the old business of hunting\\nout and punishing heresy, to the almost total neglect of civil affairs.\\nAlthough the people were deprived of a voice in the choice of\\nsome of their rulers, they gained much in other respects. They\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2were freed from ecclesiastical domination, under which republi-\\ncan liberty never has, and probably never will be enjoj-ed. The\\none depends on an accurate development of our natural rights, and\\nthe methods to make them secure against passion, pride, avarice,\\nand hostile attacks at home, and from our enemies abroad the\\nother depends whollv upon the credulity of the people, and a com-\\nplete surrender of private judgment and the reasoning powers to\\nfallible man, inflated with spiritual pride, and armed with physical\\nforce.\\nThis charter, framed with so much caution as to restrain the co-\\nlony in all acts of legislation, unless these acts were conformable\\nto ro3 al will and pleasure, left not a trace of liberty to the subject.\\nThe resistance to the measures of Great Britain afterwards made\\nby the colonists, could not he for a violation of any rights secured\\nby this charter. The rights exercised under former charters were\\nexpressly taken away by this but the love and fondness of former\\nrights and privileges were increased by privation, and enkindled\\ninto a flame the bosoms of the thinking and intelligent men of our", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "102\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncounlry. They saw nothing but complete and absolute subjection\\nwhich awaited tliem. The habits of the people firmly fixed, and\\nthe great inci-ease of population, and a good share of knowledge\\ngenerally dilTused among them, and this knowledge, and those ha-\\nbits, all favourable to resist encroachments upon natural rights, ex-\\ncited the jealousy of Britain, and caused her to adopt measures\\nthat could not be borne, and such measures as were successfully re-\\nsisted.\\nIn practice and in principle, the colony lost nothing, but gained\\nmuch in the emancipation from religious tyranny. Whatever of\\nliberty had been granted was enjoyed, while practicable, and was\\nnever forgotten. The recollection of past privileges remained in\\ntheir miiids, fresh as the existence of perpetual spring. These\\nfeelings and habits were not to be controlled by charters, and they\\nafford a lasting example of the complete futility of compacts of a\\nnational character, when these compacts are opposed to national\\nhabits and feelings. In the great question which separated this\\ncountry from Britain, our fathers did not confine themselves to the\\nprovisions of the charter of William and Mary, but claimed the\\nright of representation in parliament, as a condition upon which a\\nrevenue should be raised in this country for the use of the crown.\\nThis representation they knew was impracticable and in regard\\nto the revenue, it had been imposed upon them by exactions at\\nhome, and acquiesced in for a long period. In fact, our remon-\\nstrances and petitions acknowledged the right of parliament to\\nregulate our trade, even at the commencement of the American\\nrevolution. This undoubtedly meant the imposition of import and\\nexport duties. We cannot see any difference in principle, whether\\nthese duties were collected in a port of Great Britain, or in\\nBoston.\\nBut the difference of places in the exaction of revenue could\\nnot alter the principle on which it was exacted yet place had a\\npowerful effect upon the minds of the scrutinizing and watchful\\npublic. Our leading men knew the power and influence which\\noffice has upon the people they knew that these revenue officers\\nwere numerically so many spies upon their liberties and that by\\nstyle of livmg and caresses, these officers would allure some, and\\nby that hauteur and manner, the frequent concomitant of hand-\\nsome salaries, would deter more to a complete acquiescence to the\\nraising a revenue here. The resistance to the acts of these exact-\\nors shows a degree of sagacity in meeting the insinuatmg influence\\nof men of rank, from the highest grade down to the petty place-\\nman, and must command our admiration and applause.\\nThe great Earl of Chatham, Burke, and others, who knew well\\nour character, and who were the reputed advocates of the colonies,\\nnever pretended that parliament had invaded chartered rights; but\\nthe measures pursued by ministers were inexpedient and impolitic,\\nthat they had a direct tendency to exasperate the colonists, and in-\\njure the dignity and happiness of the British nation. They re-\\ncommended measures to soothe our feelings and hold fast our trade,\\nbut not to surrender a single principle for which we then contend-\\ned. Had such measures been adopted and pursued, as recom-\\nmended by the noble earl, the independence of the colonies would\\nhave been retarded for more than half a century. The leaders of\\nour revolutionary struggle claimed rights and privileges granted by\\nformer charters, which had been annulled, and reasoned from the\\nimpulse of habits, and upon the true principles of civil liberty, and\\nthey came to results which gained our complete emancipation.\\nWith them independence was the grand object from the first and\\nserious difficulties with the parent country. We presented humble\\nand loyal petitions to king and parliament with one hand, while we\\nheld the sword in the other. It is not a matter of astonishment,\\nthat these petitions were not graciously received. Had the colo-\\nnies been sufficiently strong, and their strength sufficiently concen-\\ntrated, these humble petitions would have never been sent across\\nthe Atlantic, nor would the date of Lexington battle have been the\\nfirst in order of conflict.\\nIf positive resistance was not intended, wh} were companies of\\nminute men organized through the whole colony 1 What meant our\\ncommittees of safety and correspondence 1 Why were magazines\\nof warlike stores placed in various parts of the country And for\\nwhat purpose were the British troops under General Gage so nar-\\nrowly watched, and their particular movements made known in all\\nparts of the colony, while the troops were closely besieged in Bos-\\nton by public opinion 1 Hancock, Patrick Henry, the Adamses, and\\nother distinguished men of that day, knew too well the pride and\\npower of the Britisli nation, to petition the throne in liope of suc-\\ncess under such warlike and daring attitudes. They did what will\\nbe done in all countries, where the education, habits, and moral\\nfeelings of the people, concur to promote so noble an enterprise.\\nWe have seen that the foundation of Harvard College was laid\\nin the fear of propagating heresy, and receiving any thing from\\nthe mother country which could possibly entail upon us so great an\\nevil. It must be confessed, that New England, at the time of\\nfounding the college, had many learned men among them. But\\ntheir learning was chiefly confined to the clergy; and we may here\\nacknowledge, in sincerity, that the clergy have been the main depo-\\nsitories of science here from the first settlement of the countiy,\\nnearly to the present day and from this class of men, we have re-\\nceived more light and knowledge than from all others. Our fa-\\nthers looked well to ineir own resources, and have seldom been re-\\nmiss in making the most of them. From this we must attribute\\nthe degree of advancement in science and the arts, to which New\\nEngland has attained beyond most of her neighbours. We find\\nthe effect of this in the persevering enterprise of our young men\\nand citizens, who have, with much advantage, incorporated them-\\nselves with onr sister States. In fact, the common and general\\ngood has thereby been greatly increased an impulse has been com-\\nmimicated, which will be felt for generations yet to come.\\nVirginia, the oldest state in the Union, settled at the expense of\\nthe crown, nurtured for years as an only child, felt not the neces-\\nsity to look to her own resources. She was always dandled in the\\nlap of complaisance. Her religion was congenial to the mothei\\ncountry, and she drew her nourishment from the breast of parental\\nkindness. She had all the assurance and importance of the child\\nof a rich and indulgent father. She sent her youth to Cambridge\\nand Oxford, in England, to be educated, where they were, in many\\nthings well instructed, and where they drank deeply of the preju-\\ndices against the puritans. To deride with ability our New Eng-\\nland habits and principles, and beat poor Jonathan, soundly, was\\nthe first point in a complete Vireinia education. He felt the dig-\\nnity of his church, he remembered with pride the loyalty of his\\ncolony, during the /I wm;? and the protectorate of Cromwell, he con-\\ntrasted the manners in religious worship between his own and the\\ncolonies of New England; while he repeated his liturgy with the\\nore rotundo, he could not but feel a hearty disrelish to the sing-\\nsong manner of the puritans, who distorted their faces, and tortur-\\ned their language, to resemble nothing which belonged to the protest-\\nant episcopal church. These northern peculiarities became his\\njiastime, and to transmit them down to succeeding generations,\\nwas a labour of some exertion and much pleasure, but at present\\nexercised with limited success.\\nIn Massachusetts every thing which belonged to the episcopal\\nchurch was treated as antichristian, and carried the mark of the\\nbeast. Christmas holydays were forbidden by law. Perhaps no\\ntwo colonies ever existed with more strongly marked and defined\\nantipathies than the Massachusetts and Virginia. Unlike in edu-\\ncation and habits, the one driving from her jurisdiction all puri-\\ntans, the other equally unbending and stern to all episcopalians, se-\\nparated by a great extent of country, they scarcely felt for each\\nother according to the dictates of a common humanity.\\nWhile a law imposing five shillings fine for observing a Christ-\\nmas holyday in Massachusetts was in force, Virginia gave full\\nscope to all the festivities usual on such occasions in the mother\\ncountry. The social and convivial feelings of man could not, with\\nalacritjr, forego all pastime, and be resigned to abject sobriety in\\nthe foim of religion. Our ancestors well knew this, and set apart\\none day in the year, previous to Christmas, as a day of public\\nthanksgiving and praise to our Heavenly Father, for the mercies\\nand favours of the past year. But in this, there should be no re-\\nsemblance of an episcopal Christmas. We may here observe, that\\nour puritanic institution answered all the purposes of bringing to-\\ngether family, friends, and connexions, and afforded a multitude of\\nenjoyments of the social kind in the short space of one day, before\\nsatiety could degenerate into disgust, and much more conveniently\\nsuited to good morals and the condition of the people, than the\\ntwelve days of Christmas observed by the episcopal church. There\\ncan be no doubt that we varied in our food, and substituted pump-", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n103\\nkin pie in room of the autichristian plumb pudding, and used some\\nexertion tliat our thanksgiving should not resemble a Christmas\\ndinner. Our pies, and manner of reading, and devoiional exer-\\ncises, now caricatured Ijy our southern neighbours, are sufficient\\nproofs that we were ofTensive to the southern colonies and from\\nour own establishments and customs, we cannot suppose that they\\nwere our favourites.\\nVirginia was the great mother and leader in the south. She\\nwas proud of her aseendency in the affections of the court, and\\ntook to herself a peculiar complacency in regard to religion. She\\ndrove from her colony all dissenters from the proteslant episcopal\\nchurch and, by this ill timed and cruel policy, built up Maryland\\nto become a rival in trade. In return for her affections for the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2crown and the church, she obtained extensive credit at Aomc, im-\\nported largely the luxuries of Europe, and assumed a style of living,\\nund a grandeur of dcportmen^ far beyond any sister colony. It is\\nhard to retrencli wlien the CTiarms of good living are well known\\nto a people. The expense of educating their sons in England,\\nand by private tutors at home, was no addition to economy or\\nfrugal habits among the Virginians. Their expenditures were\\ngreat beyond ordinary income, so that in time a large Eurojiean\\nbalance of debt had gradually increased, and amounted, accord-\\ning to their own statement, to more than they were then able to\\npay.\\nWhile our southern friends lived in much ease and great splen-\\ndour, eating the luxuries of Europe, and wearing foreign fabrics,\\nand their sons drinking at the full fountains of science in England,\\nwe were looking well to our own resources, avoided a large co-\\nlony debt, and left individuals unembarrassed in their circumstan-\\nces. Our sons drank of the wells dug by their fathers, and pre-\\nserved their identity with their countrymen; and if not so learned,\\nthey made a favourable impression upon the public on the side of\\neconomy and simplicity of inanner.s. All this was accomplished\\nhere from the fear of heresy and hatred of the epi.scopal church.\\nWe cannot trace the origin of our college, and the establishment\\nof our schools, to other sources. This fear and hatred did not ex-\\nist in Virginia, and there public education was wholly neglected.\\nThe college of William and Mary was early established, but has\\nhad only a languishing existence. The fact is, the people took no\\ndegree of interest in the establishment, and sent most of iheir sons\\nabroad, or without the colony, to be educated. This must ever be\\nthe is.sueof all literary establishments under the like circum-\\nstances.\\nDuring this period, our New England colleges were well ap-\\npreciated by the people, and generously patronized and have\\nproved sources of great moral and political worth to the public.\\nFrom them, we have obtained a rank in the literary world be-\\nyond our neighbours of the south, and the moral impulse given by\\nthem to all classes of people here, are such as distinguish us from\\nour less fortunate neighbours. But we can by no means say, that\\nthese effects of education were designed, or even contemplated,\\nby our ancestors they are, in fact, the production of accident.\\nWe can neither believe, that the Virginia policy was so pursued to\\nproduce the effects already witnessed. Virginia has never been\\ncharged with the want of self-love and self-respect, nor with the\\nwant of acute discernment to ascertain h^r own interest, nor with\\nnot bringing forward the measures to promote it. The different\\nresults, in regard to education, in both Massachusetts and Virginia,\\nmust be attributed to accident, rather than design. Should we say\\nthat they were designed, we should claim a compliment for our-\\nselves, of which our fathers never dreamed, and of which Cotton\\nMather, in his time, never heard, or he would have placed it in his\\nMagnalia and at the same time, we should cast a reproach on\\nVirginia, which she ought not to bear, and which she by no means\\ndeserves.\\nBut the pride and aristocracy of Virginia have been equal to\\nthat of lords, dukes, and nobles. She could not assume any thing\\non the score of her resources beyond her sisters, and nothing from\\nher origin and ancestry, which could be subjects of boasting.\\nMany, very many, were descended from mothers who came to try\\ntheir luck in Virginia, and were purchased by their sires with\\ntobacco, at prices according to the quality and soundness of the ar-\\nticle. The resources of that commonwealth at the present day,\\nand 8J her industry, hardly keep pace with the other states in the\\n14\\nUnion. She has produced men who would do credit to an civi-\\nlized nation in the world, and one, whom we all acknowledge was\\nemphatically the father of his country; yet, for many years, her in-\\nI fluence in the councils of the nation has declined with the decline\\nof party feeling, and her overwhelming influence and power re-\\ncede in proportion to the test we have made from experience. We\\ncould wish to cast a veil over some portion of what has been, but\\nwe would by no means attribute any thing to corrupt motives. Wf:\\nmust blame ourselves, that we elected many to the office of public\\nservants, who had Utile knowledge, and less political honesty. These\\nmen, without much training, stood on their ground, and kept their\\nranks filled, in array against their own constituents and the vic-\\ntory being now won, it is with reluctance that the victors lay aside\\ntheir weapons. But we hope not to arouse any unpleasant feel-\\nings, or blow into a blaze the embers which a long-time have been\\nsleeping.\\nAt the commencement of the revolutionary war, the most difh-\\ncult thing for solution is, that all the colonies united and mac c\\ncommon cause against the parent country. As has been alreadv\\nobserved, Massachusetts in the east, and Virginia in the somh,\\nwere the two great and leading colonies. They were not equnllv\\noppressed by king and parliament; the one, a favourite of ihi\\ncourt, and shared largely of the royal bounty and favour th.^\\nother, never a favourite, alienated in affection from oppression al.\\nhome, and heavj exactions abroad, and both differing in religion i\\nforms and creeds, and obnoxious and baleful to each other on tha;\\naccount. How happened it, that they should both coalesce in dt-\\ncidcd opposition to the mother country 1 How could men unite i\\narms, and in Iheir physical energies, when they could not mingi\\ntheir prayers at the altar of their common God 1\\nThe Massachusetts colony was oppressed and cruelly trealec,\\nand the measures adopted against her, were unworthy of the Britisn\\ncrown and nation. But those oppressions were not dealt out to lb\\ncolonies generally some of them had no cause of complaint but\\nall had cause to fear the weight of the heavy hand laid upon Ma.s-\\nsachusetts. They undoubtedly viewed the measures of king and\\nparliament, as a rod in terrorevi. If the oppressed colony haa\\nsubmitted, the restrictions and exactions imposed were so greal, ll .ri\\nthe discontented and aggrieved would have soon left it, and sought\\na residence in some of the sister colonies, less oppressed and less\\naggrieved. They would have carried with them a discontenteil\\nspirit, and a spirit desirous of the enjoyment of political liberty,\\nand -would, from the natural propensity of man, have carried this\\nspirit and infused it at the place of migration. The vindictive\\ntemper of parliament would have watched with sleepless vigilance\\neverv motion of the malcontents, and have visited, in vials it\\nwrath, every symptom of disloyalty and disobedience; so that,\\nsooner or later, each colony might expect a similar course of men-\\nsures adopted for her, as had been imposed on the colony of Maf-\\nsachusetts. These are such reasonings, as miglit,we think, have It on\\nused with propriety at the epoch of our revolution. They were lo\\nsome degree familiar with the statesmen of the several colonies, v, e\\nwell know; but that other circumstances strongly operated in lin\\ndecision of the colonies to meet force with force, and try the lucr\\nof war, is equally well known.\\nFrom the character of the people of New England, and iLfir\\nwarlike preparations, the other colonies could not doubt her inten-\\ntions to manfully resist the cruel acts of parliament, and the fii^l\\nrencounter wilh the veteran soldiers of England, fully justifipri this\\nanticipation, and taught the haughty Brilon a lesson of circumspec-\\ntion, which lasted for more than seven years. Foi one colony i\\nassist in enslaving the others, would have been subversive of the\\nprinciples of common justice, and would, at the same time, have been\\nan avowal of sentiments which would have prepared the way for\\ncomplete slavery with ihemselves. Bui. we apprehend, although\\nsimilar reflections had weight with the Virginians, there was an-\\nother subject equally weighty, w-hich fixed their resolution to make\\ncommon cause with New England in resisting the parent country\\nThe great amount of debt due from the merchants andplanicrs\\nof Virginia, to creditors in England, was more thon they were able\\nto pay and it was expected, that a war with Britain, ending in the\\nindependence of the colonies, would fully liquidate and cancel this\\ngreat amount. Two great and important objects, then, would be\\nattained. This position is greStly strengthened, if not fully con-", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "104\\nHISTOHY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfirmed, by snbrequent facts, which took place in the State of Vir-\\nginia, and in the halls cf Congress. The violent opposition made\\nto the commercial treaty of 1794, between the Unted States and\\nGreat Britain, commonly called Jay s treaty, must lead to the con-\\nclusion, that the payment of these debts by the war, was not an in-\\nsignificant object in the struggle. The most active and strenuous\\nopposers of measures which were adopted tu carry into effect that\\ntreaty, by which British subjects should find no impediments in col-\\nlecting the debts of our citizens, were peculiarly caressed, loaded\\nwith honours, and overwhelmed in the affections of the people. On\\nthe other hand, those in Congress who laboured for its ratification,\\nand struggled hard and successfully to procure the measures neces-\\nsary to carry this treaty into effect, were loaded with reproach, and\\nWashington himself did not escape without severe censure.\\nAfter a lapse of thirty years, we can look h.ick upon transac-\\ntions, and weigh circumstances and opinions, and find many ingre-\\ndients which, in the smoke and heat of passion, were wholly ob-\\nscured. What is called patriotism, is often the result of some sor-\\ndid self-interest, some unhallowed prejudice or violent hatred, and\\nmuch sagacity and dispassionate judgment are requisite in forming\\nand giving a correct decision upon public measures in time of great\\npolitical excitement. It is no certain mark that a man tenderly\\nloves his own family, because he bitterly hates his neighbour. We\\nhave .several flagrant and well authenticated instances which trans-\\npired during the late war with England, and which show that\\nsome public men regarded their own private interest more than\\nthey did the public good or the laws of the land and what has\\nbeen, we again expect under the like circumstances.\\nIn regard lo education, Virginia has commenced where Massa-\\nchusetts began nearly two hundred years ago, by founding a college\\nand using laudable efforts for its encouragement and support but\\nin one particular, she differs much from us. She has imported large-\\nly in teachers from Europe to fill the several seats of instruction in\\nber new college and in this particular, it is hoped, that the balance\\nof trade will not be against Acr. But there is something in this\\nimportation which shows a want of knowledge of the character of\\nNew England men, and of their literary acquirements, or a strong\\npartiality to England, indicative of a return to her first love\\nand that Virginia should prefer gentlemen bred and educated in a\\nmonarchical government, to teach republican principles and enforce\\nrepublican habits, is strange indeed. The time has been, when\\nsuch an act in New England would have substantiated, in the mind\\nof a Virginian, a bold and wicked attempt to dissolve our Fede-\\nral Union, and again put ourselves imder the protection and govern-\\nment of the British king.\\nNew England has often been arraigned at the public tribunal, on\\ninformation of the ancient colony, and charged with crimes and\\nheresies to all which. New England has pleaded not guilty, and\\nhath put herself upon posterity. New England could not subscribe\\nto the requirements of the south,, and the south has been too proud\\nto confess an error, but come to the right about; yet still persists,\\nthat she has not changed the line of march. We care not, whe-\\nther the people discover it, or not; but in a practical point of view,\\nthis change of course is of some importance for we have never\\nconsidered public men raised to a high degree of sublimation, who\\ncould act contrary to their public and openly declared convictions\\nand settled principles.\\nClimate and productions have, and always will cause, a difl^er-\\nence in manners and customs in all countries, as well as the origin\\nof the inhabitants. But as it respects New England, Virginia, and\\nsome of the southern states, the lines of distinction which so plainly\\ndefined them, are now le.ss vivid and fresh the original demarca-\\ntions Avere imported into both sections nearly at the same time.\\nThese limits have continued, and probably will continue for centu-\\nries to come. Although the partition wall of separation is broken\\ndown, yet the effects of this wall will long remain. We have now\\nno religious test, nor any tribunal, thank God, to punish by.banish-\\nraent, fines, imprisonment, stripes, and death, for heresy but we\\nhave some imaginary lines of distinction, which will be done away\\nin time.\\nSince many in the south laid a foundation to fame and conse-\\nquence, b/ their opposition to Jay s treaty, and by that means have\\nprovided well for themselves and families, by a monopoly of ho-\\nnourable and lucrative offices, it would be fair and just to bring\\nagain this subject, as well as many others connected with it, and\\ngrowing out of it, before the public for at the public tribunal all\\npublic measures must be tested, and have their award of merit or de-\\nmerit, accordingly as the people are benefitted or injured by such\\nmeasures. Such a course is due, not only to individuals, but to the\\nnation, that we look dispassionately upon measures, at the cool of the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0present time, and take a fair and manly view of the whole. Mr.\\nJay is not alive, but his worth and worthiness are not questioned\\nby the most fastidious and sqtjeamish politicians, who contribute\\ntlicir efl^usions to the veriest sinks of the nation. We should look\\nback to the object of our departure, and examine well the course which\\nwe have steered, to the motives and skill of our pilots, in order to\\ncome to a correct conclusion, whether our voyage, under all cir-\\ncumstances, has been so prosperous as it ought, or might have been,\\nunder the direction of dispassionate councils and prudent and firm\\nmanagement. The above subject, |pd many others, which have\\nagitated and convulsed the public mind, demand investigation.\\nThe present generation owe it lo posterity and to the world.\\nThe New England people, from the first arrival of the puritans\\nupon our shores, as far as their limited and intolerant principles of\\nreligion would admit, have uniformly been republican in habits and\\nin manners. If not so from inclination, and a common feeling,\\nthey were republican from circumstances, all being involved in\\ncommon labour and industry, and from the absolute necessity of\\n;5ituation. Our fathers have left our common schools, and a whole-\\nsome law, to perpetuate them in their high standing and purity;\\nour colleges and churches, as lasting monuments of their moral\\nand political excellence. In vain shall we look to other portions\\nof the United Slates for similar and noble establishments. We\\nwould not boast of our principles, habits, and manners, and the\\namount of general information among the people, but we have a\\nright to make these observations with some self-gratulation. Our\\nfathers, or those of the present day, have not been republican in\\ntheory and aristocratic in practice. There has been a harmony in\\nprinciple and practice, which has emanated from a long and prac-\\ntical observance of the natural rights of man, brought in subser-\\nviency to his most substantial good. We choose the dull and slow\\nmethod of determining differences, wherein the dearest rights of the\\ncitizen are concerned, by established laws and legal forms, to the\\nquick and capricious decision of the rifle. In sober and correct\\nthinking, we have without doubt surpassed the south but in ge-\\nnuine hospitality and cordial reciprocation of kindly feelings, we\\ncannot claim any superiority. But the great and prominent events,\\nwhich have in appearance divided the north from the south, will in\\nsome day be analyzed, and honour will be given to whom honour\\nis due. Posterity will demand a severe investigation, and will not\\nbe silenced or satisfied by a few cant phrases and epithets. Some\\nHume or Robertson will rise up, and place before posterity the\\ndeeds of our fathers and our contemporaries, with their proper\\nlights and shades, for the instruction of generations yet to come.\\nThe records of our time will afford ample and sufficient mate-\\nrials.\\nThe great contest in our happy republic is for place and power.\\nWe cannot think that these can give somanyjovs, and the satisfac-\\ntions of a brief hour upon the stage can have so many charms,\\nthat every fibre of mind and body should be exerted to attain them.\\nThe mind must reach to posterity, and anticipate the solid and last-\\ning honours to be bestowed by after ages for good and uprighl con-\\nduct. Nero and Caligula, in their own time, had their respective\\neulogists, as well as Aurelius. Upon their characters, public opinion\\nis fixed the names of the two former have become epithets de-\\nnoting the worst and most malignant combination of qualities\\nthat ever existed in the mind of man. Let not the fortunate aspi-\\nrant from any section of our country, indulge the thought, that he\\nshall pass on unnoticed by subsequent historians. They will tear\\noff the mask of the hypocrite, and show the deformity and true\\nlineaments of his face. Facts will be faithfully recorded and pre-\\nserved, and will speak for themselves, when present interest, pre-\\njudice, and partiality, will he forever buried. Perhaps such an his-\\ntorian of the events since the formation of our constitution, need\\nnot at present give the result of his labours to the public, since\\nsome, and even many, of the great actors are now alive, who took\\nconspicuous parts in many important transactions; but he might\\nwith much proprietv have in readiness a faithful narrative of al]", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNJTED STATES.\\n105\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nRHODE ISLAND.\\nThe circumstances which originated the settlement\\nof Providence and Rhode Island, have necessarily\\nbeen recorded in the history of the Massachusetts\\ncolony. In the year 1634, Roger Williams being\\nbanished, for his too liberal opinions, or for his zeal\\nimportant events from the close of the revolutionary war to the\\nclose of the administration of President Washington. This period\\nwill include a time of great labour and much and complicated dif-\\nficully a period, the events of which, should be well studied, and\\ncompletely understood, by every freeman of the United Stales. In\\nthis liiue, the French revolution which convulsed all Europe, and\\nshook to it.s centre our republic, burst forth like a tempest, threat-\\nening general destruction. In this period, our own politicians were\\nfruitful in conjectures as to the results of our own struggle, and the\\nthrobs and throes of France. We owe much, and perhaps our na-\\ntional e.Kistence, to the cool dispassionate judgment and unbending\\nfirmness of the distinguished individual then at the head of our na-\\ntion. But most of his constitutional advisers, and others, who co-\\noperated with him, in this time of peril, are forgotten their labours\\nare no longer mentioned with applause, nor a single pulse beats in\\nlively gratitude for the services of the patriotic dead, nor is sincere\\nrespect shown for the living.\\nWe boast not of our ancestry, but claim an origin equally re-\\nspectable as that of any portion of our country. Our public schools\\nand colleges, founded by onr ancestors, are so many monuments of\\nour moral and intellectual worth. These monuments we have pre-\\nserved, beautified, strengthened, and adorned they will last, and\\nincrease in grandeur and utility, till we, as a people, shall be com-\\npletely changed.\\nThe foregoing observations on the first settlement of our country,\\nwere communicated to me bya shrewd and deep thinking New Eng-\\nland historian, and we believe will give the reader much informa-\\ntion, and great pleasure, though he may not agree with him in all\\nhis reasoning.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 4/7iL r{ca7t Editor,\\nThe spot where Mr. Williams and his companions landed, was\\nwithin the jurisdiction of the Narraganset Indians.* The sa-\\nchems of this tribe were Canonicus, and his nephew Miantinomo.\\nThe former was an old man, and he probably associated witl) him\\nhis young nephew, as better fitted to sustain the toils and cares of\\nroyalty. Their residence is said by Gookin w have been about\\nNarraganset Bay, and on the island of CanoniCTR.\\nThe first object of Mr. Williams would naturally be, to obtain\\nfrom the sachems a grant of land for his new colony. He proba-\\nbly visited them, and received a verbal cession of the territory,\\nwhich, two years afterwards, was formally conveyed to him by a\\ndeed. This instrument may properly be quoted here :t\\nAt Narraganset, the 24th of the first month, commonly called\\nMarch, the second year of the plantation or planting at Moshas-\\neuck, or Providence Memorandum, that we, Canonicus and Mi-\\nantinomo, the two chief sachems of Narraganset, having two years\\nsince sold unto Roger Williams the lands and meadows upon the\\ntwo fresh rivers, called Mosha.ssuck and Wanasquatucket, do now,\\nby these presents, establish and confirm the bounds of these lands,\\nfrom the river and fields of Pawtucket, the great hill of Notaquon-\\ncanot, on the northwest, and the torni of Mashapaug, on the west.t\\nUnder the general name of Narraganset, were included Narras;anset\\nproper, and Coweset. Narraganset proper extended south from what is\\nnow called Warwick, to the oce^n Coweset, from Narraganset northerly\\nto the Nipmuck country, which now forms Oxford, (Mass.) and some\\nother adjoining towns. The western boundaries of Narraganset and\\nCoweset cannot be definitely ascertained. Gnokin says, the Narragan-\\nset jurisiction extended thirty or forty miles from Seekonk river and\\nNarraganset Bay, including the islands, southwesterly to a place called\\nVVekapage, four or five miles to the eastward of Pawcaluck river; that it\\ninfludeJ a part of Long Island, Block Island, Coweset, and Nianiick, and\\nreceived tribute from some of the Nipmucks. After some research, I am\\niaduoed 15 believe, that the Nianticks occupied the territory now called\\nin promulgating them, by the general court of Massa-\\nchusetts, repaired to Seeconk but being informed by\\nthe governor of Plymouth, that that place was within\\nthe limits of the colony, he proceeded to Mooshausic,\\nwhere, in 1036, with those friends who followed him,\\nhe began a plantation. He purchased the land of\\nthe Indians,* and, in acknowledgment of the kindness\\nof Heaven in affording him a shelter from his perse-\\nWe also, in consideration of the many kindnesses and services he\\nhath continually done for us, both with our friends of Massachu-\\nsetts, as also at Connecticut, and Apaum, or Plymouth, we do freely\\ngive unto him all that land from those rivers reaching to Pawtuxel\\nriver as also the gra.ss and meadows upon the said Pawtuxet\\nriver. In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands.\\nThe mark (a bow) of CANONICUS.\\nThe mark (an arrow) of MIANTINOMO.\\nIn the presence of\\nThe mark of Sohash.\\nThe mark of Alsohunsit.\\n1639. Memorandum. 3d Month, 9th day, this was all again\\nconfirmed by Miantinomo. He acknowledged, that he also [ille-\\ngible]! and gave up the streams of Pawtucket and Pawtuxet, with-\\nout limits, we might have for our use of cattle.\\nWitness hereof,\\nRoger Williams,\\nBenedict Arnold.\\nThe lands thus ceded to Mr. Williams he conveyed to twelve\\nmen, who accompanied, or soon joined him, reserving for himself\\nan equal part only. Before we narrate the particulars of this trans-\\naction, a few remarks are necessary.\\nIt appears from the tenor of the deed, and from other evidence,\\nthat the original sale included only the lands mentioned in the fir.st\\npart of the deed. These are said by the sachems to have been\\nsold to Mr. Williams. The grass and meadows on Pawtuxrt\\nriver are said to be given to him, in consideration of his services\\nAn interesting question, which occasioned much debate in the\\nearly times of the colony, claims consideration here. Were the\\nlands, ceded by the sachems, so conveyed, that they became the\\nproperty of Roger Williams himself, and might he, with justice\\nand honour, have sold or retained them, as he pleased 1 An an-\\nswer to this question will throw light on his .subsequent conduct.\\nThe conveyance in the deed is made to him alone. The title,\\nconsequently, was vested in him, so far as the instrument went.\\nBut this fact does not decide the point. It was a subject of accu-\\nsation against him, that the conveyance was not made to him and\\nhis associates. Did he, then, act on behalf of others, as well as for\\nhimself!\\nIf his own solemn and often repeated assertions are worth} of\\ncredit, he obtained the lands by his own money and influence, and\\nmight have held them as his property.\\nHe argues the case at large, in his letter to the Commissioners,\\nin 1677, to whom he was accused of unfair conduct respecting the\\nlands.\\nHe asserts, in the first place, It is not true, that I was employ-\\ned by any, was supplied by any, or desired any to come with me\\ninto these parts. My soul s desire was, to do the natives good, and\\nto that end to learn their language, (which I afterwards frintej,)\\nand therefore desired not to be troubled with English company.\\nWesterly. If so, then the jurisdiction of the Narragansets extended to th\\nPawcatuck, and perhaps beyond it. Whatcheer, Notes, p. ira.\\nt This is transcribed from a copy furnished by John Howland, F.f^i\\nIt differs a little from that contained in Backus, vol. i. p. S9. The or-\\nthography is conformed to modern usage.\\nt The great hill, Notaquoncanot, mentioned as a bound, is three miles\\nwest from VVeybosset bridge. Mashapaug is about two miles south of\\nthe hill.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 J. H.\\nMr. Backus (vol. i. p. 90) has this reading: He acknowledged this\\nhis act and hand j up the streams, ifcc. But the reading in the text it^\\nretained, according to Mr. Howland s copy. The deed was written by\\nRoger Williams, but the memorandum by seme other person.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "106\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncutors, Le called his new abode Providence. Actinff\\nin conformity with the wise and liberal principle he\\nhad avowed, and previously maintained, he allowed\\nHe acids, thai out of pity, he gave leave to several persons to come\\nalon? in his company. He makes tlie same statement in his deed\\nof 1661 I desired it might be for a shelter for persons distressed\\nfor conscience. I then considering the condition of divers of my\\ndistressed countrymen, I communicated my said purchase unto my\\nloving friends, [whom he names,] who then desired to take shelter\\nliere with me.\\nIt seems, then, that his original design was to come alone, pro-\\nbably to dwell among the Indians, and do them good but he\\naltered his plan, and resolved to establish a refuge for those who\\nmight flee from persecution. The project was his own, and worthy\\nof his generous and liberal mind. He certainly was not employed,\\nus an agent to purcliase lands for others. He uses another argu-\\nmt-.M I mortgaged my house in Salem (worth some hundreds)\\nfor supplies to go through, and, therefore, was it a single business.\\nHaving thus shown that he acted for himself, and on his own re-\\nsponsibility, he stales, that the lands were procured from the sa-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2cliems by his inflnence alone. He enumerates several advantages\\nwhich he enjoyed in this negotiation: 1. A constant, zealous de-\\nsire to dive into the natives language. 2. God was pleased to give\\nme a painful, patient spirit, to lodge with them in their filthy, smoky\\nholes, (even while I lived at Plymouth and Salem,) to gain their\\nloague. 3. I spared no cost towards them, and in gifts to Ousa-\\ninecjuin, yea, and all his, and to Canonicus, and all his, tokens and\\npresents, many j-ears before I came in person to the Narraganset,\\nind when I came, I was welcome to Ousamequin, and to the old\\nprince Canonicus, who was most shy of all English, to his last\\nbreath. 4. I was known by all the AVampanoags and the Narra-\\npansets to be a public speaker at Plymouth and Salem, and, there-\\nfore, with them, held as a sachem. 5. I could debate with them\\n(in a great measure) in their own language. 6. I had the favour\\nand countenance of that noble soul, Mr. Winthrop, whom all In-\\ndians respected.\\nHe proceeds to state, respecting Canonicus, that it was not\\nthousands nor tens of thousands of money could have bought of him\\nan English entrance into this bay.\\nIn the deed, already quoted, he says, By God s merciful assist-\\nance, I was the procurer of the purchase, not by moneys nor pay-\\nment, the natives being so shy and jealous, that monej s could not\\ndo it, but by that language, acquaintance and favour with the na-\\ntives, and other advantages, which it pleased God to give me; and\\nalso bore the charges and venture of all the gratuities, which I gave\\nlo the great sachems, and other sachems round about us, and lay\\nengaged for a loving and peaceable neighbourhood with them, to\\nmy great charge and travel.\\nSee above. He adds, It hath been told me, tliat I laboured for a li-\\ncentious and contentious people that I have foolishly parted with town\\nnnil colony advantages, by which I might have preserved both town and\\ncolony in as good order as any in the country about us. The following\\nli^Iter ftom his son maybe properly quoted here, as confirming the prece-\\nding statements\\nTo all them that deem themselves purchasers in the town of Provi-\\ndence, if they be real purchasers, I would have them make it appear.\\nGentlemen,\\nI thought good in short to present you with these few lines, concern\\ning the boimds of Providence, (fee. I have put forth several queries lo se-\\nveral men in the township, to be answered but have not any answer\\nfrom any of them and, as I Judge, doth not cnre to have any discourse\\nabout it. Therefore, now I speak to you all, desiring your honours will\\nbe pleased lo consider of the matter, and to answer me to one or two\\nqueries; that is, whether you have any thing under my father s hand to\\nl)rove the bounds of this town afore those twelve men were concerned\\nor whether my father disposed of any of the township to any other per-\\nsons since the twelve men were first in power, c. If my father had\\ndisposed or sold his whole township, and they he sold it to, or have it\\nunder his hand, prove ihe sale, although it was but for one penny, God\\nforbid that ever l\u00c2\u00bb8houM open my mouth about it, c It is evident, that\\nthis township was my father s, and it is held in his name against all un-\\njust clatncurs, c. Can you find such another now alive, or in this age\\nentire freedom of conscience to all who came within\\nhis borders, and set the first practical example of the\\nperfect equality of all religious sects in the same poli-\\nThese facts prove, that the lands were granted to Mr. Williams,\\nas a personal favour, as an expression of gratitude on the part of\\nthe sachems, and as a remimeralion for presents which they had\\nbeen receiving from him for several years. Mr. AVilliams, then,\\nwas entitled to make the assertion, which is contained in Jiis touch-\\ning letter to the town of Providence, in 1654 I have been blamed\\nfor parting with Moshassuck, and afterwards Pawtuxet, (which\\nwere mine own, as truly as any man s coat upon his back,) without\\nreserving to myself a fool of land, or an inch of voice, more than\\nto my servants and strangers.\\nMr. Williams was thus the legal proprietor of the lands which\\nwere ceded to him, and he might have remained so, if he had\\npleased. He had a clear title from the Indians, and he had, a few\\nyears later certainly, sufficient influence with the rulers in Eng-\\nland, to obtain a recognition of his rights, and a confirmation of\\nhis authority. He might, doubtless, have Oeen, like William Penn,\\nthe proprietary of his colony, and might have exercised a control\\nover its government. He would, we may easily believe, have ex-\\nercised his authority as wisely and beneficially as the great legisla-\\ntor of Pennsylvania. The peace of his settlement and his own\\ncomfort would, perhaps, have been promoted, if he had retained\\nthis power awhile, instead of committing it to the whole company\\nof settlers, among whom, from the nature of the colony, as a refuge\\nfor all soits of consciences, some heterogeneous and discordant\\ntempers might be expected to find admission. That he was blamed\\nfor this conduct, we know from his letter to the town of Providence,\\nalready quoted and as that letter was written soon after his re-\\nturn from England, we may infer, that the censure came from\\nleading men there.\\nBut he chose to found his colony on pure democratic principles;\\nas a commonwealth, where all civil power should be exercised by\\nthe people alone, and where God should be the only ruler over the\\nconscience.\\nWe will now relate the facts respecting his division of the lands\\namong his associates.\\nThe persons who accompanied him, at his first landing, were\\nWilliam Harris, John Smith, Joshua Verin, Thomas Angell, and\\nFrancis Wickes. Several others joined him at various times, pre-\\nviously to October 8, 1638, on which day Mr. Williams executed\\nan ftistrument, of the following tenor.t\\nProvidence, 8lh of Ike 8th month, 1638, {so called.)\\nMemorandum that I, Roger Williams, having formerly pur-\\nchased of Canonicus and Miantinomo, this our situation, or planta-\\ntion, of New Providence,? viz. the two fresh rivers, AVanasqua-\\ntucket and Moshassuck, and the grounds and meadows thereupon;\\nHe gave away his lands and other estate, to them that he thought were\\nmost in want, until he gave away all, so that he had nothing to help him-\\nself, so that he being not in a way to get for his supply, and being ancient,\\nit must needs pinch somewhere. I do not desire to say what I have done\\nfor both father and mother. I judge they wanted nothing that was con-\\nvenient for ancient people, c. What my father gave, I believe he had a\\ngood intent in it, and thought God would provide for his family. He never\\ngave ine but about three acres of land, and but a little afore he deceased.\\nIt looked hard, that out of so much at his disposing, that I should have\\nso little, and he so litlle. For the rest, c. I did not think to be so large:\\nso referring your honours to those queries you have among you,\\nA our friend and neighbour,\\nDANIEL WILLIAMS.\\nProvidence, Aug. 2-1, 1810.\\nIf a covetous man had that opportunity as he had, most of this town\\nwould have been his tenants, I believe. D. W.\\nt The first deed was written in a strait of time and haste, as he al-\\nleged, and contained only the initials of the names of the grantees. He\\nwas censured for this by some of them, as if he had done it for some si-\\nnister design! They urged him to give them another deed, which of\\nfinally did, on the 2ad of December, 1C66, when the document in the text\\nwas written, retaining the original date.\\nt The name. New Providence, appears m a few documents written by\\nMr. Williams himself, and by others, but it was soon discontinued. The", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n1U7\\ntical community. Nor was his benevolence confined\\nto his civilized brethren he laboured to enlighten,\\nimprove, and conciliate the savages he learned their\\nin consideration of thirty pounds received from the inhabitants of\\nsaid place, do freely and fully pass, grant, and make over equal\\nright and power of enjoyinjj and disposing of the same grounds\\nand lands, unln my loving friends and neighbours, Stukely West-\\ncolt, William Arnold, Thomas James, Robert Cole, John Greene,\\nJohn Throckmorton, William Harris, William Carpenter, Thomas\\nOlney, Francis Weston, Richard Waterman, Ezekiel Holliman,\\nand such others as the major part of lis shall admit into the same\\nfellowsliip of vote with us: As also I do freely make and pass\\nover equal right and power of enjoying and disposing of the lands\\nand grounds reaching from the aforesaid rivers unto the great\\nriver Pawtuxet, with the grass and meadows thereupon, which was\\nso lately given and granted by the aforesaid sachems to me. Wit-\\nness my hand,\\nROGER WILLIAMS.\\nOn the 20th of December, 1661, the following deed was execu-\\nted. It is inserted here, because it is an interesting document,\\nand it throws much light on the transactions which we are con-\\nsidering.\\nBe it known unto all men by these presents, that I, Roger\\nWilliams, of the town of Providence, in the Nan aganset Bay, in\\nNew England, having, in the year one thousand six hundred\\nthirty-four, and in the year one thousand six hundred thirty-five,\\nhad several treaties with Canonicus and Miantinomo, the two\\nchief sachems of the Narraganset, and in the end parchased of\\nthem the lands and meadows upon the two fresh rivers called Mos-\\nhassuck and Wanasquatucket, the two sachems having, by a deed,\\nunder their hands, two years after the sale thereof, established and\\nconfirmed the bounds of these lands from the rivers and fields of\\nPawtncket, the great hill of Notaquoncanot on the north-west, and\\nthe town of Mashapaug on the west, notwithstanding I had the fre-\\nquent promise of Miantinomo, my kind friend, that it should not\\nbe land that I should want about these bounds mentioned, provided\\nthat I satisfied the Indians there inhabiting. I having made cove-\\nnant of peaceable neighbourhood with all the sachems and natives\\nround about us, and liaving, of a sense of God s merciful Provi-\\ndence unto me in my distress, called the place Providence, I de-\\nsired it might be for a shelter for persons distressed for con-\\nscience. I then considering the condition of divers of my distress-\\ned countrymen, I communicated my said purchase unto my loving\\nfriends, John Throckmorton, William Arnold, William Harris,\\nStukely Wescolt, John Greene, Senior, Thomas Olney, Senior,\\nRichard Waterman, and others, who then desired to take shelter\\nhere with me, and in succession unto so many others as we should\\nreceive into the fellowship and society of enjoying and disposing\\nof the said purchase; and besides the first that were admitted, our\\ntown records declare, that afterwards we received Chad Brown,\\nWilliam Field, Thomas Harris, Senior, William Wickenden, Ro-\\nbert Williains, Gregory Dexter, and others, as our town book de-\\nclares; and whereas, by God s merciful assistance, I was the pro-\\ncurer of the purchase, not by moneys nor payment, the natives he-\\ning so shy and jealous that moneys could not do it, hut by that lan-\\nguage, acquaintance, and favour with the natives, and other advan-\\ntages, which it pleased God to give me, and also bore the charges\\nand venture of all the gratuities, which I gave to the great sachems\\nand other sachems and natives round about us, and lay engaged\\nfor a loving and peaceable neighbourhood with them, to my great\\ncharge and travel it was therefore thought fit by some loving\\nori^n of the epithet New may have been, a desire to distinguish the town\\nfrom the island of Providence, one of the Bahama islands, on which a\\nplantation was begun in 1629. Holmes s Annals, vol. i. p. 201. This\\nisland has since received the name of New Providence. The town of Ro-\\nger Williams was entitled to the precedence.\\nThis seems to be loosely expressed. Mr. Williams could not mean\\nthat he delivered the deed to the grantees in 1637, for several of the per-\\nsons named did not arrive in Providence till after April, I63S. (Backus,\\nvol. i. p. 92.) His own deed of cession is dated Oct. 8, 1638. He proba-\\nbly meant, that he delivered the deed, signed by the sachems in 1637, to\\nlanguage, travelled among them, and gained the en-\\ntire confidence of their chiefs and had often the\\nhappiness, by his influence over them, of saving from\\nfriends, that I should receive some loving consideration and gra-\\ntuity, and it was agreed between us, that every person, that should\\nbe admitted into the fellowship of enjoyingland and disposing of the\\npurchase, should pay thirty shillings unto the public stock; and\\nfirst, about thirty pounds should be paid unto myself, by thirty shil-\\nlings a person, as they were admitted this sum I received, and in\\nlove to my friends, and with respect to a town and place of succour\\nfor the distressed, as aforesaid, I do acknowledge the said sum and\\npayment as full satisfaction and whereas in the year one thousand\\nsix hundred and thirty-seven,* so called, 1 delivered the deed sub-\\nscribed by the two aforesaid chief sachems, so much thereof aa\\nconcerneth the aforementioned lands, from myself and from my\\nheirs, unto the whole number of the purchasers, with all my power,\\nright and title therein, reserving only unto myself one single share\\ne(iual unto any of the rest of that number I now again, in a mora\\nformal way, under my hand and seal, confirm my former re-\\nsignation of that deed of the lands aforesaid, and bind myself,\\nmy heirs, my executors, my administrators and assigns, never to\\nmolest any of the said persons already received, or hereafter to be\\nreceived into the society of purchasers, as aforesaid but that they,\\ntheir heirs, executors, administrators and assigns, shall at all\\ntimes quietly and peaceably enjoy the premises and every part\\nthereof, and I do further by these presents bind myself, my heirs,\\nmy executors, my administrators and assigns, never to lay any\\nclaim, nor cause any claim to he laid, to any of the lands afore-\\nmentioned, or unto any part or parcel Ihereot more than unto my\\nown single share, by virtue or pretence of any former bargain, sale\\nor mortgage whatsoever, or jointures, thirds or entails made by me,\\nthe said Roger Williams, or of any other person, either for, by,\\nthrough or under me. In witness whereof, 1 have hereunto set my\\nhand and seal, the twentieth day of December, in the present yeai\\none thousand six hundred sixty-one.\\nROGER WILLIAMS, (Seal.t)\\nSigned, sealed, aiid delivered in the presence of us, Thomas\\nSmith, Joseph Carpenter. Memorandum, the words, of the pur-\\nchase, were interlined before these presents were .sealed. I, Mary\\nWilliams, wife unto Roger Williams, do assent unto the premises.\\nWitness my hand, this twentieth day of December, in this present\\nyear one thousand six hundred sixty-one.\\nThe mark of (M. AV.) MARY WILLIAMS.!\\nAcknowledged and subscribed before me,\\nWILLIAM FIELD, Assisianl.\\nEnrolled, April the 6th, 1662, pr. me,\\nTH0M.1S OLNEY, Junr., Towm Clerk.\\nFrom this document, it appears, that the twelve person to whom\\nthe lands, on the Moshassuck and Wanasquatucket rivers, were\\nconveyed by Mr. Williains, did not pay liim any part of the thirty\\npounds, which he received but that the sum of thirty shillings was\\nexacted of every person who was afterwards admitted, to form a\\ncommon stock. From this slock, thirty pounds were paid to Mr.\\nWilliams, for the reasons mentioned in the instrument last\\nquoted.\\nFor the lands on the Pawtuxet river, however, Mr. Williams re-\\nceived ttvelve-lhirteenths of twenty pounds, from the twelve persona\\nnamed in the deed of October 8, 1638. On the same day, the fol-\\nlowing instrument was executed\\nIt is agreed, this day abovesaid, that all the meadow grounds at\\nPawtuxet, bounding upon the fresh river, on both sides, are to be\\nthe purchasers. This deed was dated March 24, the last day of 1637,\\nold style.\\nt An anchor, reclining.\\nt We are surprised at the form of this signature. That Mrs. Williams\\ncould not write, would be incredible, if it were not rendered certain lliat\\nshe could write, by a reference to her letters, in a public document at Pro-\\nvidence. It is probable, that she wrote the initials, believing them to be\\nsufRcient and some person added the words, the mark of, and wrote\\nthe name at length.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "108\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ninjury the inhabitants of the very colony which had\\nproclaimed hina an outlaw, and driven him into the\\nwilderness.*\\nTwo or three years after this, the antinomian con-\\nimpropriated unlo ihose thirteen persons, being now incorporated\\ntogetlier in our town ol Providence, viz. Ezekiel HolUman, Fran-\\ncis Weston, Roger Williams, Thomas Olney, Robert Cole, Wil-\\nliam Carpenter, William Harris, John Throckmorton, Richard\\nWaterman, John Greene, Thomas James, William Arnold, Stukely\\nWestcott and to be equally divided among them, and every one to\\npay an equal proportion to raise up the sum of twenty pounds for\\nthe same; and if it shall come to pass, that some, or any one, of\\nthese thirteen persons aforesaid, do not pay or give satisfaction of\\nhis or their equal proportion of the aforesaid sum of twenty pounds,\\nby thisday eight weeks, which will be the 17 th day of the 10th month\\nnex.1 ensuing, then they or he shall leave their or his proportion of\\nmeado\\\\7 grounds unto the rest of those thirteen persons, to be at\\ntheir disposing, who shall make up the whole sum of twenty pounds,\\nwhich is to be paid to R.oger Williams.\\nThis money was punctually paid on the 3d of December follow-\\ning, and was acknowledged as follows\\nAccording to former agreement, I received of the neighbours\\nabovesaidthe full sum of iSl. lis. Sd. Per me,\\nROGER WILLIAMS.\\nHe thus retained an equal share in the lands on the Pawtuxet\\nriver, which were very valuable to the new settlers, on account of\\nthe natural meadows along its banks. These lands were afterwards\\nthe occasion of a protracted contention.\\nFrom the facts which we have stated, it appears, that Mr. Wil-\\nliams generously admitted the first twelve proprietors of the Provi-\\ndence purchase to an equal share with himself, without exacting\\nfrom them any remuneration. The thirty pounds which he re-\\nceived were paid by succeeding settlers, at the rate of thirty shil-\\nlings each. But this sum of thirty pounds was not paid to him, as\\nan equivalent fur the land. It was, as he calls it, a loving gra-\\ntuity, and was intended to remunerate him for the presents which\\nhe liad given to the Indians, and for the expenses which he had\\nincurred in procuring the lands. But he affirmed, that all which\\nhe received was far less than he expended.* The same may be\\nsaid respecting the money paid for the Pawtuxet lands.\\nThe conduct of Mr. Williams, in these transactions, must be\\nacknowledged to have been highly honourable, disinterested, and\\nliberal. He held the title to the whole territory, and he might, ap-\\nparently, have amassed wealth and gratified ambition, by retaining\\nthe control of the town, and selling the lands, to be held of him as\\nthe proprietor. But he renounced all plans of power and emolu-\\nment he placed himself on an equality with the other settlers, and\\nsurrendered the territory to the whole body of freemen, among\\nwhom he claimed no other influence than that which sprung from\\nhis personal character. The sum which he received was not even\\na remuneration for his actual expenses in procuring the territory.\\nIt does not diminish this praise, that the settlers were obliged to\\nsatisfy the claims of many individual Indians. The grant from\\nthe sachems might, perhaps, have been considered as a full title\\nbut the justice and humanity of Roger Williams and his friends,\\nled them to make compensation to the natives who occupied the\\nterritory. The whole sum paid to Mr. Williams and to the In-\\ndians, for Providence and Pawtuxet, was stated by William Har-\\nris, in lG77,to have been one hundred and sixty pounds. Knowles s\\nMemoir of Roger Williams.\\nHe died in April, 1683, at the age of eighty-four years. He\\nseems in the early part of his residence in this country to have\\nbeen governed in some respects by a blind zeal but his memory\\nis deserving of lasting honour for the correctness of his opinions\\nrespecting liberty of conscience, and for the generous toleration\\nwhich he established. So superioi- was he to the meanne.ss of re-\\nvenge, and such was his magnanimity, that he exerted all his in-\\ntroversy, as it has been called, arose in Massacliu-\\nsetts, and Mrs. Hutchinson, Mr. Coddington, and\\nothers, were also banished from thatcolony.t These\\npersons, with the assistance- of Roger Williams, in\\nHe found Indian gifts very costly. He was under the necessity of\\nmaking frequent presents. He says, that he let the Indians have his\\nshallop and pinnace at command, transporting fifty at a time, and lodging\\nfifty at his house that he never denied them any thing lawful that when\\nfluence with the Indians in favour of Massachusetts, and ever\\nevinced the greatest friendship for the colony from which he had\\nbeen driven. For some of its principal men he preserved the high-\\nest affection, and maintained a correspondence with them. In his\\ncontroversial writings, especially with Mr. Cotton respecting tole-\\nration, he shows himself a master of argument. His talents were\\nof a superior order. In the religious doctrines which he embraced,\\nhe seems to have been remarkably consistent. The Scriptures he\\nread in the originals. Though his writings and his conduct in the\\nlatter periods of his life evince that he was under the influence of\\nthe Christian spirit, yet his mind ivas so shrouded in doubt and un-\\ncertainty, that he lived in the neglect of the ordinances of the gos-\\npel. He did not contend, like the quakers, that they were superseded,\\nbut found himself incapable of determining to what church it was\\nhis duty to unite himself. He would pray and preach with all who\\nwould hear him, of whatever denomination. If his conscience had\\nbeen enlightened, one would suppose, it must have reproved him\\nfor not partaking of the sacrament also with different sects. His\\nfirst baptism he appears to have renounced, not so much because\\nhe was dissatisfied with the time or the mode of its administration,\\nas because it was received in the church of England, which he\\ndeemed anti-christian. He published a Key to the Language of\\nAmerica, or, A Help to the Tongue of the New England Indians,\\n8vo. 1643, which has been lately reprinted in the collections of the\\nMassachusetts Historical Society, An Answer to Mr. Cotton s\\nLetter, concerning the Power of the Magistrate in matters of Re-\\nligion; The Bloody Tenet of Persecution for the cause of Con-\\nscience, 1644 The Bloody Tenet yet more Bloody by Mr. \u00e2\u0080\u00a2Cotton\\nendeavour to wash it White in the Blood of the Lamb, c., to\\nwhich is added, A Letter to Mr. Endicot, 4to. 1652 The Hireling\\nMinistry none of Christ s, or, A Discourse on the Propag tion of\\nthe Gospel of Christ Jesus Experiments of Spiritual Life and\\nHealth, and iheir Preservatives, London, 1652 George Fox digged\\nout of his Burrows, 1676, which was written against Fox and Bur-\\nrowes, and gives an account of his dispute with the Quakers. An\\nanswer to it was published in 1678, entitled, A New England Fire-\\nBrand duenched. An interesting letter of Mr. Williams to Major\\nMason is preserved in the collections of the Historical Society.\\nAllen s Biography, p. 608, 609.\\nLastly, Samuel Gorton, and his eleven followers, descending\\nthe Narraganset Bay on the west side, settled on Warwick Neck.\\nThis flourishing abode of heresy and toleration soon inflamed the\\nreligious or official zeal of Governor Winthrop, and a Captain\\nCook, with an armed parly of treble Gorton s number, was des-\\npatched with strict orders to bring the heretics to Boston, dead or\\nalive. At the head of this crusade in miniature, marched a holy\\nman, with strict injunctions to keep his soldiers regularly to their\\nprayers, and to explain to Gorton and his deluded followers the\\nwhole enormity of their errors before they put them to death. What\\nthese errors were, it is immaterial to relate suffice it to say, they\\nhad reference to the most abstruse and speculative doctrines, and\\nwere wholly immaterial to christian piety and a good life. Gorton\\npersisted sturdily in the argument against the nuncio of Winthrop,\\nand thinking he had the best of it, refused to acknowledge himself\\nconvinced. Cook accordingly gave the word for the onset, ajid\\nthey were made prisoners, and conveyed to Boston. The women\\nand children were dispersed in the woods, and as it was at a time\\nwhen the ground was covered with snow, several of them actuall)\\nperished. The rest of these helpless fugitives, after sustaining in-\\ncredible hardships, were protected, clothed, and hospitably enter-\\ntained by savages. Johnson s Life of Greene. Being brought\\nbefore the court at Boston, the charge exhibited against them was\\nin the following words Upon much examination, and serious\\nhe established a trading house at Narraganset, Canonicus had freely what\\nhe desired and when the old chief was about to die, he sent f\u00c2\u00abir Ms. Wil-\\nliams, and desired tn be buried in my cloth, of fr\u00c2\u00a3e gift.", "height": "3167", "width": "2415", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n1C9\\nMarch, 1638, purchased of the Indians, the island of\\nAquetnee, since called Rhode Island. The settlers\\nat Providence and Rhode Island, were, at first, dis-\\ntinct communities, and had separate governments.\\nBoth formed civil compacts for themselves. The in-\\nhabitants of Providence, and all new comers, at\\nfirst promised to submit themselves in active and\\npassive obedience to all such orders and agreements\\nas should be made for the public good of the body,\\nin an orderly way, by major consent of the inhabit-\\nants. At Rhode Island, the settlers, to the number\\nof eighteen, subscribed to the following civil com-\\npact We, whose names are underwritten, do here-\\nby solemnly, in the presence of Jehovah, incorporate\\nourselves into a body politic and as he shall help,\\nwill submit our persons, lives, and estates, unto our\\nIjord Jesus Christ, the King of kings and Lord of\\nlords, and to all those perfect and absolute laws of\\nhis, given in his holy word of truth, to be judged and\\nguided thereby. In 1640, being about forty in num-\\nber, they combined in a plan of government, as best\\nsuited to promote peace and order in their circum-\\nstances. William Coddington, was chosen a judge,\\nto do justice and judgment, and to preserve the peace.\\nIn March, 1641, at a general court of election, it was\\nuuanimousl) declared, that the government was a\\ndemocracy, or popular government, and that the power\\nwas iu the body of the freemen, orderly assembled, or\\nthe major part of them, to make or constitute just\\nlaws, by which they should be regulated, and to de-\\npute from among them such ministers as should see\\nthem faithfully executed. It was at the same time\\nordered, that none should be accounted delinquent\\nfor doctrine, provided it be not directly repugnant to\\nthe established government and laws.*\\nWhen the New England colonies, in 1643, formed\\nthe celebrated confederacy, Rhode Island applied to\\nbe admitted into the luiiou. Plymouth objected, on\\nthe ground that the settlements were within her\\nboundaries. The commissioners decided that Rhode\\nIsland might enjoy all the advantages of the confede-\\nconsideration of your writings, with your answers about Ihem, we\\ndo charge you to be a blasphemous enemy of the true religion of\\nour Lord Jesus Christ and his holy ordinances, and also of civil\\nauthority among the people of God, and particularly in this juris-\\ndiction. Their writings were produced in evidence against ihem\\nand they explained thein in such a manner, that the governor, Mr.\\nWinthrop, said he could agree with them in their answer, though\\nhe could not in their writings but Mr. Dudley stood up, much\\nmoved, and said he would never consent to it while he lived, that\\nthey were one with tiiem in those answers. The governor then\\nasked Gorton what faith was 1 He answered, in the words of the\\napostle, that faith is the substance of things hoped for, and the\\nevidence of things not seen; the governor told him that was true,\\nbut he could say more of faith than that. He desired to be ex-\\ncused, and Mr. Bradstreet, prudently enough, excepted to such\\nquestions, unles-^he was free to speak to them: and thereupon they\\nracy, if she would submit to the jurisdiction of Ply-\\nmouth this she resolutely declined, proudly preferring\\nindependence to all the benefits of dependent union.\\nIn the year 1644, Roger Williams was deputed to\\nEngland to obtain of the commissioners of planta-\\ntions, appointed by Parliament, a new charter. These\\ncommissioners granted to the inhabitants of the towns\\nof Providence, Portsmouth, and Newport, residing in\\na tract of country, called by the name of Narraganset\\nBay, bordering northward and north-east on the pa-\\ntent of the Massachusetts, east and south-east on\\nPlymouth patent, south on the ocean, and west and\\nnorth-west on the country of the Indians, called Nar-\\nragansets, the whole tract extending about twenty-five\\nEnglish miles unto the Pequod river and country, a\\nfree and absolute charter of incorporation, to be known\\nby the name of the Incorporation of Providence plan-\\ntations in the Narragansets Bay, in New England,\\nwith full power and authority to rule themselves, and\\nsuch others as shall inhabit in any part of the said\\ntract of land, by such a form of civil government, as\\nby voluntary consent of all, or the greater part of them,\\nthey shall find most suitable to their estate and con-\\ndition and for that end,, to make and ordain such\\ncivil laws and constitutions, and to inflict such pu-\\nnishments upon transgressors and for the execution\\nthereof, so to place and displace ofiicers of justice, as\\nthey, or the greatest part of them, should, by free\\nconsent, agree thereto with a proviso, that the laws,\\nconstitutions, and punishments, for the civil govern-\\nment of the plantation, be conformable to the laws of\\nEngland, so far as the nature and constitution of the\\nplace would admit. A court of commissioners, con-\\nsisting of six persons from each of the towns, was\\ninvested with legislative authority, but all acts passed\\nby these commissioners were subject to be repealed\\nby a majority of the freemen assembled in town meet-\\nings called for that purpose. A president and four\\nassistants were chosen annually, to be conservators\\nof the peace, with civil powers, and by special com-\\nmission they were judges of the courts, assisted by\\nwere dismissed and remanded to prison. Their sentences were\\ncruel. Gorton was ordered to be confined to Charles-town, there\\nto be kept at work, and to wear such bolts and irons as might hin-\\nder his escape and if he broke his confinement, or by speech oi\\nwriting published or maintained any of the blasphemous abomina-\\nble heresies wherewith he had been charged by the general court,\\nor should reproach or reprove the churches of our Lord Jesus\\nChrist in these united colonies, or the civil government, c., that\\nupon conviction thereof, upon trial by jury, he should suffer death\\nThe rest were confined to different towns, one in a town, and upon\\nthe same conditions with Gorton their cattle were seized and or-\\ndered to be sold, and the charge of fetching them, and the expense\\nattending the trial and imprisonment, to be paid out of the proceeds\\nand the overplus to be reserved for their future maintenance du\\nring their confinement. Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 120 122\\nPntin vol. i. p. 47.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "no\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ntwo wardens or justices of the peace in the towns in\\nwhich the courts were held. Each town elected a\\ncouncil of six persons to manage their own affairs.\\nThis council was also a town court, for the trial of\\ncauses of inferior magnitude, with a right of appeal\\nto the court of president and assistants. This form\\nof government continued, with little interruption,\\nuntil a chaiter was obtained from Charles II. in 1663.\\nThe town of Newport was situated on one of the\\nbest harbours in America, and its inhabitants soon en-\\ngaged in commerce. Their commercial transactions\\nwere deemed of so much importance in 1647, as to re-\\nquire laws suited to commercial men and seamen. At\\nthis early perfod, therefore, it was ordered at the court\\nof election, that the sea laws, otherwise called the\\nlaws of Oleron, should be in force among us, for the\\nbenefit of seamen, (upon the island,) and the chief\\nofficers in the town should have power to summon\\nthe court for the case or cases prescribed.*\\nUpon the application of the inhabitants, in 1663,\\nCharles II. granted a charter to Rhode Island and\\nProvidence plantations. The supreme or legislative\\npower was to be exercised by an assembly, which\\nwas to consist of the governor, of ten assistants, and\\nof representatives from the several towns, all to be\\nchosen by the freemen. The first meeting of the ge-\\nneral assembly, under the new charter, was on the\\n1st of March, when the government was organized.\\nAmong a great variety of ordinances which were en-\\nacted by the legislature of this colony, one was for\\ndeclaring the privileges of his majesty s subjects. It\\nenacted, that no freeman shall be imprisoned, or\\ndeprived of his freehold, or condemned, but by the\\njudgment of his peers, or the law of the colony that\\nno tax shall be imposed or required of the colonists,\\nbut by the act of the general assembly that all men\\nof competent estates, and of# civil conversation, (Ro-\\nman Catholics only excepted,)! shall be admitted free-\\nmen, or may choose or be chosen colonial officers.\\nIn 1665, the general assembly enacted a law, autho-\\nrizing the seizure of the estates of quakers, who re-\\nfused to bear arms in defence of the colony but be-\\ning generally condemned by the people, it was never\\ncarried into execution.\\nThe commissioners sent by Charles II. to inspect\\nPitkin, vol. i. p. 49.\\nt The authenticiiy of the clause, Roman Catholics only ex-\\ncepted, has been disputed and strictures have been made upon\\nClialmers, as maintaining that the toleration of Roger Williams\\ndid not extend to Roman Catholics, and upon the author of Ame-\\nrican Annals, as having repeated this charge. That clause was\\nan integral part of the ordinance, as recited by Chalmers, and the\\nomission of it would have been censurable. It has since been af-\\ntirmed, on very respectable authority, that the act in question is\\nthe affairs of the New England colonies, were received\\nat Rhode Island with more deference than in the neigh-\\nbouring colony of Massachusetts, arising, probably,\\npartly from their religious sentiments, and partly from\\na sense of their comparative want of strength to cope\\nwith royal power. Their conduct received the warm-\\nest approbation of their monarch and he assured\\nthem, that he should never be unmindful of their du-\\ntiful behaviour, which, he observed, was set off with\\nthe more lustre by the contrary deportment of Mas\\nsachusetts, as if, by its refractoriness, it had designed\\nto recommend and heighten their merits. The ge-\\nneral strain of the government of Rhode Island and\\nProvidence was conciliatory, though independent, and\\nseems to have given satisfaction to Charles II. during\\nthe remainder of his reign.\\nOn the accession of James II. to the British crown,\\nthe assembly of Rhode Island immediately transmitted\\nan address, acknowledging themselves his loyal sub-\\njects, professing obedience to his power, anJ begging\\nprotection for their chartered rights. Their suppli-\\ncations, however, could not protect them from the ef-\\nfects of those plans of reformation for New England\\nwhich were now resolved on. Articles of high mis-\\ndemeanour were exhibited against them before the\\nlords of the committee of colonies, accusing them of\\nbreaches of their charter, and of opposition to the\\nacts of navigation. These charges were referred, in\\nJuly, 168-5, to Sawyer, attorney-general, Avith orders\\nforthwith to issue a writ of quo warranto against\\ntheir patent and formal notice of the legal process\\nwas soon afterwards communicated to the governor\\nand company. But, without much hesitation, they\\nresolved that they would not stand suit with their\\nking. It was ordered by the committee of colonies,\\nthat Sir Edmund Andros, the governor of Massachu-\\nsetts, should demand the surrender of their charter,\\nand govern them as other colonies of New England,\\nthe king assuring them of his protection, and of his\\ndetermination to extend no other rule of administra-\\ntion over them, than over the neighbouring planta-\\ntions. In December, 1686, Andros, agreeably to his\\norders, dissolved the government of Rhode Island,\\nbroke its seal, admitted five of its inJiabitants into his\\nlegislative council, and assumed the administration in\\nnot to be found in the records of Rhode Island. In copying the\\nordinance, the .supposed implication of Mr. Williams was not ad-\\nverted to; it was merely a transcript of an article in our history.\\nWhatever may have been the legislation of 1664, Roger Williams\\nhas a just claim to the honour of establishing, at the foundation of\\nhis colony, a free, full, and absolute liberty of conscience.\\nAmerican Annals, vol. i. p. 336, 337.\\nt See the King s Letter in New England Papers, vol. iii", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nIll\\nthe place of that which he had thus annihilated.\\nWhen the revolution put an end to his power, Rhode\\nIsland and Providence resumed their charter, on the\\nground that an act which was extorted by terror\\nmight be justly recalled when restraint no longer re-\\nmained. All the officers who had been displaced\\nthree years before were now restored.\\nThe benevolence, justice, and pacific policy of\\nWilliams, secured to the colony an almost total ex-\\nemption from Indian hostility. Its prosperity was\\nproportionate to these favourable circumstances, and\\nthe population rapidly increased in 173U, the num-\\nber of inhabitants was 18,000; and in 1761, it had\\naugmented to 40,000.\\nBrown University was founded at Warren, in 1764.\\nOn the petition of a number of respectable persons, a\\ncharter for founding a seminary of learning was grant-\\ned by the general assembly of the colony the in-\\ncorporation took place in the name of the trustees,\\nor fellows of the College or University in the English\\ncolony of Rhode Island and Providence plantations.\\nThe president must be a Baptist, but professors and\\nother officers of instruction are not limited to any de-\\nnomination of Christians. The charter, in the spirit\\nof the other institutions of that colony, declares, All\\nthe members of this institution shall forever enjoy\\nfull, free, absolute, and uninterrupted liberty of con-\\nscience and the places of professors, tutors, and all\\nother officers, the president excepted, shall be free and\\nopen for all denominations of protestants. In 1770,\\nthe college was removed to Providence, where, by\\nthe generous donation of individuals, principally of\\nthe town of Providence, a large and elegant building\\nwas erected for the accommodation of the students.\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nNEW YORK.\\nThe history of the middle ages renders it very ap^\\nparent that many of the ideas which were entertained\\nby the governments of Europe on the subject of title\\nto property, both private and national, have been very\\nincorrect. This was especially the case with respect\\nto the claim to proprietorship, supposed to be con-\\nferred by discovery, a doctrine which gave rise to\\nmany, by no means bloodless, disputes. Had the\\nsimple idea of priority of occupation been deemed\\nthe just ground of national or individual claims to\\ncolonial possessions, little difficulty would have arisen,\\nthough it would have been subversive of many of the\\nlofty imaginations of regal or aristocratic ambition,\\n16\\nThis principle would have been just to the natives,\\nwho, as far as their occupancy extended, were the\\nonly parties who could convey a just title to the new-\\ncomers to the American continent. What would\\nhave been the indignation of British pride, had some\\nadventurous Indian sachem discovered, and granted\\nto his faithful followers, some of the extensive and\\nthinly inhabited wastes which Britain exhibited in\\nthe reigns of James or Charles? Yet, what other\\ntitle could Charles urge to the territories of the brave\\nking Philip, that the latter could not, had he visited\\nthe coast of England, have retorted on the former\\nThe absurdity of the principle of a legitimate title\\nbeing conferred by discovery only, was nowhere more\\nclearly evinced, than in the transactions of the colony\\nof New York. In 1609, Henry Hudson, an English-\\nman employed by the East India Company of Hol-\\nland, set sail from the Texel for the discovery of a\\nnorth-west passage to India. Not succeeding in the\\nobject of his voyage, he entered the bay of Chesa-\\npeake, where he found the infant settlement of the\\nEnglish. He afterwards proceeded to Long Island,\\nand sailed up the river Manhattan, on whose bf-,\\nthe chief fruits of his enterprise were destined to grow.\\nIt has been affirmed, that he sold his right to this\\nterritory to the Dutch but the assertion is as un-\\nsupported by proof as it is improbable he could con-\\nvey to them no right which the voyage did not vest,\\nby a much better title, in themselves. Several voya-\\nges were afterwards made from Holland to the river\\nManhattan, which subsequently received the name of\\nthe able navigator, hy whom it had been introduced\\nto the acquaintance of the Dutch. The favourablrr\\nreport of Hudson having been confirmed by other\\nvoyagers, a body of Dutch merchants embraced the\\nresolution of establishing a trading settlement and\\nthe States-General promoted the enterprise by granting\\nthem a patent for the exclusive trade of Hudson s\\nriver. They erected a fort near Albany, which they\\nnamed Fort Orange, and a few trading-houses on the\\nisland of New York, then called by the Indians,\\nManhattan.\\nIf the Dutch settlers made proper arrangements\\nwith the natives, they had certainly now a right to be\\nconsidered as the legitimate occupiers of the soil\\nand no other European nation was entitled to dis-\\npute their possession. The British monarch, how-\\never, was of a different opinion, as were his repre-\\nsentatives in America pretending to found their\\nclaim on the discovery of the Cabots in the previous\\ncentury, a claim which has found an advocate in so\\nsensible a writer as Chalmers and the title of the\\nHollanders is denied, because the sovereign of", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "112\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nFrance in 1603, and the king of England, in 1606,\\nhad declared their intention to appropriate the same\\nregion, which their subjects immediately planted.\\nWhy the intention of the French or English was a\\nbetter title than ihe occupation of the Dutch, or what\\ndefinition is to be allotted to the terra region, when\\nno European had a settlement withm one hundred\\nmiles of the Dutch, Mr. Chalmers has left his readers\\nto guess and if they exercise their rational faculties\\ncorrectly, they will be far from countenancing his\\nopinion.\\nIt was not long before the Dutch experienced the\\ninjurious eifects of the unjust principle to which we\\nhave alluded. In the very first year of their settle-\\nment, Captain Argal, who had proceeded from Vir-\\nginia to drive the French from their settlements on\\nthe bay of Fundy, visited, on his return, the Dutch\\non Hudson s river. Claiming the country for his\\nsovereiofn, he demanded their acknowledcfment of\\nhis authority and being few in number, they pru-\\ndently submitted, without attempting to resist. In\\nthe year following, however, a new governor having\\narrived at the fort with an additional complement of\\nsettlers, the claim of the English to the stipulated\\ndependence was forthwith defied, and the payment\\nof tribute imposed by Argal resisted. For the better\\nprotection of their independence, the colonists now\\nerected another fort on the south-west point of Long\\nAnnals, p. 568.\\nt New Netherland, born republican, might have been nurtured\\nin free principles, made the healthy and vigorous representative of\\nthe parent republic, and the depository for transmission to posterity\\nof that liberty wliich was to expire at heme. The infant colony,\\nmight, at least, have been saved from the contamination which\\nTendered profession a mockery in practice. The West Indian\\nCompany were amply remunerated for all expenses and care which\\nthey bestowed and if magnanimity in policy had prevailed over\\nthe unstatesman-like maxims of gain and loss, they might have\\nadded to their renown, the celebrity of founding the first republic in\\nthe new world. But actuated by different views, and calculating\\nthe progressive profits of trade only, they now determined, if we\\nmay judge from the amount of their last transhipment, to carry to\\na fuller extent the commercial strength and spirit of the colony.\\nSince their brilliant commencement, they suffered within the last\\ntwo years reverses and misfortunes from the pirates, the Dunkirk\\nfree-booters, and the public enemy. But in 1627, the capture of\\nthirty of the enemy s ships, under the batteries of St. Salvador, by\\nAdmiral Peter Pielersen Heyn, after an unequal conflict on his\\nSeawan was the name of Indian money, of which there were two\\nkinds; wompam (which signifies white) arttf suckauhock, {sucki signifying\\nbtack.) Wompam or wompampeague, or simply peague, was, though im-\\nproperly, also understood among the Dutch and English, as expressive of\\nthe generic denomination. Wompam, or white money, was made of the\\nstem or stock of the meteauhock or periwinkle: suckauhock, or black\\nmoney, was manufactured from the inside of the shell of the quahaug,\\n[venus mercenaria,) a round thick shell-fish, that buried itself but a little\\nway in the sand, and was generally found lying on it in deep water, and\\ngathered by rakes, or by diving after it. The Indians broke off abouf half\\nan inch of a purple colour of the inside, and converted it into beads.\\nThese, before the introduction of awls and thread, were bored with sharp\\nBtones. and strung upon sinews of beasts, and when interwoven to the\\nbreadth of the hand, more or less, were called a belt of seawan or wom-\\nIsland. They continued for a series of years, in\\nunmolested tranquillity, to mature their settlement,\\nenlarge their numbers, and by the exercise of their\\nI national virtues of patience and industry, to subdue\\nthe first difficulties and hardships of an infant colony.\\nIn 1621, the Dutch republic, desirous of establish-\\ning a colony in America on a firm basis, granted to\\nthe Dutch West India Company, an extensive terri-\\ntory on both sides of the Hudson, and entitled it New\\nNetherlands. The boundaries were not accurately\\ndefined, but were considered by the company as\\nincluding Connecticut river at the north, and Dela-\\nware river at the south. Under the management of\\nthis company, the settlement was soon both consoli-\\ndated and extended. The city of New Amsterdam.\\nafterAvards called New York, was built on York\\nIsland, then known by the name of Manhattan and\\nat the distance of a hundred and fifty miles higher\\nup the Hudson, were laid the foundations of the city\\nof Albany. In 1623, they erected a fort on the\\nDelaware, which they called Nassau and ten years\\nafterwards another on the Connecticut, which they\\ncalled Good Hope. Near the former, the Swedes\\nhad a settlement; and from the interfering claims of\\nthe two nations, quarrels arose between the settlers,\\nwhich, in a few years, terminated in the subjugation\\nof the Swedes. t\\nIf the policy of the Dutch in extending their set-\\npart, in which .skill was seconded by the most obstinate heroism,\\ngave renewed vigour to the company. These prizes were richly\\nladen with sugar, tobacco, cotton, and some gold and silver.\\nSugar, linens, cloths, and stuffs of various fabric, formed a part\\nof tlie imports into New Netherland. Its trade was with the na-\\ntives, who, as far as from Q.uebec and Tadousac, brought furs to\\nFort Orange. But to this chief mart of the province, the five na-\\ntions introduced the greatest supplies. Fort Amsterdam was still\\nthe head-quarters, M here ships rendezvoused, and whence smaller\\nves.sels coasted the country from New-port-May to the Flat Corner,\\n{Oe Vlack-hoeck the Dutch name for Cape Malabar.) But the\\nabove mentioned articles were unnecessary in the fur-trade, except-\\ning cloth of a dark colour, suitable to the melancholy temperament\\nof the Indians, who rejected fabrics in which the least whiteness\\nin their texture v. as discoverable. Cloth of this description, hoes,\\nhatchets, awls, beads, and other trinkets, looking glasses, Dutch\\ntriimpets in which the natives delighted, fire-arms, which originated\\na mischievous trafhc with the Mohawks, were the articles for the\\nIndian trade. The circulating medium was seau-an* This was\\nmanufactured particularly by the Indians of Seawav^hacky, (Long\\npam. A black bead, the size of a straw, about one third of an inch long\\nbored longitudinally, and well polished, was the gold of the Indians, and\\nalways esteemed of twice the value of the white; but either species wns\\nconsidered by them of much more value than F.uropean coin. An Indian\\nchief, to whom the value of a rix-dollar was explained by the first clergy-\\nman of Renselaerwyck, laughed exceedingly to think the Dutch set so\\nhigh a price upon a piece of iron, as he termed it. Three beads of black,\\nand six of white, were equivalent, among the English, to a penny, and\\namong the Dutch, to a stuyver. But with the latter, the equivalent num-\\nber sometimes varied from three and six, to four and eight. One of Go-\\nvernor IWinuit s successors fixed, by placard, the price of the good splen-\\ndid seawan of BTanlialtan, at four for a stuyver. A string of this money,\\none fathom long, varied in price from five shilhngs, among the New Eng-\\nlanders. (after the Dutch gave them a knowledge of it,) to four guilders.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n113\\ntlements so far eastward as Connecticut was to sup-\\nply a defective title by extent and priority of occupa-\\ntion, it completely failed and they at length disco-\\nvered, that the early extent of their occupation only\\nIsland,) and of this, as well as the first mentioned articles, the New\\nNetherlandershad on hand a surplus quantity. It is obvious, there-\\nfore, that for the purpose of vending these wares, a favourite po-\\nlicy of Governor Minuit was to ascertain a new market. His\\ntrading vessels had visited Anchor-bay and Sloop-bay, situate on each\\nside of Red-Island, {Roode Eylandl, corrupted into Rhode Island,)\\nascended the river, (Taunton,) flowing into the bay of Nassau, (Nar-\\nragansett,) and trafficked at Sawaans or Puckanokick, where Massas-\\nsowal, the friend of the Plymouth people, held dominion. From\\nhim and other Indians the latter had often heard of the Dutch, and\\nfrom the same source the Dutch had no doubt received intelligence\\nof the English. But during the six years which had elapsed since\\nthe settlement of Plymouth, there had not been the least intercourse\\nwith New Netherland. This negative relation would have con-\\ntinued, if the commercial policy which has been suggested, had\\nnot now induced Governor Minuit to seek out New Plymouth, as\\nthe market which was most convenient to intercourse, most conge-\\nnial in temper and circumstances, and, therefore, preferable to Vir-\\nginia or Canada, for the purpose of establishing a treaty of com-\\nmerce and amity. The people of Plymouth had a trading house\\nat Manomet, (north side of Cape Cod,) but, comparatively unam-\\nbitious, their commerce, fortifications, and strength of men, were,\\nas was acknowledged by thein, far inferior to those of New Nether-\\nland. Confined in their operations to the vicinity of the barren\\nand lonely spot on which they had been cast, their little trade was\\nindispensable, and they were aggrieved that (he Dutch had en-\\ncroached upon this trade, almost to their very doors. Having no\\ntransatlantic 9ommerce, they, this year, 1 627,) sent an agent to Eng-\\nland and Holland, to make arrangements for such stipplies as their\\nwants or commerce demanded.\\nSuch was the relative situation of the two colonies, when in\\nMarch, Governor Minuit caused a deputation to the Governor and\\nCouncil of Plymouth, with two letters, written in Dutch and French,\\ndated at Manhatas, in Fort Amsterdam, March 9th, 1627, (N.\\nS.) signed Isaac de Razier, Secretary. The Dutch governor\\nand council congratulated the people of Plymouth on the success\\nof their praise-worthy undertaking, proffered their good will and\\nservice in all friendly correspondency and good neighbourhood,\\ninvited a reciprocity of amicable feeling, suggested for this pur-\\npose, among other things, the propinquity of their native coun-\\ntries, and their long continued friendship and concluded by de-\\nsiring to fall into a way of some commerce and trade offering\\nany of their goods that might be serviceable, and declaring that\\nthey should feel themselves bound to accommodate and help their\\nPlymouth neighbours with any wares that they should be pleased\\nto deal for.\\nThe answer of Governor Bradford and Council was as fol-\\nlows\\n(one dollar sixty-six and a half cents,) among the Dutch. The process\\nof trade was this the Dutch and English sold for seawan, their knives,\\ncombs, scissors, needles, awls, looking-glasses, hatchets, hoes, guns,\\nblack cloth, and other articles of the Indian trnffic, and with the seawan\\nbought the furs, corn, and venison, from the Indians on the seaboard,\\nwho also, with their shell money, bought such articles from Indians re-\\nBiding in the mterior of the country. Thus by this circulating medium, a\\nbrisk commerce was carried on, not only between the white people and\\nthe Indians, but between different tribes among the latter. For the sea-\\nwan was not only their money, but it was an ornament to their persons.\\nIt distinguished the rich from the poor, the proud from the humble. It was\\nthe tribute paid by the vanquished to those, the five nations for instance,\\nwho had exacted contribution. In the form of a belt, it was sent with all\\npublic messages, and preserved as a record of all public transactions be-\\ntween nations. If a message was sent without the belt, it was considered\\nan empty word, unworthy of remembrance. If the belt was returned, it\\nwas a rejection of the offer or proffer accompanying it. If accepted, it\\nwas a confirmation, and strengthened friendships or effaced injuries.\\nThe belt, mth appropriate figures worked in it, was also the record of\\nserved to bring their rights the sooner into c.-Uision\\nwith the pretensions of neighbours more powerful\\nthan themselves. These disagreeable results, how-\\never, were not experienced till after the lapse of\\nTo the Honourable and Worshipful the Director and Counc 1\\nof New Netherland, our very loving and worthy friends and\\nChristian neighbours.\\nThe Governor and Council of Plymouth, in New England,\\nwish your Honours and Worships all happiness and prosperity in\\nthis life, and eternal rest and glory with Christ Jesus our Lord, in\\nthe world to come.\\nWe have received your letters wherein appeareth your good\\nwill and friendship towards us, but is expressed w ith over high\\ntitles, and more than belongs to us, or than is meet for us to re-\\nceive but for your good will and congratulation of our prosperity\\nin this small beginning of our poor colony, we are much bound\\nunto you, and with many thanks do acknowledge the same, taking it\\nboth for a great honour done unto us, and for a certain testimony of\\nyour love and good neighbourhood. Now these are further to give\\nyour Honours, Worships, and Wisdoms, to understand, that it is.tu\\nus no small joy to hear, that it hath pleased God to move his Ma-\\njesty s heart, noLonly to confirm that ancient amity, alliance, and\\nfriendship, and other contracts formerly made and ratified by his\\npredecessors of famous memory, but hath himself, (as you say,)\\nand we likewise have been informed, strengthened the same with a\\nnew union, the better to resist the pride of that comirion enemy,\\nthe Spaniards, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our\\nnative countries. Now for as much as this is sufficient to unite us\\ntogether in love and good neighbourhood in all our dealings, yet\\nare many of us further tied by the good and courteous entreaty\\nwhich we have found in your country, having lived there many\\nyears with freedoin and good content, as many of our friends do to\\nthis day, for which we are bound to be thankful, and our childreu\\nafter us, and shall never forget the same, but shall heartily desire\\nyour good and prosperity as our own for ever. Likewise, for your\\nfriendly proposition and offer to accommodate and help us with any\\ncommodities or merchandise which you have, and we want, either\\nfor beaver, otters, or other wares, is to us very acceptable, and we\\ndoubt not but in short time we may have profitable commerce and trade\\ntogether. But you may please to understand that we are but one\\nparticular colony or plantation in this land, there being divers\\nothers besides, unto whom it hath pleased those Honourable Lords\\nof his Majesty s Council for New England, to grant the like com-\\nmission, and ample privileges to them, (as to us,) for their better\\nprofit and subsistence, namely, to expulse or make prize of any,\\neither strangers or other English, which shall attempt either to\\ntrade or plant within their limits, (without their special license and\\ncommission,) which extends to forty degrees yet, for our parts,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0we shall not go about to molest or trouble you in any thing, but\\ncontinue all good neighbourhood and correspondence as far as we\\nmay; only we desire that you would forbear to trade with the na-\\ntives in this bay, and the river of Narragansett and Sowame.s,\\ndomestic transactions. The confederation of the five nations was thua\\nrecorded. The cockle shells had indeed more virtue amongst Indians,\\nthan pearls, gold, and silver, had among Europeans. Seawan was the\\nseal of a contract\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the oath of fidelity. It satisfied murders and all other\\ninjuries, purchased peace, and entered into the religious as well as civil\\nceremonies of the natives. A string of seawan was delivered by the orator\\nin public council, at the close of every distinct proposition made to others,\\nas a ratification of the truth and sincerity of what he snid i and the white\\nand black strings of seawan were tied by the pagan priest around the ucck\\nof the white dog suspended to a pole, and offered as a sacrifice to 7 A.i-\\nlonghyawaa^on, the upholder of the skies, the god of the five nations.\\nExtract from a manuscript history of Plimouth, communicated fay\\nHon. Francis Baylies, of Massachusetts. Prince s New England Annals,\\np. 172. Morton s New Englnnd Memorial, p. 91. Gov. Bradford s Letter\\nBook, III. Mass. Historical Collections, p. 51. Hutchinson, II. App.\\nTo which (snys Morton, secretary of Plimouth) the governor and\\ncouncil of Plimouth returned answerable courteous acceptance of their\\nloving propositions, respecting their good neighbourhood in general, and\\nparticularly for commerce.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "114\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nseveral years of uninterrupted peace, during the\\nadministration of Wouter Van Twiller, the first\\ngovernor appointed by the West India Company. It\\nwas near the close of his administration, that the\\nwhich is, as it were, at our doors. The which, if you do, we think\\nalso no other English will go about any way to trouble or hinder\\nycu which otherwise are resolved to solicit his Majesty for re-\\ndress, if otherwise they cannot help themselves.\\nMay it please yoit further to understand, that for this year we\\nare fully supplied with all necessaries, both for clothing and\\nother things but it may so fall out, that hereafter we shall deal\\nwith you, if your rates be reasonable and therefore, when your\\npeople come again, we desire to know how you will take beaver by\\nthe pound, and otters by the skin, and how you will deal per cent,\\nfor other commodities, and what you can furnish us with as like-\\nwise what commodities from us may be acceptable to you, as tobac-\\nco, fish, corn, or other things, and what prices you will give.\\nThus hoping that you will pardon and excuse us for our rude\\nand imperfect writing m your language, and take it in good part,\\nbecause, for want of use, we cannot so well express that we under-\\nstand, nor happily understand every thing so fully as we should\\nand so we humbly pray the Lord, fur his mercy s sake, that he will\\ntake both us and our native countries, into his holy protection and\\ndefence. Amen.\\nBy the Governor and Council, your Honours and Worships\\nvery good friends and neighbours.\\nIn August, Governor Minuit and council sent another deputy, and\\nin reply, insisted upon their right to trade to the places which Go-\\nvernor Bradford and council had interdicted, that, as the English\\nclEiimed authority under the King of England, so we, the Dutch,\\nderive ours from the states of Holland, and will defend it. The\\nletter was in other respects very friendly, and, as if to preclude any\\ninterruption to the harmony of their projected intercourse, the mes-\\nsenger was charged with a present of a rundlet of sugar and two\\nHolland cheeses, for which many thanks were retitrned in the\\nanswer by Governor Bradford he also requested that a deputy\\nmight be sent to confer respecting their future trade and commerce,\\nand with the most friendly zeal cautioned the Dutch to avoid the\\nVirginia ships or fishing ve.ssels, which might make prize of them,\\nIS they had a few years previously, of a French colony that had\\nintruded within their limits apprised them of the patents of Clueen\\nElizabeth, and advised Ihem to solicit the Slates General, to nego-\\nliate with England for an amicable understanding upon the stihject.\\nGovernor Bradford communicated copies of the correspondence to\\nthe council for New England, and to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, re-\\nquesting advice. But now, as if apprehensive lest the contem-\\nplated intimacy with the New Netherlanders, might give plausibility\\nto their local pretensions, he wrote again to Governor Minuit in\\nOctober, that he should suspend a decision on the question of trade,\\ntill the Plymouth agent should return from England and Holland,\\nIn the language of a contemporary of Gov. Minuit and Gov. Brad-\\nford;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 If any tax me for \\\\\\\\a.=;ti]ig paper with reoordinc; these small mat-\\nters, such may consider, that small things in the beginning of natural or\\npolitic bodies, are as remarkable as grcaler, in bodies full grown.\\nThomas Dudley, the first deputy governor of Massachusetts, in an epistle\\nto my very good lady, the Lady Bridget Countess of Lincoln, dated\\nBoston, 1631, and published in Massachusetts, or the first Planters,\\nc. Boston, 1696, p. 22.\\nAddressed to Monsieur Monseignieur, William Bradford, governor\\nin Nieu Plemeuen.\\nAfter the wishing of all good unto you, this serves to let you under-\\nstand that we have received your (acceptable) letters, dated the 14th of\\nlast month, by John Jacobson of Wiring, who besides, by word of mouth,\\nbath reported unto us your kind and friendly entertainment of him for\\nwhich cause (by the good liking and approbation of the director and coun-\\ncil) I am resolved to come myself in friendship to visit you, that we may\\nby word of mouth friendly communicate of things together; as also to\\nreport unto you the good will and favour that the Honourable Lords of\\nthe authorized West Indian Company bear towards you; and to show\\nour willingness of your good accommodation, have brought with me some\\ncloth of three sorts and colours, and a chest of white sugar, as also some\\nEnglish colonists extended their settlements beyonti\\nthe boundaries of Massachusetts into the territory o:\\nConnecticut. He was succeeded in the following\\nyear by William Kieft, a man more fitted to encountei\\nwhither he had been sent to make arrangements, before it was as-\\ncertained that supplies could be obtained from the Dutch. He again\\nadvised them to adjust iheir title to a settlement in these parts, lest\\nin these stirring evil times, it should become a source of contention.\\nBut before the reception of the last letter. Secretary Razier, ac-\\ntuated by the prior communication of Governor Bradford, resolved,\\nwith the approbation of the Governor and Council, to be himself\\nthe bearer of an embassage to Plymouih. In the bark Nassau,\\nfreighted with a few articles for trafiic, manned with a retinue of\\nsoldiers and trumpeters, conformable to the fashion of the day, and\\nproportional to the dignity of his station, this second officer of the\\ngovernment, departed on an embassy, which was as important in\\nthe primitive aflairs of New Netherland and New Plymouth, as\\nany of the magnificent embassies of the old world were to full-\\ngrown kingdoms.*\\nThe reader s fancy will follow the bark through the east river, Oost\\nrivier, called also Hcllc Gadtrivier, )m\\\\.o the great bay of the island\\nof shells, (Long Island Sound,) and as it boldly swept over the bay,\\nor cautiously glided along its shores, skirted by thousands of wig-\\nwams, he will picture the wild and joyful gesticulations of the In-\\ndians, as they gazed upon the fantastic arrangements of the little\\nvessel, or listened to the deep notes of the trumpeters.\\nArrived in safety at Manomet, (north side of Cape Cod,) the se-\\ncretary despatched to Governor Bradford a letter, t announcing his\\narrival, specifying the articles that comprised his cargo, and re-\\nquesting some mode of conveyance to Plymouth. His request was\\ngranted. A boat was sent to Manonsciisset, (on the south side of\\nCape Cod,) and Razier, honourably attended by noise of trum-\\npeters, was ushered into fort Plymouth. Here he was kindly\\nentertained .several days. The meeting was not merely one of com-\\nmercial speculation and heartless formality. It was the first meet-\\ning, in tiie solitude of the new world, of the friendly colonists\\nof two allied European nations. It was the joyful meeting of\\nkindred as well as friends, for the wives and little ones of some of\\nthe pilgrims had also their birth-place in Holland. Though the\\nrigid simplicity of puritan costume and manners, the simple saluta-\\ntion, for instance, of goodman and goody, were in direct opposition\\nto the high-sounding titles, formal stateliness, and warlike decora-\\ntions of the Dutch, yet the very spirit of amity consecrated the in-\\ntercourse upon this novel occasion.\\nWhen the Dutch departed, they were accompanied to Manomet\\nby the Plymouth people, by whom articles of (heir merchandise\\nwere purchased, particularly the seawan, which was then introduced\\ninto New England, and became the medium of profitable trade\\nwith the Eastern Indians.t Such was the harmony of the first\\ncommunication between the two colonies, that the Dutch ofi eied\\nseawan, c. not doubting hut, if any of them may be serviceable unto\\nyou, we shall agree well enough about the prices thereof. Also, John\\nJacobson aforesaid, hath told me that he came to you over land in six\\nhours, but I have not gone so far this three or four years, wherefore 1 fear\\nmy feet will fail me so I am constrained to entreat you to afford me the\\neasiest means, that I mav, with least weariness, come to congratulate\\nwith yoii so leaving other things to the report of the bearer, shall here-\\nwith end; remembering my hearty salutations to yourself and friends, c\\nFrom aboard the bark Nassau, the 4lh of October, 1627, before French-\\nman s point.\\nVour affectionate friend, ISAAC DE RAZIER.\\nt Dr. Chalmers (Political Annals) says that Razier brought peltry and\\npurchased corn. Hence it is inferred the Dutch had made httle progress\\nin agricidture. The conclusion is true, though the premises are not. It\\nis doubtful whether Plymouth raised corn enough for domestic consump-\\ntion. But whatever were the honey in the mouth of that beasi of trade,\\nthere was a deadly slinii in the tail. For it is said they first brought oui\\npeople to the knowledge of wampampeag and the acquaintance there-\\nwith occasioned the Indians of these parts to learn the skill to make it, by\\nwhich, as by the exchange of money, they purchased store of arldleryi\\nboth from the Enghsh, Dutch, and French, which bath ptoved a fatal bu-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n115\\nwith spirit, than to stem with prudence, the troubles\\nwhich now began to assail tlie possessions of the\\nDutch. Numberless causes of dispute were continu-\\nally occurring between New Netherlands and the\\ncolonies of Connecticut and New Haven. The\\nEnglish charged the Dutch with disturbing, kidnap-\\nping, and plundering their traders with enticing\\nservants to rob and desert their masters and with\\nselling arms and ammunition to the natives. Yet,\\nnotwithstanding their mutual disagreements, the Dutch\\nand English colonists never suffered themselves to\\nforget entirely either the forms of courtesy, or the\\nmore substantial rights of humanity and when,\\nIheir assistance against the French, if needed; urged their friends\\nto abandon the barren spot on which fate had cast them, and re-\\nmove to the fertile banks of the Fresh River, Versche Rivier the\\nConnecticut.) The adoption of this advice might have perpetuated\\ntheir good feeling, which, though afterwards supplanted by conten-\\ntion and bitterness, was for years the foundation of repeated inter-\\ncourse and profitable commerce. The Dutch frequently went to\\nManomet, exchanged their linens and stulfs for tobacco, which trade\\nwas extremely advantageous to the people of Plymouth, until the\\nVirginians found out the Dutch colony, and drove Ihem from this\\nmarket by underselling them in tobacco.\\nThe West Indian Coinpany also enjoyed immediately the salu-\\ntary fruits of this coinmercial interchange, for the year after it\\ncommenced, (viz. 1628,) Governor Minuit, without the necessity\\nof any fresh imports that year, exported to the Amsterdam depart-\\nment more furs than at any other prior period.\\nThe earnestness of Governor Bradford and his council, in ad-\\nvising the Dutch to clear up their right to settle in the land, evinces\\nthe light in which the foriner viewed that right, and their igno-\\nrance of any previous remonstrance upon the subject. It has, how-\\never, been affirmed that Sir Ferdinando Gorges, one of the paten-\\ntees of the New England charter of 1620, had remonstrated, in\\n1624, to King James, against the occupation of the Hudson, and\\nthat ihe Stales General, by their ambassador, disclaimed it, as\\nmerely a private undertaking of their West Indian Company.* It\\nmight admit inquiry whether the English charter, in its construc-\\ntive application, embraced that river for though it extended nomi-\\nnally to the fortieth degree, it contained an exception in favour of\\nthe possession of any Christian prince or state. The Hollanders\\nin 1620 had the possession. The policy of King James, not, per-\\nhaps, very liberal on this subject, was pacific, and he probably pre-\\nferred that the river should be settled upon by the Dutch rather\\nthan by the Spaniards or French, both of whom claimed the coun-\\ntry. He was, if we credit English statements, aware that the\\nDutch had begun a settlement, and, perhaps, he caused the proviso\\nin the great charter, as a tacit acquiescence. If therefore the re-\\nmonstrance was made, no eflicienl interposition was obtained, nor\\nwas any regard paid to it by the West Indian Company their\\nmeasures with respect to New Netherland were not to be overawed\\nby remonstrance, or varied by conflicting title, but proportioned to\\nthe success of their arms, consequently to the amplitude of their\\nresources, and the adaptation of the province to a lucrative invest-\\nsiness to those that were concerned in it. It seems the trade thereof was\\n%t first, by strict proclamation, prohibited by the king. Sed quid non\\nrriortalia pcctora cogis Auri sacra fames 1 The love of money is the\\nroot of all evil, c. IJubbard. Hist. New Eng. Mass. Hist. Col. V. 100.\\nThis is put about the period of the meeting of the English parliament,\\nin February, 1624. See Belk. Biog. vol. i. 3()9\u00e2\u0080\u0094 375. But the loose man-\\nner in which the complaint is told, without any authority cited, and par-\\nticularly the reply which it is said the states made, viz. that if a settlement\\non the Hudson had been made, it w.ns without their order, as they had\\nonly erected a company for the West Indies, are circumstances wliich\\nthrow a suspicion over the statement. The grant to the company extend-\\ned as far north as Newfoundland. Perhaps this story is confounded with\\none of a similar kind in the time of Charles I.\\nin the course of the same year, Kieft applied to New\\nHaven for assistance against the Indians, the govern-\\nment of this colony tendered the amplest contribution\\nthey could afford of provisions for men and cattle,\\nto supply the scarcity that might have arisen from\\nthe Indian devastations. So unwarlike were the\\nDutch colonists in general, that they found it neces-\\nsary to invite Captain Underbill, who had been ban-\\nished from Boston for his eccentricities in religion, to\\ntake command of the troops. Collecting a flying\\nparty of one hundred and fifty men, he was enabled\\nlo preserve the Dutch settlements from destruction.\\nThe number of Indians whom he killed in the course\\nment of capital. This year they achieved a victory over the enemy,\\nso decisive, so complete, so unexampled in the magnitude of its\\ntrophies and advantages, as not only to enrich the members of the\\ncompany, but tend directly to the establishment of permanent colo-\\nnization in New Netherland. In September (1628) Adiniral and\\nGeneral Peter Pieterson Heyn captured in the bay of Mautanzas a\\nfleet of twenty vessels laden with silver, gold, and other precious\\narticles, valued at more than twelve millions of guilders.t This\\nwas the famous Spanish silver fleet. The company during tlii=i\\nand the preceding year took one hundred and four prizes from the\\nSpaniards and Portuguese. Profit had augmented to fifty per cent.\\nThe treasure now poured upon the bosom of the society was so in-\\nfatuating, that the States General found it necessary to interpose\\nsome rules of government over foreign conquests, not leaving them\\nto the arbitrary whim and caprice of the conquerors or naval com-\\nmanders, and on the other hand found it not very difficult to per-\\nsuade the company, to their own ruin ultimately, to turn their ope-\\nrations expressly for the advantage of the republic, and commence\\na prince-like, instead of merchant-like war. But at this particu-\\nlar crisis, the interposition of their high mightinesses, for the be-\\nnefit of transmarine conquests and colonies, accompanied by a de-\\ncree, authorizing the different departments of the company to ap-\\npoint a council of nine persons, who should be entrusted with the\\nmanagement of the whole, was the foundation of the appointment\\nof commissioners over the affairs of New Netherland, and\\nof the adoption by the college of XIX. of a charter of Liber-\\nties, and exemptions for patroons, masters, and private individuals,\\nwho should plant colonies in New Netherland, or import thither any\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2neat cattle. These privileges and exemptions were adopted in the\\nspring of 1629, and recorded in the book of resolutions of the de-\\npartment of XlX.t\\nA knowledge of the provisions of this charter is not only neces-\\nsary for understanding perfectly the civil basis on which the colony\\nof New Netherland was erected, but the charter merits attention\\nas an object of curious political speculation. It discloses the pecu-\\nliar notions of aTi armed mercantile society with regard to coloni-\\nzation. While it secured the right of the Indians to the soil, and\\nenjoined schools and churches, it scattered the seeds of servitude,\\nslavery, and aristocracy. While it gave lo freemen as much land\\nas they could cultivate, and exemjited colonists from taxation for\\nten years, it fettered agriculture, by restricting commerce and pro-\\nhibiting manufactures.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Moulton s History of New York.\\nt 5,000,000 dollars. Do Laet (History West India Co. book V.) says\\n1I,509,5 24 guilders, exclusive of musk, ambergris, bezonr, and other pre-\\ncious articles in great quantity, besides the cargoes of two galleons and\\none small prize. r i j\\nt Lambrechtsen says they are to be found in the Notulea of that de-\\npartment, March 10, 1628, (old style;) but in a deed from Gov. Kiefl to\\nex-Governor Van Twillor, in 1638, of a tohncco plantation at Sapoka-\\nnickan, (Greenwich, in the city of New York,) the date of the grant of\\nthe liberties and exemptions is cited to have been the 7th of Juu 1629.\\nPerhaps, as they were not published till 1630, they underwent modifica-\\ntions after they were first adopted, previously to their being finally con-\\nfirmed as a charter.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "116\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nof the war was supposed to exceed four hundred.\\nIn 1646. a severe battle was fought on that part of\\nHorseneck called Strickland s Plain. The Dutch\\nwere victorious on both sides great numbers were\\nslain and for a century afterwards the graves of the\\ndead were distinctly visible.\\nKieft was succeeded, in the following year, by Pe-\\nter Stuyvesant, a brave old officer, and one of the\\nmost magnanimous spirits of the republican service of\\nHolland. By his prudence and vigour, he appears\\nto have succeeded in restoring peace with the In-\\ndians, and preserving it unixiterrupted during the\\nwhole of his administration. In 1650, he met the\\ncommissioners of the New England colonies at Hart-\\nford, where, after much altercation, a line of parti-\\ntion between their respective territories was fixed by\\nmutual agreement. Long Island was divided be-\\ntween them the Dutch retained the lands which they\\noccupied in Connecticut, surrendering their claim to\\nthe residue.\\nIn the Delaware terrtiory, Stuyvesant resolutely\\ndefended the claims of his countrymen against the\\ninvasions both of the English and the Swedes. In\\n1651, the Dutch built Fort Casimir, now called New-\\ncastle, on Delaware. The Swedes claiming the\\ncountry formally protested against this proceeding.\\nRisingh, the governor, mder the disguise of friend-\\nship, came before the fortress, and landed thirty men,\\nwho were entertained by the commandant as friends\\nbut he had no sooner discovered the weakness of the\\ngarrison, than he made himself master of it and\\ncompelled several of the people to swear allegiance to\\nChristiana, queen of Sweden. Stuyvesant was not\\nof a disposition to submit tamely to such an outrage,\\nor to content himself with a simple recapture of the\\nfort. He determined to invade and subdue the whole\\nSwedish settlement. But no sooner did they find\\nthemselves about to be attacked by this determined\\nwarrior, and perceived tliat their forts failed to inti-\\nmidate the enemy, than they peaceably surrendered\\nthem, toffether with the whole of their establishments.\\nThus, miassisted by the parent state, fell the only\\ncolony that Sweden has ever possessed.\\nDuring nearly ten years of peace, Stuyvesant used\\ndiligent exertion in extending and consolidating the\\ncolony of New Netherlands all his labours were,\\nhowever, doomed to prove imavailing to the advan-\\ntage of his country. Charles II. had now ascended\\nthe British throne and although he had received,\\nduring his exile, more courtesy from the Dutch than\\nfrom any other nation, he had conceived a peculiar\\naversion towards the people of Holland and did not\\nhesitate to use every means to provoke the resentment\\nof the States-General among others, he asserted his\\nclaim to the province of New Netlierlands and,\\nwithout any attempt at negotiation with the States^\\nhe executed a charter, conveying to the Duke of York\\nthe whole territory, from the eastern shore of the De-\\nlaware, to the western bank of the Connecticut. This\\ngrant took no more notice of the existing possession\\nof the Dutch, than it showed respect to the recent\\ncharter of Connecticut, which, whether from design\\nor ignorance, it tacitly, but entirely superseded. No\\nsooner did the Duke of York obtain this grant, than\\nhe conveyed to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carte-\\nret all that portion irow constituting the province of\\nNew Jersey.\\nIt was manifest that this grant would require a\\nmilitary force to carry it into eflect. While the Dutch,\\nnotwithstanding the intimations they received from\\nStuyvesant, continued unsuspecting or incredulous,\\nan armament, under the command of Colonel Nichols,\\nwho was also appointed goverrior of the province he\\nwas about to conquer, was prepared and despatched.\\nAfter touching at Boston, the fleet sailed to Hudson\\nriver, and took a position before the capital of New\\nNetherlands. Stuyvesant resolved to make a gallant\\ndefence, but his sentiments did not pervade the minds\\nof the inhabitants, who, apprehending all resistance\\nto the disciplined forces, and powerful artillery of the\\ninvaders, utterly hopeless, the most valorous and\\nfaithful satisfied themselves with the resolution not to\\nremain the subjects of their tyrannical conqueror, but\\ncould not perceive the propriety of aggravating their\\ndistress by exposing their persons and habitations to\\nthe certainty of capture by storm, and the extremity\\nof military violence.\\nColonel Nichols lost no time in sending a summons\\nto surrender the fortress, towns, and the whole terri-\\ntory, to the king of England, as his lawful right, which\\nhad been mtruded on and usurped by the Dutch. As\\nthe reply of Stuyvesant gives what may be considered\\nan authentic account of the grounds of the claims of\\nthe Dutch, a part of it is presented to the reader\\nMy Lords,\\nYour first letter, imsigned, of the 20^31 August,\\ntogether with that of this day, signed according to\\nform, being the 1st of September, have been safely\\ndelivered into our hands by your deputies, unto which\\nwe shall say, that the rights of his majesty of Eng-\\nland, unto any part of America hereabout, amongst\\nthe rest, unto the colonies of Virginia, Maryland, or\\nothers in New England, whether disputable or not,\\nis that which, for the present, we have no design to\\ndebate upon. But that iiis majesty hath an indispu-\\ntable right to all lands in the north parts of America", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n117\\nis that, which the kings of France and Spain will\\ndisallow, as we absolutely do, by virtue of a commis-\\nsion given to me, by my lords, the high and mighty\\nStates-General, to be governor-general over New Hol-\\nland, the Isles of Curacoa, Bonaire, Aruba, with their\\nappurtenances _ and dependencies, bearing date the\\n26th of July, 1646. As also by virtue of a grant and\\ncommission, given by my said lords, the high and\\nmighty States-General, to the West India Company,\\nin the year 1621, with as much power, and as au-\\nthentic, as his said majesty of England hath given, or\\ncan give, to any colony in America, as more fully\\nappears by the patent and commission of the said\\nlords the States-General, by them signed, registered,\\nand sealed with their great seal, which were shewed\\nto your deputies. Colonel George Carteret, Captain\\nRobert Needham, Captain Edward Groves, and Mr.\\nThomas Delavall, by which commission and patent,\\ntogether, (to deal frankly with you,) and by divers\\nletters, signed and sealed by our said lords the States-\\nGeneral, directed to several persons, both English and\\nDutch, inhabiting the towns and villages on Long\\nIsland, (which, without doubt, have been produoed\\nbefore you, by those inhabitants,) by which they are\\ndeclared and acknowledged to be their subjects, with\\nexpress command, that they continue faithful unto\\nthem, under penalty of incurring their utmost displea-\\nsure, which makes it appear more clear than the sun\\nat noon-day, that your first foundation (viz. that the\\nright and title of his majesty of Great Britain to these\\nparts of America is unquestionable) is absolutely to\\nbe denied. Moreover, it is without dispute, and ac-\\nknowledged by the world, that our predecessors, by\\nvirtue of the commission and patent of the said lords\\nthe States-General, have, without control and peacea-\\nbly, (the contrary never coming to our knowledge,)\\nenjoyed Fort Orange about forty-eight or fifty years,\\nthe Manhattans about forty-one or forty-two years, the\\nSouth River forty years, and the Fresh Water River\\nabout thirty-six years. Touching the second subject\\nof your letter, viz. His majesty hath commanded\\nme, in his name, to require a surrender of all such\\nforts, towns, or places of strength, which now are pos-\\nsessed by the Dutch under your command we shall\\nanswer, that we are so confident of the discretion and\\nequity of his majesty of Great Britain, that in case\\nhis majesty were informed of the truth, which is, that\\nthe Dutch came not into these provinces by any vio-\\nlence, but by virtue of commissions from my lords\\nthe States-General,- -first of all in the years 1614,\\n1615, and 1616, up the North River, near Fort Orange,\\nwhere, to hinder the invasions and massacres com-\\nmonly committed by the savages, tliey built a little\\nfort, and after, in the year 1622, and even to this pre-\\nsent time, by virtue of commission and grant to the\\ngovernors of the West India Company and, more-\\nover, in the year 1656, a grant to the honourable the\\nburgomasters of Amsterdam, of the South River, inso-\\nmuch that, by virtue of the abovesaid commissions\\nfrom the high and mighty States-General, given to\\nthe persons interested as aforesaid, and others, these\\nprovinces have been governed, and consequently en-\\njoyed as also in regard of their first discovery, un-\\ninterrupted possession, and purchase of the lands of\\nthe princes, natives of the country, and other private\\npersons, though Gentiles, we make no doubt, that i(\\nhis said majesty of Great Britain were well informed\\nof these passages, he would be too judicious to grant\\nsuch an order, principally in a time when there is so\\nstraight a friendship and confederacy between our\\nsaid lords and superiors, to trouble us in the demand-\\ning and summons of the places and fortresses which\\nwere put into our hands, with order to maintain\\nthem, in the name of the said lords the States-General,\\nas was made appear to your deputies, under the\\nnames and seal of the said high and mighty States-\\nGeneral, dated the 28th of .Tuly, 1646. Besides what\\nhad been mentioned, there is little probability, that\\nhis said majesty of England, (in regard the articles of\\npeace are printed, and were recommended to us to\\nobserve seriously and exactly, by a letter written to\\nus by our said lords the States-General, and to cause\\nthem to be observed religiously in this country,)\\nwould give order touching so dangerous a design,\\nbeing also so apparent, that none other than my said\\nlords the States-General have any right to these pro-\\nvinces, and consequently ought to command and\\nmaintain their subjects and in their absence, we.\\nthe governor-general, are obliged to maintain their\\nrights, and to repel and take revenge of all threaten-\\nings, unjust attempts, or any force whatsoever, that\\nshall be committed against their faithful subjects and\\ninhabitants, it being a very considerable thing to af-\\nfront so mighty a state, although it were not against\\nan ally and confederate. Consequently, if his said\\nmajesty (as it is fit) were well informed of all that\\ncould be spoken upon this subject, he would not ap-\\nprove of what expressions were mentioned in your\\nletter.\\nThe reasoning of Stuyvesant, as might have been\\nanticipated, did not produce any effect on his oppo-\\nnents, who made immediate preparations for the\\nreduction of the fort. These prompt measures in-\\nduced the governor to make another attempt at nego-\\ntiation but Colonel Nichols replied, that he could\\ntreat on no subject but that of surrender. ITnsup-", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "118\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n.CJi\\nported as was Stnyvesant by his countrymen, he felt\\ncompelled to agree to a treaty of capitulation, which\\nwas concluded on the most favourable terms to the\\ninhabitants and, to gratify the punctilious feelings\\nof Stuyvesant, an article was introduced, that the\\nEnglish and Dutch limits in America should be set-\\ntled by the court of England and the States-General.\\nOn the 27th of August, 1664, the commissioners on\\nbehalf of both parties, met at the governor s farm, and\\nsigned the articles of capitulation.\\nThe first article of the treaty declared, That the\\nStates-General, or the West India Company, shall\\nfreely enjoy all farms and houses (except such as\\nare in the forts;) and that within six months they\\nshall have free liberty to transport all such arms and\\nmunition, as now belong to them, or else they shall\\nbe paid for them. The third, that All people shall\\nstill continue free denizens, and shall enjoy their\\nlands, houses, goods, wheresoever they are within\\nthis country, and dispose of them as they please.\\nThe sixth, that Any people may freely come from\\nthe Netherlands, and plant in this colony, and that\\nDutch vessels may freely come hither, and any of\\nthe Dutch may freely return home, or send any sort\\ncf merchandise home, in vessels of their own coun-\\ntry. The last of these conditions was manifestly in\\ndirect opposition to the navigation acts, and conferred\\na privilege it was not in the power of the crown to\\nratify, and which was consequently of very short\\nduration. Favourable as were these conditions, it\\nwas not till two days after their signature by the\\ncommissioners, that the governor could be induced\\nto add his ratification.\\nImmediately after its subjugation. New Amsterdam\\nreceived the name of New York the appellation\\nwas also extended to the whole province. Fort\\nOrange, which capitulated before the close of the\\nmonth, took the name of Albany. During his abode\\nin that neighbourhood, Carteret, who had been\\n.despatched to reduce Fort Orange, had interviews\\nwith the chiefs of the Indians of the Five Nations,\\nand entered into a treaty of friendship with them,\\nthe beneficial effects of which long continued to be\\nrealized by the colonists. Sir Robert Car was equally\\nsuccessful in the south, the garrison of the Delaware\\nsurrendering on the 1st of October, on which day the\\nwhole of the New Netherlands became subject to the\\nBritish crown and by an act of flagrant injustice,\\nthe States-General ceased to exercise any authority\\nover the North American continent. All the early\\nwriters ag:ree in describing New Amsterdam as a\\nQrahame, vol. ii. p. 226.\\nhandsome well-built town. Indeed, the various pro-\\nvisions that were introduced into the articles of sur-\\nrender, to guard the comforts of the inhabitants from\\ninvasion, attest the orderly and plentiful state which\\nthese colonists had attained. No account has been\\npreserved of the total population of the province and\\nits dependencies but the metropolis, at this time,\\nseems to have contained about three thousand persons.*\\nFew of the inhabitants thought proper to remove out\\nof the country. Even Governor Stuyvesant himself\\ncontinued to hold his estate, and died there. Justice\\nobliges me to declare, says Smith, that for loyalty,\\nand a pure attachment to the Protestant religion, the\\ndescendants of the Dutch planters are perhaps ex-\\nceeded by none of his majesty s subjects.\\nNichols immediately assumed the command of the\\nterritory he liad conquered, as deputy governor for\\nthe duke of York and without delay proceeded to\\nreduce the atfairs of the state to one uniform consti-\\ntution and policy. In imitation of what had been\\npreviously established by the Dutch, he erected a\\ncourt of assize, composed of the governor, the coimcil,\\nand the justices of the peace, which was invested\\nwith every power in the colony, legislative, execu-\\ntive, and judicial. The only liberal institution that\\nhe was allowed to introduce was trial by jury and\\nto this admirable check on judicial proceedings all\\nI causes and controversies were subjected. The court\\nhaving collected into one code the ancient customs,\\nwith such, improvements as the change of circum-\\nstances rendered necessary, still regarding the laws\\nof England as supreme, these ordinances were trans-\\nmitted to England, and confirmed by the duke of\\nYork the following year. A dispute having arisen\\nbetween the inhabitants of Jamaica on Long Island\\nrespecting Indian deeds, it was ordered, that no\\npurchase from the Indians should be deemed valid\\nwithout the governor s license, executed in his pre-\\nsence. Several of the English methods of govern-\\nment were gradually introduced into the province\\nand on the 12th of June, the inhabitants of New\\nYork were incorporated under a mayor, five alder-\\nmen, and a sheriff.\\nWhen the intelligence of the declaration of war\\nagainst Holland reached New York, the governor\\nnaturally anticipated an attempt on the part of the\\nDutch to regain their territory of the New Nether-\\nlands, and proceeded to adopt measures calculated to\\ninsure a vigorous and successful defence. The\\ninhabitants felt the pressure of the assessments made\\nby the court of assize to furnish the requisite pecuni-\\nt History of New York, p. 23.\\ns\\no\u00c2\u00ab?\\nHI I\\ni\u00c2\u00ab CO\\non", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES\\n119\\nary supplies the more keenly, since their trade, which\\nhad been almost exclusively carried on by Dutch\\nshipping, was now nearly annihilated. In tliese\\ncircumstances, Governor Nichols nobly sacrificed the\\ngreater part of his fortune to supply the public exi-\\ngencies. Happily, however, the States-General, made\\nno attempt to repossess themselves of New York\\nduring this war and at the peace of Breda it was\\nceded to England, in exchange for Surinam, by a\\ngeneral stipulation, that each of the two nations\\nshould retain what its arms had acquired since the\\ncommencement of hostilities. It was by this treaty\\nalso that Acadie was ceded to France, which had\\nacted as the ally of Holland during the war, and\\nwas the only party tliat reaped advantage from it.\\nEarly in the following year. Colonel Nichols found\\nhimself compelled, from the pecuniary sacrifices he\\nhad made, to resign his appointment. He was both\\nrespected and beloved by the people over whose\\ninterests he had presided. The benefit of his exer-\\ntions devolved on his successor, Colonel liOvelace,\\nduring whose administration the colony enjoyed\\nnearly six years of content and prosperity, the only\\nmemorable occurrence being the unfortunate event\\nthat brought it to a close. During the second war\\nwith Holland, a small squadron was despatched to\\ndestroy the commerce of the English colonies and\\nhaving performed this service with great effect, they\\nwere induced to attempt a more important enterprise.\\nRepairing with secrecy to New York, they had the\\ngood fortune to arrive at the metropolis while Love-\\nlace was at a distance, and the command was exer-\\ncised by Colonel Manning, who sent down a mes-\\nsenger, and treacherously made terms with the enemy.\\nThe Dutch sailed up the harbour, landed their men,\\nand took possession of the fort and city without firing\\nor receiving a shot. Captain Anthony Colve was\\nappointed governor, but he retained the authority\\nfor a few months only peace being concluded the\\nnext year, the country was restored to the English\\nby the treaty of Westminister. On this pacification,\\nthe duke of York, to remove all doubt respecting his\\nproperty in America, took out a new patent from the\\nking. This grant recited and confirmed the former.\\nIt empowered the duke to govern tlie inhabitants by\\nsuch ordinances as he or his assigns should establish,\\nand to administer justice according to the laws of\\nEngland, allowing an appeal to the king in council.\\nIt prohibited trade thither without his permission. It\\nCollections of New York Historical Society, vol. iii. p. 347,\\n353. It has been alleged, and it is not improbable, that the duke,\\nupon becoming king, refused to confirm the privileges he had before\\ngranted, and determined to govern the province by his absolute\\n16\\nallowed the piovincials to Import mercliandises, but\\nrequired them to pay customs according to tlic laws\\nof the realm. Under the authority of this charter\\nthe duke ruled New York until his accession to the\\nthrone of England. He now commissioned Major\\nEdmund Andros to be governor of all his territories\\nfrom the western bank of the Connecticut to the\\nfarther shore of the Delaware. In October, the\\nDutch resigned their authority to Andros, who\\nimmediately received the submission of the inhabit-\\nants.\\nThe administration of Andros and of his successor\\nAnthony Brockholst, are not distinguished by any\\nremarkable event. In 1682, Colonel Thomas Don-\\ngan was appointed governor. During his govern-\\nment the inhabitants of New York first participated\\nin the legislative power. The council, the court of\\nassize, and the corporation of New York, having\\nconcurred in soliciting their royal patentee to permit\\nthe people to possess some share in the government,\\nthe duke had informed the deputy governor of the\\nprovince that he intended to establish the same form\\nof government as the other plantations enjoyed\\nparticularly in the choosing of an assembly, ana\\nGovernor Donoan was accordingly instructed to call\\nan assembly of the province. It was to consist of a\\ncouncil composed of ten members, and a house of\\nrepresentatives chosen by the people, composed of\\neigliteen members but its laws were to be of no\\nforce without the ratification of the proprietary. Or,\\nders were issued to the sheriffs, to summon the free-\\nholders for choosing representatives to meet the\\ngovernor in assembly on the 17th of October. A\\nsession of the assembly was held, pursuant to the\\nsummons, and several important laws were passed.\\nOne of the acts of this assembly, passed on the 30th\\nof October, is entitled, The Charter of Liberties;\\nand Privileges granted by his royal highness to the\\nInhabitants of New York and its dependencies.\\nAnother session was held the following year, but it\\nis believed there was no other previous to the revo-\\nlution of 1688.*\\nThe interior of New York was originally inhabit-\\ned by a confederacy, which consisted at first of five,\\nand afterwards of six, nations of Indians. This\\nconfederacy was formed for mutual defence against\\nthe Algonquins, a powerful Canadian nation, and\\ndisplayed much of the wisdom and sagacity which\\nmark the institutions of a civilized people. By their\\npower. It is therefore reasonable to suppose, that in the new com-\\nmission, or oiders to Governor Dongan, the authority respecting\\nthe assembly was omitted, or revoked. Holmes s American An-\\nnals, vol. i. p. 410,", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "120\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nunion they had become formidable to the surround-\\nins; tribes. Being the allies of the English, the\\nFrench were alarmed at their successes, and became\\njealous of their power. In the year 1684, De la\\nBarre, the governor of Canada, marched to attack\\nthem, with an army of seventeen hundred men. His\\ntroops suffered so much from hardships, famine, and\\nsickness, that lie was compelled to ask peace of those\\nwhom he had come to exterminate. He invited the\\nchiefs of the five nations to meet him at his camp,\\nand those of three of them accepted the invitation.\\nStanding in a circle, formed by the chiefs and his\\nown officers, he addressed a speech to Garrangula,\\nof the Onondago tribe, in which he accused the con-\\nfederates of conducting the English to the trading\\ngrounds of the French, and threatened them with\\nwar and extermination if they did not alter their\\nbehaviour. Garrangula, knowing the distresses of\\nthe French troops, heard these threats with contempt.\\nAfter walking five or six times round the circle, he\\naddressed De la Barre in the following bold lan-\\neruafre, callinof him Yonnondio, and the English\\ngovernor, Corlear\\nHear, Yonnondio, I do not sleep I have my\\neyes open, and the sun which enlightens me, disco-\\nvers to me a great captain, at the head of a company\\nof soldiers, who speaks as if he was dreaming. He\\nsays that lie only came to smoke the great pipe of\\npeace with the Onondagas. But Garrangula says,\\nthat he sees the contrary that it was to knock them\\non the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms\\nof the French. We carried the English to our lakes,\\nto trade there with the Utawawas, and Q,uatoghies,\\nas the Adriondacs brought the French to our castles,\\nto carry on a trtide which the English say is theirs.\\nWe are born freb \\\\re neither depend on Yonnondio\\nnor Corlear. We may go where we please, and buy\\nand sell what we please. If your allies are your\\nslaves, use them as such command them to receive\\nno other but your people. Hear, Yonnondio what\\nI say is the voice of all the Five Nations. When\\nthey buried the hatchet at Cadaracui, in the middle\\nof the fort, they planted the tree of peace in the same\\nplace, to be there carefully preserved, that instead of\\na retreat for soldiers, the fort might be a rendezvous\\nfor merchants. Take care that the many soldiers\\nwho appear there do not choke the tree of peace, and\\nprevent it from covering your country and ours with\\nits branches. I assure you that our warriors shall\\ndance under its leaves, and will never dig up the\\nhatchet to cut it down, till their brother Yonnondio\\nor Corlear shall invade the country which the Great\\nSpirit has given to our ancestors.\\nDe la Barre was mortified and enraged at this\\nbold reply but, submitting to necessity, he conclu-\\nded a treaty of peace, and returned to Montreal. His\\nsuccessor, De Nonville, led a larger army against the\\nconfederates but fell into an ambuscade, and was\\ndefeated. These wars within the limits of the colony\\nkept Colonel Dongan actively employed, and served\\nto perpetuate the enmity of the Indians against the\\nFrench, and their attachment to the English.\\nJames II. having ascended the throne, determined\\nto superadd New York and the Jerseys to the juris-\\ndiction of the four colonies of New England a new\\ncommission was passed in March, appointing Sir\\nEdmund Andros captain-general and vice-admiral\\nover the whole. The constitution established on this\\noccasion was a legislative and executive governor\\nand council, who were appointed by the king, with-\\nout the concurrence of the people. The royal order\\nto Governor Dongan to deliver up the seal of the\\nprovince to his excellency Sir E. Andros, was read\\nin the provincial council on the 28th of July, and\\nordered to be entered among the records of the pro-\\nvince of New York. His rule was, however, of very\\nbrief duration. In the following year, the welcome\\nintelligence of the accession of William and Mary to\\nthe British tlirone was joyfully received at New\\nYork, and the inhabitants waited with anxiety for\\norders to proclaim them but while the principal\\nofficers and magistrates were assembled to consult\\nfor the public safety, Jacob Leisler, a captain of the\\nmilitia, seized the fort, and held it for the prince of\\nOrange. William and Mary were proclaimed there\\nin June and the province was for some time ruled\\nby a committee of safety, at the head of which was\\nLeisler. He was destitute of many of the qualifica-\\ntions necessary to conduct a difficult enterprise, but\\npossessed the esteem and confidence of many of the\\nofficers, and of the people. His sudden elevation\\nexcited the envy of those magistrates and citizens\\nwho had declined to join him in proclaiming King\\nWilliam. Unable to raise a party against him in the\\ncity, they retired to Albany, where their exertions\\nwere successful. To diminish tlieir influence, and\\nto allay the jealousy of others, Leisler invited several\\nof the principal citizens to unite with him in admin-\\nistering the government, a trust which had been\\nconfided to him alone by the militia. In a few\\nmonths, however, a letter arrived from the ministry\\nin England, directed to such as, for the time being,\\ntake care for administering the laws of the province,\\nand conferring authority to perform all the duties of\\nlieutenant-governor. Leisler considered this letter\\naddressed to himself, assumed the authority conferred,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n121\\nappointed his council, and issued commissions in his\\nown name. Before these disturbances, Colonel Don-\\ngan had resigned his office, and embarked for England.\\nLieutenant-governor Nicholson, unable to contend\\nwith Leisler, absconded in the night.\\nThe people of Albany, led by Bayard, Courtlandt,\\nformerly mayor of New York, and Livingston,\\nacknowledged King William, but refused to submit\\nto Leisler. Milborne was sent with a body of troops\\nto enforce obedience, but, finding them united, he\\nreturned without attempting it. The next spring,\\ngoing with a stronger force, he succeeded. Aban-\\ndoning the fort to their rival, the leaders of the party\\ntook refuge in the neighbouring colonies and\\nLeisler, with vindictive rashness, proceeded to con-\\nfiscate their estates. This arbitrary and unjust\\nmeasure so exasperated the suff erers, that they long\\nretained the most violent animosity against Leisler\\nand his adherents.\\nIn this state of contention the colonists of New\\nYork continued nearly two years, and the miseries\\nof a foreign aggression were soon added to those of\\ninternal discord. War had been declared between\\nFrance and England and De Nonville had been\\nreplaced in the governorship of Canada by Count\\nFrontignac, a veteran officer, whose skilful and\\nenergetic measures, aided by a large re-enforcement,\\nsoon raised the afl^airs of the French from the brink\\nof ruin, and enabled them to act on the offensive.\\nFrontignac was indefatigable in his efforts to gain\\nover the Five Nations, who had made two attacks\\nupon Montreal, and murdered a great number of\\ninhabitants. He held a great council with them at\\nOnondaga and, as they seemed to be somewhat\\ninclined to peace, he resolved to give their favourable\\ndisposition no time for change, and, at the same time,\\nto inspirit his own drooping countrymen, by finding\\nthem immediate employment against the English\\ncolonies. On the 19th of January, a party of about\\ntwo hundred French, and some Cahnuaga Indians,\\nset out, in a deep snow, for Schenectady; they arri-\\nved on the 8th of February, at eleven o clock at\\nnight and the first intimation the inhabitants had of\\ntheir design, was conveyed in the noise of their own\\nbursting doors. The village was burnt, sixty per-\\nsons were butchered, twenty-seven suffered the worse\\nfate of captivity, the rest made their way naked\\nthrough the snow towards Albany, where some\\narrived in extreme distress, while many perished in\\nthe attempt. A party of young men, and some\\nMohawk Indians, set out from the latter place, pur-\\nsued the enemy, and killed or captured twenty-five.\\nTo rvenge t!:ese barbarities, and others perpetra-\\nted in New England, a combined expedition against\\nCanada was projected. An army, raised in New\\nYork and Connecticut, proceeded as far as the head\\nof Lake Champlain, whence, finding no boats prepa-\\nred, they were obliged to return. Sir William Phipps-\\nwith a fleet of more than thirty vessels, sailed from\\nBoston into the St. Lawrence, and, landing a body\\nof troops, made an attack by land and water upon\\nQuebec but the return of the army to New York\\nallowing the whole force of the enemy to repair to\\nthe assistance of the garrison, he was obliged to\\nabandon the enterprise. Leisler, transported with\\nrage when he was informed of the retreat, caused\\nWinthrop, who commanded the New England forces,\\nto be arrested, but was instantly compelled, by uni-\\nversal indignation, to release him. It was to the mis-\\nconduct or incapacity of Leisler and Milborne, (the\\nlatter of whom, as commissary-general, had made no\\nadequate provision for the enterprise,) that the failure\\nof this expedition was attributed.\\nThe messenger whom Leisler had despatched to\\nconvey his assurances of devoted loyalty to King\\nWilliam, had been most graciously received, and\\nadmitted to the honour of kissing his majesty s hand.\\nBut the latter lieutenant-governor, Nicholson, on his\\narrival in England, found means to induce the king\\nnot to recognise expressly the authority of Leisler,\\nand so early as August, 1689, the government of New\\nYork was confided to Colonel Sloughter though\\nthis officer being engaged in affairs of more imme-\\ndiate interest at home, did not arrive at New York\\ntill two years afterwards. Leisler felt himself so\\nneglected by being thus superseded, and was so\\nintoxicated with power, that he determined to retain\\nit, and although twice summoned, refused to surren-\\nder the fort he, however, sent two persons to con-\\nfer with the governor, who, declaring them rebels,\\narrested and confined them. Alarmed by this mea-\\nsure, Leisler attempted to escape, but was appre-\\nhended with many of his adherents, and brought to\\ntrial. In vain did they plead their zeal for King\\nWilliam. In vain did Leisler insist that the letter\\nfrom England authorized him to administer the\\ngovernment. They had lately resisted a gover-\\nnor with a regular commission, and this governor,\\nand a subservient court, were resolved upon their\\nconviction. Leisler and Milborne were both con-\\ndemned to death for high treason. Sloughter was,\\nhowever, unwilling to sacrifice two men, who,\\nthousrh they had sometimes erred, had served his\\nmaster with zeal but at length he yielded to the\\nurg-ent persuasions of their enemies, and signed the\\nwarrant for their execution, which was speedily car-", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "122\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nried into effect. On application to the king, their\\nestates, which had been confiscated, were restored to\\ntheir heirs.\\nSloughter s administration was terminated by his\\nsudden death in July, 1691. It had been turbulent\\nand ineffective the only portion of his government\\nwhich appears to have been beneficial, was a confer-\\nence which he held with the chiefs of the Five Na-\\ntions, who had manifested some disposition to enter\\ninto a treaty with the French but in consequence of\\nSloughter s explanations and persuasions, they ex-\\npressed themselves willing to brighten their ancient\\nbelt of friendship, and renew their offensive and de-\\nfensive league with the English.\\nTo put their friendship to the test, and to confirm\\nit by calling it into exercise, Major Schuyler, who\\npossessed great influence with the Indian chiefs, un-\\ndertook, at the close of this year, an expedition against\\nMontreal. The attempt did not succeed as to the\\nprincipal object of attack, but the spirit of hostility\\nwas so intensely aroused in the Indians of the Five\\nNations, that they continued to wage war on the\\nFrench during the winter, though the colonial troops\\nhad retired. Count Frontignac was so exasperated\\nwith their continued assaults, that he condemned to\\na death, accompanied by all the torments French in-\\ngenuity could devise, two Mohawk captives, whom\\nthe fate of war had thrown into his power. Short-\\nly before the execution, some Frenchman, less inhu-\\nman than his governor, threw a knife into the prison,\\nand one of the Mohawks immediately despatched\\nhimself with it the other, expressing contempt at his\\ncompanion s mean evasion from glory, walked to the\\nstake, singing in his death-chant that he was a Mo-\\nhawk warrior, that all the power of man could not\\nextort an indecent expression of suffering from his\\nlips, and that it was ample consolation to him to re-\\nflect that he had made many Frenchmen suffer the\\nsame pangs that he must now himself undergo. When\\nattached to the stake, he looked round on his execu-\\ntioners, their instruments of torture, and the assem-\\nliled multitude of spectators, with all the complacency\\nGiahame, vol. ii. p. 279. Smith, p. 78, 79.\\nt This speech is at once a specimen of Colonel Fletcher, and of\\nculonial government it is therefore inserted at length. Gentle-\\nmen, There is also a bill for settling a ministry in this city, and\\nsome other countries of the government. In that very thing you\\nhave shown a great deal of stiffness. You take upon you, as if\\nyou were dictators. I sent down to you an amendment of three or\\nfour words in that bill, which, though very immaterial, yet was posi-\\ntively denied. I must tell yon, it seems very unmannerly. There\\nnever was an amendment yet desired by the council board, but\\nwhat was rejected. It is the sign of a stubborn ill temper, and this\\nI have also passed. But, gentlemen, I must take leave to tell you,\\nif you sf em to understand by these words, that none can serve with-\\nout youi collation or establishment, you are far mistaken. For I\\nof heroic fortitude and, after enduring for some\\nhours, with composed mien and triumphant language,\\na series of barbarities too atrocious and disgusting to\\nbe recited, his sufferings were terminated by the in-\\nterposition of a French lady, who prevailed with the\\ngovernor to order that mortal blow, to which human\\ncruelty has given the name of coz^^-) de grace, or stroke\\nof favour.\\nColonel Fletcher was appointed to succeed Slough-\\nter, as governor of New York. He was active and\\nenergetic, but of sordid disposition and violent temper.\\nOne of his first exploits, the assertion of his claim to\\ncommand the militia of Connecticut, and the recep-\\ntion given him by Captain Wadsworth, has already\\nbeen related in the history of that colony. It was a\\nfortunate circumstance that he yielded to the superior\\ninformation and advice of Major Schuyler in all af-\\nfairs relatmg to the Indians, who were thus kept from\\nembracing the offers of peace which were continually\\npresented them by Count Frontignac.\\nIt had been the favourite object of all the gover-\\nnors of New York to assimilate the language and\\nreligion of the inhabitants, and to remove, as much\\nas possible, the more striking indications of the Dutch\\norigin of the colony. No one pursued this object\\nwith more zeal than Fletcher, who was bigotedly at-\\ntached to the church of England. In two successive\\nsessions he introduced the subject to the attention of\\nthe assembly but the members, being generally in\\nfavour of the church of Holland, to his great mortifi-\\ncation, disregarded his recommendations. The mat-\\nter being again laid before them in a subsequent\\nsession, they passed a bill providing for the settlement,\\nin certain parishes, of ministers of the gospel, to be\\nchosen by the people. The council added an amend-\\nment, giving to the governor the power of approval\\nor rejection but the house refused to concur in the\\namendment, at which Fletcher was so much enraged,\\nthat he commanded them instantly to attend him,\\nand addressing them in an angry speech, prorogued\\nthein to the next year.!\\nThe remainder of Fletcher s administration was\\nhave the power of collating or suspending any minister in my go-\\nvernment, by their majesties letters patent and whilst I stay in Ihe\\ngovernment, I will take care that neither heresy, sedition, schism,\\nor rebellion, be preached among you, nor vice and profanity encou-\\nraged. It is my endeavour to lead a virtuous and pious life amongst\\nyou, and to give a good example I wish you all to do the\\nsame. You ought to consider, that you have but a third share in\\nthe legislative power of the government; and ought not tij ake all\\nupon you, nor be so peremptory. You ought to let the council have\\na share. They are in the nature of the house of lords, or upper\\nhouse; but you seem to take the whole power in your hand.s, and\\nset up for every thing. You have set a long time to little purpose, and\\nhave been a great charge to the country. Ten shillings a day is a\\nlarge allowance, and you punctually exact it. You have been", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n123\\nnot signalized by any occurrence worthy of record.\\nThe war between the French and the Five Nations\\nsometimes languished by the address of Frontignac s\\nnegotiations, but was ol tener kindled into additional\\nrage and destruction by his enterprise and activity\\nand as their hostilities were prolonged, the French\\nand the Indians seemed to be inspired with a mutual\\nemulation of cruelty in victory, no less than of prow-\\ness in battle. The prisoners on both sides were made\\nto expire in horrible tortures.* On one occasion,\\nwhen Frontignac succeeded in capturing a Mohawk\\nfort, it was found deserted of all its inhabitants except\\na sachem in extreme old age, who sat with the com-\\nposure of an ancient Roman in the capitol, and salu-\\nted his civilized compeer in age and infirmity with\\ndignified courtesy and venerable address. Every\\nhand was instantly raised to wound and deface his\\ntime-stricken frame and while French and Indian\\nknives were plunged into his body, he recommended\\nto his Indian enemies rather to burn him with fire,\\nthat he might teach their French allies how to suffer\\nlike men. t\\nIn 1697, the peace of Ryswick, which was conclu-\\nded between Great Britain and France, gave security\\nand repose to the colonies. The next year, the earl\\nof Bellamont was appointed governor. He was par-\\nticularly desirous of clearing the American seas of\\nthe pirates with which they had for some time been\\ngrievously infested. The government, however, de-\\nclining to furnish an adequate naval force, the earl\\nengaged with others in a private undertaking against\\nthem. Among the associates were Lord Chancellor\\nSummers and the duke of Shrewsbury the king\\nhimself, too, held a tenth share. The company, ha-\\nving procured a vessel of war, gave the command to\\nCaptain Kidd, and despatched him on a cruise against\\nthe pirates. He had been but a short time at sea,\\nwhen he made a new contract with his crew, and, on\\nthe Atlantic and Indian oceans, became himself a\\ndaring and successful pirate. Three years afterwards\\nhe returned, burned his ship, and, with a strange in-\\nfatuation, anpeared in public at Boston. The earl\\nalways forward enough to pull down the fees of other ministers in\\nthe government. Why did you not think it expedient to correct\\nyour own to a more moderate allowance 1 Gentlemen, I shall say\\nno more at present, but that you do withdraw to your private affairs\\nin the county. 1 do prorogue yoti to the lOlh of January ne.xt, and\\nyou are hereby prorogued to the lOlh day of January ne.xt ensuing.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Smith, p. 84, 85.\\nWe shall give but one instance out of many. The prisoner\\nbeing first made fast to a stake, so as to have room to move round\\nit, a Frenchman began the horrid tragedy, by broiling the flesh of\\nthe prisoner s legs, from his toes to his knees, with the red-hot bar-\\nrel of a gun His example was followed by an Utawawa, who,\\nbeing desirous to outdo the French in their refined cruelty, split a\\nfurrow from the prisoner s shoulder to his garter, and filling it with\\ngunpowder, set fire to it. This gave him exquisite pain, and\\nof Bellamont wrote to the secretary of state, desiring\\nthat Kidd might be sent for, and a man-of-war was\\ndespatched upon this service but being driven back\\nby a storm, a general suspicion prevailed in England,\\nthat there was collusion between the ministry and\\nthe adventurers, who were thought unwilling to pro-\\nduce Kidd, lest he might discover that the chancellor\\nand the other associates were confederates in the pi-\\nracy. So powerful was this feeling, that a motion\\nwas made in the house of commons, that all who\\nwere concerned in the adventure might be deprived\\nof their employments but it was rejected by a gi-eat\\nmajority, and all subsequent attempts to implicate the\\nunfortunate shareholders, only proved more satisfac-\\ntorily their entire innocence of any particij/ation\\neither in the designs or the profits of Captain Kidd\\nalthough their imprudence in selecting a person whose\\nprevious character was very indifferent, was evident\\nand undeniable. Ultimately Kidd was conveyed to\\nEngland, where he was tried and executed.\\nThe state in which liOrd Bellamont found the go-\\nvernment at New York was thus emphatically de-\\nscribed by him in his first address to the assembly\\nI cannot but observe to you, what a legacy my pre-\\ndecessor has left me, and what difficulties to struggle\\nwith a divided people, an empty purse, a few miser-\\nable, naked, half-starved soldiers, not half the num-\\nber the king allowed pay for the fortifications, and\\neven the governor s house, very much out of repair\\nand, in a word, the whole government out of frame.\\nAfter this introduction, he puts them in mind that\\nthe revenue was near expiring. It would be hard,\\nhe adds, if I that come among you with an honest\\nmind, and a resolution to be just to your interest,\\nshould meet with greater difficulties, in the discharge\\nof his majesty s service, than those that have gone\\nbefore me. I will take care there shall be no misap-\\nplication of the public money. I will pocket none of\\nit myself, nor shall there be any embezzlement by\\nothers but exact accounts shall be given you, when,\\nand as often, as you shall require.\\nThe abuses and corruption of the late governor,\\nraised excessive laughter in his tormentors. When they found his\\nthroat so much parched that he was no longer able to gratify their\\nears with his howling, they gave him water, to enable him to con-\\ntinue their pleasure longer. But at last his strength failinij, an\\nUtawawa (layed olT his scalp, and threw burning hot coals on his\\nscull. They then untied him, and bid him run for his life. He\\nbegan to run, tumbling like a drunken man. They shut up the way\\nto the east, and made him run westward, the country, as they think,\\nof departed miserable souls. He had still force left to throw\\nstones, till they put an end to his misery by knocking him on the\\nhead. After this every one cut a slice from his body, to oonclude\\nthe tragedy with a feast. Smith, p. 88.\\nGrahame, vol. ii. p. 287.\\nt Smith s History of New York, p. 93, 94,", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "124\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nIiowever, were by no means the most severe disorders\\nwhich marred the peace of the colony the increasing\\nanimosity of two numerous factions, consisting of the\\nfriends and the enemies of the unfortunate Leisler,\\nwere a still greater evil. Their mutual antipathy\\nwas roused by the occurrence of fresh opportunities\\nto indulge it, and the public business of the province\\nwas seriously impeded. The character and manners\\nof Lord Bellamont were adapted to compose these\\ndissensions, although his just displeasure against the\\nconduct of his predecessor extended itself to every\\nperson who had held office along with him, and in\\nthis class were comprehended the principal adver.sa-\\nries of Leisler. The assembly now consisted chiefly\\nof the friends of Leisler, and they voted the sum of\\nlOOOZ. to be paid to his son, to be levied immediately\\non the province, as a compensation for the damage\\nhe had sustained by the violent proceedings against\\nhis father.\\nThe administration of Lord Bellamont, which was\\nproceeding with a degree of integrity and wisdom\\ncalculated to excite hopes of very beneficial results\\nto the colony, was terminated by his sudden demise,\\nin March, 170L In the appointment of a successor,\\nthat principle appears to have been acted upon, which\\nhas been so extensively injurious to the prosperity\\nand to the loyalty of British colonies: the convenience\\nof the ministry at home, and not the welfare of the\\nstate, induced them to send into honourable and gain-\\nful exile, the grandson of the celebrated earl of Cla-\\nrendon. Possessing not one of the virtues of his\\nancestor. Lord Cornbury was moan, profligate, and\\nunprincipled a burden to his friends at home, they\\nprocured for him an appointment beyond the reach\\nof his creditors. He declared himself an anti-Leisle-\\nrian, and, by his influence, the first assembly that he\\nsummoned was composed principally of men of that\\nparty. They provided liberally for his expenses\\nyet several sums of money raised for public purposes,\\nbeing entrusted to him as governor, were chiefly ap-\\npropriated to his own use. His extravagance and\\noppression exposed him to the reprehensions of the\\nhouse of assembly. A committee of grievances was\\nappointed, and the resolutions proposed by them were\\nadopted by the assembly. Although this took place\\nat the beginning of the session, the haughty governor\\nwas so subdued by the opposition against him, and so\\ndispirited through indigence, that he not only omitted\\nto justify himself, but to show even an impotent re-\\nsentment for, after all the censiires of the house, he\\ntamely thanked them for passing a bill to discharge\\nhim from a small debt. Among the resolutions adopt-\\ned by the assembly is one too remarkably indicative\\nof the tendency to independence which existed even\\nat this period, to suffer it to pass unnoticed. It de\\nclares, That the imposing and levying of any mo-\\nnies upon her majesty s subjects of this colony, under\\nany pretence or colour whatsoever, without consent\\nin general assembly, is a grievance, and a violation\\nof the people s property an open avowal of the sen-\\ntiment whicli subsequently occasioned the revolution.\\nThe profligate and indecent manners of the gover-\\nnor rendered him universally odious. It was not\\nuncommon for him to dress himself in a woman s\\nhabit, and then to patrol the fort in which he resided.\\nSuch freaks of low humour exposed him to the uni-\\nversal contempt of the people, while their indignation\\nwas kindled by his despotic rule, and injustice, not\\nonly to the public, but even to his private creditors\\nfor he left some of the lowest tradesmen in his em-\\nployment unsatisfied in their just demands.* In 1708,\\nthe assemblies of New York and of New Jersey, of\\nwhich colony he was also governor, complained to\\nthe queen of his misconduct. She removed him from\\noffice he was soon after arrested by his creditors,\\nand remained in custody until the death of his father,\\nwhen he returned to England and took his seat\\nwhere pauperism and crime were no disqualification\\nfor the highest honours and the most important du-\\nties in the house of lords. Lord Lovelace, who had\\nbeen appointed to succeed Lord Cornbury in the spring\\nof 1708, did not arrive till the middle of December.\\nThe oppressive character of the preceding adminis-\\ntration had rendered the people very desirous of a\\nchange, and the new governor was received with\\nevery demonstration of respect, and indeed with uni-\\nversal joy. His lordship informed them, in his speech\\nat the opening of the session of the assembly, that\\nhe had brought with him large supplies of soldiers\\nand stores of war, as well as presents for the Indians,\\nthan which nothing could be more agreeable to the\\npeople. Although the assembly, in their answer,\\nheartily congratulated his lordship on his arrival,\\nand thanked the queen for her care of the province,\\nyet they sufficiently intimated their disinclination to\\nraise the revenue which the governor had requested.\\nLord Cornbury s conduct had rendered them utterly\\naverse to a permanent support for the future, and yet\\nthey were unwilling to quarrel with the new gover-\\nnor. The project of providing annually for the sup-\\nport of government, however, as it rendered the\\ngovernor and all the other servants of the crown de-\\npendent upon the assembly, would, doubtless, have\\nproduced a rupture between the several branches of\\nSmith s History of New York, p. 207.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n125\\nthe legislature, but the very day on which the vote\\npassed the house, his lordship died of a disorder con-\\ntracted at his first arrival. His lady continued to\\nreside at New York long after his death, soliciting\\nfor the sum voted to her husband, but nothing was\\nallowed till several years had transpired.\\nWhen General Hunter, who had been appointed to\\nsucceed Lord Lovelace, arrived in the colony, he\\nbrought with him nearly three thousand Germans,\\nsome of whom settled in New York, and some in\\nPennsylvania. During the disgraceful administra-\\ntion of Lord Cornbury, the assembly had obtained\\nfrom Q,ueen Anne permission, in cases of special ap-\\npropriations, to appoint their own treasurer. They\\nnow passed a bill, confiding to this officer the dis-\\nbursement of certain sums appropriated for ordinary\\npurposes. The council proposed an amendment.\\nThe house denied the right of that body to amend a\\nmoney bill. Both continuing obstinate, the governor\\nprorogued them, and at their next session dissolved\\nthem.\\nIn the year 1709, expensive preparations were\\nmade for an attack upon the French settlements in\\nCanada but the promised assistance not arriving\\nfrom England, the enterprise was abandoned. In\\n1711, however, the project was resumed and a fleet\\nsailed up the St. Lawrence to attack Quebec, while\\nan army of four thousand men, raised by New York,\\nNew Jersey, and Connecticut, marched to invade\\nCanada, by the route of lake Champlain. The fleet,\\nshattered by a storm, was compelled to return and\\nthe army, informed of the disasters of the fleet, retired\\nwithout accomplishing the object proposed.\\nTo defray the expenses of this expedition, the\\nnewly elected assembly passed several bills, which\\nthe council persisted in amending. Between these\\ntwo bodies another contest ensued. The represent-\\natives, deriving their authority from the people, con-\\nsidered themselves bound to watch over the expendi-\\nture of the money. The council, deriving their au-\\nthority from the same source as the governor, were\\ndesirous of increasing his influence by giving him\\nthe management of the revenue. During this and a\\nsubsequent session both continued inflexible. The\\ngovernor, provoked at the persevering determination\\nof the representatives, again dissolved the assembly.\\nAt the ensuing election, which was warmly contested,\\nmost of the members chosen were opposed to the go-\\nvernor. This assembly was dissolved by the death\\nof the queen. The next met a similar fate from the\\ngovernor soon after it met, a majority of the represent-\\natives being known to be unfriendly to his views.\\nAt length, however, the people became weary of con-\\ntending and most of the members chosen at the\\nsucceeding election were favourable to the governor,\\nand, for several years, the utmost harmony existed\\nbetween the different branches of the legislature.\\nGeneral Hunter quitted die province in 1719, and\\nhis authority devolved on Peter Schuyler, the oldest\\nmember of the council. The next year, AVilliam\\nBurnet, son of the celebrated bishop of that name,\\nwas appointed governor. He was, says Smith,\\na man of sense and polite breeding, a well-read\\nscholar, sprightly, and of a social disposition. Being\\ndevoted to his books, he abstained from all those\\nexcesses into which his pleasurable relish would\\notherwise have plunged him. He studied the art of\\nrecommending himself to the people, had nothing of\\nthe moroseness of a scholar, was gay and conde-\\nscending, affected no pomp, but visited every family\\nof reputation, and often diverted himself in free con-\\nverse with the ladies, by whom he was very much\\nadmired. No governor before him did so much\\nbusiness in chancery. The office of chancellor was\\nhis delight. He made a tolerable figure in the exer-\\ncise of it, though he was no lawyer, and had a foible\\nvery unsuitable for a judge, I mean, his resolving\\ntoo speedily, for he used to say of himself, I act first,\\nand think afterwards. Mr. Burnet s long acquaint-\\nance with his predecessor in office gave him an\\nexcellent opportunity, before his arrival, to obtain\\ncorrect information respecting those by whom he was\\nnow surrounded and as the late governor recom-\\nmended all his old friends to the favour of his suc-\\ncessor, he made few changes among them.\\nOf all the governors of New York, none had more\\njust views of Indian affairs, and of the dangers\\narising from the vicinity of the French, than Burnet.\\nTurning his attention towards the wilderness, he\\nperceived that the French, in order to connect their\\nsettlements in Canada and Louisiana, to secure to\\nthemselves the Indian trade, and to confine the\\nEnglish to the sea coast, were busily employed in\\nerectinsT a chain of forts from the St. Lawrence to the\\nMississippi. He endeavoured to defeat their design,\\nby building a trading-house, and afterwards a fort, at\\nOswego, on Lake Ontario. But the French had\\nthe command of more abundant resources, and appli-\\ned them to the accomplishment of their object with\\ngreat activity and zeal. They launched two vessels\\nupon that lake and, going fiirther into the wilder-\\nness, erected a fort at Niagara, commanding the\\nentrance into it they had previously erected Fort\\nFrontiffuac, commanding the outlet. The Jesuit\\nHistory of New York, p. 152.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "126\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nCharlevoix doRs no more than justice to Mr. Burnet,\\nin declaring that he left no stone unturned to defeat\\nthe French at Niagara. Besides supplanting his\\nfavourite trade at Oswego, these operations tended\\nto the defection of the Five Nations and, in case of\\na rupture, exposed the frontiers of the southern colo-\\nnies to the ravages of the French and their allies.\\nMr. Burnet, upon whom these considerations made\\nthe deepest impression, laid the matter before the\\nhouse, remonstrated against the proceedings to Lon-\\nguiel, in Canada, wrote to the ministry in England,\\nwho complained of them to the French court, and\\nmet the confederates at Albany, endeavouring to\\nconvince them of the danger they themselves would\\nbe in from an aspiring, ambitious neighbour. He\\nspoke first about the affair privately to the sachems,\\nand afterwards, in the public conference, informed\\nthem of all the encroachments which the French had\\nmade upon their fathers, and the ill-usage they had\\nmet with, according to La Potherie s account, pub-\\nlished with the privilege of the French king, at Paris,\\nin 1722. He then reminded them of the kind treat-\\nment they had received from the English, who con-\\nstantly fed and clothed them, and never attempted\\nany act of hostility to their prejudice. This speech\\nwas extremely well drawn, the thoughts being con-\\nceived in strong figures, particularly expressive and\\nagreeable to the Indians. The governor required an\\nexplicit declaration of their sentiments concerning\\nthe French transactions at Niagara, and their answer\\nwas truly categorical. We speak now in the name\\nof all the Six Nations, and come to you howling.\\nThis is the reason why we howl, that the governor\\nof Canada encroaches on our land, and builds there-\\non. After which they entreated him to write to the\\nking for succour. Mr. Burnet embraced this favoura-\\nble opportunity to procure from them a deed, surren-\\ndering their country to his majesty, to be protected\\nfor their use, and confirming their grant in 1701,\\nconcerning which there was only an entry in the\\nbooks of the secretary for Indian aflairs.\\nIt was an unfortunate circumstance, which tended\\nto prevent the execution of Mr. Burnet s vigorous\\ndesigns, that the electors of the colony had become\\ndissatisfied at the length of time which had elapsed\\nsince they had been called on to exercise their func-\\ntions. The assembly elected in 1716 had been on\\nsuch good terms with the governor, that he continued\\nits existence during the long period of eleven years.\\nIn the year 1727, however, the clamours of the peo-\\nple induced him to dissolve it and, as might be\\nexpected, that which next met, was composed almost\\nexclusively of his opponents. The court of chancery.\\nin which he presided, had become exceedingly\\nunpopular. It had been instituted by an ordinance\\nof the governor and council, without the concurrence\\nof the assembly, and some of the decisions had given\\ngreat offence to powerful individuals. The house\\npassed resolutions, declaring it a manifest oppres-\\nsion and grievance, and intimating that its decrees\\nwere void. Mr. Burnet no sooner heard of these\\nvotes, than he called the members before him, and\\ndissolved the assembly. They occasioned, however,\\nan ordinance in the spring following, as well to reme\\ndy sundry abuses in the practice in chancery, as to\\nreduce the fees of that court, which, on account of\\nthe popular clamours, were so much diminished,\\nsays Smith, that the wheels of the chancery have\\never since rusted upon their axles, the practice being\\ncontemned by all gentlemen of eminence in the pro-\\nfession.\\nMr. Burnet was soon after appointed governor of\\nMassachusetts, and was succeeded at New York by\\nColonel Montgomery, who devoted himself so much\\nto his ease that he has left nothing else to distinguish\\nhis brief rule. Upon his death, in 1731, the supreme\\nauthority devolved upon Rip Van Dam, the senior\\nmember of the council. Under his inefficient ad-\\nministration, the French were permitted to erect a\\nfort at Crown Point, within the acknowledged boun-\\ndaries of New York, from which parties of savages\\nwere often secretly despatched to destroy the English\\nsettlements.\\nIn August, 1732, Van Dani was superseded by\\nWilliam Cosby. Having been the advocate in par-\\nliament of the American colonies, he was at first\\npopular, but he soon lost the affection and confidence\\nof the people. One of his most unpoptilar acts was\\nthe prosecution of Zenger, the printer of a newspa-\\nper, for publishing an article derogatory to the\\ndignity of his majesty s government, bringing him\\nto trial, after a severe imprisonment of thirty-five\\nweeks from the printing of the offensive articles.\\nAndrew Hamilton, an eminent lawyer of Philadel-\\nphia, though aged and infirm, learning the distress\\nof the prisoner, and the importance of the trial, went\\nto New York to plead Zenger s cause, which he did\\nso effectually, that the jury brought in the prisoner\\nnot guilty. The common council of the city of New\\nYork, for this noble and successful service, presented\\nMr. Hamilton the freedom of their corporation in a\\ngold box.\\nGovernor Cosby was succeeded, in 1736, by\\nGeorge Clark. During his administration, the con-\\ntest which had ended, twenty years before, in the\\nvictory gained by Governor Hunter over the house", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n12^\\nof representatives, was revived. The colony being\\nill debt, the liouse voted to raise the sum of 6000^.\\nbut, in order to prevent its misappHcation, declared\\nthat it should be applied to the payment of certain\\nspecified debts. Offended by this vote, Clark imme-\\ndiately dissolved the assembly. At the election\\nwhich ensued, the popular party was triumphant.\\nIn their second session, the house voted an address\\nto the lieutenant-governor, in whicli, after stating\\nsome of the vital principles of free government, and\\nreferring to recent misapplications of money, they\\nsay, We therefore beg leave to be plain witli your\\nhonour, and hope you will not take it amiss when\\nwe tell you, that you are not to expect tliat we will\\neither raise sums unfit to be raised, or put what we\\nshall raise into the power of a governor to misapply,\\nif we can prevent it; nor shall we make up any\\nother deficiencies than what we conceive are fit and\\njust to be paid nor continue what support or\\nrevenue we shall raise for any longer time than one\\nyear nor do we think it convenient to do even that,\\nuntil such laws are passed as we conceive necessary\\nfor the safety of the inhabitants of this colony, who\\nhave reposed a trust in us for that only purpose, and\\nwhich we are sure you will think it reasonable we\\nshould act agreeably to and, by the grace of God,\\nwe shall endeavour not to deceive them. With\\nmen so resolute in maintaining their rights, Clark\\nwisely declined to contend and promised his cordial\\nco-operation in all measures calculated to promote\\nthe prosperity of the colony. Harmony did not,\\nhowever, long continue. Clark, in his speech at the\\nopening of the ne.x:t session, declared that imless the\\nrevenue was granted for as long a time as it had been\\ngranted by former assemblies, his duty to his majesty\\nforbade him from assenting to any act for continuing\\nthe excise, or for paying the colonial bills of credit.\\nThe house unanimously resolved, that it would not\\npass any bill for the grant of money, unless assu-\\nrance should be given that the excise should be\\ncontinued and the bills of credit redeemed. The\\nlieutenant-governor immediately ordered the members\\nto attend him. He told them that their proceedings\\nwere presumptuous, daring, and unprecedented, that\\nhe could not look upon them without astonishment,\\nnor with honour suffer the house to sit any longer;\\nand he accordingly dissolved it. In April, 1740,\\nthe assembly again met. It had now risen to import-\\nance in the colony and the adherence of the repre-\\nsentatives, to their determination, not to grant the\\nreveniie for more than one year, made annual\\nmeetings of the assembly necessary. Their attach-\\nment to liberty was construed by the lieutcnant-\\n17\\ngovernor into a desire for independence in a speech\\ndelivered in 1741, he alludes to a jealousy which\\nfor some years had obtained in England, that the\\nplantations were not without thoughts of throwing\\noff their dependence on the crown.\\nGeorge Clinton superseded Clark in the govern-\\nment of the colony in 1743. Like most of his pre-\\ndecessors he was welcomed with joy and one of his\\nearliest measures confirmed the favourable accounts\\nwhich had preceded him, of his talents and libe-\\nrality. To manifest his confidence in the people, he\\nassented to a bill limiting the duration of the present\\nand all succeeding assemblies. The house evinced\\nits gratitude by adopting the measures he recom-\\nmended for the defence of the province against the\\nFrench, who were then at war with England. In\\n1745, the savages in alliance with France made\\nfrequent invasions of the English territories and\\ntheir hostilities were continued, with little intermis-\\nsion, till the war which terminated the French domi\\nnion in Canada.\\nIn the middle of the seventeenth century, the whole\\ncolony of New York contained scarcely one hundred\\nthousand inhabitants,* not half the number which\\nthe city of New York alone can now boast. That\\nthe population would have been much more nume-\\nrous at this time, had not the inhabitants been so\\ncontinually exposed to the irruptions of the French\\nand their Indian allies, is evident from its rapid\\nincrease when those unfavourable circumstance s\\nceased to exist. The consideration of this period\\nbelongs, however, to another department of the work.\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\nNEW JERSEY.\\nThe rival settlements of the Swedes and the Dutch\\nin New Jersey have been referred to in the preceding\\nchapter. It was not till the year 1640, that any\\nattempt to colonize this portion of the continent was\\nmade by the English, and then they were success-\\nfully resisted. The Swedes built a fort on the spot\\nfrom which the English had been driven and thus\\nacquiring the command of the river, claimed and\\nexercised authority over all vessels that entered it,\\neven those of the Dutch, their late associates. They\\ncontinued in possession of the country on both sides\\nof the Delaware until 1655, when the governor of the\\nNew Netherlands, as has already been related, con-\\nSmilh .s History of New York, p. 207.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "r28\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nquered all their posts, and transported most of the\\nSwedes to Europe. The Dutch, consequently, pos-\\nses-sed themselves of the whole territory of New\\nJersey, New York, and Delaware.\\nThe settlements in New Jersey shared the fate of\\nthose on the Hudson, when, in the year 1664, they\\nwere captured by the English, under Colonel Nichols.\\nIn the same year, the duke of York conveyed that\\nportion of his grant lying between Hudson and\\nDelaware rivers to Lord Berkeley and Sir George\\nCarteret. This tract was called New Jersey, in\\ncompliment to Sir George, who had been Governor\\nof the island of Jersey, and had held it for the king\\nin his contest with the parliament. The two pro-\\nprietors formed a constitution for the colouy, securing\\nequal privileges and liberty of conscience to all, and\\nappointed Philip Carteret governor, to whom, on his\\narrival in 1665, Nichols reluctantly surrendered the\\ngovernment. Carteret fixed the seat of government\\nat Elizabeth Town, purchased land of the Indians,\\nand sent agents into New England to invite settlers\\nfrom that quarter. Recommended by the salubrity\\nof its climate, in addition to many other advantages,*\\nit is not surprising that New Jersey was soon consi-\\ndered a very desirable residence. The proprietaries,\\nstill buoyed up with the hope of revenue from their\\nprovince, used every exertion to circulate the intelli-\\ngence of its advantages, both in Europe and America,\\nand vessels from England were freighted with settlers\\nand stores to reinforce the numbers and supply the\\nnecessities of the colony. But the period to which\\nthey had looked for the fulfilment of their hopes only\\ndemonstrated their fallacy. The first demand of the\\nquit-rents excited general disgust among the colonists,\\nwho refused to acknowledge the title of the proprie-\\ntaries, and, in opposition to it, set up titles which they\\nhad obtained for themselves from the Indians. For\\ntwo years the governor maintained an ineffectual\\nstruggle to enforce the claims of the proprietaries, till\\nat length the popular discontent broke forth in an\\ninsurrection and he was compelled to return to\\nEngland, stripped of his functions, which the colonists\\nforthwith conferred on a natural son of Sir George\\nCarteret, by whom their pretensions had been abetted.\\nIt was impossible for the proprietaries to impute blame\\nto their governor, or to hesitate to replace him. This\\nmeasure, however, was retarded by the unexpected\\nevents of the following year, when New York for a\\nshort period reverted to the dominion of Holland, and\\nNew Jersey was re-united to the province of New\\nNetherlands.\\nChalmers says, It was in those days accounted by men of\\npeculiar dispositions as worthy of the name of paradise, because it\\nWhen the treaty of London re-established the\\nauthority of England in New Jersey, the duke of\\nYork appointed Andros his lieutenant over his terri-\\ntories, extending from the western bank of the Con-\\nnecticut to the farther shore of the Delaware, because\\nhe deemed his former grant of New Jersey annulled\\nby the conquest. Andros took possession of his charge\\nin November, 1674; confirming the late proceedings\\nof the Dutch, because the law of nations had already\\ndeclared them in force, and continuing the taxes im-\\nposed by the conquerors, because they supported his\\npower. Lord Berkeley, dissatisfied with an estate\\nwhich brought him neither profit nor honour, assigned\\nhis pretensions to William Penn and his three asso-\\nciates, who, perceiving the disadvantage of a joint\\nproprietorship, divided the province with Carteret,\\nand thus the country became partitioned into East\\nand West Jersey. The former was released in July,\\n1676, by the assignees of Lord Berkeley, to Carteret,\\nand he in return conveyed to them the latter, the\\ngovernment of which the duke retained as a depen-\\ndency of New York, while that of the first was\\nresigned to Carteret. These arrangements created a\\nconfusion of jurisdiction, and an uncertainty of pro-\\nperty, which long distracted the people, and at length\\nended in the annihilation of the rule of the proprietors.\\nPhilip Carteret returned to East Jersey in the\\nbeginning of 1675, and was now kindly received by\\nthe inhabitants, because they had felt the rigours of\\nconquest, which had not been softened by Andros.\\nHaving postponed the payment of quit-rents to a\\nfuture day, and published new concessions with re-\\ngard to the tenure of lands, tranquillity was perfectly\\nrestored. Desirous to promote the commercial inte-\\nrests of the colony, because he perceived its neighbour\\ngrowing great and rich by trade, Carteret began, in\\n1676, to clear out vessels from East Jersey but he\\nwas steadily opposed by Andros, who claimed juris-\\ndiction over the Jerseys, insisting that conquest by\\nthe Dutch divested the proprietors of all their rights.\\nHe forcibly seized, transported to New York, and\\nthere imprisoned, those magistrates who refused to\\nacknowledge his authority. He imposed a duty upon\\nall goods imported, and upon the property of all who\\ncame to settle in the country.\\nThe inhabitants made repeated and energetic com-\\nplaints of this injustice to the duke of York and at\\nlength, wearied with their continual importunity, this\\nprince consented to refer the matter to commissioners,\\nwho ultimately agreed to adhere to the opinion of Sir\\nAVilliam Jones.\\nhad no lawyer. or physicians, cr parsons. Politira! Annals\\np. 616.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n129\\nThe document containing the arguments in sup-\\nport of the views of the colonists, was drawn up by\\nthe celebrated William Penn and others, chiefly\\nquakers, and is a fine specimen of the combined\\nmildness and firmness in the pursuit of liberty, which\\ncharacterize the proceedings of that sect and their\\nassociates. To all prudent men, says the remon-\\nstrance, the government of any place is more inviting\\nthan the soil. For what is good land without good\\nlaws the better the worse. And if we could not as-\\nsure people of an easy, and free, and safe government,\\nboth with respect to their spiritual and worldly prop-\\nerty, that is, an uninterrupted liberty of conscience,\\nand an inviolable possession of their civil rights and\\nfreedoms, by a just and wise government, a mere\\nwilderness would be no encouragement for it were\\na madness to leave a free, good, and improved country,\\nto plant in a wilderness, and there adventure many\\nthousands of pounds to give an absolute title to\\nanother person to tax us at will and pleasure. We\\nhumbly say, that we have lost none of our liberty by\\nleaving our country that the duty imposed upon us\\nis without precedent or parallel that, had we fore-\\nseen it, we should have preferred any other plantation\\nin America. Besides, there is no limit to this power\\nsince we are, by this precedent, taxed without any\\nlaw, and thereby excluded from our English right of\\nassenting to taxes, what security have we of any\\nthing we possess We can call nothing our own,\\nbut are tenants at will, not only for the soil, but for\\nour personal estates. Such conduct has destroyed\\ngovernments, but never raised one to any true great-\\nness.\\nThe commissioners pronounced their judgment, in\\nconformity with the opinion of Sir W. Jones, that\\nas the grant to Berkeley and Carteret had reserved no\\nprofit or jurisdiction, the legality of the taxes could\\nnot be defended. In consequence of this adjudica-\\ntion, the duke resigned all his claims on West Jersey,\\nand confirmed the province itself in the amplest\\nterms to its new proprietaries and soon after granted\\na similar release in favour of the representatives of\\nSir George Carteret in East Jersey. The whole of\\nNew Jersey thus rose to the rank of an almost inde-\\npendent state, maintaining only a federal connexion\\nwith the Bri+ -jh crown.\\nThe accession of numerous companies of settlers\\nnow rapidly promoted the population and prosperity\\nof West Jersey. In the year 1681, the first repre-\\nsentative assemblv was held and during its session\\nThough Penn thus became a proprietary of East Jersey, his\\nconnexion both with its concerns, and mth those of West Jersey,\\nwas henceforward almost merely nominal. He had now acquired\\nwere enacted the Fundamental Constittations, and\\nother laws for the preservation of property, and tne\\npunishment of criminals.\\nFrequent disputes arising between the proprietary\\ngovernment of East Jersey and the colonists, the\\ntrustees of Sir George Carteret, apprehending they\\nshould derive little emolument from retaining the\\ngovernment under their control, offered their rights\\nin the province for sale, and accepted the proposals\\nof William Penn, to whom, and his associates, East\\nJersey was conveyed.* Among the new proprietors\\nwas the author of the well-known Apology and\\nhis colleagues, by a unanimous vote, conferred on\\nhim the oflice of governor for life, with the extraor-\\ndinary permission to appoint a deputy instead of his\\nresiding at the scene of his authority.\\nThe number of proprietors, and the frequent trans-\\nfers and subdivisions of shares, introduced such\\nconfusion in titles to land, and such uncertainty as\\nto the rights of government, that, for twenty years\\nafterwards, both Jerseys were frequently in a state of\\ndisturbance and disorder. In 1702, the proprietors,\\nweary of contending with each other, and with the\\npeople, surrendered the right of government to the\\ncrown. Queen Anne reunited the two divisions, and\\nappointed Lord Cornbury governor over the provinces\\nof New Jersey and New York. From the period of\\nhis appointment till his deprivation of office, the his-\\ntory of New Jersey consists of little else than a detail\\nof his contests with the colonial assemblies and\\nexhibits the resolution with which they opposed his\\narbitrary conduct, his partial distribution of justice,\\nand his fraudulent misapplication of the public mon-\\ney. After repeated complaints, the queen yielded to\\nthe universal indignation and he was superseded,\\nin 1709, by Lord Lovelace.\\nThese provinces continued, for several years, to be\\nruled by the same governor, but each chose a sepa-\\nrate assembly. In 1738, the inhabitants, by petition\\nto the king, desu-ed that they might, in future, have\\na separate governor and their request was granted.\\nThe distance of New Jersey from Canada, the\\nsource of most of the Indian wars which afflicted the\\nnorthern colonies, gave it a complete exemption from\\nthose direful calamities, while the Indian tribes in\\nthe neighbourhood, which were far from numerous,\\nwere almost always wOling to cultivate a friendly\\nrelation with the Europeans. The gravity, simpli-\\ncity, and courtesy of quaker manners, seem to have\\nbeen particularly acceptable to these savages and,\\nfor himself the province of Pennsylvania, which occupied all his\\ninterest, and diverted his attention from New Jersey. Grahame,\\nvol. ii. p. 350.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "130\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nadded to the careful observation of the principles of\\nequity in the proceedings of the colonists, established\\nan amicable intercourse to the manifest advantage\\nboth of themselves and of the natives.\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nPENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE.\\nDuring a considerable period the colony of Dela-\\nware was attached to that of Pennsylvania, without\\neven a separate assembly and after it acquired that\\nprivilege, it remained for some time longer under the\\nsame governor its history requires, therefore, to be\\nblended with that of Pennsylvania, although it was\\nsettled at a much earlier period.\\nIt does not appear that the date of the first Euro-\\npean plantation on South River, or the Delaware, can\\nnow be ascertained with any precision some autho-\\nrities, however, assert, that a Swedish colony settled\\nat Cape Henlopen as early as the year 1627 although\\nChalmers is of opinion that, though various Euro-\\npeans may have trafficked in Delaware, their planta-\\ntions had not yet embellished her margin, probably in\\nthe year 1632. Shortly after that time, however, it\\nis evident that a Swedish factory existed near the\\nconfluence of the Delaware on the eastern bank for\\nwe find a governor of the Dutch colony of New Ne-\\ntherlands making a remonstrance on the subject, in\\nwhich he declares that the whole South River had\\nbeen in the Dutch possession many years, above and\\nbelow beset with forts, and sealed with their blood.\\nThe Swedes, however, did not regard either the asser-\\ntions or threats of their rivals, but continued their\\noperations, which, through the limited extent of their\\nmeans, did not extend beyond the purchase of some\\ncomparatively small tracts of land of the Indians.\\nBeing frequently molested by the Dutch, who claim-\\ned a right to the country, they built forts at Christi-\\nna, Lewiston, and Tinicum. The last was their seat\\nof government, and there John Printz, their gover-\\nnor, erected a mansion, which he named after him-\\nself.\\nThe Dutch, jealous of the progress of the Swedes,\\nin the year 1651 built a fort at New Castle. Printz\\nconsidering this place to be within the territories of\\nhis government, formally protested against the pro-\\nceeding. Risingh, his successor, made a visit, under\\nthe guise of friendship, to the commander of the fort,\\nand being accompanied by thirty men, treacherously\\nSmith s History of New York, p. 4.\\ntook possession of it while enjoying his hospitality.\\nPeter Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor of New York,\\nwas not of a temper to permit an injury, thus com-\\nmitted, to pass unavenged. Accompanied by an ar-\\nmament, a part of which was furnished for the occa-\\nsion by the city of Amsterdam, in Holland, he, in\\n1655, returned the visit of the Swedes. He first re-\\nduced the fort at New Castle then that at Christina\\ncreek, where Risingh commanded and afterwards\\nthe others. Some of the Swedes, on taking the oath\\nof allegiance to Holland, were permitted to remain\\nthe rest were sent to Europe. The settlements on the\\nDelaware continued under the control of the Dutch,\\nuntil 1664, when the New Netherlands were conquered\\nby the English. They were considered as a part of\\nNew York, till, in the year 1682, William Penn pur-\\nchased of the duke of York the town of New Castle,\\nand the country twelve miles around it and, by a\\nsubsequent purchase, obtained the land lying upon\\nthe Delaware, and between New Castle and Cape\\nHeirlopen. These tracts, which constitute the present\\nstate of Delaware, were called the Territories, and\\nwere, for twenty years, governed as a part of Penn-\\nsylvania.\\nThe colony which forms the chief subject of this\\nchapter, was founded, in the year 1681, by the cele-\\nbrated William Penn. A slight sketch of the early\\nhistory of this remarkable man, will enable the reader\\nmore justly to appreciate his subsequent exertions.\\nHe was the son of Sir William Penn, a British admi-\\nral, who, under the protectorate of Cromwell, effected\\nthe conquest of the important island of Jamaica, and\\nannexed it to the British empire. After the restora-\\ntion of Charles II. he enjoyed high favour at court,\\nand naturally entertained ambitious hopes of the ad-\\nvancement of his son, whom he had entered as a\\ngentleman commoner at Oxford. He was, however,\\ndoomed to experience a bitter disappointment. Young\\nPenn imbibed a strong predilection for quaker senti-\\nments, which he had heard extolled by some itine-\\nrating member of that society. He espoused the cause\\nwith so much warmth, that, with several others, he\\nwas expelled the university. His father, having in\\nvain endeavoured to prevail upon him to abandon his\\nprinciples, at length devised a method of sapping\\nwhat he could not overthrow and for this purpose,\\nsent his son to travel, with some young men of qua-\\nlity, in France. Quakerism and Christianity were\\nchecked alike, for a time, in the mind of Penn but\\nafter his return, having repaired to Ireland to inspect\\nan estate that belonged to his father, he met with the\\nsame itinerant preacher who had impressed his mind\\nso powerfully ten years before. His quaker senli-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n131\\nmerits were now revived with increased zeal, and\\nquickly produced a public and resolute expression of\\nhis attachment to the tenets of that sect. He could\\nnot even be persuaded to take off his hat in the pre-\\nsence of the king, or of his parent. For this intlexi-\\nbility he was abandoned and denounced by his father.\\nHe then commenced itinerant preacher, and gained\\nmany proselytes. Though sometimes imprisoned, he\\nstill persevered and such was his integrity and pa-\\ntience, that his father became reconciled to him. In\\n1668, he published a book, entitled. The Sandy Foun-\\ndation Shaken, for which he was imprisoned seven\\nmouths. In 1670, he was apprehended for preaching\\nin the street, and was tried at the Old Bailey, where\\nhe pleaded his own cause with the magnanimity of a\\nhero. The jury returned a verdict of not guilty.\\nOn the death of his father he received a plentiful\\nestate, but he continued to preach, to write, and to\\nbe imprisoned as before and it was chiefly owing to\\nhis exertions, in conjunction with those of Barclay\\nand Keith, that the fraternity of the Friends was\\nformed into order.\\nThe attention of Penn to colonization was attract-\\ned by his connexion with New Jersey, which has been\\nreferred to in a former chapter. While he was en-\\ngaged in the government of that territory, he received\\ninformation of the country situate to the westward of\\nthe Delaware, which induced in his mind the desne\\nof acquiring an estate in that quarter. He therefore\\npresented a petition to Charles II., urging his claim\\nfor a debt incurred by the crown to his father, and\\nsoliciting a grant of land to the northward of Mary-\\nland, and westward of the Delaware. After a con-\\nference with the duke of York and Lord Baltimore,\\nto ascertain that the grant would not interfere with\\nany prior claims of theirs, a charter, making convey-\\nance of that territory, was signed and sealed by the\\nking. It constituted WiUiam Penn and his heirs true\\nand absolute proprietar of the province of Pennsyl-\\nvania, saving to th., crown their allegiance and the\\nsovereignty. It gave him, his heirs, and their depu-\\nties, power to make laws, by advice of the freemen,\\nand to erect coru-ts of justice for the execution of\\nthose laws, provided they be not repugnant to the\\nlaws of England.*\\nThe following account of the origin of the name Pennsylvania,\\ngiven by its founder, in a letter dated January 5, 1681, is curious\\nand interesting. This day, says Penn, after many waitings,\\nwatcliings, soUcitings, and disputes, in council, my country was\\nconfinncd to me imder the great seal of England, with large pow-\\ners and pri\\\\Tleges, by the name of Pemisylvania a name the king\\nwould give it in honom of my father. I chose New ales, being\\na hilly coimtry and when the secretary, a Welshman, reftised to\\ncall it New Wales, I proposed Sylvania, and they added Penn to\\nIt though I much opposed it, and went to the king to have it\\nThe charter being thus obtained, Penn invited pur-\\nchasers by public advertisement. Many single per-\\nsons, and some families, chiefly of the denomination\\nof quakers, were induced to think of a removal and\\na number of merchants and others, forming them-\\nselves into a company, purchased twenty thousand\\nacres of this land, which was sold at the rate of\\ntwenty pounds for every thousand acres. In May\\nhe despatched Markham, a relative, with a few asso-\\nciates, to take possession of the newly granted terri-\\ntory and in the autumn three ships, with a consider-\\nable number of emigrants, sailed for the same desti-\\nnation. The philanthropic proprietor sent a letter to\\nthe Indians, informing them that the great God had\\nbeen pleased to make him concerned in their part of\\nthe world, and that the king of the country where he\\nlived had given him a great province therein; but\\nthat he did not desire to enjoy it without their con-\\nsent that he was a man of peace, and that the peo-\\nple whom he sent were of the same disposition and\\nif any difference should happen between them, it\\nmight be adjusted by an equal number of men chosen\\non both sides. The position selected by these emi-\\ngrants for their abode, was immediately above the\\nconfluence of the Schuylkill and the Delaware.\\nIn the following April, Penn published the frame\\nof government for Pennsylvania. The chief inten-\\ntion of this famous charter was declared to be, for\\nthe support of power in reverence with the people,\\nand to secure the people from the abuse of power.\\nFor, liberty without obedience is confusion, and obe-\\ndience without liberty is slavery. Li prosecution of\\nthese salutary objects, the chief aim of the proprie-\\ntary was to establish the supreme power, legislative\\nand executive, upon proper principles. The assembly,\\ntherefore, was directed to consist at first of the whole\\nof the freemen, afterwards of two hundred, but never\\nto exceed five. A provincial council was established,\\nconsisting of seventy-two members, to be chosen by\\nthe freemen of these counsellors there was to be an\\nannual succession of twenty-four new ones, the same\\nnumber annually going out and the governor was\\nto preside, invested with a treble vote. Thus com-\\nposed, the council was not only invested with the\\nwhole executive powers, but, as in the Carolinian con-\\nsti-uck out. He said twas past, and he would take it upon him\\nnor could twenty guineas move the under-secretary to vary the\\nname for I feared it should be looked on as a vanity in me, and\\nnot as a respect in the king to my father, as it really was. Thou\\nmavest communicate my gi-ant to my fiiends, and expect shortly my\\njiroposals. Tis a dear and just thing, and mj- God, that has given\\nit me through many dithcidties, will, I believe, bless and make it the\\nseed of a nation. I shall have a tender care to the government,\\nthat it be well laid at first.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "132\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nstitutions, with the authority of preparing such bills\\nas ought to be presented to the assembly. As a sup-\\njjlement to the frame of government, a body of laws,\\nagreed upon in England by the adventurers, was\\npublished in May, which was intended as a great\\ncharter;* and Chalmers allows that it does great\\nhonour to their wisdom as statesmen, to their morals\\nas men, to their spirit as colonists. f\\nOf all the evidences of superior wisdom, none can\\nbe more decisive than entertaining ideas of moral\\ntruth, or devising plans of practical utility, which,\\nthough rejected in the times in which the individual\\nlives, receive the sanction of future ages. This is\\neminently the case with Bacon and with Locke and\\nthat it is no less so with the founder of Pennsylvania,\\nthe almost universal approbation of the principles on\\nwhich his penal code was formed, fully attests. That\\nsystem of laws justly claims for him the praise of\\noriginal excellence and enlightened humanity its re-\\ngulations have been productive of lasting benefit to\\nmankind. Only two capital crimes, treason and mur-\\nder, were recognized by this code and, in aU other\\ncases, the reformation of the offender was esteemed a\\nduty not less imperative than the punishment of the\\noffence. To this end it was enacted, that all prisons\\nshould be workhouses, where offenders might be re-\\nclaimed, by discipline and instruction, to habits of in-\\ndustry and morality, and political benefit educed from\\nthe performance of Christian duty. The institutions\\nthat resulted from this benevolent enterprise, in legis-\\nlation, have reflected honour on Pennsylvania, and dif-\\nfused their advantages extensively in America and\\nAmong other reoiilations propounded in it, it ivaR declared,\\nthat the character of freemen of the pro\u00e2\u0084\u00a2ice should belong to all\\npurchasers or renters of a hundred acres of land to all servants\\nor bondsmen who, at the ex|)iring of their engagements, should cul-\\ntivate the quota of land (fifty acres) allotted to them by law, and\\nto all artificers and other inhabitants or residents who should pay\\nscot and lot to the government that no public tax shoidd be levied\\nfrom the people but by a law for that pm-pose made, and that\\nwhoever should collect or pay taxes not so sanctioned, should be\\nheid a jiubiic enemy of the pi 0\\\\ince, and a betrayer of its liberties\\nthat ail prisons shall be workhouses that a thief should restore\\ntwice the value of his theft, and, in default of other means ado-\\n()uate to such restitution, should work as a bondsman in prison for\\nthe lienefit of the party injured that the lands, as well as the ])er-\\nsonal projjerty, of a debtor, should be responsible for his obligations,\\nexce])t in the case of his having lawful children, for whose use\\ntwo tliirds of the landed estate were appointed to be reserved that\\nall factors and con-espondents in the pro\\\\Tnce wronging their em-\\nployers, should, in addition to complete restitution, pay a sm-plus\\namounting to a third of the sum they had unjustly detained that\\nall dramatic entertainments, games of hazard, sports of cruelty,\\nand wliatever else might contribute to promote ferocity of temper\\nor habits of cUssi|)ation and irrcligion, should be cUscouraged and\\npunished and that all children mthin this ]iro\\\\ince, of the age\\nof twelve years, shall be taught some useftil trade or skill, to the\\nend none may be idle, but thf poor may work to live, and the rich,\\nif they become poor, may not want. This regulation, so congenial\\nto primitive quaker sentiment, and to republiceui spirit and simpli-\\nEurope, It is deeply to be regretted, however, that\\nno civilized nation has been more slow in its mitiga-\\ntion of the cruel and bloody character of a penal\\ncode derived from a barbarous age, than our own.\\nTo prevent all future pretence of claim to the pro-\\nvince by the duke of York, or his heirs, Penn obtain-\\ned of the duke his deed of release for it and, as an\\nadditional territory, he procured of him also his right\\nand interest in that tract of land, which was at first\\ncalled the territories of Pennsylvania, afterwards\\nThe three lower counties on Delaware.\\nHaving completed these arrangements by the month\\nof August, Penn embarked for America, accompanied\\nby a considerable number of passengers, chiefly of his\\nown religious sentiments. He landed at New Castle\\non the 24th of October and the very next day the\\npeople were summoned to the court house, where,\\nafter possession of the country had been legaUy given\\nhim, he made a speech to the magistrates and the peo-\\nple, acquainting them with the design of his coming,\\nand the nature and end of the government he came\\nto establish assuring them of liberty of conscience\\nand civil freedom, and recommending them to live in\\nsobriety and peace. He then proceeded to Upland,\\nafterwards called Chester, and there called an assem-\\nbly on the 4th of December. This assembly passed\\nan act of union, annexing the three lower counties to\\nthe province J and an act of settlement, in reference\\nto the frame of government. The Dutch, Swedes,\\nand other foreigners, were then naturalized and all\\nlaws agreed on in England were passed in form. He\\nselected the site, and marked out the plan, of an ex-\\ncity, was admirably calculated not less to promote fellow feeling\\nthan to secure independence. It contributed to preserve a sense of\\nthe natural equality of mankind, by recalUng to every man s re-\\nmembrance his original destination to labor and while it tended\\nthus to abate the pride and insolence of wealth, it operated no less\\nbeneficially to remedy the decay of fortune, peculiarly incident to\\nwealthy settlers in a country where the dearness of aU kinds of\\nlabour rendered idleness a much more expensive condition than in\\nEurope. It was fiirthcr declared, that no persons should be per-\\nmitted to hold any office, or to exercise the functions of freemen,\\nbut such as profess faith in Jesus Clii ist, and are not convicted\\nof iU fame, or imsober and dishonest conversation and that all\\npersons acknowledging the one almighty and eternal God to be the\\ncreator, upholder, and ruler of the world, and professing to be con-\\nscientiously engaged to live peaceably and justly iji society, should\\nbe whoUy exempted from molestation for their more particular\\nopinions and practices, and should never at any time be eomjiellcd\\nto frequent or maintain any religious ])lace, ministry, or worship\\nwhatever. Grahame, vol. ii. p. 402 404.\\nt Political Annals, p. 642.\\nX Until this union with Pennsylvania, these counties, from the\\nyear 1067, had been holden as an ap])endage to the government of\\nNew York. Encydo]). Brit. vol. v. p. 719. The want of the royal\\nauthority for this act, %Tith the o])eration of other causes, produced\\ndifficulties, which afterwards rendered this union void and the\\nthree lower counties had a separate assembly, though under the\\nsame governor. Belknap, Biog. vol. ii. p. 412. Franklin, p. IS.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n133\\ntensive city, to which he gave the name of Philadel-\\nphia, or the city of love. Before the end of the year\\nit contained eighty dwellings.\\nThe colonies in general merit little praise for their\\nwisdom and discretion in their conduct with the\\nIndians. They were too prone to look on the wild\\nman as an inferior being, and set themselves up as\\nlords over his rights and property, without remem-\\nbering that they were intruders on his soil, or conde-\\nscending to meet him, even in the land of his fathers,\\non equal and amicable terms. But the memorable\\ninterview of Penn with the Indians, on the banks of\\nthe Delaware, exhibited a diflerent scene the even\\nscales of justice, and the mild persuasion of Christian\\nlove, were the powerful engines with which he\\nswayed the barbarian mind, and taught the savage to\\nconfide in the sincerity of the white man and the\\nfirst page in the annals of Pennsylvania is one of the\\nbrightest in the history of mankind, recording an\\nevent not more to the credit of the wise and benevo-\\nlent legislator through whose agency it happened,\\nthan honourable to humanity itself. At a spot\\nwhich is now the site of one of the suburbs of Phila-\\ndelphia, the Indian sachems, at the head of their\\nassembled warriors, awaited in arms the approach of\\nthe quaker deputation. Penn, distinguished from\\nhis followers only by a sash of blue silk, and holding\\nin his hand a roll of parchment that contained the\\nconfirmation of the treaty, arrived, at the head of an\\nunarmed train, carrying various articles of merchan-\\ndise, which, on their approach to the sachems, were\\nspread on the ground. He addressed the natives\\nthrough an interpreter, assuring them of his friendly\\nand peaceable intentions and certainly the absence\\nof all warlike weapons was a better attestation of his\\nsincerity than a thousand oaths. The conditions of\\nthe proposed purchase were then read and he deli-\\nvered to the sachems not only the stipulated price,\\nbut a handsome present of the merchandise which he\\nhad spread before them. He concluded by present-\\ning the parchment to the sachems, and requesting\\nthat they would carefully preserve it for three gene-\\nrations. The Indians cordially acceded to his propo-\\nsitions, and solemnly pledged themselves to live in\\nTradition tells us, that the treaty of 1682 was held at Shaeka-\\nmaxon, under the wide-spread branches of the great elm-tree which\\ngrew near the margin of the Delaware, and which was prostrated\\nduring a storm m the year 1810. The tnmk measured twenty-four\\nfeet in circumference, and its age was ascertained to be two hun-\\ndred and eighty-three years, having been a hundred and fifty-five\\nyears old at the time of the treaty. This tree Mr. West has mtro-\\nduced mto his celebrated pietiu-e represtntmg the treaty. The first\\ndeed of the Indians is dated June 23, 1683. Memou-s of Pennsyl-\\nvania Histoi-ical Society, vol. i. pp. 6.5, 82, 96, 97.\\nt Penn s letter, containing an account of the climate, products,\\nlove with William Penn and his chUdien as long as\\nthe sun and moon should endure. f\\nThe prudence with which Penn conducted himself\\nwas strictly consistent with a sincere attachment to\\nhis own opinions. He evidently appreciated more\\ncorrectly the rights of his fellow-men than his north-\\nern neighboLU-s, the puritan colonists. He believed,\\nand acted on the belief, that the Indians had as much\\nright to hold the peculiarities of their creed, as he\\nhad to hold his own religious tenets and he never\\ngave them unnecessary oflence by treating their sen-\\ntiments with bitterness, or, what is more keenly felt,\\nby contempt. J This prudent conduct, together with\\na still more extraordinary reliance upon the protection\\nof Providence in refusing to maintain any armed\\nforce, althot^h surrounded with the warlike abori-\\ngines, was attended by a no less singular exemption\\nfrom evils arising to every other European colony\\nwithout exception, from the neighbourhood of the\\nIndian tribes. Whatever animosity the Indians might\\nconceive- against the European neighbours of the\\nPennsylvanians, or even against Pennsylvanian colo-\\nnists who did not belong to the quaker society, they\\nnever failed to discriminate the followers of Penn, as\\npersons whom it was impossible for them to include\\nwithin the pale of legitimate hostility. This unique\\nand interesting fact has, doubtless, availed more than\\nall arguments in support of the alleged immorality\\nof all kinds of resistance which can result in the\\ndeprivation of human life.\\nIrrespectively of the peculiar talents and character\\nof the founder, none of the colonies commenced\\nunder such favorable auspices as that of Pennsyl-\\nvania. The experience of half a century had dis-\\nclosed the evils to be avoided, and pointed out the\\ncourse to be pursued. The soil being fertile, the\\nclimate temperate, and the game abundant, the first\\nemigrants escaped most of the calamities which\\nafflicted the more northern and southern provinces,\\nand the increase of population exceeded all former\\nexample.\\nA second assembly was held at Philadelphia, in\\nMarch, 1683. During this session, Penn created a\\nsecond frame of government, to which he readily\\nand native inhabitants of the countrj though too long to insert in\\nthis work, mil well repay the perusal of the curious. It is to be\\nfound in Frond s History of Pennsylvania, vol. ii. ch. v.\\nt The following adventure, indicative of his extreme caution\\nof gi\u00e2\u0084\u00a2g offence, was communicated by Penn himself to Oldmixon.\\nHe was visiting an Indian sachem, and had retired for the night,\\nwhen a young woman, the sachem s daughter, approaching his bed,\\nlay down beside him. Peim was much shocked but, unwilling to\\noffend by rejecting an intended com])Ument, he lay slill without\\ntakiu any notice of her, till she thought proper to return to her\\nown couch. Vol. i. p. 398, second edition. A New England pa-", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "134\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nprocured the assent of the assembly. This frame\\ndiminished the number of the council and assembly,\\nand was in other respects different from the first. It\\nwas ordained, that to prevent lawsuits, three arbi-\\ntrators, to be called peace-makers, should be chosen\\nby the county courts, to hear and determine small\\ndifferences between man and man that children\\nshould be taught some useful trade, to the end that\\nnone might be idle, that the poor might work to live,\\nand the rich if they should become poor that factors\\nwronging their employers should make satisfaction,\\nand one third over that every thing which excites\\nthe people to rudeness, cruelty, and irreligion, should\\nbe discouraged, and severely punished that no one,\\nacknowledging one God, and living peaceably in\\nsociety, should be molested for his opinions or his\\npractice, or compelled to frequent or maintain any\\nministry whatever. This assembly also established\\nvarious salutary regulations. Abrogating the com-\\nmon law with regard to the descent of land, which\\nhad been introduced by the charter, it enacted, that\\nthe estate of the intestate shall be disposed of, one\\nthird of the personal property absolutely, and one third\\nof the lands during life, to the widow, two thirds of\\nboth among the children, the eldest son having a\\ndouble share. However consonant it might have\\nbeen to feudal principles to give the lands of the feu-\\ndary undiminished to him who was first able to\\ndefend them, this policy was extremely unsuitable to\\ncolonists who had a wilderness to cultivate evidently,\\nby giving property to every one, the exertions of all\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0were invigorated. By the promulgation of such\\nlaws, the growing prosperity of the province was\\npromoted and to their salutary influence must be\\nattributed the qualities of diligence, order, and econo-\\nmy, for which the Pennsylvanians are so justly cele-\\nbrated. Within four years from the date of the\\ngrant to Penn, the province contained twenty settle-\\nments, and Philadelphia two thousand inhabitants.\\nHaving received information from his agent that\\nhis presence was necessary in England, Penn departed\\nfrom America in August, 1684, leaving his province\\nin profound peace, under the administration of five\\ncommissioners chosen firom the provincial council.\\nThe unfortunate James II. ascended the throne soon\\nafter Penn s arrival. As he has, said Penn, been\\nmy friend, and my father s friend, I feel bound in\\njustice to be a friend to him. He adhered to him\\ntriarch, in such circumstances, would probably have excited the en-\\nmity of the whole Indian tribe by his expressions of disgust and\\nrej)robation. Grahame, vol. ii. p. 415.\\nSome of these clauses, it will be perceived, were only re-en-\\nactments of the resolutions of the first assembly.\\nt Dr. FraiJdin moutions an instance some years after, of a re-\\nwhile seated on the throne and for two years after\\nhe was expelled from his kingdom, the government\\nof the province was administered in his name. By\\nthis display of attachment to the exiled monarch, he\\nincurred the displeasure of William III. On vague\\nsuspicion and unfounded charges, he was four times\\nimprisoned. The king took the government of Penn-\\nsylvania into his own hands and Colonel Fletcher\\nwas appointed governor of this province, as weU as\\nof New York. On the arrival of Colonel Fletcher at\\nPhiladelphia, the persons in the administration appear\\nto have surrendered the government to him, without\\nany notice or order to them, either from the crown or\\nthe proprietary. By the severest scrutiny, however,\\nit was rendered apparent, that Penn had not suffered\\npersonal gratitude to lead him to any serious derelic-\\ntion of duty, and he consequently regained the good\\nopinion of King William and being permitted to\\nresume and exercise his rights, he appointed William\\nMarkham to be his deputy-governor.\\nIn the year 1696, the assembly having presented a\\nremonstrance to Governor Markham, complaining of\\nthe breach of their chartered privileges, a bill of set-\\ntlement, prepared and passed by the assembly, was\\napproved by the governor, forming the third frame of\\ngovernment in Pennsylvania. A bill for raising 300/.,\\nprofessedly for the relief of the distressed Indians\\nbeyond Albany, but really in compliance with the\\ndemand of the governor of New York, to aid in the\\nprosecution of the war, was passed by the same legis-\\nlature.f\\nDuring several years the colony continued in a\\ncourse of prosperity, without any occurrence requiring\\nhistorical record. In the year 1699, Penn revisited\\nhis Pennsylvanian associates, accompanied by his\\nfamily, with an intention of spending the remainder\\nof his life amongst them. Several circumstances now\\nexisted, which occasioned differences of opinion be-\\ntween himself and the legislature more particularly\\nthat prolific source of evil-\u00e2\u0080\u0094 negro slavery, and the\\nfrauds and abuses that disgraced the character of the\\ncolonists in their traffic with the Indians. With the\\nview of providing a remedy for both these evils, he\\npresented to the assembly three bills which he had\\nhimself prepared the first, for regulating the morals\\nand marriages of the negroes the second, for regu-\\nlating the trials and punishments of the negroes and\\nthe third, for preventing abuses and frauds upon the\\nquisition addressed to the assembly of Pennsylvania for a grant of\\n2000/. for the ]nuchase of gunpowder to which the assembly re-\\nplied, that, consistently with quaker principles, they could not gi-ant\\na farthing for such a pm pose, but had voted 2000^ for the purchase\\nof grain.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n135\\nIndians. The assembly distantly negatived the first\\nand last of these bills, acceding only to that which\\nrelated to the trial and punishment of their slaves.\\nThough disappointed of the more extensive influence,\\nwhich, as a political legislator, he had hoped to exer-\\ncise, he was yet able, in his ecclesiastical ministry\\namong the quakers, to introduce into their discipline\\nregulations and practices relative to the purposes of\\nthe rejected bills, the spirit of which, at least, was, by\\nthe example of this powerful sect, forcibly recommend-\\ned to general imitation. But the progress of reform, by\\nmoral causes, is slow the enactment of laws must fol-\\nlow up and sustain whatever is gained by persuasion.\\nThe memory is assisted by the written page, while\\nwe soon forget the voice of entreaty, however strong\\nthe argument.\\nPenn had now determined again to leave America\\nand return to England, and he naturally desired to\\nhave some frame of government finally established\\nbefore his departure. In 1701, he prepared and pre-\\nsented one to the assembly, which was accepted. It\\nconfirmed to them, in conformity with that of 1696,\\nthe right of originating bills, which, by the charters\\npreceding that date, had been the right of the gover-\\nnor alone, and of mending or rejecting those which\\nmight be laid before them. To the governor it gave\\nthe right of rejecting bills passed by the assembly, of\\nappointing his own council, and of exercising the\\nwhole executive power.\\nImmediately after his fourth firame was accepted,\\nPenn returned to England but he had scarcely ar-\\nrived there, when the disputes between the province\\nand the territories broke forth with greater bitterness\\nthan ever and in the following year, the separate\\nlegislature of Delaware was permanently established\\nat Newcastle. In addition to the tidings of these pro-\\nlonged disagreements, and of the final rupture be-\\ntween the two settlements, Penn was harassed by\\ncomplaints against the administration of Governor\\nEvans and having ascertained, by a deliberate ex-\\namination of them, that they were too well founded,\\nhe appointed in his place Charles Gookin, a gentle-\\nman of ancient Irish family, who seemed qualified to\\ngive satisfaction to the people over whom he was\\nsent to preside. Finding his people still in a discon-\\ntented state, Penn, now in his sixty-sixth year, for\\nthe last time addressed the assembly, in a letter re-\\nplete with calm solemnity and dignified concern.\\nThis letter is said to have produced a deep and pow-\\nerful impression on the more considerate part of the\\nassembly, who now began to feel for the father of\\nhis country, and to regard with tenderness his vene-\\nrable age to remember his long labours and to ap-\\n18\\npredate their own interest in his distinguished\\nfame but it is very doubtful if this change of senti-\\nment was ever known to its illustrious object, who\\nwas attacked shortly afterwards by a succession of\\napoplectic fits, which impeded, in a great degi-ee, the\\nexercise of his memory and understanding, and ulti-\\nmately terminated his life.\\nIt would be injustice to suffer the great founder of\\nthe Pennsylvanian republic to pass from our view\\nwithout glancing at the excellencies of his character.\\nThe keenness of foresight, the sagacity and penetra-\\ntion of judgment, the fertility in inventing, and clear-\\nness of discernment in applying resources, which the\\nevents of his life display, are no less remarkable than\\nthe pure spirit of universal benevolence, which seems\\nto have been the governing principle of all his actions,\\nas it was the leading tenet in his particular views of\\nreligion. By steadily adhering to the maxims of\\ngospel charity in the establishment of his common-\\nwealth, he secured it against many of those violent\\nshocks, which at that time threatened the dissolution\\nof some of the elder and more robust colonies, espe-\\ncially from the hostility of the savages, over whom, by\\npacific measures,kind treatment, probity,and equitable\\ndealing, he gained an ascendancy far more complete\\nthan any exhibition of military force could have ac-\\nquired. It is not strictly true, indeed, as asserted by\\nsome writers, that he was the first of the colonists to\\ntreat with the savages on an equal footing, and to\\nobtain their lands by honourable purchase for nu-\\nmerous instances occur in the history of other colo-\\nnies, where the same respect was shown to the pri-\\nmeval lords of the soil but although William Penn\\ndid not first set the example of this moderation, he\\nand his followers alone persevered in the practice of\\nit, and thus preserved the good will of their savage\\nneighbours, while, in other parts of the country, a\\ndifferent course of conduct on the part of the colonists\\nsubjected them to a series of wasteful and vindictive\\nwars, which ended only with the extermination of\\nsome of the most powerful among the aboriginal tribes.\\nThe same enlightened spirit of benevolence, which\\nled Penn to consult his true interest in adopting\\npeaceful means of avoiding the enmity of the savages,\\ndictated the memorable clause in the code drawn up\\nby him for the use of his colony, that all persona\\nliving in the province, who confess and acknowledge\\nthe one almighty and eternal God to be the creator,\\nupholder, and ruler of the world, and hold them-\\nselves obliged in conscience to live peaceably and\\njustly in civil society, shall in no wise be molested\\nfor their religious persuasion or practice in matters of\\nfaith and worship. The constant assertion of this", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "136\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ngolden rule of civil society, and that too by one\\nwhose life and fortune were devoted to the task of\\ngaining proselytes for that peculiar sect of which he\\nwas so illustrious a member, evinces a liberality of\\nfeeling rarely equalled in that or any other age.\\nThe legislatures and governors continuing to act\\non the noble principles and example which their\\nfounder left- for their imitation, the colony acquired,\\nby well-conducted purchases from the Indians, a most\\nextensive and unembarrassed territory, and proceeded\\nrapidly in its prosperous course. The only circum-\\nstance which appears to have created any internal\\ndisunion worthy of notice, was a dispute between the\\ngovernors and the assembly, on the question of ex-\\nempting the land of the proprietaries from the gene-\\nral taxation a claim which the inhabitants deemed\\nvery inequitable. In January, 1757, the assembly of\\nPennsylvania voted a bill for granting to his majesty\\nthe sum of 100,000/. by a tax on all the estates, real\\nand personal, and taxables, within the province. On\\nsubmitting it to Governor Denny for his sanction, he\\nrefused it. The proprietaries, he observed in his\\nmessage, are willing their estates should be taxed\\nin the manner that appears to them to be reasonable,\\nand agreeable to the land-tax acts of parliament in\\nour mother country. He stated, that his majesty s\\nservice, and the defence of this province, render it\\nnecessary to raise immediate supplies and earnest-\\nly recommended it to the assembly to frame such a\\nbUl as it was in his power to pass, consistent with\\nhis honour, and his engagements to the proprietaries.\\nThe message was regarded as an invasion of the\\nrights of the colonists and the assembly remonstrated\\nwith the governor. In that spirited document they\\nsay, We have, in the due exercise of our just rights\\nby the royal and provincial charters, and the laws of\\nthis province, and as an English representative body,\\nframed this bill consistent with those rights. Hav-\\ning assigned their reasons to sustain the remonstrance,\\nthey conclude it in these words We do therefore,\\nin the name of our most gracious sovereign, and in\\nbehalf of the distressed people we represent, unani-\\nmously demand it of the governor as our right, that\\nhe give his assent to the bill we now present him,\\nfor granting to his majesty 100,000/. for the defence\\nof this province, (and as it is a money-bill, without\\nalteration or amendment, any instructions whatsoever\\nfrom the proprietaries notwithstanding,) as he will\\nanswer to the crown for aU the consequences of his\\nrefusal at his peril. This declaration produced no\\nother effect upon the governor, than that of confirm-\\ning his refusal, and of drawing from him a laboured\\njustification, grounded upon parliamentary usage\\nin England, and the supposed hardship of taxing the\\nunimproved lands of the proprietaries. The govern-\\nors of Pennsylvania thus adhering to their instruc-\\ntions, not to assent to any tax bill that did not ex-\\nempt the estates of the proprietaries, the assembly\\nof that province deputed the celebrated Benjamin\\nFranklin as an agent to London, to petition the\\nking for redress. The subject was discussed before\\nthe privy council; and Mr. Franklin acceded to a\\nproposal to enter into engagements that the assess-\\nments should be fair and equitable, a bill for levy-\\ning a general tax, which had previously received\\nthe governor s assent, though after the agent s depar-\\nture from the province, was stamped with the royal\\napprobation. These disputes, by calling the energetic\\nmind of Benjamin Franklin into a new field of exer-\\ntion, enlarged the sphere of his observation, and fit-\\nted him for those extraordinary services in which he\\nacquired his greatest glory by contributing to that of\\nhis country.\\nCHAPTER X.\\nMARYLAND.\\nThe founder of the state of Maryland was Cecil,\\nLord Baltimore. His father had been secretary of\\nstate to James I., and one of the original associates of\\nthe Virginia Company. He visited that colony in the\\nyear 1622, to ascertain if some portion of its rich ter-\\nritory could not be rendered subservient to the inte-\\nrests of his family, and at the same time afford a de-\\nsirable retreat for persecuted professors of the Romish\\nfaith, to which he had become a convert. He subse-\\nquently prevailed on Charles I. to bestow on him the\\ndesired grant, and had made considerable preparations\\nfor carrying his design into effect, when death put an\\nend to his projects, which were, however, adopted,\\nand zealously prosecuted by his son. On his behalf,\\nthe king, in June, 1632, executed the charter which\\nhis father had solicited and conferred on the new\\ncolony the title of Maryland, as a tribute of respect\\nto Henrietta Maria, his queen. The new province\\nwas declared to be separated from Virginia, to which\\nits territory had belonged, and subject only to the\\ncrown of England. Lord Baltimore was created the\\nabsolute proprietary of it, and was empowered, with\\nthe assent of the freemen, or their delegates, whom he\\nwas required to assemble for that purpose, to make\\nlaws for the province, and to administer them. The\\nterritory was erected into a palatinate and the pro-\\nprietary was invested with all the royal rights of the\\npalace, as fully as any Bishop of Durham had ever", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n137\\nenjoyed he was authorized to appoint officers, to re-\\npel invasions, and to suppress rebellions what is still\\nmore remarkable, the charter contained no obligation\\non the proprietary to transmit the acts of assembly\\nfor confirmation or disallowance by the king and\\nit also possessed the peculiarity of being the first ex-\\nample of the dismemberment of a colony, and the\\ncreation of a new one within its limits, by the mere\\nact of the crown.\\nHaving obtained so favourable a charter. Lord Bal-\\ntimore proceeded to carry its provisions- into execu-\\ntion. He appointed his brother, Leonard Calvert, go-\\nvernor of the new province, and concurred with him\\nin the equipment of vessels, which conveyed a nume-\\nrous body of emigrants, chiefly Roman Catholics, and\\nmany of them gentlemen of rank and fortune. After\\na circuitous voyage, the governor arrived, accompanied\\nby his brother George, at Point Comfort, in Virginia,\\nin February, 1634. Early in March, he proceeded\\nup the bay of Chesapeake to the northward, and en-\\ntered the Potomack, up which he sailed twelve\\nleagues, and came to an anchor under an island,\\nwhich he named St. Clement. Here he erected a cross,\\nand took possession in the name of the Saviour of\\nthe world, and of the king of England. Thence he\\nwent fifteen leagues higher to the Indian town of Po-\\ntomack on the Virginia side of the river, now call-\\ned New Marlborough, where he was received in a\\nfriendly manner. Arriving at the town of Piscata-\\nwa, on the Maryland side, he found Henry Fleet, an\\nEnglishman, who had resided several years among\\nthe natives, and was held by them in great esteem,\\nwho was very serviceable as an interpreter. An in-\\nterview having been procured with the werowance, or\\nprince, Calvert asked him, whether he was willing\\nthat a settlement should be made in his country; he\\nreplied, I will not bid you go, neither Avill I bid you\\nstay; but you may use your own discretion. Having\\nconvinced the natives that his designs were honour-\\nable and pacific, the governor now sought a suitable\\nstation for commencing his colony. He visited a\\ncreek on the northen side of the Potomack, on which\\nhe found an Indian village. Here he acquainted the\\nprince of the place with his intentions, and by pre-\\nsents to him and his principal men, conciliated his\\nfriendship so much as to obtain permission to reside\\nin one part of the town until next harvest, when it\\nwas agreed that the natives should entirely quit the\\nplace. Both parties entered into a contract to live to-\\ngether in a friendly manner. After Calvert had given\\na satisfactory consideration, the Indians readily yield-\\ned a number of their houses, and retired to the others.\\nThus, on the 27th of March, 1634, the governor took\\npeaceable possession of the country of Maryland, and\\ngave to the town the name of St. Mary, and to the\\ncreek, on which it was situate, the name of St. George.\\nThe desire of rendering justice to the natives by\\ngiving them a reasonable compensation for their lands,\\nis a trait in the character of the first planters, which\\nwill always do honour to their memory.\\nCircumstances favoured the rapid population of the\\ncolony. The charter granted more ample privileges\\nthan had ever been conceded to a subject the coun-\\ntry was inviting the natives were friendly from the\\nsouth churchmen drove puritans, from the north puri-\\ntans drove churchmen, into her borders, where all\\nwere freely received, protected, and cherished. The co-\\nlony was soon able to export Indian corn and other pro-\\nducts to New England and Newfoundland, for which\\nthey received in return dried fish and other provisions\\nThe Indians also killed many deer and turkies, which\\nthey sold to the English for knives, beads, and other\\nsmall articles of trafiic, while cattle, swine, and poul-\\ntry, were procured from Virginia.\\nDuring the first years of the colony, when the free-\\nmen were few in number, each attended the general\\nassembly in person, or authorized some other freeman\\nto vote in his stead. The increase of population,\\nhowever, soon rendered itnecessary to adopt a differ-\\nent mode of legislation and in 1639 an act was\\npassed, constituting a house of assembly, to be com-\\nposed of such as should be chosen by the people, of\\nsuch as should be summoned or appointed by the\\nproprietor, and of the governor and secretary. These\\nwere to meet together, and the laws which they should\\nframe were to possess the same validity as though the\\nproprietors and all the people had concurred in en-\\nacting them. The colony was not entirely free from\\ninternal troubles. In the year 1631, Charles I. had\\ngranted a license to one William Cleyborne, who was\\ndescribed as one of the council, and secretary of state\\nof Virginia, to traffic in those parts of America for\\nwhich there is already no patent granted for sole\\ntrade. Cleyborne and his associates, with the spirit\\nof exclusion so common in those days, attempted to\\nmonopolize the trade of the Chesapeake and with\\nthis intent, they appear to have planted a small colo-\\nny on the isle of Kent, which commands both the\\nshores of Chesapeake Bay, where it washes Annapo-\\nlis, the present capital of Maryland. The Virginians\\nboasted that the colonists of Kent sent burgesses to\\ntheir assembly, and were subjected to their jurisdic-\\ntion before Maryland had a name, and the province\\nfound abundant cause to regret, that a people had\\ntaken up their abode within its limits, who paid un-\\nwilling obedience to its laws. Cleyborne continued", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "138\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nto claim Kent Island, and to refuse Submission to the\\njurisdiction of Maryland. Lord Baltimore, however,\\ngave orders, in September, 1634, to seize the refrac-\\ntory trader, if he did not submit to his government\\njudging wisely, that subordination would cease, should\\nan independent jurisdiction be established in the cen-\\ntre of his province. Still continuing to resist, and to\\nexcite rebellion in others, he was at length indicted,\\nand found guilty of murder, piracy, and sedition\\nbut he fled fi-om justice, and his estate was seized, as\\nforfeited to those laws which he had formerly con-\\ntemned as invalid. The afiiictions of this period are\\nindicated by a statute of the assembly, which recites,\\nthat the province had been wasted by a miserable\\ndissension and unhappy war, which had been closed\\nby the joyful restitution of a blessed peace. To\\npromote the restoration of tranquillity and mutual\\nconfidence, an act of general pardon and oblivion was\\npassed, from the benefits of which only a few leading\\ncharacters were excepted and all actions were dis-\\ncharged for wrongs that might have been perpetrated\\nduring the revolt. By a singular reverse of fortune,\\nsays Chalmers, Cleyborne lived to command in the\\nprovince whence he was now driven with infamy, to\\nfeel the pangs of old age when accompanied with\\npoverty, to apply to a prince for support, whose bene-\\nficence was not even extended to those who had suf-\\nfered for his family and himself\\nIt is a fact, which reflects the greatest credit on\\nthese early colonists, that fifteen years after they first\\nlanded, the general assembly of the people passed an\\nact, entitled, An Act concerning Religion, in which\\nthe great principles of religious toleration and liberty\\nare so extensively recognised. The following is an\\nextract from the act itself Whereas the enforcing\\nof the conscience in matters of religion hath frequently\\nfallen out to be of dangerous consequence in those\\ncommonwealths where it hath been practised and for\\nthe more quiet and peaceable government of this\\nprovince, and the better to preserve mutual love and\\nunity among the inhabitants, no person or persons\\nwhatsoever, within this province, or the islands, ports,\\nharbours, creeks, or havens thereunto belonging, pro-\\nfessing to believe in Jesus Christ, shall from hence-\\nforth be any ways troubled, molested, or discounte-\\nnanced, for, or in respect of, his or her religion, nor\\nin the free exercise thereof, within this province, or\\nthe islands thereunto belonging, nor any way com-\\npelled to the belief or exercise of any religion against\\nhis or her consent, so that they be not unfaithful to\\nthe lord proprietary, or molest or conspire against the\\nPolitical Annals, p. 211.\\ncivil government established, or to be established, in\\nthis province, under him or his heirs. t This law\\nwas passed by an assembly composed entirely of\\nRoman Catholics, and is the more remarkable, as\\nbeing the first legislative act which is recorded to\\nhave been passed by any government, administered\\nby members of the Romish hierarchy, in favour of the\\nunlimited toleration of all Christian sects.\\nIn 1650, the legislative body was divided into two\\nbranches\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the delegates chosen by the people consti-\\ntuting the lower house, and the persons summoned\\nby the proprietors, the upper house. An act of\\nrecognition of the undoubted right of Lord Baltimore\\nto the proprietaryship of the province was passed in\\nthe same session. The assembly not only submitted\\nto his authority, but obliged its constituents and\\ntheir posterity for ever to defend him and his heirs\\nin his royal rights, and besought him to accept this\\nact as a testimony of gratitude for the manifold bene-\\nfits which the colony had derived from him. In\\nprosecution of its patriotic labours, the assembly also\\nproceeded to enact laws for the relief of the poor, and\\nthe encouragement of agriculture and commerce\\nand a short season of prosperity preceded the calami-\\nties which the province was again to experience\\nfrom the evil genius of Cleyborne, and the interposi-\\ntion of the parent state.\\nAfter the parliament had triumphed over the king,\\nthey appointed commissioners for reducing and govern-\\ning the colonies within the bay of Chesapeake, among\\nwhom was Cleyborne. The proprietor of Maryland,\\non acknowledging the authority of the parliament,\\nwas permitted to retain his station, but was unable\\nto preserve tranquillity. The distractions of England,\\nfinding their wiy into the colony, occasioned a civil\\nwar, which ended in the discomfiture of the Roman\\nCatholics. The next assembly, which was entirely\\nunder the influence of Cleyborne and the victorious\\nparty, ordained that persons professing the catholic\\nreligion should not be considered within the protec-\\ntion of the laws the catholics being thus ungratefully\\npersecuted by men whom they had taken to their\\nbosom, and in a colony which they had founded.\\nLaws unfavourable to the quakers were also enacted\\nand here, as in England, the upper house was voted\\nto be useless. At the restoration, in 1660, Philip\\nCalvert was appointed governor, and the ancient\\norder of things was restored. The recent usurpations\\nwere passed over in silence, and buried in a generous\\noblivion toleration was re-established, and the in-\\nhabitants of Maryland once more experienced the\\nt Bacon s Laws, 1649, chap, i", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n139\\nblessings of a mild government and internal tranquil-\\nlity.* General subordination had manifestly the effect\\nof quickening the march of prosperity industry,\\namply recompensed, was animated and cheerful, and\\nclosely connected with independence and improvement\\nof condition was general respect. To such a degree\\ndid this arise, that it became common for ruined\\ntradesmen and indigent labourers in England to\\nrepair to this colony for retrieving or improving their\\ncondition. No emigrants were more successful in\\nbettering their condition than female servants they\\ninvariably obtained an immediate and respectable\\nestablishment in marriage. t\\nIn 1676, Cecil, Lord Baltimore, the father of the\\nprovince, died. For more than forty years he had\\ndirected its affairs as proprietor, and displayed in all\\nhis conduct a benevolent heart and enlightened un-\\nderstanding. Although he lived in an age of bigotry,\\nhe was liberal in his opinions and for all his exer-\\ntions to contribute to the happiness of his fellow-beings,\\nhe desired no reward but their gratitude. This\\nreward he received. The records of the Maryland\\nassembly contain frequent memorials of the respect\\nand affection of the people. He was succeeded, as\\nproprietor, by his eldest son, Charles, who had for\\nseveral years been governor of the colony, and dis-\\nplayed the same amiable qualities which had rendered\\nhis father respected and beloved. The closing years\\nof the proprietary government were embittered by a\\ncircumstance similar to that which the institution of\\nthe colony of Maryland had inflicted on Virginia.\\nThe grant which had been made by Charles II. to\\nthe celebrated Penn included the territory of Dela-\\nware, which Lord Baltimore had always considered\\nwithin the limits of his patent. On the arrival of\\nWilliam Penn in America, a meeting took place be-\\ntween him and Lord Baltimore, in the hope of effect-\\ning an amicable adjustment of the boundaries of their\\nrespective territorial grants. But the pretensions of\\nthe parties were so completely incompatible that it\\nproved impossible at the time to adjust them in a\\nmanner satisfactory to both. Penn ultimately com-\\nplained to the English government, and, by his inte-\\nrest at court, procured it to be adjudged that the\\ndebateable territory should be divided into two equal\\nparts, one of which was appropriated to himself, and\\nthe other to Lord Baltimore. This adjudication was\\ncarried into effect and the territory which now\\ncomposes the state of Delaware was thus dismem-\\nbered from the provincial limits of Maryland.\\nChalmers, pp. 224\u00e2\u0080\u0094226, 248.\\nt Alsop s Maryland, pp. 15, 16. Grahame s History of the\\nUnited States, vol. ii. p. 34.\\nIn the year following the revolution of 1688, the\\nrepose of Maryland was again disturbed. A rumour\\nwas artfully circulated, that the catholics had leagued\\nwith the Indians to destroy all the protestants in the\\nprovince. An armed association was immediately\\nformed, for the defence of the protestant religion, and\\nfor asserting the rights of King William and Queen\\nMary. The magistrates attempted to oppose this as-\\nsociation by force but, meeting with few supporters,\\nthey were compelled to abdicate the government.\\nKing William directed those who had assumed the\\nsupreme authority to exercise it in his name and\\nfor twenty-seven years the crown retained the entire\\ncontrol of the province. In 1716, the proprietor was\\nrestored to his rights and he and his descendants\\ncontinued to enjoy them until the commencement of\\nthe revolution. The people then assumed the govern-\\nment, adopted a constitution, and refused to admit the\\nclaims of the representatives of Lord Baltimore either\\nto jurisdiction or to property.\\nCHAPTER XI.\\nNORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA.\\nThe interesting though calamitous attempts of the\\nFrench protestants, under the brave Admiral Coligny,\\nto colonize that part of North America which consti-\\ntutes the subject of the present chapter, but which\\nwas then known under the general denomination of\\nFlorida, have already been related. Those which\\nwere made in the reign of Elizabeth by Raleigh and\\nGilhert, have been comprised in the history of Virginia,\\nof which colony the territory which now constitutes\\nthe Carolinas then formed a part. It was not till the\\n(year 1630, that Sir Robert Heath, attorney-general of\\nCharles I., obtained a grant of a territory stretching\\nto the southward of Virginia from the 36th degree of\\nnorth latitude, comprehending Louisiana, by the name\\nof Carolina. He appears to have made no settlement,\\nand, subsequently, his patent was declared void, the\\nconditions on which it had been granted not having\\nbeen fulfilled. Between the years 1640 and 1650,\\npersons suffering from religious intolerance in Virgi-\\nnia fled beyond her limits, and, without authority\\nfrom any quarter, occupied that portion of North Ca-\\nrolina north of Albemarle Sound. Tliey found the\\nwinters mild, and the soil fertile and as their cattle\\nand swine procured their own support in the woods,\\nand multiplied rapidly, with little labour they lived in\\nthe enjoyment of comparative abundance. Their\\nnumber annually augmented but they acknowledged", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "140\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nno superior upon earth, and obeyed no laws but tliose\\nof God and nature. Several families from Massa-\\nchusetts also migrated to Carolina, and settled about\\nCape Fear but as the lands where they fixed them-\\nselves were not equally productive with those they\\nhad relinquished, and as the waters did not afford the\\nsame advantages of fishery, they for some years ex-\\nperienced the complicated miseries of want and the\\ngeneral court of Massachusetts, with an attention and\\nhumanity which do it honour, directed a general con-\\ntribution for their relief.*\\nThe final settlement of this country originated with\\nthe earl of Clarendon, and other courtiers of Charles\\nII. On their application for a charter, he granted\\nthem all the lands lying between the 31st and 36th\\ndegrees of north latitude and he constituted them\\nabsolute lords and proprietors of that tract of country,\\nreserving to himself and his successors the sovereign\\ndominion. The charter empowered them to enact\\nand publish any laws which they should judge ne-\\ncessary, with the assent, advice, and approbation of\\nthe freemen of the colony to erect courts of judica-\\nture, and appoint civil judges, magistrates, and\\nofficers to erect forts, castles, cities, and towns to\\nmake war, and, in cases of necessity, to exercise mar-\\ntial law to build harbours, make ports, and enjoy\\ncustoms and subsidies, imposed with the consent of\\nthe freemen, on goods loaded and unloaded. One of\\nthe provisions of this charter deserves particular no-\\ntice. The king authorized the proprietors to allow\\nthe inhabitants of the province such indulgences and\\ndispensations in religious affairs, as they, in their dis-\\ncretion, should think proper and reasonable and no\\nperson, to whom such liberty should be granted, was\\nto be molested, punished, or called in question, for any\\ndifferences in speculative opinions with respect to re\\nligion, provided he disturbed not the civil order and\\npeace of the community. The reason assigned in\\nthe charter for such a dispensing power is, that it\\nmight happen thaf several of the inhabitants could\\nnot, in their private opinions, conform to the exercise\\nof religion according to the liturgy and ceremonies of\\nthe church of England. t The privy council, con-\\nsidering the present condition of Carolina, decided\\nthat all former grants were now void, because they\\nhad never been executed.\\nAnimated by this decision, the proprietors held their\\nChalmers, p. 516.\\nt Mem. de I Amerique, vol. iv. p. 554 585, -where is a copy of\\nthe charter, in English and French, dated March 24th, 1662 April\\n1th, 1663. The charter slates, that the applicants, excited by a\\nlaudable and pious zeal for the propasfation of the gospel, beg a\\ncertain country in the parts of America not yet cultivated and\\nplanted, and only inhabited by some barbarous people, who have no\\nfirst meeting in May, 1663, to agree on measures for\\nthe transporting of colonists, and for the payment or\\nvarious expenses and they now published proposals\\nto all who would plant in Carolina. Among other\\nprivileges, it was decided, that the emigrants present\\nto the proprietaries thirteen persons, in order that\\nthey may appoint a governor and a council of six\\nfor three years that an assembly, composed of the\\ngovernor, the council, and the delegates of the freemen,\\nshould be called as soon as the circumstances of the\\ncolony would allow, with power to make laws, pro\\nvided they were not contrary to the laws of England,\\nnor of any validity after the publication of the dis-\\nsent of the proprietaries that every one should en-\\njoy the most perfect freedom in religion that, during\\nfive years, every freeman should be allowed one hun-\\ndred acres of land, and fifty for every servant, paying\\none halfpenny only an acre and that the same free-\\ndom from customs which had been allowed by the\\nroyal charter, should be allowed to every one. The\\nsettlers on Albemarle Sound were, on certain condi-\\ntions, allowed to retain their lands. A government\\nwas organized over them, at the head of which a Mr.\\nUrummond was placed. With the regulations im-\\nposed they were dissatisfied, and they revolted but\\ntheir grievances were redressed, and, in 1668, they re-\\nturned to their allegiance. Notwithstanding the high\\nprofessions of the proprietaries, not the slightest at-\\ntempt was made to provide for the spiritual instruc-\\ntion of the colonists, or the conversion of the Indians\\nand the colony continued for a series of years with-\\nout any form of public worship.\\nHaving taken the command of the infant settle-\\nment at Albemarle, the proprietaries directed a survey\\nof the coast to the southward, and projected the esta-\\nblishment of a new colony in Clarendon country,\\nwhich had been recently abandoned by the emigrants\\nfrom New England. In furtherance of this object,\\nthey conferred on John Yeamans, a respectable planter\\nof Barbadoes, the appointment of commander-in-chief\\nof Clarendon country. In the autumn, he conducted\\nfrom Barbadoes a body of emigrants, who landed on\\nthe southern bank of Cape Fear. He cultivated the\\ngood will of the natives, and insured a seven years\\npeace. The planters, in opening the forest to make\\nroom for the operations of tillage, necessarily pre-\\npared timber for the uses of the cooper and builder.\\nknowledge of God. The applicants, besides the earl of Claren-\\ndon, were George dnke of Albemarle, William Lord Craven, John\\nLord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carteret, Sir\\nWilliam Berkeley, and Sir John Colleton. The grant included the\\nterritories of what afterwards constituted North Carolina, South\\nCarolina, and Georgia.\\ni\\\\", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n141\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which they transmitted to the island whence they had\\nemigrated, as the first subject of a feeble commerce,\\nthat kindled the spark of industry which soon gave\\nanimation to the whole. Another settlement was\\nalso projected to the southward of Cape Remain,\\nwhich received the name of Carteret, and was placed\\nunder a separate governor. The policy which the\\nproprietaries were thus pursuing, in the establishment\\nof a variety of separate and independent colonies in\\nCarolina, each of which had its own distinct assem-\\nbly, customs, and laws, supplied them at a fiiture pe-\\nriod with ample cause of regret, and contributed to\\nthe prolonged feebleness and distractions by which\\nthis province was unhappily distinguished. t\\nBy the surveys which had been made under their\\ndirection, the proprietors had now ascertained, that\\nseveral tracts of land not included in the terms of\\ntheir previous grant, would form a very desirable ac-\\ncession they therefore solicited, and obtained from\\nthe king, a second charter. It recited and confirmed\\nthe former grant, with the additional territory. Ca-\\nrolina was declared independent of any other pro-\\nvince, but subject immediately to the crown of Eng-\\nland and the inhabitants were never to be compelled\\nto answer in other dominions of the crown, except-\\ning within the realm. The limits of the territory\\nare thus defined All that province, territory, or\\ntract of ground, situate within our dominions of Ame-\\nrica, extending north and eastward as far as the north\\nend of Carahtuke River, or gullet, upon a straight\\nwesterly line, to Wyanoake Creek, which lies within\\nor about the degrees of 36 and 30 minutes northern\\nlatitude, and so west, in a direct line as far as the\\nSouth Seas and south and westward as far as the\\ndegrees of 29 inclusive northern latitude, and so\\nwest, in a direct line, as far as the South Seas, to-\\ngether with all and singular ports, harbours, bays,\\nrivers, and islets, belonging to the province or terri-\\ntory aforesaid. According to the limits fixed in this\\ncharter, St. Augustine, as well as the whole of what\\nwas afterwards Georgia, fell within the English do-\\nminions but the Spaniards alleged, that this grant\\nwas an invasion of their rights, and never admitted\\nthe limits of this charter at any subsequent treaty.\\nBoth the charters of Carolina were granted while\\nClarendon retained the chancellorship of Great Bri-\\ntain and it is somewhat curious to observe this\\nzealous advocate for the prerogatives of the crown\\nmaking no hesitation to place the great seal to\\nChalmers, b. i. p. 520, 521. Ypamens was directed to malre j\\nevery thing easy to the people of New England, from which the\\ngreatest emigrations are expected, as the southern colonies are\\nalready drained.\\ncharters which transferred the very highest of them\\nalmost absolutely to himself and his associates. Not\\nless instructive is it to contemplate this renowned\\nchampion and his colleagues recommending a line of\\necclesiastical policy in their own colony diametrically\\nopposite to that which, as the confidential advisers\\nof his majesty, they adopted and promoted in the\\nparent state. If bigotry must exist, it is more to be\\nrespected, though it be more injurious, when it does\\nnot bend to feelings of self-interest.\\nAgreeably to the powers with which the proprietors\\nwere invested by their charter, they began to frame a\\nsystem of laws for the government of their colony\\nin which arduous task they availed themselves of the\\nassistance of the illustrious John Locke. A model of\\ngovernment, consisting of no less than a hundred and\\ntwenty articles, was framed by this learned philoso-\\npher, which they agreed to establish, and to the care-\\nful observance of it, to bind themselves and their\\nheirs for ever. As this constitution allies a name so\\njustly celebrated with the history of Carolina, and is\\nin itself a singular and ingenious piece of legislation,\\na brief abstract of it is both interesting and important.\\nThe eldest of the eight proprietors was always to be\\npalatine, and at his decease was to be succeeded by\\nthe eldest of the seven survivors. This palatine was\\nto sit as president of the palatine s court, of which\\nhe arfd three more of the proprietors made a quorum,\\nand had the management and execution of all the\\npowers of their charter. This palatine s court was\\nto stand in room of the king, and give their assent or\\ndissent to all laws made by the legislature of the\\ncolony. The palatine was to have power to nomi-\\nnate and appoint the governor, who, after obtaining\\nthe royal approbation, became his representative in\\nCarolina. Each of the seven proprietors was to have\\nthe privilege of appointing a deputy, to sit as his\\nrepresentative in parliament, and to act agreeable to\\nhis instructions. Besides a governor, two other\\nbranches, somewhat similar to the old Saxon consti-\\ntution, were to be established, an upper and lower\\nhouse of assembly, which three branches were to be\\ncalled a parliament, and to constitute the legislature\\nof the country. The parliament was to be chosen\\nevery two years. No act of the legislature was to\\nhave any force unless ratified in open parliament\\nduring the same session, and even then to continue\\nno longer in force than the next biennial parliament,\\nunless in the meau time it be ratified by the hands\\nt Grahame, vol. ii. p. 88.\\nt Memoires de I Ameriqtie, vol. iv. p. 586\u00e2\u0080\u0094617; where this\\ncharier, in English and French, is inserted entire, h is dated 13\\n-24 Juin, 16f6.", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "142\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nand seals of the palatine and three proprietors. The\\nupper house was to consist of the seven deputies,\\nseven of the oldest landgraves and caziques, and\\nseven chosen by the assembly. As in the other pro-\\nvinces, the lower house was to be composed of the\\nrepresentatives from the different counties and towns.\\nSeveral officers were also to be appointed, such as an\\nadmiral, a secretary, a chief-justice, a surveyor, a\\ntreasurer, a marshal, and register and besides these,\\neach county was to have a sheriff and four justices\\nof the peace. Three classes of nobility were to be\\nestablished, called barons, caziques, and landgraves\\nthe first to possess twelve, the second twenty-four, and\\nthe third forty-eight thousand acres of land, and their\\npossessions were to be unalienable. Military officers\\nwere also to be nominated, and all inhabitants from\\nsixteen to sixty years of age, as in the times of feudal\\ngovernment, when summoned by the governor and\\ngrand council, were to appear under arms, and, in\\ntime of war, to take the field. With respect to\\nreligion, three terms of communion were fixed\\nfirst, to believe that there is a God secondly,\\nthat he is to be worshipped and thirdly, that it is\\nlawful, and the duty of every man when called upon\\nby those in authority, to bear witness to the truth\\nwithout acknowledging which, no man was to be per-\\nmitted to be a freeman, or to have any estate or ha-\\nbitation in Carolina. But persecution for observing\\ndifferent modes and ways of worship was expressly\\nforbid, and every man was to be left full liberty of\\nconscience, and might worship God in that manner\\nvhich he in his private judgment thought most con-\\nformable to the divine will and revealed word. Every\\nfreeman of Carolina was declared to possess absolute\\npower and authority over his negro slaves, of what\\nopinion or religion soever;\\nIt must be admitted, that Locke manifests his usual\\nintellectual ability and energy in this composition\\nbut his system proved in effect useless and impracti-\\ncable. t Several attempts were afterwards made to\\namend these constitutions, but all to little purpose;\\nthe inhabitants, sensible how little they were applica-\\nThe world has, since the days of Mr. Locke, been taught to exclaim\\nwith surprise, on reading his constitution for Carolina but this sur-\\nprise ceases, when we consider the age in whicli the philosopher lived.\\nHe truly had no precedent before him, to support him in making a\\nrepublican government, which he is blamed for not making. Virginia\\nthen was a royal colony, and of course was not a model and the\\nsettlements on the shores of the Atlantic, in New England, had\\nnot then risen to much notoriety in England. The pilgrims, who\\nincreased very slowly, had been in the country but forty-seven years,\\nand those who settled the Province of Massachusetts Bay, but thirty-\\nseven, when Locke drew up this form of government therefore there\\nwas nftthing to be derived from this country, at that time, to assist\\nhim. The ancient models of Greece and Rome were not suited to a\\npeople that he knew must necessarily be, for ages, widely scattered\\nover the soil. The example of republican government, as it was call-\\nble to their circumstances, never, either themselves or\\nby their representatives in assembly, gave their assent\\nto them as a whole, and therefore they failed to obtain\\nthe force of fundamental laws in the colony. What\\nregulations the people found applicable and useful\\nthey adopted, at the request of their governors but\\nthey observed them on account of their own propriety\\nand necessity, rather than as a code imposed on them\\nby British politicians.\\nIt is obvious that the Carolinian constitution was\\nan experiment in political science, an attempt to plant\\nan aristocratic scion in the American soil. That\\nsuch an attempt should have been made by men ac-\\ncustomed to set a high value on distinctions of rank,\\nis not surprising but it is still less surprising, that,\\nunder the circumstances of the case, it should have\\nbeen utterly abortive. This result may be ascribed\\nin part to the civil, rather than the military character\\nof the North American settlements in part to the de-\\ngree of knowledge and civilization possessed by the\\ncolonists at the commencement of their social institu-\\ntions in part to the actual equality to which the con-\\ndition of the transatlantic wilderness reduced the\\nwhole body of its occupants and in part to the sub-\\nstantial independence acquired by the successful cul-\\ntivators of the soil, who were, almost from the first,,\\nin a situation to deride, as they afterwards found\\nthemselves able effectually to resist, the pretensions of\\ndistant lords.\\nNotwithstanding these constitiitions and legal pre-\\nparations, several years elapsed before the proprietors\\nof Carolina made any serious efforts towards its set-\\ntlement. In 1667, they fitted out a ship, gave the\\ncommand of it to Captain William Sayle, and sent\\nhim out to bring them some account of the coast.\\nHis report to his employers, as might naturally be ex-\\npected, was favourable. He praised their possessions,\\nand encouraged them to engage with vigour in the\\nexecution of their project. His observations respect-\\ning the Bahama islands, which he had visited, in-\\nduced them to apply to the king for a grant of them,\\nand Charles bestowed on them by patent all those\\ned, under Cromwell, had not much in it to the taste of Mr. Locke, who\\nsaw no small degree of tyranny in the garb of freedom. Why do polit-\\nical writers dwell upon the absurdity of palatines, barons, c. c., pro-\\nvided for in tile constitution from the pen of the profound metaphysi-\\ncian, and make no commentaries on the great and noble feature of this\\nconstitution, religious liberty a feature which had no prototype in\\ntlie iiistory of nations a principle without which there can be no\\ntVeedom It is but a trifle to have the privilege of choosing men as\\nrulers, if we cannot worship God as we please. Mr. Locke had seen\\nthe evils of a hierarchy on the one hand, and of a regular body of\\ndissenters on the other. He, therefore, with a depth of philosophy\\nwonderful in his age, or any age that had passed, struck one bold\\nblow to sever church and state, or religious creeds from political em-\\nployments. Am. Editor.\\nw", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "M\\nm", "height": "3182", "width": "2338", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n143\\nislands lyin? between tlie 22d and 27th degrees of\\nnorth latitude. Nothing then remained but to make\\npreparations for sending, a colony to Carolina. Two\\nships were procured, on board of which a number of\\nadventurers embarked, with provisions, arms, and\\nutensils requisite for building and cultivation. Sayle\\nwas appointed the first governor, and received a com-\\nmission, bearing date .July 26, 1669. The expenses\\nof this first embarcation amounted to 12,000/., a\\nproof that the proprietojs entertained no small hopes\\nwith respect to their palatinate. The number of men,\\nhowever, must have been by no means adequate to\\nthe undertaking, especially considering the nmltitude\\nof savages that ranged through that extensive wilder-\\nness. In what place Governor Sayle first landed is\\nuncertain but he was dissatisfied with his first situa-\\ntion, and, moving to the southward, took possession\\nof a neck of land between Ashley and Cooper rivers,\\nwhere he laid out a town, which, in honour of the king\\nthen reigning, he called Charleston but dying soon\\nafter. Sir John Yeamans, who had for several years\\nbeen governor at Clarendon, was appointed to succeed\\nhim. This new settlement attracted many inhabit-\\nants from that at Clarendon, and ultimately entirely\\nexhausted it. Being at a great distance from Albe-\\nmarle, the proprietors established a separate govern-\\nment over it, and hence arose the distinctive appella-\\ntions of North and South Carolina. The distress\\nwhich attended the first efforts of the colonists was\\naggravated by the intrigues and assaults of the Span-\\niards at Fort Augustine. They sent emissaries among\\nthe settlers at Ashley river, in the hope of moving\\nthem to revolt they encouraged indentured servants\\nto abandon their masters, and fly to the Spanish ter-\\nritory; and they laboured so successfully to instil into\\nthe savage tribes the most unfavourable notions of\\nBritish heretics, that these deluded Indians took up\\narms to extirpate a race who had never injured them,\\nbut who desired to cultivate friendly relations with\\nthem. So much discontent and insubordination was\\nproduced by the calamities the colonies suffered, that\\nit led to an insurrection, headed by Culpepper, one of\\nthe provincial officers but it was easily suppressed\\nby the governor. The Spanish garrison at Augustine\\nreceiving intelligence of their dissensions, a party\\nadvanced from that fortress under arms, as far as the\\nisland of St. Helena, to dislodge or destroy the set-\\ntlers but fifty volunteers, under the command of\\nColonel Godfrey, marching against them, they eva-\\ncuated the island, and retreated to their fort. During\\nthe governorship of Sir John Yeamans, the colony\\nreceived a considerable addition from the Dutch\\nsettlement of Nova Belgia. After its conquest by Sir\\n19\\nRobert Car, many of the Dutch colonists determined\\nto remove. The proprietors of Carolina oflered them\\nlands and encouragement in their palatinate, and sent\\nvessels to transport a number of their families to\\nCharleston. Stephen Bull, surveyor-general of the\\ncolony, received instructions to mark out lands on the\\nsouth-west side of Ashley River for their accommoda-\\ntion and a town was commenced, which was called\\nJames Town. The industry of the settlers sur-\\nmounted incredible hardships, and their success in-\\nduced many of their countrymen to follow them to\\nthe western world, and extend themselves over the\\nadjacent country.\\nThe Carolinian colonists were for several years\\ndependant on the proprietaries in England for consi-\\nderable supplies of provisions and stores, and were\\nby them liberally assisted to the extent of several\\nthousand pounds but the proprietaries finding, instead\\nof any indications of repayment with a corresponding\\nprofit, only demands for further supplies, became\\ndisheartened and disgusted with a result so contrary\\nto their sanguine expectations and a mutual dis-\\nsatisfaction commenced, which embittered all their\\nfiiture intercourse, although it afforded instruction to\\nthe colonists which was very beneficial, as it led them\\nto depend solely on their own resources. The pro-\\nprietaries ascribed their disappointment, in a great\\nmeasure, to the mismanagement of Sir John Yeamans,\\nwho, early in this year, was compelled by the state of\\nhis health to resign his situation as governor, a relief\\nthat was ineffectual for the desired purpose, as he did\\nnot long survive. The factions and confusion in\\nwhich the colony was shortly after involved, have\\nrendered the annals of this period extremely per-\\nplexing, and have much obscured the connexion of\\nevents. When Yeamans abdicated his office, the\\ncouncil appointed Joseph West as his successor and\\non this occasion the palatine thought proper to con-\\nfirm the popular choice, which v. as amply justified\\nby the prudence of his administration.\\nThe affairs of the northern colony must now oc-\\ncupy a portion of our attention. Tlie fundamental\\nconstitations, which have already been described,\\nwere received by the colonists with disgust and dis-\\nunion. Their promulgation produced no other effect\\nthan to excite the most inveterate jealousy of the de-\\nsigns of the proprietaries till, in process of time, a\\nrefractory spirit took possession of the minds of the\\npeople, and was at length exasperated into sentiments\\nas hostile to subordination, es the policy of the pro-\\nprietaries was repugnant to liberty. From this pe-\\nriod the history of the northern province, for a series\\nof years, is involved in such confusion and contra-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "144\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ndiction, that it is impossible to render it interesting,\\nand difBcult to nialce it even intelligible. Miller, a\\nperson of some consideration, was accused of sedi-\\ntion but being acquitted, he proceeded to England\\nto complain to the proprietaries of the treatment he\\nhad undergone. Eastchurch, a man whose address\\nand abilities had raised him to the dignity of speaker\\nof the assembly, was deputed to represent to the pro-\\nprietaries the existing state of the province. The\\nproprietaries, conceiving a favourable opinion of\\nEastchurch, appointed him governor of Albemarle\\nand disapproving the treatment that Miller had re-\\nceived, gave him the office of secretary. The com-\\nmissioners of the customs appointed Miller, at the same\\ntime, the first collector of these duties in the province.\\nThese officers departed to take possession of their re-\\nspective offices but Eastchurch, finding an opportu-\\nnity of making a wealthy marriage in the West In-\\ndies, thought it prudent to remain there till his object\\nwas accomplished, and despatched his companion\\nYvrith directions to govern the colony as president till\\nhe himself should arrive. He found the colony at\\nAlbemarle to consist of a few inconsiderable planta-\\ntions, dispersed over the north-eastern bank of Albe-\\nmarle River, and divided into four districts. In at-\\ntempting to reform some abuses, he rendered himself\\nobnoxious and an insurrection broke out at Albe-\\nmarle in December. The insurgents, conducted\\nchiefly by Culpepper, imprisoned the president and\\nseven proprietary deputies seized the royal revenue\\nestablished courts of justice appointed officers call-\\ned a parliament and, for a considerable period, ex-\\nercised all the authority of an independent state.\\nAfter two years of successful revolt, the insurgents,\\napprehensive of an invasion from Virginia, despatched\\nCulpepper and Holden to England, to offer submis-\\nsion to (he proprietaries, on condition of their past\\nproceedings being ratified. The unfortunate Miller\\nand his associate, who had languished in imprison-\\nment, having found means to escape, appeared in\\nEngland at the same time, and filled the court with\\naccusations against their persecutors. Culpepper was,\\nhowever, protected by Lord Shaftesbury, and was\\nabout to return, when he Avas impeached, by the com-\\nmissioners of the customs, of the crimes of acting as\\ncollector without their authority, and of embezzling\\nthe kinsf s revenue. It was in vain for him to ac-\\nknowledge tlie facts and to beg for mercy. His\\npowerful accusers insisted that no favour might be\\nshown him unless he refunded the duties which he\\nhad wrongfully seized, and he was tried in the court\\nof king s-bench, on an indictment of high treason\\ncommitted without the realm. Though five witnesses\\nfully proved those circumstances which constituted\\nthe crime, yet Shaftesbury, who was then in the\\nzenith of his popularity, appearing in his behalf, the\\njury acquitted him. The acquittal of Culpepper de-\\ntermined the proprietors to adopt an entirely concilia-\\ntory system and to govern, in future, according to\\nthat portion of obedience which the colonists should\\nbe disposed to yield them. In prosecution of this\\ndetermination, the proprietaries resolved to send\\nthither Seth Sothel, who had lately purchased Lord\\nClarendon s share of the province, that, by his au-\\nthority, he might reduce the late distractions to or-\\nder. They were, however, still doomed to disap-\\npointment- his conduct, far from restoring quiet and\\ncontentment, only increased the previous disorders.\\nHe proved one of the most corrupt and rapacious of\\ncolonial governors, plundering the innocent, and ac-\\ncepting bribes from felons. Six years the inhabitants\\nendured his injustice and oppression they then\\nseized him, with a view of sending him to England\\nfor trial: but, at his request, he was detained and\\ntried by the assembly, who banished him from the\\ncolony.\\nTo return to the afiairs of the southern colony,\\nnow under the administration of Joseph West. The\\nsituation of Old Charleston being found inconvenient,\\nthe inhabitants, in 16S0, removed to Oyster Point,\\nwhere a new city was laid out, to which the name of\\nthe other was given. In the same year commenced\\na war with the Westoes, a powerful tribe of Indians,\\nwhich threatened great injury to the colony peace,\\nhowever, was soon restored. Governor West was\\nsuperseded by Sir Richard Kirle, an Irish gentleman,\\nwho died six months after his arrival in the coun-\\ntry. After his decease, Colonel Robert Q,uarry was\\nchosen his successor. During the time of his go-\\nvernment, a number of pirates put into Charleston,\\nand purchased provisions with their Spanish gold\\nand silver. Those public robbers, instead of being\\ntaken and tried by the laws of England, were treated\\nwith great civility and friendship, in violation of the\\nlaws of nations. Whether the governor was ignorant\\nof the treaty made with Spain, by which England\\nhad withdrawn her former toleration from these plun-\\nderers of the Spanish dominions, or whether he was\\nafraid to bring them to trial from the notorious cou-\\nrage of their companions in the West Indies, we have\\nnot sufficient authority to affirm but one thing is cer-\\ntain, that Charles II., for several years after the res-\\ntoration, winkedat their depredations, and many of them\\nperformed such valiant actions, as, in a good cause,\\nwould have justly merited honours and rewards; he\\neven knighted Henry Morgan, a Welshman, who had", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "HISTOKY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n145\\nplundered Porto Belle and Panama, and carried off\\nlare^e treasures from them. For several years so\\nformidable was this body of plunderers in the West\\nIndies, that they struck a terror into every quarter\\nof the Spanish dominions. Their gold and silver,\\nwhich they lavishly spent in the colony, insured to\\nthem a kind reception among the Carolinians, who\\nopened their ports to them freely, and furnished them\\nwith necessaries. They could purchase the favour of\\nthe governor, and the friendship of the people, for\\nwhat they deemed a trifling consideration. Leaving\\ntheir gold and silver behind them for clothes, arms,\\nammunition, and provisions, they embarked in quest\\nof more. However, the proprietors, having intelli-\\ngence of the encouragement given to pirates by Go-\\nvernor Q,uarry, dismissed him from the office he held\\nand, in 1685, Landgrave Joseph Morton was appoint-\\ned to the government of the colony.\\nDuring the reign of King James II. the difficulty\\nunder which the people of Britain laboured, and\\nthe troubles which they apprehended, added much\\nstrength to the colonies. The imsuccessful or unfor-\\ntunate part of mankind are easily induced to emi-\\ngrate while the oppressed and persecuted are driven\\nfrom their country, however closely their afiections\\nmay cleave to it. Such manifest attempts were\\nmade by this prince against what the nation highly\\nrevered, that many protestants deserted it, preferring\\nthe hardships of the first state of colonization abroad\\nto oppression at home. America gained considerable\\nand valuable accessions also from the revocation of\\nthe edict of Nantz, when the flames of persecution\\nbroke out in France, and drove many of its best sub-\\njects from that kingdom. Of the advantage which\\nthe colonies reaped from this impolitic measure of\\nFrance, Carolina had a large share. Many of the\\nprotestant refugees, having purchased lands from the\\nproprietors, embarked with their families for that\\ncolony, and proved some of its best and most indus-\\ntrious inhabitants.\\nThough Governor Morton was possessed of a con-\\nsiderable share of wisdom, and was connected with\\nseveral respectable families in the colony, yet so\\ninconsistent were his instructions from England with\\nthe prevailing views and interests of the people, that\\nhe was unable, without great difficulty, to execute\\nthe duties of his trust. Some of his council differed\\nwidely from him in opinion with respect to public\\nmeasures, and claimed greater indulgences for the\\npeople than he had authority to grant. Hence two\\nparties arose in the colony one in support of the\\nprerosrative and authority of the proprietors, the other\\nin defence of the liberties of the people. The former\\ncontended that the laws and regulations received from\\nEngland respecting government ought to be strictly\\nand implicitly observed the latter kept in view their\\nlocal circumstances, and maintained that the freemen\\nof the colony were under obligations to observe them\\nonly so far as they were consistent with the interest\\nof individuals and the prosperity of the settlement.\\nIn this situation of affairs, no governor could long\\nsupport his power among a number of bold adven-\\nturers, who improved every hour for advancing their\\ninterest, and could bear no restraints which had the\\nleast tendency to defeat their favourite views and\\ndesigns; whenever he attempted to interpose his\\nfeeble authority, they insulted his person and com-\\nplained of his administration, till, at length, he was\\nremoved from office.\\nFinding it prudent to change their governor when\\nhe became obnoxious to the people, the proprietors\\nappointed James Colleton to supersede Morton. To\\ngive him the greater weight, he was created a land-\\ngrave of the colony, to which dignity forty-eight\\nthousand acres of land were unalienably annexed\\nbut, to his mortification, he soon found, that the pro-\\nprietary government had acquired but little firmness\\nand stability and, by his imprudence and rigour, it\\nfell into still greater contempt. Having called an\\nassembly of the representatives in the end of the year\\n16S6, he proposed to make some new regulations re-\\nspecting the government of the colony. After exa-\\nmining the fundamental constitutions, and finding the\\npeople disposed to make many objections to them, he\\nthought proper to nominate a committee, to consider\\nwherein they were improper or defective, and to make\\nsuch alterations and amendments in them as they\\njudged might be conducive to the welfare of the\\ncountry. Accordingly, a new code of laws was\\nframed, consisting of many articles differing consi-\\nderably from the former, which they denominated\\nstanding laws, transmitting them to England for the\\napprobation of the proprietors, who, however, reject-\\ned them, and insisted on the observance of the fun-\\ndamental constitutions while the people treated both\\nwith equal indifference and neglect.\\nAt this early period a dissatisfaction with the pro-\\nprietary government appeared, and began to gain\\nground among the people. A dispute having arisen\\nbetween the governor and the house of assembly\\nabout the tenures of lands and the payment of quit-\\nrents, Colleton determined to exert his authority,\\nin compelling the people to pay up their arrears of\\nquit-rents, which, though very trifling and inconside-\\nrable, were burdensome, as not one acre out of a\\nthousand of these lands for which quit-rents were", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "146\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ndemanded yielded them any profit. The interest of\\nthe proprietors and that of the people being thus\\nplaced in opposition to each other, the more rigo-\\nrously the governor exerted his authority, the more\\nturbulent and seditious the people became. At last\\nthey proceeded to avowed usurpation they issued\\nwrits in their own name, and held assemljlies in op-\\nposition to the governor and the authority of the\\nproprietors, and the community was turned into a\\nscene of confusion, every man acting as he thought\\nproper, without any regard to legal authority, and in\\ncontempt of the governor and other officers of the\\nproprietors. Colleton, mortified at the loss of power,\\nand alarmed at the bold and seditious spirit of the\\npeople, was not a little perplexed what step to take\\nin order to recall them to the obedience of legal au-\\nthority. One expedient was suggested, which he and\\nhis council flattered themselves might be productive\\nof the desired effect to proclaim martial law, and try\\nto maintain by force of arms the proprietary jurisdic-\\ntion. Accordingly, without letting the people into\\nhis secret design, he caused the militia to be drawn\\nup, as if some danger from the Spaniards or Indians\\nhad threatened the country, and publicly proclaimed\\nmartial law at their head. This served only to\\nexasperate the people the more. The members of the\\nassembly met, and taking this measure under their\\ndeliberation, resolved that it was an encroachment\\nupon their liberties, and an unwarrantable exertion\\nof power, at a time when the colony was in no dan-\\nger from any foreign enemy. The governor, however,\\ninsisted on the articles of war, and tried to carry\\nmartial law into execution but the disaffection was\\ntoo general to admit of such a remedy. In the year\\n1690, at a meeting of the representatives, a bill was\\nbrought in and passed, for disabling Landgrave\\nJames Colleton from holding any office, or exercising\\nany authority, civil or military, within the province\\nand he was informed, that, in a limited time, he must\\ndepart from the colony.\\nDuring these public commotions, Seth Sothel, one\\nof the proprietors, having, as already stated, been\\ndriven from North Carolina, appeared suddenly at\\nCharleston, and, aided by a powerful faction, assumed\\nthe reins of government. At first the people gladly\\nacknowledged his authority, while the current of their\\nenmity ran against Colleton especially as he stood\\nforth as an active and leading man in opposition to\\nthat governor, and ratified the law for his exclusion\\nand banishment but they afterwards found him void\\nof every prmciple of honour, and even of honesty.\\nSuch was the insatiable avarice of this man, that\\nevery restraint of common justice and equity was\\ntrampled upon by him and oppression, such as\\nusually attends the exaltation of vulgar and ambitious\\nscramblers for power, extended her rod of iron over\\nthe distracted colony. The fair traders from Barba-\\ndoes and Bermuda were seized as pirates by order of\\nthis popular governor, and confined until such fees\\nas he was pleased to exact were paid him bribes\\nfrom felons and traitors were accepted to favour their\\nescape from the hands of justice and plantations were\\nforcibly taken possession of, upon pretences the most\\nfrivolous and unjust. At length, the people, weary\\nof his grievous impositions and extortions, agreed to\\ntake him by force, and ship him off for England.\\nHe then evinced the meanness of spirit generally as-\\nsociated with a disposition to tyranny, and humbly\\nbegged liberty to remain in the country, promising to\\nsubmit his conduct to the trial of the assembly at\\ntheir first meeting. When the assembly met, thirteen\\ndifferent charges were brought against him, and all\\nsupported by the strongest evidence upon which,\\nbeing found guilty, they compelled him to abjure tlie\\ngovernment and country for ever.\\nThe revolution of 1688 excited little attention in\\neither of the Carolinas, which were but slightly af-\\nfected by the changes which the empire underwent.\\nIt was from the proprietaries alone that they could\\nexpect the interposition of a superior power to arrest\\nor repair the misrule, oppression, and calamity, that\\nhad so long composed the chief part of the history,\\nboth of the northern and southern settlements. In\\nthe hope of accomplishing this desirable object, the\\nproprietaries, on the deposition of Sothel, intrusted\\nthe government of the whole of their settlements to\\nColonel Philip Ludwell, a man of sense and humanity-\\nwho possessed considerable experience of colonial\\naffairs. He coiiunenced his administration in a man,\\nner that gave general satisfaction, and seemed to have\\ncompletely allayed the prevailing ferments of the\\npeople. But this tranquillity was of short duration\\nthe minds of men had been too long and too violently\\nagitated to subside at once into a settled composure\\nand a circumstance that at first promised to produce\\nthe happiest effects on the prosperity of the province,\\nproved the immediate occasion of the revival of pub-\\nlic turbulence. The proprietors, having observed the\\ngood conduct of the French protestants, directed the\\ngovernor to permit them to elect representatives, a\\nprivilege \\\\vhich they had never yet exercised. The\\nEnglish episcopalians, unwilling that any of their\\nhereditary enemies, those, namely, who did not belong\\nto their church, should be associated with themselves\\nin the rights of freemen, were exasperated, and op-\\nposed the concession with great clamour and zeal.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n147\\nExcited by a spirit of oppositicm, they proposed to\\nenforce with respect to them the laws of England\\nagainst foreigners, insisting that they could not\\nlegally possess any real estate in the colony. They\\nalso declared that their marriages, being solemnized\\nby French ministers, were void, and that the children\\ncould not inherit the property of their fathers. By\\nthe display of a spirit so illiberal and unchristian,\\nthese strangers were alarmed and discouraged but,\\nbeing countenanced by the governor, they remained\\nin the colony, and, for the present, withdrew their\\nclaim to the riglit of suffrage.\\nIn the midst of these disputes, and with the hope\\nof appeasing them, the proprietaries at length deter-\\nmined to surrender to the general dislike of the\\npeople the fundamental constitutions. They ac-\\ncordingly enacted the following resolution That,\\nas the people have declared they would rather be\\ngoverned by the powers granted by the charter,\\nwithout regard to the fundamental constitutions, it\\nwill be for their quiet, and the protection of the well-\\ndisposed, to grant their request. Thus perished the\\nlegislative labours of John Locke. Their abolition\\nwas unregretted by any party, for they had neither\\ninsured obedience to the government, nor afforded\\nhappiness to the people.\\nLudwell had been superseded in his office by\\nThomas Smith, an eminent planter, and an upright\\nand popular magistrate. His short administration\\nwas signalized by an occurrence that produced last-\\ning and extensive effects on the prosperity of Carolina.\\nA vessel from Madagascar, on her homeward voyage\\nto Britain, happening to touch at Charleston, the\\ncaptain presented the governor with a bag of seed\\nrice, which he said he had seen growing in eastern\\ncountries, where it was deemed excellent food, and\\nyielded a prodigious increase. The governor divided\\nit between several of his friends, who found the result\\nto exceed their most sanguine e.xpectations. From\\nthis circumstance Carolina dates the rise of her staple\\ncommodity, the chief support of her people, and the\\nmain source of her opulence.\\nNotwithstanding the prudent administration of\\nSmith, the colony still remained in a confused and\\nturbulent state. Complaints from every quarter were\\nmade to the governor, who was neither able to quiet\\nthe minds of the people nor to afford them the relief\\nthey wanted. At length he wrote to the proprietors,\\nand frankly told them, that he despaired of ever\\nuniting the people in interest and affection that he,\\nand many more, weary of the fluctuating state of\\npublic affairs, had resolved to leave the province\\nand that he was convinced nothing would bring the\\nsettlers to a state of tranquillity and harmony, unless\\nthey sent out one of the proprietors with full jiower\\nto redress grievances, and settle differences prevailing,\\nand likely to prevail more, in their colony. The\\nproprietors, astonished at the discontented spirit of\\ntlie people, yet, anxious to prevent the settlement\\nfrom being ruined, resolved to try the remedy Land-\\ngrave Smith had suggested and they accordingly\\nsolicited John Archdale, a man of considerable know-\\nledge and discretion, a quaker, and a proprietor, to\\naccept the office. Great trust was reposed in him, and\\nmuch was expected from his abilities. He succeeded\\nin restoring order, but found tlie antipathy against\\nthe unfortunate French exiles too great to be encoun-\\ntered with any hope of success, until softened by lime\\nand their amiable deportment. These produced the\\neffects which he anticipated and subsequently they\\nwere admitted by the general assembly to all the\\nrisfhts of citizens and freemen. It was not the inten-\\ntion of Archdale to remain longer in Carolina than\\nwas necessary for the adjustment of the existing con-\\ntroversies and having effected this object in a degree\\nthat had surpassed the expectations of all parties, he\\nreturned to England in the close of the year 1696,\\nloaded with the grateful benedictions of a people to\\nwhose peace and prosperity he had been so highly\\ninstrumental.\\nTo Archdale had been confided the power of nomi-\\nnating his successor and he conferred the office on\\nJoseph Blake, nephew of the English admiral, a man\\nof virtue, prudence, and moderation, acceptable to the\\npeople, and a proprietary of the province, who go-\\nv^erned the colony wisely and happily for a period of\\nfour years. He appears to have made the most lau-\\ndable endeavours to promote the religious instruction\\nof the people, and to facilitate the exercise of worship\\nto all denominations of Christian professors. Though\\nhimself a dissenter, he caused a bill to be introduced\\ninto the assembly for settling a perpetual provision\\nof 150/. a year, with a house and other advantages,\\non the episcopal minister of tliat city. The person\\nwho then occupied this ministerial situation having\\ngained universal regard by his piety and prudence,\\nand the dissenters in the house acquiescing in the\\nmeasure from regard to this individual, the bill was\\npassed into a law. Those who think that the dis-\\nsenters acted amiss, says Grahame, and stretched\\ntheir liberality beyond the proper confines of this\\nvirtue, in thus promoting the national establishment\\nof a church from which they dissented, will regard\\nthe persecution they soon after sustained from the\\nepiscopal party as a merited retribution for their\\npractical negation of dissenting principles. Those", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "148\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwho judge more leniently an error (if it be such)\\nwhich there is httle reason to suppose will be ever\\nfrequent in the world, will regret and condemn the\\nungrateful return which the dissenters experienced\\nfrom a party for whose advantage they had incurred\\nso great a sacrifice.\\nBlake died in the year 1700, and with him ended\\nthe interval of tranquillity which had orignated with\\nthe government of Archdale. Under the rule of his\\nsuccessor, James Moore, the colony was agitated by\\nreligious disputes. Lord Granville, one of the pro-\\nprietors, a bigoted churchman, in conjunction with\\nthe governor, resolved to effect, if possible, the estab-\\nlishment of episcopacy. They were well aware that\\na majority of the people were dissenters, and that by\\nart and intrigue only could their design be accom-\\nplished. Moore, who was avaricious and venal,\\nbecame the tool of Granville. He interfered in the\\nelections, and, by bribing the voters, succeeded in\\nprocuring a majority in the assembly who would be\\nsubservient to his wishes. A law was passed estab-\\nlishing the episcopal religion, and excluding dissenters\\nfrom a seat in the assembly. It was laid before the\\nproprietors, without whose sanction it could not pos-\\nsess permanent validity. Archdale, who had returned\\nto England, opposed it with ability and spirit. He\\ninsisted that good faith, policy, interest, and even\\npiety, concurred to dictate its rejection. But Lord\\nGranville declared himself in favour of it, and it\\nreceived confirmation. The dissenters thus saw\\nthemselves at once deprived of those privileges for\\nwhich they had abandoned their native country, and\\nencountered the dangers and hardships of the ocean\\nand a wilderness. Some prepared to leave the colony\\nand settle in Pennsylvania. Others proposed that a\\nremonstrance against the law should first be presented\\nto the house of lords, and this measure was adopted.\\nThe lords expressed, by a vote, their disapprobation\\nof the law, and, tipon their solicitation, Queen Anne\\ndeclared it void. Soon after Lord Granville died,\\nand, controlled by more liberal councils, the colony\\nagain enjoyed the blessings of domestic tranquillity.\\nIn 1702, a rupture having taken place in Europe\\nbetween England and Spain, the attention of the\\ncolony was directed to a different object, which\\naflx)rded Governor Moore an opportunity of exercising\\nhis military talents, and a prospect of enriching him-\\nself by Spanish plunder or Indian captives. He\\nproposed to the assemlily an expedition against the\\nSpanish settlement at Augustine. Many applauded\\nthe proposal, hut men of cool reflection were averse\\nHistory of the United States, vol. ii. p. 168.\\nfrom rushing into any hazardous enterprise. A great\\nmajority of the assembly, however, declared for the\\nexpedition, and a sum of two thousand pounds\\nsterling was voted for the service of the war. Six\\nhundred Indians were engaged, who, being fond of\\nwarlike exploits, gladly accepted of arms and ammu-\\nnition offered them for their aid and assistance. Six\\nhundred provincial militia were raised, and schooners\\nand merchant ships were impressed for transports\\nto carry the forces. Port Royal was fixed upon as\\nthe place of general rendezvous, and there, in Sep-\\ntember, the governor, at the head of his warriors,\\nembarked in an expedition as rash and fool-hardy on\\none side, as it was unprovoked on the other. In the\\nplan of operations, it had been agreed that Colonel\\nDaniel, who was an officer of spirit, should go by\\nthe inland passage with a party of militia and Indians,\\nand make a descent on the town from the land, wliile\\nthe governor with the main body should proceed by\\nsea, and block up the harbour. Colonel Daniel lost\\nno time, but advanced against the town, and entered\\nand plundered it before the governor got forward to\\nhis assistance but the Spaniards having laid up pro-\\nvisions for four months in the castle, on his approach\\nthey retired to it, with all their money and most\\nvaluable effects. Upon the arrival of Governor\\nMoore, the place was invested with a force against\\nwhich the Spaniards could not appear, and they\\ntherefore kept themselves shut up in their strong-hold.\\nThe governor finding it impossible to dislodge them\\nwithout such artillery as are necessary to a siege,\\ndespatched a sloop to Jamaica, on purpose to bring\\ncannon, bombs, and mortars, for attacking the castle\\nand Colonel Daniel embarked and sailed with the\\ngreatest expedition to bring them. During his ab-\\nsence two Spanish ships, the one of twenty-two g^uns\\nand the other of sixteen, appeared off the mouth of the\\nharbour, and struck such a panic into the governor,\\nthat he instantly raised the siege, abandoned his ships,\\nand made a precipitate retreat to Carolina by land\\nin consequence of which, the Spaniards in the garri-\\nson were not only relieved, but the ships, provisions,\\nand ammunition, belonging to the Carolinians, fell\\nalso into their hands. Colonel Daniel, on his return,\\nstanding in for the harbour of Augustine, to his sur-\\nprise, found the seige raised, and made a narrow\\nescape from the enemy.\\nU])on his return to Carolina, as might naturally\\nhave been expected, many severe reflections were\\nthrown out against the governor. The expedition\\nentailed a debt of six thousand pounds sterling on a\\npoor colony, which, at that period, was a grievous\\nburden. A bill was passed by the assembly for", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n149\\nstamping bills of credit to answer the public expense,\\nwhich were to be sunk iu three years by a duty laid\\nupon liquors, skins, and furs. This was the first\\npaper money issued in Carolina, and, for five or six\\nyears after the emission, it passed in tlie country at\\nthe same value and rate with the sterling money of\\nEngland but as the quantity was subsequently\\naugmented, the value decreased in proportion.\\nGovernor Moore resolved to retrieve his character\\nin a new field of enterprise. Exasperated by the\\ninsults and injuries which the Apalachian Indians\\nwere instigated by the Spaniards to commit, he deter-\\nmined by one vigorous effort to break their power.\\nAt the head of a strong detachment of the colonial\\nmilitia, attended by a body of Indian allies, he marched\\ninto the hostile settlements, defeated the enemy with\\nthe loss of eight hundred men, and compelled the\\nwhole district of Apalachia to submit to the English\\ngovernment. To render his conquest permanent, he\\ntransplanted fourteen hundred of the Apalachian In-\\ndians to the territory which is now denominated\\nGeorgia a measure which appears to have paved\\nthe way to the subsequent settlement of the English\\nin that part of the countiy. In 1706, the Spaniards\\nfrom Florida, aided also by the French, made an attack\\non Carolina. Nathaniel Johnson, who had succeeded\\nMoore as governor, having received intimation of their\\napproach, erected fortifications, and made arrange-\\nments to obtain, on short warning, the assistance of\\nthe militia. When the enemy s fleet appeared before\\nCharleston, the whole strength of the colony was\\nsummoned to defend it and these vigorous demon-\\nstrations insured its safety. Satisfied with the de-\\nstruction of a few detached buildings, the enemy\\nretired, leaving one of their ships, and ninety men, in\\npossession of the Carolinians.\\nThe northern colony continued to receive acces-\\nsions to its strength from several of the European\\nstates. In 1707, a company of French protestants\\narrived, and seated themselves on th-e river Trent, a\\nbranch of the Neuse and three years afterwards a\\nlarge number of palatines, fleeing from religious per-\\nsecution in Germany, sought refuge in the same part\\nof the province. To each of these bodies of emigrants\\nthe proprietors granted a hundred acres of land. On\\ntheir newly acquired possessions they were living in\\npeace, in the enjoyment of liberty of conscience, and\\niu the prospect of competence and ease, when sud-\\ndenly a terrible calamity fell upon them. The Tus-\\ncarora and Coree Indians, smarting under recent\\naggressions, and dreading total extinction from the\\nencroachment of these strangers, with characteristic\\nsecrecy, plotted their entire destruction. Sending\\ntheir families to one of their fortified towns, twelve\\nhundred bowmen sallied forth, and in the same night\\nattacked, in separate parties, the nearest settlements\\nof the palatines. Men, women, and children, were\\nindiscriminately butchered. The savages, with the\\nswiftness and ferocity of wolves, ran from village to\\nvillage. Before them was the repose of innocence\\nbehind, the sleep of death. A few escaping alarmed\\nthe settlements more remote, and hastened to South\\nCarolina for assistance. Governor Craven imme-\\ndiately despatched to the aid of the sister colony\\nnearly a thousand men, under the command of Colo-\\nnel Barnwell. Hideous was the wilderness through\\nwhich Colonel Barnwell had to march, and the utmost\\nexpedition was requisite. There was no road through\\nthe woods upon which either horses or carriages could\\npass and his army had all manner of hardships and\\ndangers to encounter, from the climate, the wilder-\\nness, and the enemy. In spite of every difficulty,\\nhowever, Barnwell advanced against them, and being\\nmuch better supplied with arms and ammunition than\\nhis enemy, he did great execution among them, kill-\\ning in the first battle three hundred Indians, and\\ntaking about one hundred prisoners. The Tusca-\\nroras then retreated to their town, fortified within a\\nwooden breastwork but there Barnwell surrounded\\nthem, and forced them to sue for peace and some\\nof his men being wounded, and others having suf-\\nfered greatly by constant watching, and much hunger\\nand fatigue, the savages the more easily obtained\\ntheir request. After having killed, wounded, or\\ncaptured nearly a thousand Tuscaroras, Barnwell\\nreturned to South Carolina. The peace was, however,\\nof short duration, and upon the recommencement of\\nhostilities, assistance was again solicited from the\\nsouthern colony. Colonel James Moore, an active\\nyoung officer, was immediately despatched, with forty\\nwhite men and eight hundred friendly Indians. He\\nfound the enemy in a fort near Cotechny river; and\\nafter a siege, which continued more than a week, the\\nfort was ^aken, and eight hundred Indians made\\nprisoners. The Tuscaroras, disheartened by this\\ndefeat, migrated, in 1713, to the north, and joined the\\ncelebrated confederacy, denominated the Five Nations.\\nThe others sued for peace, and afterwards continued\\nfriendly.\\nThe northern colony had scarcely recovered fron)\\nthe scourge of Indian war, when the southern was\\nexposed to the same calamity. All the tribes from\\nFlorida to Cape Fear, had been for some time en-\\no-aged in a conspiracy to extirpate the whites. On\\nthe day before the Yamassees began their bloody opera-\\ntions. Captain Nairn and some of the traders observ-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "160\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ning an uncommon gloom on their savage counte-\\nnances, and apparently great agitations of spirit, which\\nto them prognosticated approaching mischief, went\\nto their chief men, begging to know the cause of\\ntheir uneasiness, and promising if any injury had been\\ndone them, to give them satisfaction. The chiefs\\nreplied, they had no complaints to make against any\\none, but intended to go a-hunting early the next\\nmorning. Captain Nairn accordingly went to sleep,\\nand the traders retired to their huts, and passed the\\nnight in seeming friendship and tranquillity. But\\nnext morning at day-break, the 15th day of April, all\\nwere alarmed with the cries of war. The leaders\\nwere all out under arms, calling upon their followers,\\nand proclaiming aloud designs of vengeance. The\\nyoung men, burning with fury and passion, flew to\\ntheir arms, and in a few hours, massacred above\\nninety persons inPocotaligo town and the neighbour-\\ning plantations and many more must have fallen a\\nsacrifice on Port Royal island, had they not provi-\\ndentially been warned of their danger. Mr. Burrows,\\na captain of the militia, after receiving two wounds,\\nby swimming one mile and running ten, escaped to\\nPort Royal, and alarmed the town. A vessel hap-\\npening fortunately to be in the harbour, the inhabi-\\ntants, in great hurry, repaired on board, and sailed\\nfor Charleston a few families of planters on that is-\\nland, not having timely notice, fell into the barbarous\\nhands of the Indians, and of them some were mur-\\ndered, and others made prisoners of war.\\nWhile the Yainassees, with whom the Creeks and\\nApalachians had joined, were advancing against the\\nsouthern frontiers, and spreading desolation and\\nslaughter through the province, the colonists on the\\nnorthern borders also found the Indians among their\\nsettlements in formidable parties. The Carolinians\\nJiad foolishly entertained hopes of the friendship of\\nthe Congarees, the Catawbas, and Gherokees but\\nthey soon found that they had also joined in the con-\\nspiracy, and declared for war. It was computed that\\nthe southern division of the enemy consisted of above\\nsix thousand bowmen, and the northern of between\\nsix hundred and a thousand. In the muster-roll at\\nCharleston, there were no more than one thousand\\ntwo hnnderd men fit to bear arms, but as the town had\\nseveral forts into which the inhabitants might retreat.\\nGovernor Craven resolved to march with this small\\nforce into the woods against the enemy. He pro-\\nclaimed martial law, and laid an embargo on all ships,\\nto prevent either men or provisions from leaving the\\ncountry. He obtained an act of assembly, empower-\\ning him to impress men, and seize arms, ammunition,\\nand stores, wherever they were to be found, to arm\\nsuch trusty negroes as might be serviceable at a junc-\\nture so critical, and to prosecute the war with the\\nutmost vigour. Being no stranger to the ferocious\\ntemper of his enemies, and their horrid cruelty to\\nprisoners, the governor advanced against them by\\nslow and cautious steps, always keeping the strictest\\nguard round his army. He knew well under what\\nadvantages they fought among their native thickets,\\nand the various wiles and stratagems they made use\\nof in conducting their wars and therefore he was\\nwatchful above all things against surprises, which\\nmight throw his followers into disorder, and defeat the\\nend of his enterprise. The fate of the whole pro-\\nvince depended on the success of his arms, and his\\nmen had no other alternative but to conquer or die a\\npainful death. As he advanced, the straggling par-\\nties fled before him, until he reached Saltcatchers,\\nwhere they had pitched their great camp. Here a\\nsharp and bloody battle ensued from behind trees\\nand bushes, the Indians whooping, hallooing, and giv-\\ning way one while, and then again and again return-\\ning with double fury to the charge. But the govern-\\nor, notwithstanding their superior number, and their\\nterrible shrieks, kept the provincials close at their\\nheels, and drove them before him like a flock of\\nwolves. He expelled them from their settlement at\\nIndian River, pursued them over the Savannah, and\\nentirely freed the province of this formidable tribe of\\nsavages. What number of the army was killed does\\nnot appear but in the whole war nearly four hun-\\ndred unfortunate inhabitants of Carolina fell a prey\\nto Indian cruelty, property of great value was de-\\nstroyed, and a large debt contracted.\\nThe proprietors, though earnestly solicited, refus-\\ned to afford any relief, or to pay any portion of the\\ndebt. The assembly, therefore, determined to remu-\\nnerate the colony, by disposing of the land from\\nwhich the Indians had been driven. The terms of-\\nfered were so favourable, that five hundred Irishmen\\nimmediately came over, and planted themselves on\\nthe frontiers. The proprietors, most unwisely as\\nwell as unjustly, refused to sanction the proceedings\\nof the assembly, and deprived these emigrants of their\\nlands. Reduced to extreme poverty, some perished\\nfrom want, while others resorted to the northern colo-\\nnies and thus a strong barrier between the old set-\\ntlements and the savages was removed, and the coun-\\ntry again exposed to their incursions. The people\\nwere exasperated, and longed for a change of mas-\\nters and the corrupt and oppressive conduct of\\nTrott, the chief justice, and Rhett, the receiver-gene-\\nral, increased the discontent. Of the former, the go-\\nvernor and council complained to the proprietors, and", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n15J\\nsolicited his recall but, instead of removincT him,\\nthey thanked him for his services, and removed tire\\ngovernor and council. With the governor next ap-\\npointed, though a man generally beloved, the assem-\\nbly refused to have any concern or intercourse. They\\ndrew up articles of impeachment against Trott, ac-\\ncusing him of corruption and gross misconduct, and\\nsent an agent to England, to maintain their accusa-\\ntion before the proprietors but hewas still continued\\nin office.\\nThe patience of the people now became exhausted,\\nand they waited only for a favourable opportunity to\\nthrow off their oppressive yoke. In 1719, at a gene-\\nral review of the militia at Charleston, occasioned by\\na threatened invasion of the colony from Florida, the\\nofficers and soldiers bound themselves by a solemn\\ncompact, to support each other in resisting the tyran-\\nny of the proprietors and the assembly, which was\\nthen in session, requested Governor Johnson to con-\\nsent to administer the government in the name of the\\nking but he refused, and dissolved the assembly by\\nproclamation. The members immediately met as a\\nconvention, and elected Colonel James Moore their\\ngovernor.* He was a bold man, and exceedingly\\nwell qualified for a popular leather in a turbulent sea-\\nson. He accepted the appointment, and assisted by\\nthe convention, and supported by the people, adminis-\\ntered the affairs of the colony. The representatives\\nof the people took a dislike to the name of a conven-\\ntion, voted themselves an assembly, and assumed the\\npower of appointing all public officers. In place of\\nThe declaration of this convention was as follows: Whereas\\nthe proprietors of this province have of late assumed to themselves\\nan arbitrary and illegal power, of repealins; such laws as the ge-\\nneral assembly of this settlement have thought fit to make for the\\npreservation and defence thereof, and acted in many other things\\ncontrary lo the laws of England, and the charter to thern and us,\\nfreemen, granted; whereby we are deprived of those measures we\\nhad taken for the defence of the settlement, being the south-west\\nfrontier of his majesty s territories in America, and thereby left\\nnaked to the attacks of our inveterate enemies and next door neigh-\\nbours, the Spaniards, froin whom, through the Divine Providence,\\nwe have had a miraculous deliverance, and dailj- expect to be in-\\nvaded by them, according to the repeated advices we have from time\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o time received from several places and whereas, pursuant to the\\ninstructions and authorities to us given, and trust in us reposed by\\nthe inhabitants of this settlement, and in execution of the resolu-\\ntions by us made, we did in due forin apply ourselves in a whole\\nbody, by an address, to the Honourable Robert Johnson, appointed\\ngovernor of this province by the lords proprietors, and. desired hiin,\\nin the name of the inhabitants of this province, to take upon him\\nthe government of the same, and in behalf of his majesty the king\\nof Great Britain, France, and Ireland, until his majesty s pleasure\\nhad been known, which the said governor refusing to do, exclusive\\nof the pretended power of the lords proprietors over the settle-\\nment, has put us under the necessity of applj ing to some other per-\\nson, to take upon him, as governor, the administration of all the\\naffairs, civil and military, within the settlement, in the name and for\\nthe service of his most sacred majesty, as well as making treaties,\\nalliances, and leagues, with any nation of the Indians, until his\\nmajesty s pleasure herein be further known and whereas James\\n20\\nTrott, they made Richard Allein chief justice. Ano-\\nther person was appointed provincial secretary, in\\nthe room of Charles Hart. But Rhett, by becoming\\nobsequious to the humours of the revolutionists, se-\\ncured the same office he held from the proprietors. Co-\\nlonel Barnwell Avas chosen agent for the province,\\nand embarked for England, with iiastructions and\\norders to apply only to the king, to lay a statement of\\ntheir public proceedings before him, praying him to\\ntake the province under his immediate care and pro-\\ntection. The fortifications at Charleston they ordered\\nto be immediately repaired, and Rhett was nomina-\\nted inspector-general of the repairs. To their new\\ngovernor they voted two tltousand five hundred\\npounds, and to their chief justice eight hundred\\npounds, current money, as yearly salaries. To (heir\\nagent in England one thousand pounds sterling was\\ntransmitted tuid to defray those and the other expen-\\nses of government, a law was passed for laying a tax\\non lands and negroes, to raise thirty thousand pounds,\\nCarolina money, for the service of the current year.\\nIn short, this popular assembly imposed such burdens\\non their constituents, as under the proprietary go-\\nvernment would have been deemed intolerable griev-\\nances. When, however, they began to levy those\\nheavy taxes. Governor Johnson and some of his par-\\nty refused to pay, giving for reason, that the act was\\nnot made by lawful authority. On account of his\\nparticular circumstances, Mr. Johnson was exempted\\nbut they resolved to compel every other person to sub-\\nmit to their jurisdiction, and yield implicit obedience\\nMoore, a person well affected to his present majesty, and also zeal-\\nous for the interest of the settlement, now in a sinking condition,\\nhas been prevailed v/ith, pursuant to such our application, to take\\nupon him, in the king s name, and for the king s sevvici;! and safety\\nof the settlement, the above-mentioned charge and trust we\\ntherefore, whose Jiames are hereunto subscribed, the representatives\\nand delegates of his majesty s liege people, and free-born subjects\\nof the said settlement, now met in convention at Charleston, in\\ntheir names, and in behalf of his sacred majesty, George, by the\\ngrace of God, kiug of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, in con-\\nsideration of bis fiirnier and many great services, having great con-\\nfidence in his firm loyally to our most gracious kiug, George, as\\nwell as in his couducl, courage, aud other great abilities, do here-\\nby declare the s:iid James Moore his majesty s governor of this set-\\ntlement, invested with all the powers and authorities belonging and\\nappertaining to any of his majesty s governors in America, till his\\nmajesty s pleasure herein shall be further known. And we do here-\\nby, for ourselves, in the name and on the behalf of the inhabitants\\nof the S lid settlement, as their representatives and delegates, pro-\\nmise and oblige ourselves most solemnly to obey, maintain, assist,\\nand support the said James Moore, in the administration of all\\naffiiirs, civil and military, within this settlement, as well as in the\\nexecution of all his functions aforesaid, as governor for his sacred\\nmajesty, King fiecirge. Aud further, we do expect and command,\\nthat all oiricers, hnth civil and military, within the settlement, do\\npay him all duty and obedience as his majesty s governor, as they\\nshall answer to the contrary at tlieir utmost peril. Given under\\nour hand, at the convention, this 21st day of December, 1719.\\nHistory of South Carolina, vol. i. p. 276 278.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "152\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nto their laws. They forcibly seized the effects or\\nnegroes of such as refused, sold them by public auc-\\ntion, and applied the money for the payment of their\\ntaxes. Thus, in spite of all opposition, they estab-\\nlished themselves in the full possession of gcSvern-\\nment, both in their legislatiA^e and executive capaci-\\nties.\\nThe agent for Carolina at length procui ed a hear-\\nAbout this period an incident occurred, which, as it eminently\\nillustrates the nature, extent, anil folly of religious enthusiasm, (as\\ndistinct from the sincere fervour of a rational faith as it is from\\nthe cold formality of pharisaism, or the desolating mania of skep-\\nticism,) should not be passed unnoticed, especially as the spread of\\nknowledge has not, in our own age, prevented similar disgraceful\\nand blasphemous follies from procuring disciples and advocates.\\nPerhaps some individuals, who have been accustomed to confound\\nthe yet too limited exertions of an evangelical benevolence with\\nthe folly of enthusiasm, may learn the immense breadth of a distinc-\\ntion, which it is not to the honour of their rational powers so long\\nto have overlooked.\\nThe family of Dulartres, consisting of four sons and four\\ndaughters, were descendants of French refugees, who came into\\nCarolina after the revocation of the edict of Nantz. They lived\\nin Orange-quarter, and, though in low circumstances, alwaj-s main-\\ntained an honest character, and were esteemed by their neighbours,\\npersons of blameless and irreproachable lives. But at this time a\\nstrolling Moravian preacher happening to come to that quarter\\nwhere they lived, insinuated himself into their family, .and partly\\nby conversation, and partly by the writings of Jacob Behmen,\\nwhich he put into their hands, filled their heads with wild and fan-\\ntastic ideas. Unhappily for ihe poor family, those strange notions\\ngained ground on them, insomuch that in one year they began to\\nwithdraw themselves from the ordinances of public worship, and\\nall conversation with the world around them, and strongly to ima-\\ngine they were the only family upon earth who had the knowledge\\nof the true God, and whom he vouchsafed to instruct, either by the\\nimmediate impulses of his Spirit, or by signs and tokens from hea-\\nven. At length it came to open visions and revelation. God raised\\nup a prophet among them, like unto Moses, to whom he taught them\\nto hearken. This prophet was Peter Rombert, who had married\\nthe eldest daughter of the family when a widow. To this man the\\nAuthor and Governor of the world deigned to reveal, in the plain-\\nest manner, that the wickedness of man was .again so great in the\\nworld, that, as in the days of Noah, he was determined to destroy\\nall men from off the face of it, except one family whom he would\\nsave for raising up a godly seed upon earth. This revelation Peter\\nRombert was sure of, and felt it as plain as the wind blowing on\\nhis body, and the rest of the family, with equal confidence and pre-\\nsumption, firmly believed it.\\nA few days after this, God was pleased to reveal himself a\\nsecond time to the prophet, saying, Put away the woman whom thou\\nhast for thy wife, and when I have destroyed this wicked generation,\\nI will raise up her first husband from the dead, and they shall be man\\nand wife as before, and go thou and take to wife her youngest sis-\\nter, who is a virgin, so shall the chosen family be restored entire,\\nand the holy seed preserved pure and undefiled in it. At first the\\nfather, when he heard of this revelation, was staggered at so e.x-\\ntraordinary a command from heaven but the prophet assured him\\nthat God would give him a sign, which accordingly happened\\nupon which the old man took his youngest daughter by the hand,\\nand gave her to the wise prophet immediately for his wife. Thus,\\nfor some time, they continued in acts of incest and adultery, until\\nthat period which made the fatal discovery, and introduced the\\nbloody scene of blind fanaticism and madness.\\nThose deluded wretches were so far possessed with the false\\nconceit of their own righteousness and holiness, and of the horrid\\nwickedness of all others, that they refused obedience to the civil\\nmagistrate, and all laws and ordinances of men. Upon pretence\\nthat God commanded them to bear no arms, they not only refused\\no comply with the militia law, but also the laws for repairing the\\ning from the lords of the regency and council in Eng-\\nland, the king being at that time in Hanover; who\\ngave it as their opinion, that tlie proprietors had for-\\nfeited their charter, and ordered the attorney-general\\nto take out a scire facias aga.mst it. In consequence\\nof this decision, in September^ 1720, they appointed\\nGeneral Francis Nicholson provisional governor of\\nthe province, with a commission from the king.*\\nhighways. After long forbearance, Mr. Simmons, a worthy ma-\\ngistrate, and the officer of the mililia in that quailer, found it ne-\\ncessary to issue his warrants for levying ihe penalty of the laws\\nupon them. But by this lime Judilh Dutartre, the wife of the pro-\\nphet obtained by revelation, proving wilh child, another warrant\\nwas i.ssued for bringing her before ihe justice lo be examined, and\\nbound over lo the general sessions, in consequence of a law of the\\nprovince, framed for preventing bastardy. The conslable having\\nreceived his warrants, and being jealous of meeting with no good\\nusage in the execution of his office, prevailed on two or three of\\nhis neighbours to go along with him. The family observing the\\nconstable coming, and being apprised of his errand, consulted iheir\\nprophet, who soon told them that God commanded them to arm and\\ndefend themselves against persecution, and their substance against\\nthe robberies of ungodly men, a.ssuring ihem at the same lime thai\\nno weapon formed against them should prosper. Accordingly they\\ndid so, and laying hold of their arms, fired on the constable and\\nhis followers, and drove them out of their plantation. Such beha-\\nviour was not to be tolerated, and therefore. Captain Simm.ons ga-\\nthered a party of militia, and went to protect the constable in the\\nexecution of his office. When the deluded family saw (he justice\\nand his parly approaching, they shut themselves up in their hon.se,\\nand firing from it like furies, shot Captain Simmons dead on the\\nspot, and wounded .several of his party. The militia returned the\\nfire, killed one woman within the house, and afterwards forcibly\\nentering it, took the rest prisoners, six in number, and brought\\nthem lo Charleston. At the court of general sessions, held in Sep-\\ntember, 1724, three of them were brought to trial, lound guilty,\\nand condemned. Alas miserable creatures, what amazing infa-\\ntuation pos.sessed them I They pretended they had the Spirit oi\\nGod leading Ihem to all truth, they knew it, and felt it; but this\\nspirit, instead of influencing them to obedience, purity, and peace,\\ncommanded them to comtnit rebellion, incest, and murder. What\\nis slill more astonishing, the principal persons among them, I mean\\nthe prophet, the father of the family, and Michael Boneau, never\\nwere convinced of their delusion, but persisted in it until their last\\nbreath. During their trial, they appeared altogether unconcerned\\nand .secure, affiiming that God was on their side, and therefore,\\nthey feared not what man could do unto them. They freely told\\nthe incestuous story in open court, in all its circumstances and ag-\\ngravations, with a good countenance, and very readily confessed\\nthe facts respecting their rebellion and murder, with which they\\n.stood charged, but pleaded their authority from God in vindication\\nof themselves, and insisted they had done nothing in either case but\\nby his express command. As u is commonly the duly of clergy-\\nmen to visit persons under sentence of death, l)oth to convince them\\nof their error and danger, and prepare them for death by bringing\\nthem to a penitent disposition, Alexander Garden, the episcopal\\nminister of Charleston, to whom we are indebted for this account,\\nattended these condemned persons with great diligence and concern^\\nWhat they had affirmed in the court of justice, they repeated and\\nconfessed to him in like manner in the prison. When he began\\nto reason with them, and to explain the heinous nature of their\\ncrimes,. they treated him with disdain. Their motto was, Answer\\nhim not a word who is he that shall presume to teach ihem, who\\nhad Ihe Spirit of God speaking inwardly to their souls. In all they\\nhad done, they said they had obeyed the voice of God, and were\\nnow about to .suffer martyrdom for his religion. But God had as-\\nsured them, that he would either work a deliverance for ihem, oi\\nraise them up from the dead on the third day. These things the\\nthree men continued confidently to believe, and notwithstanding\\nall the means used to convince them of their mistake, persisted", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n153\\nSeveral years afterwards, seven of the proprietors sold\\nto the king their claim to the soil and rents, and all\\nof them assigned to him their right of jurisdiction.\\nThe government of both Carolinas was subsequently-\\nadministered in each colony by a governor and coun-\\ncil appointed by the crown, and by assemblies chosen\\nby the people.\\nAfter the purchase of the province, the first ob-\\nject of the royal concern was, to establish the peace\\nof the colony on the most firm and permanent foun-\\ndation and to attain this object, treaties of union\\nand alliance with Indian nations were deemed essen-\\ntially necessary. For this purpose Sir Alexander\\nGumming was appointed, and sent out to conclude a\\ntreaty of alliance with the Cherokees, at this time a\\nwarlike and formidable nation of savages, occupying\\nthe lands about tlie river of Savannah, and extend-\\ning to the Apalacliia-n mountains. About the begin-\\ning of the year 1730, Sir Alexander arrived in Caro-\\nlina, and made preparations for his journey to the dis-\\ntant hills. After a conference with the chiefs, they\\nconsented to acknowledge King George as their so-\\nvereign, and several of them repaired to England, as\\na deputation, to do homage to the British king. We\\nshall not pretend to describe their feelings on behold-\\ning the metropolis of Great Britain, or their amaze-\\nin the same belief until the moment they expired. At their execu-\\ntion they lold the spectators, with seeming triumph, they should\\nsoon see them a2;ain, for the} were certain they sliould rise from\\nthe dead on the third day. With respect to the other three,\\nthe daughter Judiih being with child, was not tried, and the two\\nson?, David and John Dutartre, about eighteen and twenty years of\\nage, having been also tried and condemned, continued sullen and\\nreserved, in hopes of seeing those that were execuled rise from the\\ndead, but being disappointed, they became, or at least seemed to\\nbecome, sensible of their error, and were both pardoned. Yet, not\\nlong afterwards, one of them relapsed into the same snare, and\\nmurdered an innocent person, without either provocation or pre-\\nvious quarrel, and for no other reason, as he confessed, but that\\nGod had commanded him so to do. Being a second time brought\\nto trial, he was found guilty of murder, and condemned. Mr. Gar-\\nden attended him again under the second sentence, and, he acknow-\\nledged, with great appearance of success. No man could appear\\nmore deeply sensible of his error and delusion, or could die a more\\nsincere and hearty penitent on account of his horrid crimes. With\\ngreat attention he listened to Mr. Garden, while he explained to\\nhim the terms of pardon and salvation proposed in the gospel, and\\nseemed to die in the humble hopes of mercy, through the all-suffi-\\ncient merits of a Redeemer.\\nThus ended that tragical scene of fanaticism, in which seven\\npersons lost their lives, one was killed, two were murdered, and\\nfour executed for the murders. A signal and melancholy instance\\nof the weakness and frailty of human nature, and to what giddv\\nheights of extravagance and madness an inflamed imagination will\\ncarry unfortunate mortals. History of Carolina, vol. i. p 302\\n307.\\nThis treaty, that it might be easier understood, was drawn\\nup in language as similar as possible to that of I he Indians, which\\nat this time was very little known in En?land, and given to them,\\ncertified and approved bv Sir Alexander Gumming. In answer to\\nwhich, Skijagustah, in the name of the rest, made a speech to the\\nfollowing effec We are come hither from a mountainous place,\\nwhere nothing but darkness is to be found but we are now in a\\nment at the extent of the city, the number of the peo-\\nple, and the splendour of the army and court. Being\\nadmitted into the presence of the king, they, in tlie\\nname of their nation, promised to continue for ever\\nhis majesty s faithful and obedient subjects. A trea-\\nty was drawn up, and signed by the secretary to tlie\\nlords commissioners of trade and plantations on one\\nside, and by the six chiefs on the other.*\\nThe Cherokees, however barbarous, were a free\\nand independent people and this method of obtain-\\ning a\u00c2\u00bbshare of their lands by the general consent, was\\nfair and honourable in itself, and most agreeable to\\nthe general principles of equity, and the English\\nconstitution. An agreement was made with them, in\\nconsequence of which the king could not only give a\\njust title to Indian lands but, by Indians becoming\\nhis voluntary subjects, the colonists obtained peace-\\nable possession. The Cherokees held abundance of\\nterritory from nature, and could spare a share of it\\nwith little injury to themselves but reason and jus-\\ntice required that it be obtained by their free consent.\\nBy such treaties mutual presents were made, mutual\\nobligations were established, and, for the performance\\nof the conditions required, the honour and faith of\\nboth parties were pledged. Even to men in a bar-\\nbarous state, such policy was the most agreeable, as\\nplace where there is light. There was a person in our country\\nhe gave us a yellow token of warlike honour, which is left with\\nMoytoy, of Telliquo\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and as warriors we received it. He came\\nto us like a warrior from you. A man he is;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his talk is upright\\nand the token he left preserves his memory among us. We look\\nupon you as if the great king were present we lo e you as re-\\npresenting the great king; we shall die in the same way of think-\\ning. The crown of our nation is different from that which the\\ngreat King George wears, and from that we saw in the tower.\\nBut to us it is all one. The chain of friendship shall be carried to\\nour people. We look upon the great King George as the sun, and\\nas our father, and upon ourselves as his children.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 For though we\\nare red, and vou are while, yet our hands and hearts are joined\\ntogether.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 When we shall have acquainted our people T,-ith what\\nwe have seen, our children from generation to generation will\\nalways remember it. In war we shall always be one with you.\\nThe enemies of the great king shall be our enemies;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 his people\\nand ours shall be one, and shall die together.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 We came hither\\nnaked and poor as the worms of the earth, but you have every\\nIhing,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and we that have nothing must love you, and will never\\nbreak the chain of friendship which is between us.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Here stands\\nthe governor of Carolina, whom we know.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 This small rope we\\nshow you is all that we have to bind our slaves wiih, and ii may\\nbe broken.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 But you have iron chains for yours.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 However, if we\\ncatch your slaves, we will hind them as well as we can, and deliver\\nthem to our friends, and lake no pay for il.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 We have looked round\\nfor the person that was in our counlry\u00e2\u0080\u0094 he is not here;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 however,\\nwe must say he talked uprightly lo us, and we shall never forget\\nl,jra._Your while people may very safely build houses near us;\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nwe shall hurl nolhing that belongs to them, for we are children of\\none father, the great king, and shall live and die together. Then\\nlaying down his feathers upon the table, he added, This is our\\nwav of talking, which is ihe same thing lo us as your tellers in the\\nbook are to you and lo you, beloved men, we deliver these feathers\\nin confirmation of all we have said. \u00e2\u0080\u0094History of South Carolina,\\nvol. ii. p. 9, 10.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "154\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwill afterwards clearly appear for the Cherokees, in\\nconsequence of- this treaty, for many years remained\\nin a state of perfect friendship and peace with the\\ncolonists, who followed their various employments in\\nthe neighbourhood of those Indians without the least\\nterror or molestation.\\nAs a natural consequence of its domestic security,\\nthe credit of the province in England increased. The\\nmerchants of London, Bristol, and Liverpool, turned\\ntheir eyes to Carolina, as a new and promising chan-\\nnel of trade, and established houses in Charleston for\\nconducting their business with the greater ease and\\nsuccess. Hitherto, howev^er, small progress in culti-\\nvation had been made, and the face of the country\\nappeared like a desert, with little spots here and there\\ncleared, scarcely discernible amidst the immense\\nforest. Ciiarlestou, at this time, consisted of between\\nfive and six hundred liouses, mostly built of timber,\\nand neither well constructed nor comfortable but\\nfrom this period the province improved in building\\nas well as in agriculture many ingenious artificers\\nand tradesmen of different kinds found encouragement\\nin it, and introduced a taste for brick buildings, and\\nmore neat and pleasant habitations. In process of\\ntime, as the colony increased in numbers, the face of\\nthe country changed, and the planters made a rapid\\nprogress towards wealth and independence. At this\\nperiod, for the relief of poor and indigent people of\\nGreat Britain and Ireland, and for the security of the\\nsouthern frontier of Carolina, the settlement of a new\\ncolony between the rivers Alatamaha and Savannah\\nwas projected in England.\\nThe Carolinas now attracted general attention, and\\ntheir population was increased by accessions from\\nseveral of the states of Europe. Encouraged by the\\nassurances and the arrangements of their countryman,\\nJohn Peter Pury, a native of Neufchatel, in Switzer-\\nland, one hundred and seventy persons emigrated\\nwith him to this province, and not long after they\\nwere joined by two hundred more. The governor,\\naccording to agreement, allotted forty thousand acres\\nof land for the use of the Swiss settlement on the\\nnorth-east side of Savannah river and a town was\\nmarked out for their accommodation, which he called\\nPurisburgh, from the name of the principal promoter\\nof the settlement. These settlers, however, felt very\\nseverely the change of climate, to which many of\\ntheir lives fell a sacrifice and for some years the\\nsurvivors deeply regretted the voluntary banishment\\nto which they had subjected themselves. In the\\nsame year, according to a plan tliat had been recently\\nadopted in England for the more speedy population\\nand settlement of Carolina, eleven townships were\\nI marked out on the sides of rivers, in square plats,\\nI each consisting of twenty thousand acres. Two of\\nI these townships were laid out on the Alatamaha\\ntwo on the Savannah two on the Santee one on\\nthe Pedee one on the VVacamaw one on the\\nVVateree and one on Black River. The lands in\\nthese townships were divided into shares of fifty\\nacres for each man, woman, and child, who shoidd\\ncome over to occupy and improve them. In 173T,\\nmultitudes of labourers and husbandmen in Ireland\\nunable to procure a comfortable subsistence for their\\nfamilies in their native land, embarked for Carolina.\\nThe first colony of Irish, receiving a grant of lands\\nnear Santee River, formed a settlement, which was\\ncalled Williamsburgh.\\nIn 1738, an alarming insurrection of the negroes\\noccurred in the southern colony. A number of them\\nassembled at Stono, and surprised and killed two men\\nwho had charge of a warehouse, from which they\\ntook guns and ammunition. They then chose a\\ncaptain, and, with drums beating and colours flying,\\nmarched south-westward. They burned every house\\non their way, killed all the whites they could find,\\nand compelled other negroes to join them. Governor\\nBull, who was returning to Charleston from the\\nsouthward, accidentally met them, hastened out of\\ntheir way, and spread an alarm. Tlie news soon\\nreached Wiltown, where, fortunately, a large congre-\\ngation were attending divine service. The men\\nhaving, according to a law of the province, brought\\ntlieir arms to the place of worship, marched instantly\\nin quest of the negroes, who, by this time, had become\\nformidable, and spread terror and desolation around\\nthem, having killed about twenty of the whites.\\nWhile, in an open field, they were carousing and\\ndancino with frantic exultation at their late success,\\nthey were suddenly attacked some were killed, and\\nthe remainder took to flight, but most of them were\\ntaken and tried. Those who had been compelled to\\njoin the conspirators were pardoned bat the leaders\\nand principal instigators suffered death. Under ap-\\nprehensions resulting, probably, from this rebellion,\\nthe legislature of South Carolina passed an act, that\\nwhoever shall teach, or cause any slave or .slaves to\\nbe taught to write, or shall use or employ any slave\\nas a scribe in any manner of writing whatsoever,\\nshall, for isvery such offence, forfeit the sum of one\\nhundred pounds.*\\nFrom this period until the era of the revolution, no\\nimportant event occurred in these colonies. They\\nwere sometimes distressed by Indian wars but the\\nGrimke s Public Laws of South Carolina. The fin\u00c2\u00ab waa lo\\nbe current money.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n155\\nnumber of inhabitants, and the means of subsistence\\nand comfort, were constantly increasing. Among\\nother sources of weaUh, tiie cultivation of the Indigo\\nplant deserves particular notice. Some seed imported\\nfrom the West Indies was sown as an experiment\\nand it was so entirely successful, that several planters\\nturned their immediate attention to its culture, and\\nstudied the art of extracting the dye. At tlie port of\\nCharleston, during the year 1744, two hundred and\\nthirty vessels were loaded, and fifteen hundred seamen\\nwere employed in the trade of Carolina.\\nThe Carolinas were frequently exposed to the in-\\njurious effects of war from the French and Spaniards,\\nas well as from some of the Indian tribes but after\\nthe treaty of Paris, the progress of these colonies was\\nno longer retarded from that cause. The asse^nbly\\nof South Carolina, taking advantage of the peaceful\\nstate of the colony to encourage emigration, appro-\\npriated a large fnnd for bounties to foreign protestants,\\nand such industrious poor people of Great Britain\\nand Ireland as should resort to the province within\\nthree years, and settle on the inland parts. Two\\ntownships, each containing forty-eight thousand acres,\\nwere laid out one on the river Savannah, called\\nMecklenburgh, and the other on the waters of Santee\\nat Long Cane, called Londonderry. Not long after,\\nthe colony received a considerable accession from\\nGermany, the occasion of which was peculiar. Be-\\ntween five and six hundred poor Germans, seduced\\ninto England by deceitful promises, were commise-\\nrated by the citizens of London, who provided for\\ntheir relief. The king expressing a desire of trans-\\nporting them to Carolina, two ships were furnished\\nfor their accommodation, and provisions for their\\nvoyage, and a hundred and fifty stand of arms were\\nordered from the Tower, and given them by the king.\\nOn their arrival, in April, at Charleston, the assembly\\nof the province voted five hundred pounds sterling to\\nbe distributed among them one of the two townships\\nwas allotted to them, and divided in the most equita-\\nble manner into siflall tracts, for the convenience of\\neach family; and all possible assistance was given\\ntoward their speedy and comfortable settlement. Caro-\\nlina also received at this time more than two hundred\\nsettlers from France. The province furnished them\\nwith the means of conveyance to Long Cane, where\\nVacant lands -were laid out for their use, to which\\nthey gave the name of New Bordeaux, after the capi-\\ntal of the province from which most of them had\\nemigrated. Besides foreign protestants, several per-\\nsons emigrated from England and Scotland, and\\ngreat multitudes from Ireland, and settled in Carolina.\\nAn accession was also derived from the northern\\ncolonies, from which, in the space of one year, above\\na thonsand families removed thither. To these ad-\\nventurers, lands in small tracts were allotted on the\\nfrontiers, by which means the back settlements soon\\nbecame the most populous part of the province, while\\nthe whole felt the important benefits resulting from\\nsuch accessions to its population.\\nCHAPTER XII.\\nGEORGIA.\\nThe last of the colonies commenced previous to\\nthe war of independence was Georgia. It originated\\nin the desire of the government to strengthen the\\nsouthern frontier of the British dominions in America\\nagainst the encroachments of the Spaniards and at\\nthe same time to aflbrd an opportunity for emigration\\nto a number of families in indigent circumstances.\\nWith these views, a company of wealthy, influential,\\nand benevolent persons, was formed in England, who\\ndid not hesitate to embark a considerable sum in the\\npromotion of their humane design. Having obtained\\na patent from George 11. conferring on them the\\nrequisite powers, they enacted, among other regula-\\ntions, that the lands should neither be sold nor devised\\nby tire owners, but should descend to the male children\\nonly they prohibited the use of rum in tht3 colony,\\nand strictly interdicted the importation of negroes\\nbut none of these regulations remained long in force.\\nThe trustees lost no time in the prosecution of their\\ndesign. In November, James Oglethorpe, one of their\\nnumber, embarked at Gravesend for Georgia, with\\none hundred and sixteen persons, destined for settle-\\nment in the country. In the following January he\\narrived at Charleston, where he was treated with\\nhospitality and respect by the governor and council\\nof South Carolina, and received great encouragement\\nand assistance. Having explored the cotmtry, he fixed\\non a high spot of ground, in the vicinity of an Indian\\ntown on the Savannah, called Yamacraw, as the most\\nconvenient and healthy situation. The new town,\\nafter the Indian name of the river which ran by it,\\nwas called Savannah. A fort having been completed,\\nand the colony put in a state of safety, the next object\\nof Og-lethorpe s attention was to treat with the Indians\\nfor a share of their possessions. The territory was\\nprincipally occupied by the Upper and Lower Creeks,\\nwho were computed to amount to about twenty-five\\nthousand, including women and children and these\\ntribes, according- to a treaty formerly made with\\nGovernor Nicholson, laid claim to the lands lying", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "i.:g\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITPID STATES.\\nsouth-west of Savannah river. The tribe of Indians\\nut Yamacraw was inconsiderable. It appeared, tliere-\\nfore, of the highest consequence to procure the Iriend-\\nsliip, not of that tribe only, but of the more formidable\\nCreeks. By the assistance of an Indian woman, who\\nhad married a trader from Carolina, and who could\\nspeak both the English and Creek languages, Ogle-\\nthorpe summoned a general meeting of the chiefs to\\nhold a congress with lijm at Savannah, in order to\\nprocure their consent to the peaceable settlement of\\nhis colony. Being assembled, he represented to them\\nthe great power, wisdom, and wealth of the English\\nand the advantages that would accrue to the Indian\\ntribes from a coimexion with this nation and ex-\\npressed his hope, that, as they had plenty of lands,\\nthey would freely resign a share of them to his peo-\\nple, who, for their benefit and instruction, had come\\nto settle among them. After he had distributed pre-\\nsents among the Indians, an agreement was made\\nand Tomochichi, in the name of the Creek warriors,\\nmade a speech to him. Among other observations,\\nhe said, Here is a little present, and then gave him\\na buffalo s skin, painted on the inside with the head\\nand feathers of an eagle, and desired him to accept it,\\nbecause the eagle signified speed, and the buffalo,\\nstrength. The English, he proceeded, are as swift\\nas the bird, and as strong as the beast since, like the\\nfirst, they fly from the utmost parts of the earth over\\nvast sea?, and, like the second, nothing can withstand\\nthem. The feathers of the eagle are soft, and signify\\nlove the buffalo s skin warm, and signifies protec-\\ntion he hoped, therefore, that they would love and\\nprotect their little families.\\nHaving concluded this treaty of friendship with the\\nnatives, and placed his colony in the best posture of\\ndefence, Oglethorpe returned to England, carrying\\nwith him Tomochichi, his queen, and several other\\nIndians. On their arrival in London, these Indian\\nchiefs were introduced to his majesty and during the\\nwhole time they were in England, nothing was neglect-\\ned that might serve to engage their affections, and fill\\nthem with just notions of the greatness and power of\\nthe British nation. The nobility, curious to see them,\\nand observe their manners, entertained them magni-\\nficently at their tables. Wherever they went, multi-\\ntudes flocked around them, shaking hands with the\\nrude warriors of the forest, giving them little presents,\\nand treating them with every mark of friendship and\\ncivility. Twenty pounds a-week were allowed them\\nby the crown while they remained in England, and\\nwhen they returned, it was computed tliey carried\\nwith them presents to the value of fom- hundred poimds.\\nAfter staying four months, and seeing the grandeur\\nof the English sovereign, they were carried to\\nGravesend in one of his majesty s carriages, where\\nthey embarked for Georgia, highly pleased with the\\ngenerosity of the nation, and promising eternal fideli-\\nty to its interest. This generous and kind method of\\ntreating barbarians was better policy than overawing\\nthem by force, and was attended, as might have been\\nexpected, with the happiest consequences.\\nDuring the following year, five or six hundred poor\\npersons arrived, and to each a portion of the wilder-\\nness was assigned. But it was soon found that these\\nemigrants, who were the refuse of cities, and had\\nbeen rendered poor by idleness, and irresolute by\\npoverty, were not fitted to fell the mighty forests of\\nGeorgia. A race more hardy and enterprising was\\nnecessary. The trustees, therefore, offered to receive\\nthose who had not by persecution or poverty been\\nrendered objects of compassion, and to grant to all\\nwho should repair to the colony fifty acres of land.\\nIn consequence of this offer, more than four hundred\\npersons from Germany, Scotland, and Switzerland,\\nembarked for the colony in the year 1735. To the\\nHighlanders, a township was allotted on the river\\nAlatamaha, which was then considered as the bound-\\nary between the British and Spanish territories.\\nHere they built a fort, which they called Darien\\nand a town, which they called New Inverness. In\\nFebruary, 1736, Oglethorpe arrived with two ships,\\nwhich had on board three hundred passengers. More\\nthan half of these were Germans, who, with others\\nof their countrymen who followed them, settled a\\ntown on Savannah, which they called Ebenezer.\\nThe celebrated John Wesley made a visit to Geor-\\nsria during tliis year, for the purpose of preaching to\\nthe colonists, and converting the Indians. Among\\nthe former he made some friends, but, it would ap-\\npear, more enemies. He was accused of diverting\\nthe people from labour, of fomenting divisions, of\\nclaiming and exercising high and unwarranted ec-\\nclesiastical authority. Thirteen indictments for al-\\nleged offenciis were preferred against him but before\\nthe time of trial arrived he returned to England,\\nwhere, as is well known, he pttrsued a successful\\nand distinguished career of piety und usefulness.\\nIt was about this time that Oglethorpe took effect-\\ntive measures to fortify the colony. A fort was erec-\\nted on the banks of the Savannah river another on\\nan island near the mouth of the river Alatamaha,\\nwhere a town, called Frederica, was regularly laid\\nout and built and ten miles nearer the sea, on Cum-\\nberland island, was raised a battery, commanding the-\\nentrance into Jekyl sound, through which all ships\\nof force must pass to reach Frederica. The Spa-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n157\\nniards, taking umbrage at these fortifications of the\\nEnglish, sent from Havannah a commissioner, who,\\nin a conference with Oglethorpe, demanded that he\\nand his people should immediately evacuate the terri-\\ntories to tiie southward of St. Helena sound, as belong-\\ning to the king of Spain. Oglethorpe having endea-\\nvoured in vain to convince the commissioner of the\\nerroneousness of this claim, and the conference break-\\ning up without any agreement, he embarked with all\\npossible expedition for England.\\nOn this occasion Oglethorpe was appointed general\\nand commander-in-chief of all his majesty s forces in\\nSouth Carolina and Georgia, and was sent out from\\nEngland with a regiment of six hundred men for the\\nprotection of the southern frontiers of the British do-\\nminions in America. Daring his absence, the Spaniards\\nhad made several attempts to seduce the Creeks, who\\nwere mucli attached to Oglethorpe and, at the time\\nof his arrival, some of the Creek chiefs were at St.\\nAugustine. When they returned, they found an in-\\nvitation from General Oglethorpe to all the chieftains\\nto meet him at Frederica. A number of the head war-\\nriors immediately set out to meet him at the place\\nappointed where the general thanked them for their\\nfidelity, made them many valuable presents, and re-\\nnewed with them the treaty of friendship and alliance.\\nTlie Spaniards, however, hesitated at the employment\\nof no means to prevent the establishment of British\\ncolonies on their northern frontier. Finding oppor-\\ntunity to corrupt an English soldier who had been in\\nthe Spanish service, a mutiny through his influence\\nwas excited in Oglethorpe s camp, and a daring attempt\\nwas made to assassinate the general but his life was\\npreserved in an extraordinary manner, and the princi-\\npal conspirators were shot.\\nAbout this time the indefatigable George Whitefield\\narrived in the colony. He had already become con-\\nspicuous, in England by his ardent piety, his extra-\\nordinary eloquence, and liis active zeal. He came to\\nGeorgia for the benevolent purpose of establishing an\\norphan-house, where poor children might be fed,\\nclothed, and educated in the knowledge of Christianity.\\nIn tlie prosecution of this purpose he often crossed the\\nAtlantic, and traversed Great Britain and America, so-\\nliciting aid from the pious and charitable. Wherever\\nhe went, he preached with sincerity and fervour, and\\nwith such success, as to found a sect, which soon be-\\ncame both numerous and respectable. His orphan-\\nhouse did not flourish during his life, and after his\\ndeath was entirely abandoned. Although his pro-\\nceedings and character would fotm very interesting\\ntopics, they do not come properly within the sphere\\nof this history and their principal incidents, as con-\\nnected, with America, have been noticed in a preceding\\nchapter.\\nIn the year 1740, the trustees rendered an account\\nof their administration. At that time nearly two\\nthousand five hundred emigrants had arrived in the\\ncolony of whom more than filteen hundred were\\nindigent Englishmen, or persecuted protestants. The\\nbenefactions from government and from individuals\\nhad been nearly half a million of dollars and it was\\ncomputed that, for every person transported and\\nmaintained by the trustees, more than three hundred\\ndollars had been expended. The hopes which the\\ntrustees had cherished, that the colony would be pros-\\nperous, and the objects of their benevolence happy,\\nwere far from realized. Such was the character of\\nthe greater part of the settlers and the nature of the\\nrestrictions imposed, that the plantations languished,\\nand continued to require the contributions of the\\ncharitable. In the mean time events were preparing\\na rupture in Europe, and a war between England\\nand Spain appeared inevitable. The plenipotentiaries,\\nappointed for settling the boundi.ries between Georgia\\nand Florida, and other differences and misunderstand-\\nings subsisting between the two crowns, had met at\\nPardo in convention, where preliminary articles were\\ndrawn up but the conference ended to the satisfac-\\ntion of neither party. The merchants had lost all\\npatience under their sufferings, and became clamorous\\nfor letters of reprisal, which at length they obtained\\nall officers of the navy and army were ortlercd to\\ntheir stations, and, with the unanimous voice of the\\nnation, war was declared against Spain on the 23d\\nof October, 1739. As soon as intelligence of the\\ndeclaration of war reached Georgia, General Ogle-\\nthorpe passed over to Florida with four hundred\\nselect men of his regiment, and a considerable party\\nof Indians and a few days after, he marched with his\\nwhole force, consisting of above two thousand men,\\nregulars, provincials, and Indians, to Fort Moosa,\\nwithin two miles of St. Augustine. The Spanish\\ngarrison, evacuating the fort on his approach, and\\nretiring- into the town, put themselves in a posture of\\ndefence and the general, soon discovering that an\\nattempt to take the castle by storm would be pre-\\nsumptuous, changed his plan of operations, and\\nresolved, with the assistance of the ships of war which\\nwere lying at anchor off Augustine bar, to turn the\\nsieg-e into a blockade. Having made the necessary\\ndispositions, he summoned the Spanish go\\\\-ernor to a\\nsurrender; but, secure in his strong-hold, he sent him\\nfor answer, that he would be glad to shake bands\\nwith him in his castle. Indignant at this reply, the\\ngeneral opened his batteries against the castle, and at", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "158\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe same time threw a number of shells in the town.\\nTlie fire was returned with equal spirit from the\\nSpanish fort, and from six half-galleys in the harbotir\\nbut the distance was so great that the cannonade,\\nthough it continued several days, did little execution\\non either side. It appears that, notwithstanding the\\nblockade, the Spanish garrison contrived to admit a\\nreinforcement of seven hundred men, and a large\\nsupply of provisions. All prospect of starving the\\nenemy being lost, the army began to despair of forcing\\nthe place to surrender. The Carolina troops, enfee-\\nbled by the lieat of the climate, dispirited by sickness,\\nand fatigued by fruitless eiforts, marched away in\\nlarge bodies. The naval commander, in considera-\\ntion of the shortness of his provisions, and ofthe near\\napproach of the usual season of hurricanes, judged it\\nimprudent to hazard his fleet longer on that coast.\\nThe general himself was sick of a fever, and his\\nregiment was worn out with fatigue, and disabled bjr\\nsickness. These combined disasters rendered it ne-\\ncessary to abandon the enterprise and Oglethorpe,\\nwith extreme sorrow and regret, returned to Frede-\\nrica.\\nAlter a lapse of two years, the Spaniards prepared\\nto retaliate by the invasion of Georgia, intending, if\\nsuccessful, to subjugate the Carolinas and Virginia.\\nOn receiving information of their approach. General\\nOglethorpe .solicited assistance from South Carolina\\nbut the inhabitants of that colony, entertaining a\\nstrong prejudice against him, and terrified by the\\ndanger which threatened themselves, determined to\\nprovide only for their own safety, though without\\navowing their intention. General Oglethorpe, how-\\nover, njade preparations for a vigorous defence, ye\\nassembled seven hiuidred men, exclusive of a body\\nof Indians, fixed his head-quarters at Frederica, on\\nthe island of St. Simon, and, with this small band,\\ndetermined to encounter whatever force might be\\nbrought against him. It was his utmost hope that\\nhe might be able to resist the enemy until a rein-\\nforcement should arrive from Carolina, which he daily\\nand anxiously expected. On the last day of June,\\nthe Spanish fleet, consisting of thirty-two sail, and\\nhaving on board more than three thousand men,\\ncame to anchor off St. Simon s Bay. Notwithstand-\\ning all the resistance which General Oglethorpe\\ncould oppose, they sailed up the river Alatamaha,\\nlanded upon the island, and there erected fortifica-\\ntions. Convinced that his small force, if divided,\\nmust be entirely inefficient, Oglethorpe assembled the\\nwhole of it at Frederica. One portion he employed\\nin strengthening his fortifications the Highlanders\\nand Indians ranging night and day through the\\nwoods, often attacked the outposts of the enemy. The\\ntoil of the troops was incessant and the long delay\\nof the expected succours, still unexpectedly withheld\\nby South Carolina, caused the most gloomy and\\ndepressing apprehensions. Oglethorpe, at length,\\nlearning, by an English prisoner who escaped from\\nthe Simnish camp, that a diff erence subsisted between\\nthe troops from Cuba and those from St. Augustine,\\nso as to occasion a separate encampment, resoh -ed to\\nattack the enemy while thus divided. Taking advan-\\ntage of his knowledge of the woods, he marched out\\nin the night with three hundred chosen men, the\\nHighland company, and some rangers, with the inten-\\ntion of surprising the enemy. Having advanced\\nwithin two miles of the Spanish camp, he halted his\\ntroops, and went forward himself with a select corps\\nto reconnoitre the enemy s situation. While he was\\nendeavouring cautiously to conceal his approach, a\\nFrench soldier of his party discharged his musket,\\nand ran into the Spanish lines. Thus betra^^cd, he\\nhastened his return to Frederica, and endeavoured to\\neffect by stratagem what could not be achieved by\\nsurprise. Apprehensive that the deserter would dis-\\ncover to the enemy his weakness, he wrote to him a\\nletter, desiring him to acquaint the Spaniards with\\nthe defenceless state of Frederica, and the ease with\\nwhich his small garrison might be cut to pieces. He\\npressed him to bring forward the Spaniards to an\\nattack but, if he could not prevail thus far, to use\\nall his art and influence to persuade them to stay at\\nleast three days more at Fort Simon for within that\\ntime, according to advices he had just received from\\nCarolina, he should have a reinforcement of two\\nthousand land forces, with six British ships of war.\\nThe letter concluded with a caution to the deserter\\nagainst dropping the least hint of Admiral Vernon s\\nmeditated attack upon St. Augustine, and with an\\nassurance that for his service he should be amply re-\\nwarded by the British king. Oglethorpe gave it to a\\nSpanish prisoner, who, for a small reward, together\\nwith his liberty, promised to deliver it to the French\\ndeserter. On his arrival at the Spanish camp,\\nhowever, he gave the letter, as Oglethorpe expected,\\nto the commander-in-chief, who instantly put the\\ndeserter in irons. This letter perplexed and con-\\nfounded the Spaniards some suspecting it to be a\\nstratagem to prevent an attack on Frederica, and\\nothers believing it to contain serious instructions to\\ndirect the conduct of a spy. While the Spanish\\nofficers were deliberating what measures to adopt,\\nan incident, not within the calculation of military\\nskill, or the control of human power, decided their\\ncounsels. Three ships of force, which the governor", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UWITED STATES.\\n159\\nof South Carolina had sent out to Oglethorpe s aid, ap-\\npeared at this juncture off the coast. The agreement of\\nthis discovery with the contents of the letter convinced\\nthe Spanish commander of its real intention. The whole\\narmy, seized with an instant panic, set fire to the fort, and\\nprecipitately embarked, leaving several cannon, with a\\nquantity of provisions and military stores and thus, in the\\nmoment of threatened conquest, was the infant colony\\nprovidentially saved.\\nThus was Georgia, with trifling loss, delivered from the\\nmost imminent danger. General Oglethorpe not only re-\\ntrieved, but established his reputation. From the Caro-\\nlinians, grateful for their preservation, and from the gov-\\nernors of most of the northern colonies, he received cor-\\ndial congratulations upon his address and good fortune.\\nBut, on an impeachment brought forward before this in-\\nvasion, Oulethorpe still felt himself bound in honour to re-\\nturn to England, where, on trial, the charge \\\\\\\\as adjudged\\nto be false, malicious, and groundless, and its author dis-\\nmissed his majesty s service. Tlie character of this able\\ngeneral now appeared in its true light and his contem-\\nporaries acknowledged, v\\\\hat impartial history records, that\\nGeorge Wiiltofield, an eloquent itinerant preacher, was born in\\nGloucester, Enffland. December 16, 1714. After having made some\\nprogress in classical learning, he was obliged to assist his mother, who\\nkept an inn, in her business but at the age of eighteen, he entered\\none of Ihe colleges at Oxford. Here he became acquainted with\\nMessrs. John and Charles Wesley, whose piety was ardent and singu-\\nlar, like his own. From the strict rules and methods of life which\\nthese young men followed, they were called Metliodists, and they\\nwere the founders of the sect thus denominated. Mr. Whitefield s\\nbenevolent zeal led him to visit the poor, and even to search out the\\nmiserable objects in the jails, not only to diminish their wants, but\\nthat he might impart to them the consolations and hopes of the gos-\\npel. He took orders, being ordained by the bishop, June 20, 1736, and\\npreached his first sermon in the church at Gloucester. When a com-\\nplaint was afterwards entered with the bishop, that by this sermon lie\\ndrove fifteen persons mad, the worthy prelate only expressed a wish,\\nthat the madness might not be forgotten before the next Sunday. Af-\\nter preaching at various places, he was induced, by a letter from Mr.\\nWesley, who was in Georgia, to embark for America. He arrived at\\nSavannalr May 7, 173S. After labouring in this place with unwearied\\nfidelity for several months to promote the interests of religion, he\\nembarked for England on the sixth of September. He was ordained\\npriest, at Oxford, hy Bishop Benson, January 14, 1731*. In November\\nhe again arrived in .America, and he travelled through the middle and\\nBoutiiern colonies, dispensing the gospel to immense multitudes. In\\nSeptember, 1740, he arrived at Rhode Island from Savannah, having\\nbeen invited by the ministers of Boston, and he preached in different\\nparts of New England. At the end of October, he went to New York,\\nand he soon returned to Georgia. He was much occupied in the es-\\ntablishment of an orphan house near Savannah. In January, 1741,\\nhe s.iiled for England. He arrived again in America in October,\\n1741, and he now spent between three and four years in this country.\\nIn March, 1748, he went to the Bermudas, and in July he reached\\nLondon. When he commenced his career in England, the religion\\nof the heart was much neglected, in the care to defend the outworks\\nof Christianity against the assaults of infidels. If these assailants were\\nrepulsed, still the ingenious disquisitions of the day carried no terror\\ninto the enemy s camp and the over-anxious attempts to conciliate\\nunhnmbled reason, rather than to reduce the unholy heart to the\\nobedience of the cross, could not fail to encourage the opposers of the\\ntruth. Mr. Whitefield, while aware of the necessity of enlightening\\nthe mind, knew also that there was much theological learning which\\nhad little influence upon the life. He therefore chose to content him-\\nself with preaching the plain and important doctrines of the gospel.\\nThese he presented so distinctly to the view, and enforced by such\\nawful considerations, and with such energy and unexampled eloquence,\\nthat, through the divine agency, (without wliich he knew that his\\n21\\nto him Carolina was indebted for her safety and lepose,\\nas well as Georgia for her existence and protection. Af-\\nter this period, General Oglethorpe never returned to the\\nprovince of Georgia, but upon all occasions discovered in\\nEngland an uncommon zeal for its prosperity and im-\\nprovement. From its first settlement, the colony had\\nhitherto been under a military government, executed by\\nthe general and such officers as he thought proper to\\nnominate and appoint but now the trustees established a\\nkind of civil government, and committed the charge of it to\\na president and four assistants, who were to act agreeably\\nto the instructions they should receive from thein, and to be\\naccountable to that corporation for their public conduct.\\nGreat occasions brino forth great men. There was\\nnot one of the colonies that cannot claim several men of\\ndistinguished talents and virtues in their early history.\\nThey sometimes incurred the displeasure of those who\\nwere incapable of comprehending the extensive views of\\nthe pioneers in the great cause of freedom \\\\Jal time has\\nswept away the clouds which gathered around them, and\\nleft their reputations in the clearness of day. Not only\\nOglethorpe, but AVhitefield was a distinguislied friend to\\nlabours would be utterly in vain.) he was the means of impaiting the\\npure principles and the elevated hopes of religion to thousands, bo.h\\nin Great Britain and America. No preacher ever hau such astonish-\\ning power over the passions of his auditory, or was attended by such\\nmultitudes as he sometimes addressed in the fields. In the early pe-\\nriods of his life, he was guilty, in some instaijces, of uiicharitablcniss\\nand indiscretion but he afterwards had the magnanimity to confess\\nhis fault. He was, in reality, a man of a very liberal and catholic\\nspirit, for he had little attachment to forms, and embraced all who\\nloved the Lord Jesus in sincerity. His life was spent in most disin-\\nterested and benevolent exertion. The following lines will show the\\nopinion which was formed of his character by the evangi licai poel\\nCowper\\nHe loved the world, that hated him the tear\\nThat dropped upon his Bible was sincere\\nAssailed by scandal and the tongue of strife.\\nHis only answer was, a blameless life,\\nAnd he that forged, and he that threw, the dart.\\nHad each a brother s interest in his heart.\\nPaul s love of Christ and steadiness unbribed.\\nWere copied close in him, and well transcribed\\nHe folloived Paul his zeal a kindred flame.\\nHis apostolic charity the same\\nLike him, crossed cheerfully tempestuous seas.\\nForsaking country, kindred, friends, and ease\\nLike him he laboured, and, like him, content\\nTo bear it. suffered shame where er he went.\\nBlush, Calumny I and write upon his tomb.\\nIf honest Eulogy can spare thee room.\\nThy deep repentance of thy thousand lies.\\nWhich, aimed at him, have pierced th offended skies\\nAnd say. Blot out my sin, confessed, deplored.\\nAgainst thine image iii thy saint, O Lord\\nMr, Whitefield s letters, sermons, and controversial and other tracts,\\nwith an account of his Ufe, were published in seven volumes, 8vo\\n1771\\nThe eloquence of Whitefield was of a high order. His voice was\\nstrong, clear, and perfectly under command. His st}le was marked\\nwith great simplicity; yet he made, in the language of dramatic criti-\\ncism, as many points as he ronid in his discourses, such as would\\nsecure the attention of his audience. He was figurative but his\\nimages all reflected nature with such accuracy, thai the humbluft\\ncapacity caught his meaning, and felt the efl ects of his illustrations.\\nIt was not the humble alone, who were pleased with his preaching.\\nMany of the learned became his followers, and united in blazoning his\\nfame. He was incessant in his labours to enlighten and direct Uie", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "J 60\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nGeoigia. Whitefield, in his way, was as remarkable a\\npersonage as any of the founders of the colonies.\\nOglethorpe, at the breaking out of the revolutionary\\nw:rr, as ofiered the command of the English army in\\nAmerica, after the return of General Gage. Ogle-\\nthorpe was then a major-general in the service. He\\noffered to accept the command, if he was authorized to as-\\nsure the colonies that justice should be done them but\\nthe command was given to Sir William Howe. General\\nOglethorpe died August, 1785, having seen the independ-\\nence of the United States, at the great age of ninety-\\nseven probably at his death he was the oldest field olhcer\\nin Europe. He enjoyed, while living, the reputation of\\nbeing one of the most humane soldiers that ever bore arms.\\nIn the year 1749, the colony was exposed to great\\ndanger from a quarter as unexpected as it was singu-\\nniiniis of his liearers. Frequently he preached three sermons a day\\nfor weeks together, and this wliile he was hibourinff under an asth-\\nmatic alfectioB. Franklin speaks of the wonderful etieety of liis voice\\nwhile preaching in the open air. Of the effects of his eloquence, the\\nlate learned and pious Lt. Governor Samuel Phillips, of Andover,\\nMassachusetts, used to relate the fuUowing anecdote Mr. Phillips s\\n(grandfather was a rigid Presb^ terian preacher, and opposed to White-\\nReld s course but, wishing to know if there was any truth in the\\nstories of the effects produced by his eloquence, sent his son and his\\ngrandson to hear the orator. They reached the assemblv, who were\\nlistening to Whitefield, without any partialities for .the preacher. The\\ntwo critics, in the bustle of the crovvd, had been separated and each,\\nlooking around fi r the other, when the sermon grew pathetic, found\\nthat their eyes met streaming with tears.\\nIf Whitefield had many enemies, he had more friends, Pome of them\\nof Ihe first order of InteHect. On one of his excursions through New\\nYork, New Jersey, and New Entjland, he was accompanied by the\\nKev. Aaron Burr, then, or soon afterwards, president of Nassau Hall,\\nthe college at Princeton, New Jersey. Mr. Burr was one of the most\\nlearned and eloquent men of the age, and deservedly popular with all\\nclasses of people. He was mild and gentle in his preaching, which\\nfurmed a fine contrast to the whirlwind of Whitefield s eloquence. It\\nwas a common saying in New England, that Whitefield should first\\nbreak the stubborn heart, and Burr should follow to heal the anguish\\nfif the penitent sufferer Burr had a clear, sweet voice, and modu-\\nlated it with great felicity but it had not sufficient compass for field-\\npreaching, which he never attempted but Wliitefield s voice was\\nfilled for the open field by its volume and extent.\\nMuch has been said against field-preaching in this country, and\\ntliere can be no doubt that many evils flow from it, and Mr. Whitefield\\niias been charged with having first set the example. It is a fact, that\\ncannot be denied, that he was the first who commenced this Druidical\\nform of worship in the open air in later times but he was sustained\\nbv primitive examples. The apostles had but few other places to\\nteach their religion. The temples of the heathen gods were shut\\nagainst them. They were obliged to use mountains and vales as\\ntemples where to teach their doctrines for they did not erect\\nedifices for public woiship for ages. The first temple dedicated to\\nChristian worship, was built at Tyre, on the site where once stood a\\nheathen temple. The forms and ceremonies used at this consecration,\\ncontained all, and more, than are used in such services at the present\\ndav. If field-preachintr should be discouraged in populous places,\\nthere being a sufBcient number of churclies and public edifices for all\\nreligious purposes, it la not so in a new country. In thinly-populated\\nplaces, it is of great advantage to the community to become acquaint-\\ned with each other and it is much better for them to meet under\\nreligious sanctions than political excitements. In political meetings\\ntiiere is often drinking, carousing, and gambling; but in these reli-\\ngious meetings, there is no such thing. These camp-meetings are gen-\\nerally conducted with decorum and modesty, and no evils take place, ex-\\ncept now and then a trifling violation of the English language, which\\ndoes but little injury, and gives but little offence. These assemblies are\\nsocial anc: affectionate. As they are attended by both sexes, there is a\\neoftenmg n^ manners by this intercourse and many judicious matches\\nare made, which serve to bring distant settlers to be friends and kin-\\ndred to each other. In the hours which are not devoted to spiritual\\nconcerns, the public welfare is discusaed, particularly those branches\\nlar. During the whole of his administration Gene-\\nral Oglethorpe had, from motives of policy, treated an\\nIndian, or rather half-breed woman, called Mary Mus-\\ngrove, afterwards Mary Bosomworth, with particular\\nkindness and generosity. Finding that she had\\ngreat influence among the Creeks, and understood\\ntheir language, he made use of her as an interpreter?\\nin order the more easily to form treaties of alliance\\nwith them allowing her, for her services, one hun-\\ndred pounds sterling a year. Thomas Bosomworth,\\nwho was chaplain to Oglethorpe s regiment, had mar-\\nried this woman, accepted a tract of land from the\\ncrown, and settled in the province. Being unsuc-\\ncessful in most of his speculations, he had recourse\\nto one of an extraordinary kind. He persuaded his\\nwife to assert herself to be the elder sister to I\\\\Iala-\\nof it which relate to schools and religious societies and all is done in a\\nChristian temper, for the ground, in their view, on which they stand,\\nis holy. I am no fanatic, but I do not hesitate to confess, that I liave\\nspent many pleasant and instructive days in frontier camp-meetings,\\nand feel it an incumbent duty to disabuse those who know them only\\nby unfavourable report, and have therefore condemned them and\\nhave also been desirous of vindicating the fame of the great fatlier of\\nfield-preaching in America. He has not done any injury to morals by\\nhis example.\\nIt would be unfair to judge of Whitefield s mental strength or elo-\\nquence by the sermons that pass as his. Thc} were taken by inex-\\nperienced reporters, in short-hand, and then moulded to suit some\\ntasteless fanatic. No man could have produced such effects as he is\\nknown to have done, by such sentiments and language as are found in\\nthese spurious sermons. There are some splendid passages still lin-\\ngering in the memory of the aged, that are entirely unlike the discon-\\nnected and tasteless style in which these sermons are published. It\\nis a slander upon a great man s fame, to change the thoughts that\\nbreathe, and words (hat burn^ to jejune and vulgnr language, and to\\nmake him talk with crudity and ignorance, who shook the nations\\nby his eloquence.\\nIt is now more than sixty-four years since his death yet there are\\nthose, in various parts of the United States, still living, who date their\\nfirst serious impressions from his eloquent sermons, and who have\\nnow a very vivid recollection of his person, manner, and voice. Mr.\\nWhitefield died at Newburyporl, in the county of Essex, and common-\\nwealth of Massachusetts, in September, 1770, and was buried in a tomb\\nunder the pulpit of the first Presbyterian church in that town. The\\npastor of that church, the Reverend Jonathan Parsons, soon followed\\nills friend to another life, and, by his request, was laid by his side.\\nThe Reverend Mr. Prince, an interesting, pious, blind preacher, wlten\\ndying, made the same request, and his remains were deposited *thcn\u00c2\u00bb\\nalso. The tomb was then closed with a wall of brick, the Reverend\\nJohn Murray, the successor of Mr. Parsons, expressing his wish to be\\nplaced in a common burying-ground. Here the ashes of the great\\nfield orator slumbered, without any monument to bear his name or\\nrecord his deeds, until a few years since, when an opulent individ-\\nual of that town, William Bartlett, Esq., caused n 1 eautilul marble\\nmonument to be erected in the church under which Whitefield was\\nburied, sacred t the memory of the Christian orator and pious divine.\\nThese monuments, cold philosophv may sav, are nothing to tlie\\ndead. If that be true, they still teacli the living many useful lesion?.\\nIt is from history that we draw the information th^tt we possess, and\\nthe wisdom which is the guide of life and what is history but the\\nrecords of the deeds of men who have departed fmni tliis scene nf\\ntion, having finished their labours The wise, as well as the rustic,\\nrequire memorials to quicken the heart, and to lend Ih mind In tin*\\ncontemplation of a future stale. An elegant monunient, with just\\ninscriptions, proves the state of the arts and oT letters at the tiuu it\\nwas erected, and with letters and the arts is connecte i, in no small\\ndegree, the happiness of man. In the excess of niodern philanthr py,\\nit is often said, that money expended in building monuments to the\\ndead, had served a better purpose, had it been given tn the poor.\\nHe serves man best, who honestly employs him innst. The lulinnr\\nrequisite to erect a monument, is diffused through a hundred iiands,\\nand benefits the induetrioua labourer, and cherishes the genius v.ho\\nplans and ^vec the finiehing touchee of art to the work.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STAGES.\\n161\\ntclie, the Indian chief, and to have descended, by a\\nmaternal Hne, from an Indian king, who held from\\nnature the whole territory of the Creeks and there-\\nfore to possess a right to them, superior not only to\\nthat of the trustees, but also to that of the king. Ac-\\ncordingly, Mary assumed the title of an independent\\nempress, disavowing all subjection or allegiance to\\nthe king- of Great Britain, otherwise than by way of\\ntreaty or alliance, such as one independent sovereign\\nmight voluntarily enter into with another a meeting\\nof all the Creeks was summoned, to whom Mary made\\na long speech, in which she set forth the justice of\\nher claim, and the great injury she and her beloved\\nsubjects had sustained by the loss of their territories,\\nand urged them to a defence of their rights by force\\nof arms. The Indians were fired with rage at the\\nidea of such indignity, and to a jnan pledged them-\\nselves to stand by her to the last drop of their blood\\nin defence of her royal person and their lands in\\nconsequence of which, queen Mary, escorted by a\\nlarge body of her savage subjects, set out for Savan-\\nnah, to demand from the president and council a\\nformal acknowledgment of her rights in the province.\\nA messenger was despatched, to notify to the presi-\\ndent the royal family s approach, to say that Mary\\nhad assumed her right and title of sovereignty over\\nthe whole territories of the upper and lower Creeks,\\nand to demand that all the lands south of Sai^annah\\nriver should be relinquished without loss of time\\nadding, that she was the hereditary and rightful queen\\nof both nations, and could command the whole force\\nof her tribe, and, in case of refusal, she had deter-\\nmined to extirpate the whole settlement. President\\nStephens and his council, alarmed at her high preten-\\nsions and bold threats, and sensible of her influence\\nwith the Indians, from her having been made a wo-\\nman of consequence as an interpreter, were not a\\nlittle embarrassed what steps to take for the public\\nsafety they thought it best to use soft and healing\\nmeasures, until an opportunity might offer of private-\\nly laying hold of her and shipping her off to England.\\nThe speech of the president at one of these conferences gives\\na very clear statement of the affair: Friends and brothers:\\nWhen Mr. Oglethorpe and his people first arrived in Georgia, they\\nfound Mary, then the wife of John Musgrove, living in a small hut\\nat Yamacraw; he had a license from the governor of South Caro-\\nlina to trade with the Indians she then appeared to be in a poor\\nragged condition, and was neglected and despised by the Creeks;\\nbut General Oglethorpe, finding that she could speak both the\\nEnglish and Creek languages, employed her as an interpreter,\\nrichly clothed her, and made her a woman of the consequence she\\nnow appears the people of Georgia always respected her, until\\nshe married Bosomworth, but from that time she has proved a liar\\nand a deceiver. In fact, she was no relation of Malatche, but the\\ndaughter of an Indian woman of no note, by a white man Gene-\\nral Oglethorpe did not treat with her for the lands of Georgia, for\\nIn the mean time, the militia were ordered to hold\\nthemselves in readiness to march to Savannah, at the\\nshortest notice. The town was put in the best possi-\\nble state of defence, but its whole force amounted to\\nonly one hundred and seventy men able to bear arms;\\na messenger was sent to Mary, while she was yet\\nseveral miles distant from Savannah, at the head of\\nher mighty host, to know whether she was serious in\\nsuch wild pretensions, and to try the influence of per-\\nsuasion to induce her to dismiss her followers, and\\ndrop her audacious design but finding her inflexible\\nand resolute, the president resolved to put on a bold\\ncountenance, and receive the savages with firmness.\\nSeveral interviews between the magistrates and the\\nIndian chiefs took place on this strange occurrence,\\nand the president* and council were flattering them-\\nselves with the idea of an amicable compromise of\\nall the existing difiiculties, and rejoicing in the re-es-\\ntablishinent of friendly intercourse with the Creeks,\\nwhen Marj;-, excited with liquor, and disappointed in\\nher royal views, rushed in amongst them like a fury,\\ntold the president that these were her people, that he\\nhad no business with them, and that he should soon\\nbe convinced of it to his cost. The president calmly\\nadvised her to retire to her lodgings, and forbear to\\npoison the minds of the Indians, adding, that he would\\notherwise order her into close confinement upon\\nwhich, turning about to Malatche, in great rage, she\\nrepeated, with some ill-natured comments, what the\\npresident had said Malatche started from his seat,\\nlaid hold of his arms, calling upon the rest to fol-\\nlow his example, and dared any man to touch the\\nqueen. The whole house wari filled in a moment\\nwith tumult and uproar every Indian having his\\ntomahawk in his hand, the president and council ex-\\npected nothing but instant death. During this confu-\\nsion. Captain Jones, who commanded the guard, very\\nseasonably interposed, and ordered the Indians im-\\nmediately to surrender their arms, endeavouring, how-\\never, not merely to overawe them, but using prudence\\nto avoid comine: to extremities with reluctance the\\nshe had none; but with the old and wise leaders of the Creek na-\\ntion, who voluntarily surrendered their territories to the king; the\\nIndians at that time having much waste land, which was useless to\\nthemselves, parted with a share of it to their friends, and were glad\\nthat white people had settled among them, to supply their wants.\\nHe told them that the present discontents of the Creeks had been\\nartfully infused into them by Mary, at the instigation of her hus-\\nband; that he demanded a third part of the royal bounty, in order\\nto rob the naked Indians of their rights that he had quarrelled\\nwith the president and council of Georgia, for refusing to answer\\nhis exorbitant demands, and therefore had filled the heads of the\\nIndians with wild fancies and groundless jealousies, in order to\\nferment mischief, and induce them to break their alliance with\\ntheir best friends, who alone were able to supply their wants, anj\\ndefend tbem against their enemies.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "1G2\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nIndians submitted, and Mary was conveyed to a pri-\\nvate room, where a guard was placed over her, and\\nall further communication with the Indians denied\\nher, during their stay in Savannah. Ultimately the\\nsoi-disaut queen was compelled to abandon her pre-\\ntensions, and the Indians were induced to depart, to\\nthe great joy of the inhabitants, who had been so\\nlong harassed by their turbulent visit.\\nThe prosperity of the colony had been much\\nretarded by the wars to which it had been subject,\\nand by the mistaken though well-intentioned man-\\nagement of the trustees, who, embarrassing it by too\\nmuch regulation, discouraged the emigrants, and\\nchecked its growth. Finding that the province lan-\\nguished under their care, and weary of the com-\\nplaints of the people, in the year 1752 they surren-\\ndered their charter to the king, and it was made\\na royal government in consequence of which, his\\nmajesty appointed John Reynolds, an officer of the\\nnavy, governor of the province, and a legislature\\nsimilar to that of the other royal governments in\\nAmerica. Great had been the expense which the\\nmother country had already incurred, besides pri-\\nvate benefactions, for supporting this colony and\\nsmall had been the returns yet made by it. The\\nvestiges of cultivation were scarcely perceptible in\\nthe forest, and in England all commerce with it was\\nneglected and despised. At this time the whole ex-\\nports of Georgia did not amount to ten thousand\\npounds per annum. Though the people were now\\nfavoured with the same liberties and privileges en-\\njoyed by their neighbours under the royal care, yet\\nseveral years more elapsed before the value of the\\nlands in Georgia was known, and that spirit of in-\\ndustry broke out in.it, which afterwards diffused its\\nhappy influence over the country.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "l%t^^\\nCHAPTER I.\\nFRENCH AND INDIAN WARS, A. D. 175G 1763.\\nThe formation and progress of all the colonies\\nivliich constituted the North American republic at\\nthe era of its independence, have now been traced up\\nto the middle of the eighteenth century. From that\\nperiod circumstances tended rapidly to promote that\\nfederation which eventually effected the independence\\nof the colonies, and laid the basis of their future\\nprosperity indeed, in the prosecution of the French\\nwar, which commenced in 1756, the energies of the\\ncolonies were so united in the attainment of one\\ncommon object, that the generalization of their\\npolitical history from that period is not only render-\\ned preferable, but almost inevitable.\\nBefore entering on the narrative of the war which\\nwas commenced by the French with the intention of\\nlimiting the English colonies in America to the vi-\\ncinity of the sea coast, but which terminated in the\\ntransfer of by far the most extensive and valuable of\\ntheir colonies to their rival, it is desirable to give a\\nbrief outline of the rise of the Gallic settlements, and\\nof the relative position of the territories of the two\\nnations previous to the commencement of hos-\\ntilities.\\nThe early discoveries of Cartier had turned the\\neyes of France towards the St. Lawrence and the\\nneighbouring territory, and established her claim to\\nit, according to that peculiar code by which Euro-\\npeans have deemed it proper to apportion among\\nthemselves the rest of mankind. Although Canada\\nhad scarcely any measure of the smiling and luxu-\\nriant aspect of Florida, or even of Virginia, yet it\\nopened into regions of vast extent and the tracing\\nto distant fountains the sea-like abyss of its waters,\\npresented more than common attraction to curiosity\\nand adventure. The first who undertook to colo-\\nnize these northern regions, was a Breton, named De\\nla Roche. He obtained from Henry IV. a patent of\\nthe same extensive character as those granted in\\nEngland to Gilbert and Raleigh. But so little sym-\\npathy did the nation exhibit in his views, that he\\nwas obliged to draw upon the jails for a great pro-\\nportion of the sailors, and his effort proved an entire\\nfailure.\\nA more vigorous attempt was made by De\\nMonts but Champlain, his successor, must be re-\\ngarded as the real founder of Canada, or New France.\\nHe built and fortified Q-uebec, and having brought\\nthe adjacent country into a tolerable state of cultiva-\\ntion, he proceeded to explore the vast wilderness by\\nwhich he was surrounded. The southern bank,\\nboth of the river and lakes, was found occupied by\\ntwo powerful people, the Algonquins and the Hurons,\\nwho were engaged in deadly and almost ceaseless\\nwarfare with the Iroquois, a still fiercer and more\\nwarlike tribe, occupying all the southern shore of\\nthe St. Lawrence, and of Lakes Erie and Ontario.\\nTo promote his subjects of discovery and of interior\\nintercourse, Champlain determined to take an active\\npart with the two former. The Iroquois allied\\nthemselves with the English, to whom they rendered\\nmost valuable, though sometimes fierce and revolting,\\nassistance in their contest with their rivals. By\\narduous and persevering labours, Champlain was\\nenabled to form an accurate idea of the extent and\\nsituation of Canada, which seemed to afibrd almost\\nindefinite scope both for trade and settlement. The\\ncompany under whose direction the aflairs of Canada\\nwere placed, however, did not second the ardour of\\nChamplain, and his interest at court procured the\\nabrogation of their charter. From its ashes rose one\\non a much grander scale, and which aimod to con-\\nvert New France into a colony of the first magnitude\\nbut unfortunately for these projectors, the English,\\nanimated by that hostile feeling which was inspired\\nby the persecution of the protestants, not only drove\\nthe French completely out of Acadia, but besieged and\\ntook Quebec, so that this boasted colony seemed forever", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "164\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nlost to the mother country but the court of London,\\nstrong-ly inclined for peace with France, agreed, on\\nthe 29th of March. 1632, to a convention, by which\\nher .sovereignty was reinstated both in Acadia and\\nQuebec.\\nFor fifty years the attention of government was\\nrather directed to the consolidation and internal im-\\nprovement of the colony, than to exploring the ex-\\npan.se of interior America. The Count de Frontignac\\nwas, however, possessed of a more enterprising spirit.\\nHe extended the range of settlement to the shores of\\nLiake Ontario, built there .the fort that bears his\\nname, and opened an intercourse with the tribes\\nwho roam over the boundless plains westward of\\nthe Alleghany. Here he learned that afar along the\\nwestern plain there rolled a river so mighty, that\\neven the hitherto unequalled stream of the St. Law-\\nrence could not come into competition with it. This\\nriver poured its stupendous current not in any of the\\ndirections hitherto recognised in the streams of\\nAmerica, but towards some distant ocean, that lay\\nfar in the south and the west. In the existing dark-\\nness as to the boundaries and details of the continent,\\nit was concluded that this could only be the Mer\\nVermeio, or Gulf of California, by which it was\\nhoped that the long-sought-for passage might be\\nfound to the golden regions of India. The strongest\\nmotives, therefore, impelled the coiuit to strain every\\neffort for its discovery. Frontignac found no want of\\nbold and fitting instruments. M. .Tolyet undertook,\\nwith two little Indian bark canoes, and three men in\\neach, to explore these luiknown secrets of the great\\ninterior America. The expedition proceeded first\\nthroujyh the already explored lakes of Erie and\\nMichigan, till they reached the north-western ex-\\ntremity of the latter. Two Miamis undertook to be\\ntheir guides up the Fox River, and to see them\\nembarked on the Wiscousan, which fell into the\\nMississippi. The voyage down the Wiscousan, was\\neasy and prosperous, and they saw it with exultation\\nopenina: into that grand stream of which they were\\nin search, the broad Mississippi, descending from its\\ndistant northern fountains to the unknown southern\\nsea in which it was to terminate. The enterprising\\nvoyagers prosecuted their journey, impeded only by\\noccasional intercourse with the native tribes inhabit-\\ning the banks of the Mississippi, which were general-\\nly friendly in a few days they heard from the\\nright a mighty roar of waters, and saw trees and\\nfloating islands rushing down into the channel.\\nThis was the influx of the great Missouri from its\\ndistant source in the Rocky or Chippewayan Moun-\\ntains, after a longer course, and with a larger body\\nof water than the Mississippi itself; but it was\\na subject of regret that the channel, which\\nbefore was clear and gentle, became now trou-\\nbled, muddy, and rapid. At length they came\\nto the Arkansas, at the mouth of the great river\\nArkansaw. Here they were informed, not with\\nstrict accuracy, that they were within five days sail\\nof the sea. On comparing this statement with their\\nactual position, they became convinced that the\\nMississippi emptied itself into the gulf of Mexico,\\nnot as they had expected and hoped into the sea\\nof California. Considering, therefore, that by pro-\\nceeding downwards they might fall into the hands\\nof Spaniards, they determined to return to Canada.\\nSubsequently La Salle, pursuing the same course,\\nreached the Gulf of Mexico. He then returned to\\nFrance, and procured tlie command of an expe-\\ndition to effect a settlement at the mouths of the\\nMississippi but sailing too far westward, he missed\\nhis object, and while endeavouring to penetrate\\nto the Mississippi by land, was basely assassinated by\\nsome of his own men and, of the whole colony, all\\nperished except seven, who finally reached Canada.\\nIn 1699, a more successful attempt was made by\\nMr. D Ibberville, who entered the Mississippi, and\\nlaid the- foundation of the first French colony in\\nLower Louisiana. The place chosen for a settle-\\nment was near the mouth of the river Perdido.\\na very injudicious choice, from the unhealthiness\\nof the climate and the barrenness of the soil. From\\nthese circumstances, together with the improper\\nmanagement of the royal governors, and the profli-\\ngate character of many of the settlers, the progress of\\nthe colony was very slow. In the year 1717, the city\\nof New Orleans was founded. The most romantic\\nand extravagant accounts of the country were now\\npublished. It was represented as aboimding in the\\nprecious metals, and as combining all the delights\\nof the most favoured spots on earth. Thousands of\\nemigrants were allured by these descriptions, most of\\nwhom perished miserably from sickness and want\\nof food. Agriculture had made little progress, and\\nthe disposition of the majority of the settlers led them\\nrather to assimilate their habits to those of the\\nsavages, than to pursue a regular course of industry.\\nAbout the year 1730, its affairs began to wear a\\nprosperous aspect the settlements were gradually\\nextended up the Mississippi, and the productions of\\nthe country were exported to some profit.\\nBeing in possession of the inland seas of Canada,\\nas they are justly termed, and of the mouths of the\\ngrand receiver of most of the principal rivers of North\\nAmerica, the French conceived the bold idea of", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n165\\nuniting their northern and southern possessions by a\\nchain of forts along the banks of the Ohio and Missis-\\nsippi; and by that means also to confine the English\\ncolonists to the eastern side of tlie AUeghanies. In\\ntheir northern colonies their military strength was\\nconsiderable Q,uebec and Montreal were strongly\\nfortified; and at other points, Louisburg, Cape Breton,\\nand the forts of Lake Champlain, Niagara, Crown\\nPoint, Frontignac, Ticonderoga, and several others,\\ndefended the frontiers. They had also erected a\\nconsiderable fort at the junction of the Alleghany\\nwith the Monongahela, then called Du Glucsne, but\\nnow forming the site of Pittsburgh, the Birmingham\\nof America. The various scenes of hostility which,\\nwith different success, were almost perpetually occur-\\nring between the rival colonists, have, in a previous\\nchapter, been related to the period when, for a short\\ntime, they were terminated by the peace of Aix la\\nChapelle. It remains now to record the events of the\\nwar which terminated the dominion of France in the\\nnorthern, and by far most valuable, portion of her\\nterritories in America.\\nThe grants of territory from the English crown\\nwere many of them from the coast of the Atlantic,\\nwestward to the Pacific Ocean. It is evident, there-\\nfore, that the plans of the French, in extending their\\nforts and their claims from north to sonth, directly\\ncrossed the path of the English colonists, and must\\nbe viewed by them with a spirit of opposition and a\\ndetermination to resist. They naturally felt their\\nvast superiority in point of numbers, their colonies\\ncontainins: at this time upwards of a million inhabit-\\nants, while the population of Canada, Louisiana, and\\nall the intermediate stations, scarcely exceeded fifty\\nthousand. The immediate occasion of the interrup-\\ntion of the peace, which had endured only five years,\\nwas the alleged intrusion of the Ohio company, an\\nassociation of influential men from England and\\nVirginia, who had obtained a grant of six hundred\\nthousand acres of land in the vicinity of the river\\nwhose title they assumed, embracing a portion of\\nterritory the French deemed to be within the limits\\n8f their dominion. From these grants of lands to\\nthe Ohio company, the governor of Canada appre-\\nhended, that the English were pursuing a scheme\\nwhich misj-ht deprive the French of the advantages\\narising from the trade with the Twightees, and cut off\\nthe communication between Canada and Louisiana.*\\nHe had written to the governors of New York and\\nM. Du Cluesne, who succeeded M. de la Ga]lissionere in tlie\\ngovernment of Canada, having received instructions to take pos-\\nsession of the countries on the Ohio for the crovra of France, in\\nIhe bej^inning of 1753 ordered the Sieur de St. Pierre, with a de-\\nPennsylvania, acquainting them that the English\\ntraders ha d encroached on the French territories by\\ntrading with their Indians, and that, if they did not\\ndesist, he should be obliged to seize them wherever\\nfound. This menace did not divert the Ohio com-\\npany from prosecuting its design of surveying the\\ncountry as far as the falls in Ohio River. While the\\nsurvey was proceeding, a French party seized three\\nBritish traders, and carried them to Presqn Isle, on\\nLake Erie, where a strong fort was then erecting.\\nThe British, alarmed at this capture, retired to the\\nIndian towns for shelter and the Twightees, resent-\\ning the violence done to their allies, assembled, to the\\nnumber of five or six hundred, scoured the woods,\\nand findintr three French traders, sent them to Penn-\\nsylvania. The French, determined to persist, built\\na second fort, about fifteen miles south of the former,\\non one of the branches of the Ohio and another at\\nthe confluence of the Ohio, and Wabash and thus\\ncompleted their long projected communication be-\\ntween the mouth of the Mississippi and the river St.\\nLawrence.\\nThe Ohio company complaining loudly of these\\naggressions on the country which had been granted\\nto them as part of the territory of Virginia, Robert\\nDinwiddle, lieutenant-governor of that colony, consi-\\ndering the encroachment as an invasion of liis\\nprovince, judged it his duty to demand, in the name\\nof the king, that the French should desist from the\\nprosecution of designs, which he considered as a\\nviolation of the treaties subsisting between the two\\ncrowns. This service, it was foreseen, would be\\nrendered very fatiguing and hazardous, by the exten-\\nsive tract of country, almost entirely unexplored,\\nthrough which an envoy must pass, as well as by the\\nhostile dispositions of some of the Indian inhabitants,\\nand the doubtful attachment of others. Uninviting,\\nhowever, and even formidable, as it was, George\\nWashington, then in his twenty-second year, hesitated\\nnot to engage in it. Attended by one person only,\\nhe set out from Williamsburg on the 31st of October.\\nThe season was uncommonly severe, and the length\\nof his journey was above four hundred miles, two\\nhundred of which lay through a trackless desert,\\ninhabited by Indians. On the 12th of December he\\narrived at a French fort, the head-quarters of M.\\nLagarjiier de St. Pierre, commanding officer on the\\nOhio, to whom he delivered the letter of Governor\\nDinwiddle. The chief officers retired to hold a\\ntachment, to lake post on the river Aux Ba;ufs, and there lo remain\\nuntil he received farther orders. St. Pierre took post tliere ac\\ncordingly, and erected a fort for its securit} Of this, Mr. Din-\\nwiddie, lieutenant-governor of Virginia, had early intelligence.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "lf)8\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITKD STATES.\\ncouncil of war and Washington seized that oppor-\\ntunity of taking the dimensions of the fort, and\\nmaking every possible observation. The answer of\\nSt. Pierre stated, that he had taken possession of\\nthe country by direction of the governor-general of\\nCanada that he would transmit Governor Dinwid-\\ndie s letter to him; and that to his orders he should\\nyield implicit obedience.\\nThis reply not being satisfactory tn the governor,\\npreparations were made in Virginia to maintain by\\nforce the rights of the British crown. Troops, con-\\nstituting a regiment, were raised, the command of\\nwhich, on the death of the colonel first appointed,\\nwas given to Mr. Washington. At the head of about\\nfour hundred men, he advanced early in the spring\\ninto the territory in dispute. On his route he met,\\nattacked, and defeated, a French party, under the\\ncommand of one Dijonville, who approached him\\nin a maimer indicating hostile intentions. He pro-\\nceeded towards the fort Du Quesne, sitliate at the\\njunction of the Alleghany and Monongahela. From\\nthis fort De Villier, at the head of nine hundred men,\\ninarched out to attack him. Hearing of the approach\\nof this party, Colonel Washington halted, and hastily\\nerected some imperfect works, by means of which he\\nhoped to prolong his defence until the arrival of rein-\\nforcements. He was closely besieged by De Villier.\\nhut making an obstinate defence, was offered the\\nmost honourable terms of capitulation, which hs ac-\\ncepted, and returned with his regiment to Virginia.\\nThe proceedings of the French in America excited\\na strong interest in the minds of the British govern-\\nment and deeming war inevitable, orders were sent\\nto the governors of the several colonies to repel force\\nby force, and to dislodge the French from their posts\\non the Ohio. These orders were accompanied with\\na recommendation to form a union of the colonies\\nfor more effective defence. Delegates had already\\nbeen appointed to meet at Albany, for the purpose of\\nconferring with the Five Nations and Governor\\nShirley recommended that the subject of union should\\nalso be discussed at the convention. The commis-\\nsioners from Massachusetts had ample powers to co-\\noperate in the formation of a plan those from Mary-\\nland were instructed to observe what others did\\nand those from New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Con-\\nnecticut, Pennsylvania, and New York, had no in-\\nstructions at all on the subject. As soon, however,\\nas the friendship of the Indians was thought to be\\nsecured by a distribution of presents, the delegates ap-\\npointed a committee to devise some scheme for the\\nproposed confederation and the committee recom-\\nmended the adoption of a government analogous to\\nthat of the individual colonies. There was to be a\\ngrand council, composed of deputies from the several\\nprovinces, and a president-general, appointed by the\\ncrown, with the power of negativing the acts of\\nthe council. The Connecticut delegates, however,\\ndissented from this plan, because it placed too prepon-\\nderating a power in the hands of the crown. It was\\nrejected by the British ministry for the very opposite\\nreason they suggested, however, that the several\\ngovernors, with one or two of their counsellors, should\\nmeet and adopt such measures as the common safety\\nmight demand. BiU this scheme was defeated by a\\nprovision, that they might draw upon the British trea-\\nsury for all necessary sums, which parliament would\\nundertake to repay by imposing a general tax upon\\nthe colonies. The Massachusetts assembly sent spe-\\ncial instructions to its agent in London to oppose most\\nstrenuously any measure which had for its object the\\nestablishment of taxes on the colonies, under what-\\never plea of utility; and Franklin, to whom the go-\\nvernor of Virginia had sent the proposition of the\\nBritish minister, states most distinctly in his letter in\\nreply, the reasons which would ever prevent the Ame-\\nricans from consenting to such a proposal. He ob-\\nserves, that it would inspire universal discontent\\namong the Americans to attempt the imposition of\\ntaxes by a parliament where they were not represent-\\ned, a point of which neither the colonies nor the Bri-\\ntish government ever lost sight, from this period till\\nthe contest it originated terminated in the entire se-\\nparation of the former from its dependence on the\\nBritish crown.\\nEarly in the spring of 17.5.5, the British govern-\\nment despatched General Braddock to America, with\\na respectable force to expel the French, and keep\\npossession of the territory and preparations having\\nbeen made by France to despatch a reinforcement to\\nher armies in Canada, Admiral Boscawen Avas order-\\ned to endeavour to intercept the French fleet before\\nit should enter the gulf of St. Lawrence. In April,\\nGeneral Braddock met the governors of the several\\nprovinces to confer upon the plan of the ensuing\\ncampaign. Three expeditions were resolved upon\\none against Dn duesne, to be commanded by Gene-\\nral Braddock one against forts Niagara and Frontig-\\nnac, to be commanded by Governor Shirley and one\\nagainst Crown Point, to he commanded by General\\nJohnson. This last originated with Massachusetts,\\nand was to be executed by colonial troops raised m\\nNew England and New York.\\nWhile preparations were making for these expedi-\\ntions, another, which had been previously concerted,\\nwas carried on against the French forts in Nova Sco-\\nII\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n167\\ntia. This province was settled by the French, but\\nwas ceded to the Enghsh by the treaty of Utrecht. Its\\nboundaries not having been defined, the French con-\\ntinued to occupy a portion of the territory claimed by\\nthe English, and had built forts for their defence.\\nTo gain possession of these was the object of the expe-\\ndition. About two thousand militia, commanded by\\nColonel Winslow, embarked at Boston and being\\njoined on their passage by three hundred regulars, ar-\\nrived in April at the place of their destination. The\\nforts were invested, the resistance made was trifling\\nand inefiectual, and in a short time the English gain-\\ned entire possession of the province, according to\\ntheir own definition of its boundaries. Three only of\\ntheir men were killed.\\nAs soon as the convention of governors was dis-\\nsolved. General Braddock proceeded to the post at\\nWell s Creek, whence the army commenced its march\\nabout the middle of June. Their progress was\\nvery much retarded by the necessity of cutting a road\\nand, lest the enemy should have time to collect in\\ngreat force, the general concluded to set forward with\\ntwelve hundred select men, while Colonel Dunbar\\nshould follow slowly in the rear, with the main\\nbody and the heavy baggage. Colonel Washington s\\nregiment had been split into separate companies, and\\nhe had only joined the army as aid to the general.\\nThe roughness of the country prevented the advan-\\nced corps from reaching the Monongahela till the\\n8th of July. It was resolved to attack Dii Quesne\\nthe very next day and lieutenant-colonel Gage\\nwas sent in front with three hundred British regulars,\\nwhile the general himself followed at some distance\\nwith the main body. He had been strongly caution-\\ned by Colonel Washington to provide against an\\nambuscade, by sending forward some provincial\\ncompanies to scour the woods but he held the\\nprovincials and the enemy in equal contempt. The\\nMonongahela was crossed the second time, about\\nseven miles from Du Q,uesne and the army was\\npressing forward in an open wood, through high\\nand thick grass, when the front was suddenly\\nthrown into disorder by a volley from small arms.\\nThe main body was formed three deep, and brought\\nto its support the commander-in-chief of the enemy\\nfell and a cessation of the fire led General Brad-\\ndock to suppose that the assailants had fled but he\\nwas soon attacked with redoubled fury. Concealed\\nBraddock was mortally wounded, and taken on sashes, at\\nfirst, from the field, and then a litter was made for him, on which\\nhe was carried forty miles from the battle ground, where he ex-\\npired on the evening of the fourth day after his defeat. Seven\\nhundred of his men were killed, among whom were William Shir-\\nley, of the staff, and Col. Sir Peter Halket. Among the wounded\\n22\\nbehind trees, logs, and rocks, the Indians poured\\nupon the troops a deadly and incessant fire oflicers\\nand men fell thickly around, and the survivors knew\\nnot where to direct their aim to revenge their\\nslaughtered comrades. The whole body was again\\nthrown into confusion but the general, obstinate\\nand courageous, refused to retreat and instead of\\nwithdrawing them beyond the reach of the enemy s\\nmuskets, where their ranks might easily have been\\nformed anew, undertook to rally them on the very\\nground of attack, and in the midst of a most inces-\\nsant and deadly fire. He persisted in these efibrts\\nuntil three horses had been shot under him, and\\nevery one of his officers on horseback, except Colonel\\nWashington, was either killed or wounded. The\\ngeneral at length fell, and the rout became universal.*\\nThe troops fled .precipitately until they met the division\\nunder Dunbar, then forty miles in the rear. Sixty-\\nfour oflicers out of eighty-five and about half of the\\nprivates were killed or wounded. General Brad-\\ndock died in Dunbar s camp and the whole army,\\nwhich appears to have been panic struck, marched\\nback to Philadelphia. The provincial troops, whom\\nBraddock had so lightly esteemed, displayed during\\nthe battle the utmost calmness and courage. Though\\nplaced in the rear, they alone, led on by Washing-\\nton, advanced against the Indians, and covered the\\nretreat and had they at first been permitted to en-\\ngage the enemy in their own way, they would easily\\nhave defeated them.\\nThe two northern expeditions, though not so\\ndisastrous, did not either of them succeed in at-\\ntaining the object proposed. In that against Crown\\nPoint much delay was occasioned by the distracted\\ncouncils of so many different governments and it\\nwas not till the last of August, that General .Tohnson,\\nwitli three thousand seven himdred men, arrived at\\nthe fort of Lake George, on his way to Ticonderoga.\\nMeanwhile the French squadron bad eluded Admiral\\nBoscawen and, as soon as it arrived at Quebec,\\nBaron Dieskau, the commander, resolved to march\\nagainst Oswego with his own twelve hundred re-\\ngulars, and about six hundred Canadians and\\nIndians. The news of General Johnson s move-\\nment determined Dieskau to change his plan, and to\\nlead his forces directly against the American camp.\\nGeneral Johnson called for reinforcements eight\\nhundred troops, raised as a corps of reserve by\\nwere Robert Orme, Roger Morris, Sir John Si. Clair, and several\\nothers of the staff, and Lieut. Cols. Button and Gage. Braddock\\nwas a brave and excellent officer. His mistake was in not study-\\ning the character of the enemy. Franklin advised him to proceed\\nwith the utmost caution but the proud general thought the ad-\\nviser was a much better philosopher than soldier. Am. Ed.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "168\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nMassachusetts, were immediately ordered to his\\nassistance and the same colony undertook to raise\\nan additional number of two thousand men. Co-\\nlonel Williams was sent forward with one thousand\\nmen to amuse and reconnoitre the enemy. He met\\nthem four miles from the camp, offered battle, and\\nwas defeated.* Another detachment shared the\\nsame fate and the French were now within one\\nhundred and fifty yards of the camp, when a halt\\nfor a short time enabled the Americans to recover\\ntheir alarm, and to make good use of their artillery\\nthrough the fallen trees, behind which they were\\nposted. Dieskau advanced to the charge but\\nhe was so firmly received, that the Indians and\\nmilitia gave way and fled he was obliged to order\\na retreat of the regulars and, in the ardent pursuit\\nwhich ensued, he was himself mortally wounded and\\nmade prisoner.! A scouting party had, in tlie\\nmean time, taken the enemy s baggage and when\\nthe retreating army came up, they attacked it so suc-\\ncessfully from behind the trees, that the panic-struck\\nsoldiers dropped all their accoutrements, and fled\\nin the utmost confusion for their posts on the lakes.?\\nThis victory revived the spirits of the colonists, de-\\npressed by the recent defeat of General Braddock, but\\nthe success was not improved in any proportion to\\ntheir expectation. General Shirley, now the com-\\nHencirick, a Mohawk chief, was killed in this battle. He\\nwas the son of a Mohegan chief, by a Mohawk woman. He mar-\\nrieil into a Mohawk family, and became distinguished among the\\nsix nations. His fame extended to Massachusetts, for the commis-\\nsioners, in 1751, consulted him on the great question of instructing\\ncertain youtlis of his nation. He was friendly to the English and\\nin this battle with Dieskau, he commanded three hundred Mo-\\nhawks. He was grave and sententious in council, and brave in\\nfight. Some of his aphorisms are as wise as those of Solon. When\\nit was proposed to send a detachment to meet the enemy, and the\\nnumber being mentioned, he replied: If they are to fight, tliey are\\ntoo few; if they are to be killed, they are too many. When it\\nwas proposed to send out the detachment in three parlies, Hendrick\\ntook three sticks, and said, put them together, and you can not\\nbreak them take them one by one, and you will break them easily.\\nThey followed the advice of the old warrior in this and had they\\nregarded the precautions he suggested, in scouring the field by a\\nflank guard, Williams would not have fallen into the ambuscade.\\nHendrick is remembered among the friends of white men, who\\nnow and then have been found in the difltrent ages of our history,\\namong Indians. Am. Ed.\\nt John Harmand Dieskau, baron, was a lieutenant general in\\nthe French army. In 1755, he left Montreal with twelve hundred\\nregulars, and six hundred Canadians and Indians. General John-\\nson, with three thousand seven hundred men, arrived at the fort ol\\nLake George, on his way to Ticonderoga. Baron Dieskau, hear-\\ning of this movement of General Johnson, instead of proceeding\\nto Albany, as was his original intention, resolved to attack the\\nAmerican camp. A reinforcement of eight hundred troops was\\nsent to General Johnson s assistance; and Colonel Williams, with\\none thousand men, was ordered to reconnoitre the enemy. He\\nmet the enemy, but was defeated, and left among the slain. The\\nloss of the French was also considerable M. St. Pierre, com-\\nmander of the Indians, was mortally wounded. On the same day,\\nthe 3th of September, Baron Dieskau appeared in view of Colonel\\nmander-in-chief, urged an attempt on Ticonderoga\\nbut a council of war judging it unadvisable, Johnson\\nemployed the remainder of the campaign in fortify\\ning his camp. On a meeting of commissioners\\nfrom Massachusetts, and Connecticut, with the go-\\nvernor and council of New York, in October, it Avas\\nunanimously agreed, that the army under General\\nJohnson should be discharged, excepting six hun-\\ndred men, who should be engaged to garrison Fort\\nEdward and Fort William Henry. The French\\nstill retained possession of Ticonderoga, and forti-\\nfied it.\\nGeneral Shirley, who was to conduct the ex-\\npedition against Niagara and Fort Frontignac,\\nexperienced such delays, that he did not reach Oswe-\\ngo until the 21st of August. On his arrival, he\\nmade all necessary preparations for the expedition to\\nNiagara but, through the desertion of batteau men,\\nthe scarcity of wagons on the Mohawk River, and\\nthe desertion of sledgemen at the great carrying place,\\nthe conveyance of provisions and stores was so\\nmuch retarded, that nearly four weeks elapsed\\nbefore he could commence any further operations\\nand from a continued succession of adverse circum-\\nstances, in a council of war called on the 27th of\\nSeptember, it was unanimously resolved to defer the\\nexpedition to the succeeding year to leave Colonel\\nJohnson s army, which was encamped on the banks of Lake George,\\ndefended on each side by a woody swamp. The Americans having\\nrecovered from the alarm which their first disaster had thrown\\nthem into, and being stationed behind some fallen trees, their su-\\nperior situation enabled them to make good use of their artillery.\\nDieskau, encouraged by his previous success, advanced boldly to\\nthe charge; but his Indians, more accustoined to the tomahawk and\\nscalping knife, than to the roar of cannon, fled in dismay. His\\nauxiliary troops being so dispersed, he was obliged to order a re-\\ntreat of the regulars. In the pursuit which followed, he was him-\\nself wounded. A soldier, seeking for plunder, found Dieskau alone,\\ndeserted by his troops, leaning on the stump of a tree, unable to\\nmove from a wound in his leg. While he was searching for his\\nwalch, to deliver lo him, the soldier supposing he was seeking for\\na pistol, poured a charge through his hips. He was conveyed to\\nNew York, where he was attended by Dr. Jones. He never en-\\ntirely recovered from the wound, which gradually impaired his\\nconstitution, and he died in consequence of it, at Surene, in France,\\nSeptember 8th, 1767. He was unquestionably a general of milita-\\nry skill. Ibid.\\nt General Phineas Lyman was second in command in this baltle.\\nHe was a brave man, of far superior abilities lo Johnson and\\nwhen Ihe commander in chief was wounded. General Lyman look\\nIhe command, and fought out the battle most gallantly. Lyman\\nwas a man of first rale talents and education, a lawyer, and a\\nstatesman. He sustained himself for five hours, on ihat day, and\\ngave his orders like a veteran soldier but Johnson never mentioned\\nhis name in his account of the baltle, from a most despicable feeling\\no( jealousy. Lyman continued for several campaigns to command\\nthe Connecticut troops, and won laurels in every situation. The\\nclose of his life was dark and sad but his honour was never tar-\\nnished. Ibid.\\nShirley was a good lawyer, and a brave ofilcer. He was a\\nman of literary tasie and acquirements. He published a tragedy,\\nand some other dramatic works. Ibid.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n169\\nMercer at Oswego, with a garrison of seven hundred\\nmen, and to build two additional forts for the securi-\\nty of the place while the general should return with\\nthe rest of the army to Albany. Thus ended tlie\\ncampaign of 1755 it opened with the brightest\\nprospects immense preparations had been made,\\nyet not one of the objects of the three principal ex-\\npeditions had been attained and by this failure the\\nwhole frontier was exposed to the ravages of the\\nIndians, which were accompanied by their usual\\nacts of barbarity.\\nThe colonies, however, far from being discouraged\\nby the misfortunes of the last campaign, determined\\nto renew and increase their exertions. General\\nShirley, to whom the superintendence of all the\\nmilitary operations had been confided, assembled a\\ncouncil of war at New York to concert a plan for the\\nensuing year. The plan adopted by the council\\nembraced expeditions against Du Quesne, Niagara,\\nand Crown Point, and the despatching a body of\\ntroops by way of the rivers Kennebeck and Chau-\\ndiere, to create alarm for the safety of Quebec.\\nMajor-General Winslow* was appointed to lead the\\nexpedition against Crown Point. He was a popular\\nofficer, and the colonists felt a deep interest in the\\nexpedition but, for want of an established financial\\nsystem, (their only taxes were upon lands and polls,)\\nthe requisite funds were raised with difficulty, and the\\nrecruiting service made very slow progress. Only\\nseven thousand men assembled at the posts on Lake\\nGeorge. General Winslow declared, that, without\\nmore forces, he could not undertake the expedition\\nand it would probably have been abandoned, had he\\nnot been reinforced by the timely arrival of some\\nBritish troops. They came over with General Aber-\\ncrombie, who had superseded General Sliirley, and\\nwho soon after gave place to the Earl of Loudoun.\\nThese changes produced some unpleasant contests\\nfor priority of rank. General Winslow asserted\\nfrankly, that the provincials would never be com-\\nmanded by British officers and the Earl of Loudoun\\nseriously propounded the question, whether the colo-\\nnial troops, with his majesty s arms in their hands,\\nwould refuse obedience to his majesty s commanders?\\nHe was answered in the affirmative and when he\\nunderstood that the New England troops, in par-\\nticular, had enlisted under the condition of being led\\nby their own officers, he agreed to let those troops act\\nseparately.\\nWinslow was a grandson of the second governor of Plymouth,\\nof that name. He was engaged as a captain in the expedition to\\nCuba, in 1740 as a major-general in the expeditions to Kennebec,\\nNova Scotia, and Crown Point, in the Spanish wars. The bold\\nWhile the English were adjusting these differences,\\nand debating whether it would be expedient to attack\\nFort Niagara, or Fort Du Quesne, Montcalm, the\\nsuccessor of Dieskau, marched against Oswego with\\nabout five thousand French, Canadians, and Indian,\\nHis artillery played with such effect upon the fbrt,\\nthat it was soon declared untenable and to avoid an\\nassault, the garrison, who were sixteen hundred in\\nnumber, and had stores for five months, surrendered\\nthemselves prisoners of war. The fort had been an\\nobject of considerable jealousy to the Five Nations\\nand Montcalm made a wise use of his conquest by\\ndemolishing it in their presence. The English and\\nAmerican army was now thrown upon the defensive.\\nInstead of attacking Ticonderoga, General Winslow\\nwas ordered to fortify his own camp Major-general\\nWebb, with fourteen hundred regulars, took post\\nnear Wood Creek and Sir William Johnson, with\\none thousand militia, was stationed at the German\\nFlats. The colonists were now called upon for rein-\\nforcements and, as parliament had distributed among\\nthem one hundred and fifteen thousand pounds for\\nthe last year s expenses, they were enabled to answer\\nthe call with perhaps more promptitude than was\\nanticipated. The recruits were on their way to the\\ncamp, when intelligence of the small-pox at Albany\\nfrightened them home again. The other provincials\\nwere equally alarmed and all, except a New York\\nregiment, were dismissed. Thus terminated the\\nsecond campaign. The expedition up the Kenne-\\nbeck had been abandoned that against Niagara was\\nnot commenced and not even a preparation had\\nbeen made for that against Du Quesne.\\nAt the commencement of the following year a\\ncouncil was held at Boston, composed of Lord\\nLoudoun, and the governors of the New England\\nprovinces and of Nova Scotia. At this council his\\nlordship proposed that New England should raise\\nfour thousand men for the ensuing campaign and\\nthat a proportionate number should be raised by\\nNew York and New Jersey. These requisitions were\\ncomplied with and in the spring his lordship found\\nhimself at the head of a very considerable army.\\nAdmiral Holbourn arriving in the beginning of July\\nat Halifax with a powerful squadron, and a reinforce-\\nment of five thousand British troops, under George\\nViscoimt Howe, Lord Loudoun sailed from New\\nYork with six thousand regulars, to join those troops\\nat the place of their arrival. Instead of the complex\\nstand he took in favour of the militia at that time, has been quoted\\nas a precedent since, and endeared his name to every lover of mi-\\nlitary honour. Am. Ed.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "170\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\noperations undertaken in previous campaigns, his\\nlordship hmited his plan to a single object. Leaving\\nthe posts on the lakes strongly garrisoned, he resolved\\nto direct his whole disposable force against Louis-\\nbourg Halifax having been determined on as the\\nplace of rendezvous for the fleet and army destined\\nfor the expedition. Information was, however, soon\\nreceived, that a French fleet had lately sailed from\\nBrest that Louisbourg was garrisoned by six thou-\\nsand regulars, exclusive of provincials and that it\\nwas also defended by seventeen line of battle ships,\\nwhich were moored in the harbour. There being no\\nhope of success against so formidable a force, the\\nenterprise was deferred to the next year the general\\nand admiral on the last of August proceeded to New\\nYork and the provincials were dismissed.\\nThe Marquis de Montcalm, availing himself of the\\nabsence of the principal part of the British force,\\nadvanced with an army of nine thousand men, and\\nlaid siege to Fort William Henry. The garrison at\\nthis fort consisted of between two and three thousand\\nregulars, and its fortifications were strong* and in very\\ngood order and for the additional security of this\\nimportant post. General Webb was stationed at Fort\\nEdward with an army of four thousand men. The\\nFrench commander, however, urged his approaches\\nwith such vigour, that, within six days after the\\ninvestment of the fort, Colonel Monro, the com-\\nmandant, having in vain solicited succour from\\nGeneral Webb, found it necessary to surrender by\\ncapitulation. The garrison was to be allowed the\\nhonours of war, and to be protected against the In-\\ndians until within the reach of Fort Edward but the\\nnext morning, a great number of Indians having been\\nThis is a great mistake the fort was built merely as a defence\\nagainst Indians, and was entirely unfit for a siege, by a power who\\nhad the command of ordnance. The fort was not abandoned until\\nthe last shot they had was fired. The conduct of the brave and\\ngallant Montcalm, is inexplicable. Could not such a general, with\\nso many regular troops, have restrained the Indians 1 His reputa-\\ntion was without stain until that hour. Some of the disarmed and\\nwretched troops were compelled to make resistance, and wrenched\\nthe arms from their assailants, and defended themselves with des-\\nperation. There are blood-stained pages in history we could wish\\nwere not there. This is one of them. Am. Ed.\\ni While the army was in winter quarters, a circumstance oc-\\ncurred which exhibits the watchful jealousy the colonists ever ex-\\nercised over their liberties. The general court had provided\\nbarracks on Castle Island, for a regiment of Highlanders, which\\nhad been expected at Boston. Some recruiting officers soon after-\\nwards arrived at Nova Scotia; and, protesting that their regiments\\nwould never be filled up if the men must be lodged in these barracks,\\nthey required the justices of the peace to furnish quarters, accord-\\ning to the act of parliament. The justices denied that the act of\\nparliament extended to this country. Lord Loudoun wrote the\\ncourt a letter, and asserted roundly that it did that, moreover, he\\nhad used gentleness and patience long enongh; and that unless\\nthe requisitions were complied with in forty-eight hours from the\\nreceipt of his letter, he should be under the necessity of ordering\\npermitted to enter the lines, began to plunder and\\nmeeting with no opposition, they fell upon the sick\\nand wounded, whom they immediately massacred.\\nTheir appetite for carnage being excited, the defence-\\nless troops were attacked with fiend-like fury. Monro\\nin vain implored Montcalm to provide the stipulated\\nguard, and the massacre proceeded. All was turbu-\\nlence and horror. On every side savages were\\nbutchering and scalping their wretched victims.\\nTheir hideous yells, the groans of the dying, and the\\nfrantic shrieks of others shrinking from the uplifted\\ntomahawk, were heard by the French unmoved. The\\nfury of the savages was permitted to rage without\\nrestraint until fifteen hundred were killed, or hurried\\ncaptives into the wilderness. The day after this\\nawful tragedy. Major Putnam was sent with his\\nrangers to watch the motions of the enemy. When\\nhe came to the shore of the lake, their rear was\\nhardly beyond the reach of musket shot. The pros-\\npect was horrible in the extreme the fort demolished\\nthe barracks and buildings yet burning; innumerable\\nfragments of human carcasses still broiled in the\\ndecaying fires; and dead bodies, mangled with toma-\\nhawks and scalping knives, in all the wantonness\\nof Indian barbarity, were every where scattered\\naround. Who can forbear exclaiming with the poet,\\nMan is to man the surest, sorest ill\\nThus ended the third campaignt in America\\nhappily forming the last series of disasters resulting\\nfrom folly and mismanagement, rather than from\\nwant of means and military strength. The successes\\nof the French left the colonies in a gloomy state. By\\nthe acqttisition of Fort William Henry, they had ob-\\ntained full possession of the lakes Champlain and\\ninto Boston the three battalions from New York, Long Island, and\\nConnecticut and if more were wanting, he had two in the Jerseys\\nat hand, besides those in Pennsylvania. The general court now\\npassed an act very similar to ihat of parliamenl, on the subject of\\nrecruits; but it did not fully answer Lord Loudoun s expectations,\\nnor did he fail to let them know it in a second epistle. The an-\\nswer of the general court was merely a reiteration of what we\\nhave so often heard from the same body. They asserted their\\nrights as Englishmen said they had conformed to the act of par-\\nliament as nearly as the case would admit and declared that it\\nwas their misfortune, if a strict adherence to their duty should give\\noflence to Lord Loudoun. He, in turn, applauded the zeal of the\\nprovince in the service of his majcst} afiected to rely on its com-\\npliance with his wishes, and countermanded his orders for the\\nmarch of the troops. The general court sent his excellency a con-\\nciliatory message, in which they asserted that they were entirely\\ndependent on parli.amcnl; lhat its acts were the rule of all their\\njudicial proceedings that its authority had never been questioned\\nand that if they had not made this avowal in times past, it was be-\\ncause there had been no occasion for it. Judge Marshall seems to\\nthink that this language was sincere, but Mr. Minot attributes it to\\nthe desire of the court to keep friends with parliament till they\\nwere reimbursed for the expenses which (hey had incurred during\\nthe war. The truth is probably between the two opinions.\\nSanford s Hist, of the United States, p. 145, 146.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n171\\nGeorge and by the destruction of Oswego, they had\\nacquired the dominion of those other lakes which\\nconnect the St. Lawrence with the waters of Missis-\\nsippi. The first afforded the easiest admission from\\nthe northern colonies into Canada, or from Canada\\ninto those colonies the last united Canada to Loui-\\nsiana. By the continued possession of Fort Du\\nduesne, they preserved their ascendancy over the\\nIndians, and held undisturbed control of all the\\ncoiuitry west of the Alleghany mountains. The\\nBritish nation was alarmed and indignant, and the\\nking found it necessary to change his councils. At\\nthe head of a new ministry, he placed the celebrated\\nWilliam Pitt, afterwards earl of Chatham, who was\\nraised by his talents from the humble post of ensign\\nin the guards to the control of the destinies of a\\nmighty empire under his administration public con-\\nfidence revived, and the nation seemed inspired with\\nnew life and vigour.* He was equally popular in\\nboth hemispheres and so promptly did the governors\\nof the northern colonies obey the requisitions of his\\ncircular letter of 1757, that by May, in the following\\nyear, Massachusetts had seven thousand, Connecticut\\nfive thousand, and New Hampshire three thousand\\ntroops, prepared to take the field. The zeal of Mas-\\nsachusetts was particularly ardent. The people of\\nBoston supported taxes which took away two thirds\\nof the income on real estate one half of the effective\\nWilliam Pitt, earl of Chatham, one of the most able and suc-\\ncessful ministers that England ever possessed, was born November\\n15, 1708, and was the son of Robert Pitt, Esq., of Eoconnock, in\\nCornwall. His education he received at Eton, and at Trinity Col-\\nlege, Oxford. His entrance into public life was as a cornet of\\nhorse; and in 1735, through the influence of the duchess dowager\\nof Marlborough, he was returned to parliament, as member for\\nOld Sarum. He subsequently sat for Seaford, Aldborough, and\\nBath. As a senator, he soon rendered himself so obnoxious to\\nWalpole, that the minislei with equal injustice and impolicy, de-\\nprived him of his commission. This unconstitutional ac! only en-\\nhanced his popularity, and sharpened his resentment. After having\\nbeen ten years in opposition, he was, early in 174G, appointed joint-\\nvice-treasurer of Ireland and, in the same year, treasurer and\\npaymaster general of the army, and a privy counsellor. During\\nhis treasurership, he invariably refused to benefit by the large ba-\\nlances of money which necessarily remained in his hands. In\\n1755, lie was dismissed; in 1756, he obtained a brief reinstate-\\nment in power, as secretary of state, and was again dismissed\\nbut, in 1757, defeat and disgrace having fallen on the country, the\\nunanimous voice of the people compelled the sovereign to place\\nhim at the head of the administration. Under his auspices, Britain\\nwas, during four years, triumphant in every quarter of the globe.\\nThwarted in his measures, after the accession of George III., he\\nresigned, in October, 1761, an office which he could no longer hold\\nwith honour to himself, or advantage to the nation. A pension\\nwas granted to him, and his wife was created a baroness. On the\\ndownfall of the Rockingham administration, Pitt was appointed\\nlord privy seal, and was raised to the peerage, with the title of\\nearl of Chatham. He acquired no gloiy as one of the new and ill-\\nassorted ministry, and he withdrew from it in November, 1768.\\nThough suffering severely from gout, he continued to speak in\\nparliament upon all important questions. The American war, in\\nparticular, he opposed with all his wonted vigour and talent. On\\nmen in the province were on some sort of military\\nduty and the transports for carrying the troops to\\nHalifax were ready to sail in fourteen days from the\\ntime of their engagement. The mother country was\\nnot less active. While her fleets blockaded or cap-\\ntured the French armaments, she despatched Admiral\\nEoscawen to Halifax with a formidable squadron of\\nships, and an army of twelve thousand men. Lord\\nLoudoun was replaced by General Abercrombie, who,\\nearly in the spring of 1758, was ready to enter upon\\nthe campaign at the head of fifty thousand men, tlie\\nmost powerful army ever seen in America.\\nThree points of attack were marked out for this\\ncampaign the first, Louisbourg the second, Ticon-\\nderoga and Crown Point; and the third, Fort Du\\nQuesne. On the first expedition Admiral Boscawen\\nsailed from Halifax on the 28th of May, with a fleet\\nof twenty ships of the line and eighteen frigates, and\\nan army of fourteen thousand men, under the com-\\nmand of General Amherst, and arrived before Louis-\\nbourg on the 2d of June. The garrison of that place,\\ncommanded by the Chevalier de Drucourt, an officer\\nof courage and experience, was composed of two\\nthousand five hundred regulars, aided by six hundred\\nmilitia. The harbour being secured by five ships of\\nthe line, one fifty gun ship, and five frigates, three\\nof which were sunk across the mouth of the basin, it\\nwas found necessary to land at some distance from\\nthe 8th of April, 1778, while rising to speak in the house of lords,\\nhe fell into a convulsive fit, and he expired on the 11th of the fol-\\nlowing May. He was interred, and a monument raised to him, in\\nWestminsler Abbey, at the public e-xpense and a perpetual an-\\nnuity of 4000/. was granted to his heirs. Some short poems, and\\na volume of letters to his nephew, have appeared in print. The\\ncharacter of Lord Chatham is thus ably summed up by Grallan\\nThere was in this man something that could create, subvert, or\\nreform an understanding, a spirit, and an eloquence, to summon\\nmankind to society, or to break the bonds of slavery asunder, and\\nto rule the wilderness of free minds with unbounded authority;\\nsomething that could establish or overwhelm empire, and strike a\\nblow in the world that should resound through the universe.\\nIn America, his name was held in the highest estimation.\\nEvery patriot did him honour. Country signs bore his semblance,\\nor something the people thought like his noble features. In the\\ntown of Dedhain, in Massachusetts, Nathaniel Ames, the father of\\nthe great orator, Fisher Ames, a physician, philosopher, and ma-\\nthematician, erected a granite column to his memory, and sur-\\nmounted it by a bust of the great friend to libeily. It was thrown\\ndown by time, and suffered to lie in neglect for many years; but\\nit has since been renovated, and stands now a monument to de-\\nparted genius and patriotism. His eloquence formed an era in our\\nlanguage; and the fire he breathed into the soul of freedom, has\\nnot, and we trust never will, be extinguished. Genius, united to\\nletters and patriotism, can never die. We forgive his last act; it\\nwas one of feeling and of national pride. Lord Chatham aided\\nthe projectors of canals with his whole soul, while politicians\\nthought he had better have been doing almost any thing else; but\\nhis sagacity has been proved by the wonderful advantages which\\nhave resulted to the nation from canals. Grattan should have\\nadded, that he foresaw the rcsonrces of the nation, and commenced their\\ndevelopment if not so rhetorical, it would have been literally true\\nand even the beauty of prophecy is its fulfilment. American Editor.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "172\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe town. This being effected, and the artillery and\\nstores brought on shore, General Wolfe was detached\\nwith two thousand men to seize a post occupied by\\nthe enemy at the Lighthouse Point, from which the\\nships in the harbour, and the fortifications in the\\ntown, might be greatly annoyed. On the approach\\nof that gallant officer, the post was abandoned by the\\nenemy, and several very strong batteries were erected\\nthere by their opponents. Approaches were also\\nmade on the opposite side of the town, and the siege\\nwas pressed with resolution and vigour, though with\\ngreat caution. A very heavy cannonade being kept\\nup against the town and the vessels in the harbour,\\na bomb was at length set on fire and blew up one of\\nthe largest ships, and the flames were communicated\\nto two others, which shared the same fate. The\\nEnglish admiral now sent six hundred men in boats\\ninto the harbour, to make an attempt on two ships\\nof the line which still remained in the basin one of\\nwhich, being aground, was destroyed, the other was\\ntowed off in triumph. This gallant exploit, putting\\nthe English in complete possession of the harbour,\\nand several breaches being made practicable in the\\nworks, the place was deemed no longer defensible,\\nand the governor offered to capitulate. It was\\nrequired that the garrison should surrender as prison-\\ners of war. These humiliating terms, though at first\\nrejected, were afterwards acceded to and Louisbourg,\\nwith all its artillery, provisions, and military stores,\\nas also Island Royal, St. John s, and their dependen-\\ncies, were placed in the hands of the English, who,\\nwithout farther difficulty, took possession of the\\nisland of Cape Breton. The conquerors found two\\nhundred and twenty-one pieces of cannon, and\\neighteen mortars, witli a very large quantity of stores\\nand ammunition. The inhabitants of Cape Breton\\nwere sent to France in English ships but the\\ngarrison, sea officers, sailors, and marines, amounting\\ncollectively to nearly six thousand men, were carried\\nprisoners to England.\\nThe armies destined to execute the plans against\\nTiconderoga and Fort Du Q,uesne were appointed to\\nrendezvous respectively at Albany and Philadelphia.\\nThe first was commanded by General Abercrombie,\\nand consisted of upwards of fifteen thousand men,\\nattended by a formidable train of artillery. On the\\n5th of July, the general embarked his troops on Lake\\nGeorge Howe, lord-viscount, wa.s commander of 5000 British\\ntroops in America, and was the most popular of all the leaders of\\nthe British armies, in the conflicts with France. When Abercrom-\\nbie made his attack on Ticonderoga, he led the van-guard, and fell\\nat the first fire. He was admired by all the provincials. Old\\nStark, the hero of Bennington, who knew him well, feared that he\\nshould not have been a true whig, in the revolution, if Lord Howe\\nGeorge, on board of one hundred and twenty-five\\nwhale boats, and nine hundred batteaux, and com-\\nmenced operations against Ticonderoga. After\\ndebarkation at the landing place in a cove on the\\nwest side of the lake, the troops were formed into\\nfour columns, the British in the centre, and the\\nprovincials on the flanks. In this order they march-\\ned toward the advanced guard of the French, which,\\nconsisting of one battalion only, posted in a logged\\ncamp, destroyed what was in their power, and made\\na precipitate retreat. While Abercrombie was con-\\ntiiuiing his march in the woods towards Ticonde-\\nroga, the columns were thrown into confusion, and\\nin some degree entangled with each other. At this junc-\\nture. Lord Howe, at the head of the right centre column,\\nfell in with a part of the advanced guard of the enemy\\nwhich had been lost in the wood in retreating from\\nLake George, and immediately attacked and dis-\\npersed it, killing a considerable number and taking\\none hundred and forty-eight prisoners. This success\\nwas, however, dearly purchased, by the loss of the\\ngallant nobloman who fell in leading the attack.* The\\nEnglish army, without further opposition, took pos-\\nsession of a post within two miles of Ticonderoga.\\nAbercrombie, having learned from the prisoners the\\nstrength of the enemy at that fortress, and from an\\nengineer the condition of their works, resolved on an\\nimmediate storm, and made instant disposition for an\\nassault. The troops having received orders to march\\nup briskly, rush upon the enemy s fire, and reserve\\ntheir own till they had passed a breastwork, marched\\nto the assault with great intrepidity. Unlooked for\\nimpediments, however, occurred. In front of the\\nbreastwork, to a considerable distance, trees had been\\nfelled with their branches outward, many of which\\nwere sharpened to a point, by means of which the\\nassailants were not only retarded in their advance,\\nbut, becoming entangled among the boughs, were\\nexposed to a very galling fire. Finding it impracti-\\nble to pass the breastwork, which was eight or nine\\nfeet high, and much stronger than had been repre-\\nsented. General Abercrombie, after a contest of near\\nfour hours, ordered a retreat, and the next day re-\\nsumed his former camp on the soutli side of I ake\\nGeorge. In this brave but ill-judged assault nearly\\ntwo thousand of the assailants were killed and wound-\\ned, while the loss of the enemy, who were covered\\nhad been alive. His death was mourned as a public calamity, and\\nthe Americans seemed to lose their spirit in his fall. The good\\npeople of Massachusetts caught the infection of grief from the\\nsoldiers, and erected a monument, by permission, for their admired\\ngeneral, in Westminster Abbey, at their own expense, of two hun-\\ndred and fifty pounds sterling. It is still standing in Westminster\\nAbbey. Am. Ed.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n173\\nduring the whole action, was inconsiderable. Gen-\\neral Abercrombie immediately re-crossed Lake George,\\nand entirely abandoned the project of capturing\\nTiconderoga.*\\nThe campaign was not destined, however, to close\\nwith such ill-success. Colonel Bradstreet proposed\\nan expedition against Frontignac a fort which, by\\nbeing placed on the north side of the St. Lawrence,\\njust where it issues from Lake Ontario, was the key\\nto the communication between Canada and Louisi-\\nana. It served also to keep the Indians in subjec-\\ntion, and was the general repository of stores for the\\nenemy s western and southern posts. Late in the\\nevening of the 25th of August, Colonel Bradstreet\\nlanded within a mile of the place, with three thou-\\nsand men, eight pieces of cannon, and three mortars.\\nThe French had not anticipated an attack at this\\npoint, and the garrison consisted of only one himdred\\nand ten men, with a few Indian auxiliaries. It was\\nimpossible to hold out long. Colonel Bradstreet\\nposted his mortars so near the fort, that every shell\\ntook effect and the commander was very soon\\nobliged to surrender at discretion. The booty con-\\nsisted of sixty pieces of cannon, great numbers of\\nsmall arms, provisions, military stores, goods to a\\nlarge amount, and nine armed vessek of from eight\\nto eighteen guns. Colonel Bradstreet destroyed\\nthe fort and vessels, re-crossed the Ontario, and re-\\nturned to the army.\\nHad it not been for this fortunate enterprise, the\\nunaccoiuitable delay in preparing the expedition\\nagainst Du Q,uesne would probably have left that\\nfort a third time in possession of the enemy. It was\\nnot until June that the commander, General Forbes,\\nset out from Philadelphia it was September, before\\nColonel Washington, with the Virginia regulars, was\\nordered to join the main body at Ray s Town and,\\nowing to the difficulties of cutting a new road, it\\nwas as late as November, when the army appeared\\nbefore Du Quesne. The garrison, deserted by the\\nIndians, and without adequate means of defence, had\\nMajor Rogers, with his rangers, was in this battle, and asked\\npermission to scour the woods before the regular troops were led\\non but this was not granted. Major Robert Rogers was a native\\nof Londonderry, or Dunbarton, in the state of New Hampshire.\\nHe was early known as a brave soldier, and was authorized by the\\nBritish government to raise five comp.anies of rangers, as they were\\ncalled. They were kept on the frontiers for winter as well as\\nsummer service, to walch the hostile Indians, who often, in the\\nmost inclement season, made attacks upon the defenceless inhabit-\\nants of the frontiers. This body of troops was taken from the\\nboldest and hardiest of the yeomanry of the land. They were\\ndoubly armed, and carried with them snow-shoes and skates for\\nservice. They generally made their head-quarters at the southern\\nextremity of Lake George, Their snow-shoes put them on an\\nequality with their foes, and with their skates they had greatly the\\nescaped down the Ohio the evening before the arri-\\nval of the British, who had only to taken possession,\\ntherefore, in the king s name. The fort was supplied\\nwith a new garrison, and the name changed to\\nPittsburg. The Indians, as usual, joined the\\nstrongest side. A peace was concluded with all the\\ntribes between the Ohio and the lakes and the\\nfrontier inhabitants of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and\\nVirginia, were once more relieved from the terrors of\\nfire and scalping knives.\\nThe campaign of 1758 was highly honourable to\\nthe British arms, and the results of it very important.\\nOf the three expeditions, two had completely succeed-\\ned, and the leader of the third had made an impor-\\ntant conquest. To the commanding talents of Pitt,\\nand the confidence which they inspired, this change\\nof fortune must be chiefly attributed and in no\\nrespect were these talents more strikingly displayed\\nthan in the choice of men to execute his plans. The\\nadvantages of this campaign had, however, been\\npurchased by an expensive effort and corresponding\\nexhaustion of provincial strength and, when a cir-\\ncular letter from Mr. Pitt to the several governors\\ninduced the colonies to resolve upon riiaking the\\nmost vigorous preparations for the next, they\\nsoon discovered that their resources were by no\\nmeans commensurate with their zeal.\\nNotwithstanding these difficulties, it was resolved\\nto signalize the year 1759 by the complete conquest\\nof Canada. The plan of the campaign was, that\\nthree powerful ariuies should enter the French pos-\\nsessions by three different routes, and attack all\\ntheir strong-holdj^t nearly the same time. At the\\nhead of one division of the army, Brigadier-General\\nWolfe, a young officer who had signalized himself at\\nthe siege of Louisbourg, was to ascend the St. Law-\\nrence and lay siege to Quebec, escorted by a strong\\nfleet to co-operate with his troops. The central and\\nmain army, Jjiimposed of British and provincials, was\\nto bo conducted against Ticonderoga and Crown\\nPoint by General Amherst, tlie new commander in\\nadvantage of the Indians. Stark, Putnam, and several others,\\nwho were distinguished afterward in the revolutionary \u00c2\u00abar, were\\ntrained in this school. Some of the well authenticated exploits of\\nthis hardy band, seem like romance to us, in the present day. All\\nalong the borders of Lake George, spots are shown where the\\nrangers fought desperate battles, in the winter season, sometimes\\nwith more than twice their numbers. This corps fought from 1755\\n10 the fall of auebec, in 1759. They were put foremost m battle\\nby Abercrombie and Amherst, and some of them were sent to assist\\nWolfe. Rogers states in his journal of these campaigns, that their\\npacks were generally of twice the weight of those commonly car-\\nried bv soldiers. Many of this band perished in their frontier\\ncampaigns. For some particulars of the life of this singular man,\\nsee Allen s Biography.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ilm. Ed.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "174\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nchief, who, after making himself master of these\\nplaces, was to proceed over Lake Champlain and by\\nthe way of Richelieu River to the St. Lawrence, and\\ndescending that river, form a junction with General\\nWolfe before the walls of Quebec. The third army,\\nto be composed principally of provincials, reinforced\\nby a strong body of friendly Indians, was to be com-\\nmanded by General Prideaux, who was to lead this\\ndivision first against Niagara, and, after the reduction\\nof that place, to embark on Lake Ontario, and pro-\\nceed down the St. Lawrence against Montreal. It\\nhas been observed by a recent author, Had tlie\\nelements been laid, and tlic enemy spell-bound, the\\nwhole of this Inilliant plan could not have helped\\nsucceeding. Tliis sentence, however, betrays a\\nvery limited view of a plan that was well worthy of\\nthe mind of Pitt. In this arrangement immediate\\nadvantage was not sacrificed while the more remote\\nresults exhibited a prospect highly calculated to ex-\\ncite the ambition of the leaders, and to arouse all the\\nenergies of the troops. It is in thus aflbrding\\nmotives which tend to liring physical force into\\nmost effective and persevering action, that intellectual\\nsuperiority becomes manifest, confounding the calcu-\\nlations of ordinary minds.\\nEarly in the winter. General Amherst commenced\\npreparations for his part of the enterprise but it\\nwas not till the last of May that his troops were\\nassembled at AUiany and it was as late as the 22d\\nof .Tuly, when lie appeared before Ticonderoga. As\\nthe naval superiority of Great Britain had prevented\\nFrance from sending out reinforcements, none of the\\nposts in this quarter were able to witlistand so great\\na force as that of General Amherst. Ticonderoga\\nwas immediately abandoned the example was fol-\\nlowed at Crown Point and the only way in which\\nthe enemy seemed to think of preserving their\\nprovince was by retarding the English army with\\nshows of resistance till the season of operation should\\nbe past, or till, by the gradual concentration of their\\nforces, they sliould become numerous enough to\\nmake an effectual stand. P rom Crown Point they\\nretreated to Ile-aux-Noix, where General Amherst\\nluidorstood there was a body of between three and\\nfour diousand men, and a fleet of several armed\\nvessels. The English made great exertions to\\nsecure a naval superiority and had it not been for\\na succession of adverse storms upon the lake, they\\nwould most probably have accomplished the original\\ndesign of forming a junction at Quebec, instead of\\nbeing obliged to go into winter quarters at Crown\\nPoint. In prosecution of the enterprise against\\nNiagara, General Prideaux had embarked with an\\narmy on Lake Ontario and on the 6th of July\\nlanded without opposition within about three miles\\nfrom the fort, which he invested in form. While\\ndirecting the operations of the siege, he was killed by\\nthe bursting of a cohorn, and the command devolved\\non Sir William Johnson. That general, prosecuting\\nwith judgment and vigour the plan of his predecessor,\\npushed the attack of Niagara with an intrepidity that\\nsoon brought the besiegers wilhin a hundred yards\\nof the covered way. Meanwhile, the French, alarm-\\ned at the danger of losing a post which was a key\\nto their interior empire in America, had collected a\\nlarge body of regular troops from the neighbouring\\ngarrisons of Detroit, Venango, and Presqu Isle, with\\nwhich, and a party of Indians, they resolved, if pos-\\nsible, to raise the siege. Apprised of their intention\\nto hazard a battle, General Johnson ordered his light\\ninfantry, supported by some grenadiers and regular\\nfoot, to take post between the cataract of Niagara and\\nthe fortress placed the auxiliary Indians on his\\nflanks and, together with this preparation for an\\nengagement, took effectual measures for securing his\\nlines, and bridling the garrison. About nine in the\\nmorning of the 24th of July, the enemy appeared, and\\nthe horrible sound of the war whoop from the hostile\\nIndians was the signal of battle. The French\\ncharged with great impetuosity, but were received\\nwith firnmess and in less than an hour were com-\\npletely routed. This battle decided the fate of\\nNiagara. Sir William Johnson the next morning\\nopened negotiations with the French commandant\\nand in a few hours a capitulation was signed. The\\ngarrison, consisting of six hundred and seven men,\\nwere to march out with the honours of war, to be\\nembarked on the lake, and carried to New York\\nand the women and children were to be carried to\\nMontreal. Tlie reduction of Niagara effectually\\ncut off the conmiunication between Canada and\\nLouisiana.\\nThe expedition against the capital of Canada was\\nthe most daring and important. Strong by nature,\\nand still stronger by art, Quebec had obtained the ap\\npellation of the Gibraltar of America and every at-\\ntempt against it had failed. It was now command-\\ned by Montcalm, an officer of distinguished reputa-\\ntion and its capture must have appeared chimerical\\nto any one Imt Pitt. He judged rightly, however,\\nthat the boldest and most dangerous enterprises are\\noften the most successful, especially when committed\\nto ardent minds, glowing with enthusiasm, and emu-\\nlous of glory. Such a mind he had discovered in\\nGeneral Wolfe, whose conduct at Louisbourg had at-\\ntracted his attention. He appointed him to conduct", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n175\\nthe expedition, and gave him for assistants Briq-adier\\nGenerals Moncton, Townshend, and Murray all, like\\nhimself, young and ardent. Early in the season he\\nsailed from Halifax with eight thousand troops, and,\\nnear the last of June, landed the whole army on the\\nisland of Orleans, a few miles below Quebec. From\\nthis position he could take a near and distinct view\\nof the obstacles to be overcome. TJiese were so great,\\nthat even the bold and sanguine Wolfe perceived\\nmore to fear than to hope. In a letter to Mr. Pitt,\\nwritten before commencing operations, he declared\\nthat he saw but little prospect of reducing the place.\\nQuebec stands on the north side of the St. Law-\\nrence, and consists of an upper and lower town. The\\nlower town lies between the river and a bold and\\nlofty eminence, which runs parallel to it far to the\\nwestward. At the top of this eminence- is a plain,\\nupon which the upper town is situated. Below, or\\neast of the city, is the river St. Charles, whose chan-\\nnel is rough, and whose banks are steep and broken.\\nAt a short distance farther down is the Montmoren-\\ncy and between these two rivers, and reaching from\\none to the other, was encamped the French army,\\nstrongly entrenched, and at least equal in number to\\nthat of the English. General Wolfe took possession\\nof Point Levi, on the southern bank of the St. Law-\\nrence, and there erected batteries against the town.\\nThe cannonade which was kept up, though it des-\\ntroyed many houses, made but little impression on the\\nworks, which were too strong and too remote to be\\nmaterially affected their elevation, at the same time,\\nplacing them beyond the reach of the fleet. Con-\\nvinced of the impossibility of reducing the place, un-\\nless he could erect batteries on the north side of the\\nSt. Lawrence, Wolfe soon decided on more daring\\nmeasures. The northern shore of the St. Lawrence,\\nto a considerable distance above Quebec, is so bold\\nand rocky as to render a landing in the face of an\\nenemy impracticable. If an attempt were made be-\\nlow the town, the river Montmorency passed, and the\\nFrench driven from their entrenchments, the St.\\nCharles would present a new, and perhaps an insuper-\\nable barrier. With every obstacle fully in view, Wolfe,\\nheroically observing that a victorious army finds no\\ndifficulties, resolved to pass the Montmorency, and\\nbring Montcalm to ati engagement. In pursuance\\nof this resolution, thirteen companies of English gre-\\nnadiers, and part of the second battalion of royal\\nAmericans, were landed at the niouth of that river,\\nwhile two divisions, tnider Generals Townshend and\\nMurray, prepared to cross it higher up. Wolfe s plan\\nwas to attack first a redoubt, close to the water s edge,\\napparently beyond reach of the fire from the enemy s\\n23\\nentrenchments, in the belief that the French, by at-\\ntempting to support that fortification, would put it in\\nhis power to bring on a general engagement or, if\\nthey should submit to the loss of the redoubt, that he\\ncould afterwards examine their situation with cool-\\nness, and advantageousljr regulate his future opera-\\ntions. On the approach of the British troops, the re-\\ndoubt was evacuated and the general, observing\\nsome confusion in the French camp, changed his\\noriginal plan, and determined not to delay an attack.\\nOrders were immediately despatched to the Generals\\nTownshend and Murray to keep their divisions in rea-\\ndiness for fording the river and the grenadiers and\\nroyal Americans were directed to form on the beac?i\\nuntil they could be properly sustained. These troops,\\nhowever, not waiting for support, rushed impetuously\\ntowards the enemy s entrenchments but they were\\nreceived with so strong and steady a fire from the\\nFrench musketry, that they were instantly thrown\\ninto disorder, and obliged to seek shelter at the re-\\ndoubt which the enemy had abandoned. Detained\\nhere awhile by a dreadful thunder storm, they were\\nstill within reach of a severe fire from the French\\nand many gallant officers, exposing their persons in\\nattempting to form the troops, were killed, the whole\\nloss amounting to nearly five hundred men. The\\nplan of attack being effectually disconcerted, the\\nEnglish general gave orders for repassing. the river,\\nand returning to the isle of Orleans.\\nCompelled to abandon the attack on that side,\\nWolfe deemed that advantage might result from\\nattempting to destroy the French fleet, and by dis-\\ntracting the attention of Montcalm with continual\\ndescents upon the northern shore. General Murray\\nwith twelve hundred men in transports, made two\\nvigorous but abortive attempts to land and though\\nmore successful in the third, he did nothing more\\nthan burn a magazine of warlike stores. The enemy s\\nfleet was effectually secured against attacks, either by\\nland or by water, and the commander in chief was\\nagain obliged to submit to the mortification of recall-\\ning his troops. At this juncture, intelligence arrived\\nthat Niagara was taken, that Ticonderoga and Crown\\nPoint liad been abandoned, but that General Amherst,\\ninstead of pressing forward to their assistance, was\\npreparing to attack the Ile-aux-Noix. While Wolfe\\nrejoiced at the triumph of his brethren in arms, he\\ncould not avoid contrasting their success with his own\\ndisastrous efforts. His mind, alike lofty and suscep-\\ntible, was deeply impressed by the disasters at Mont-\\nmorency and his extreme anxiety, preying upon his\\ndelicate frame, sensibly affected his health. He was\\nobserved frequently to sigh and, as if life was only", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "76\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nvaluable while it added to his glory, he declared to\\nhis intimate friends, that he would not survive the\\ndisgrace which he imagined would attend the failure\\nof his enterprise. Nothing, however, could shake\\nthe resolution of this valiant commander, or induce\\nhim to abandon the attempt. In a council of his\\nprincipal officers, called on this critical occasion, it\\nwas resolved, that all the future operations should be\\nabove the town. The camp at the Isle of Orleans\\nwas accordingly abandoned and the whole army\\nhaving embarked on board the fleet, a part of it was\\nlanded at Point Levi, and a part higher up the river.\\nMontcalm, apprehending from this movement that the\\ninvaders might make a distant descent, and come on\\nthe back of the city of Quebec, detached M. de\\nBougainville, with fifteen hundred men, to watch\\ntheir motions, and prevent their landing.\\nBaffled and harassed in all his previous assaults,\\nGeneral Wolfe seems to have determined to finish the\\nenterprise by a single bold and desperate eff ort. The\\nadmiral sailed several leagues up the river, making\\noccasional demonstrations of a design to land troops\\nand, during the night, a strong detachment in flat-\\nbottomed boats fell silently down with the stream, to\\na point about a mile above the city. The beach was\\nshelving, the bank high and precipitous, and the only\\npath by which it could be scaled, was now defended\\nby a captain s guard and a battery of four guns.\\nColonel Howe, with the van, soon clambered up the\\nrocks, drove away the guard, and seized upon the\\nbattery. The army landed about an hour before\\nday, and by daybreak was marshalled on the heights\\nof Abraham.\\nMontcalm could not at first believe the intelligence\\nbut, as soon as he was assured of its truth, he made\\nall prudent haste to decide a battle which it was no\\nlonger possible to avoid. Leaving his camp at Mont-\\nmorency, he crossed the river St. Charles with the\\nintention of attacking the English army. No sooner\\ndid Wolfe observe this movement, than he began to\\nform his order of battle. His troops consisted of six\\nOn receiving his mortal wound, Wolfe was conveyed into the\\nrear, where, careless about himself, he discovered, in the agonies\\nof death, the most anxious solicitude concerning the fate of the\\nday. F-om extreme faintness, he had reclined his head on the\\narm of an officer, but was soon aroused hy the cry of They fly,\\nthey fly! Who fly I exclaimed the dying hero. The\\nFrench, answered his attendant. Then, said he, I die con-\\ntented, and immediately expired. A death more full of military\\nglory has seldom been recorded by the pen of the historian, or ce-\\nlebrated by the pencil of the painter. General Wolfe was only\\nthirty-three years of age. He possessed those military talents,\\nwhich, with the advantage of years and opportimity of action, to\\nmoderate his ardour, expand his faculties, and give to his intuitive\\nperception and scientific knowledge the correctness of judgment\\nperfected by experience, would have placed him on a level with\\nbattalions, and the Louisbourg grenadiers. The right\\nwing was commanded by General Monckton, and the\\nleft by General Murray. The right flank was covered\\nby the Louisbourg grenadiers, and the rear and left\\nby Howe s light infantry. The form in which the\\nFrench advanced indicating an intention to outflank\\nthe left of the English army. General Townshend\\nwas sent with the battalion of Amherst, and the two\\nbattalions of royal Americans, to that part of the line,\\nand they were formed eii pote7tce, so as to present a\\ndouble front to the enemy. The body of reserve\\nconsisted of one regiment, drawn up in eight divisions,\\nwith large intervals. The dispositions made by the\\nFrench general were not less masterly. The right\\nand left wings were composed about equally of\\nEuropean and colonial troops. The centre consisted\\nof a colunm, formed of two battalions of regulars.\\nFifteen hundred Indians and Canadians, excellent\\nmarksmen, advancing in front, screened by surround-\\ning thickets, began the battle. Their irregular fire\\nproved fatal to many British oflicers, but it was soon\\nsilenced by the steady fire of the English. About\\nnine in the morning the main body of the French\\nadvanced briskly to the charge, and the action soon\\nbecame general. Montcalm having taken post on the\\nleft of the French army, and Wolfe on the right of\\nthe Engish, the two generals met each other where\\nthe battle was most severe. The English troops\\nreserved their fire until the French had advanced\\nwithin forty yards of their line, and then, by a general\\ndischare-e, made terrible havoc among their ranks.\\nThe fire of the English was vigorously maintained,\\nand the enemy every where yielded to it. General\\nWolfe, who, exposed in the front of his battalion.\\nhad been wounded in the wrist, betraying no symp-\\ntom of pain, wrapped a handkerchief round his arm.\\nand continued to encourage his men. Soon after, he\\nreceived a shot in the groin but, concealing the\\nwound, he was pressing on at the head of his grena-\\ndiers with fixed bayonets, when a third ball pierced\\nhis breast.* The army, not disconcerted by his fall,\\nthe most celebrated generals of any age or nation. Montcalm\\nwas every way worthy to be a competitor of Wolfe. He had the\\ntruest military genius of any oflicer whom the French had ever\\nemployed in America. After he had received his mortal wound,\\nhe was carried into the city; and when informed that it was mor-\\ntal, his reply was, I am glad of it. On being told that he could\\n.survive but a few hours, So much the better, he replied, I shall\\nnot then live to see the surrender of Gluebec.\\nGeneral Wolfe was eulogized in the following poem from the\\npen of T. Paine\\nIn a mouldering cave, where the wretched retreat,\\nBritannia sat wasted with care\\nShe mourn d for her Wolfe, and exclaim d against fate,\\nAnd gave herself up to despair.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n177\\ncontinued the action under Monckion, on whom the\\ncommand now devolved, but who, receiving a ball\\nthrough his body, soon yielded the command to\\nGeneral Townshend. Montcalm, fighting in front\\nThe walls of her cell she had sculptur d around\\nWith ihe feats of her favourite son\\nAnd even the dust, as it lay on the ground,\\nWas engrav d with some deeds he had done.\\nThe sire of the gods, from his crystalline throne,\\nBeheld the disconsolate dame;\\nAnd n^ov d with her tears, he sent Mercury down.\\nAnd these were the tidings that came\\nBritannia, forbear, not a sigh nor a ftar\\nFor thy Wolfe, so deservedly lov d;\\nYour tears shall be chang d into triumphs of joy,\\nFor Wolfe is not dead, but remov d.\\nThe sons of the east, the proud giants of old,\\nHave crept from their darksome abodes;\\nAnd this is the news, as in heaven it was told.\\nThey were marching to w ar with the gods;\\nA council was held in the chambers of Jove,\\nAnd this was their final decree:\\nThat Wolfe should be called to the army above.\\nAnd the charge was intrusted to me.\\nTo-the plains of Cluebec, with the orders, I flew,\\nHe begg d for a moment s delay\\nHe cry d, oh forbear, lei me victory hear.\\nAnd then thy command I ll obey:\\nWith a darksome thick film I encompass d his eyes.\\nAnd bore him away in an urn.\\nLest the fondness he bore to his own native shore.\\nShould induce him again to return.\\n.The French troops thai served in Canada, being desirous of\\nerecting a monument in honour of Montcalm, their general, who\\nfell in the action at CXuehec, where the brave Wolfe also fell, a\\nFrench colonel wrote to the Academy of Belles Letlres for an\\nepitaph to be placed over Montcalm s lomb, in a church in thai\\ncity, which occasioned the following letter from M. De Bougain-\\nville, member of the Academy, to-Mr. Pitt\\nSir The honours paid under your ministry, lo Mr. Wolfe, as-\\nsure me that you will not disapprove of the grateful endeavours of\\nthe French troops, lo perpetuate the memory of the Marquis De\\nMontcalm. The body of this general, who was honoured by the\\nregret of your nation, is interred in Cluebee. I have the honour to\\nsend you an epitaph made for him by the Academy of Inscriptions.\\nI beg the favour of you, sir, that you will be pleased to examine it,\\nand, if not improper, obtain leave for me to send it to Cluebec, en-\\ngraved on marble, and to be placed on the Marquis De Montcalm s\\ntomb. Should such leave be granted, may I presume to request,\\nsir, that j ou will be so good as to inform me of it, and, at the same\\ntime, to send me a passport, that the marble, with the epitaph en-\\ngraved on it, may be received into an English ship, and Mr. Mur-\\nray, governor of Q,uebec, allow it to be placed in the Ursuline\\nchurch. You will be pleased, sir, lo pardon me for this intrusion\\non your important occupations; but endeavouring to immortalize\\nillustrious men and eminent patriots, is doing honour to ourself.\\nI am, with respect, c. DE BOUGAINVILLE.\\nSir It is a real satisfaction to me, lo send you the king s consent\\non a subject so affecting, as the epitaph composed by the Academy\\nof Inscriptions, at Paris, for the Marquis De Montcalm, and which,\\nit is desired, may be sent to Cluebec, engraved on marble, lo be\\nplaced on the tomb of that illustrious soldier. It is perfectly beau-\\ntiful and Ihe desire of the French troops, which served in Cana-\\nda, lo pay such a tribute to the memory of their general, whom\\nthey saw expire at their head, in a manner worthy of them and\\nhimself, is truly noble and praiseworthy.\\nof his battalions, received a mortal wound about the\\nsame time and General Senezersrus, the second in\\ncommand, also fell. The British grenadiers pressed\\non with their bayonets. General Murray, briskly\\nI shall take a pleasure, sir, in facilitating, every way, such amia-\\nble intentions; and on notice of the measures taken for shipping\\nthis marble, I will not fail immediately to tran.smit you the passport\\nyou desire, and send directions to the governor of Cluebec for its\\nreception.\\nI will beg of you, sir, to be persuaded of my just sensibility of\\nthat so obliging part of the letter with which you have honoured me\\nrelating to myself; and to believe that I embrace as a hajipine.s.s,\\nthe opportunity of manifesting the esteem and particular regard\\nwilh which I have the honour to be, ,c.\\nW. PITT.\\nLondon, April 10, 1761\\nHere lielh,\\nIn either hemisphere to live for ever,\\nLewis Joseph De Montcalm Gozon,\\nMarquis of Si. Veran, Baron of Gabriac,\\nCommendator of the Order of Si. Lewis,\\nLieutenant-General of the French forces,\\nBoth an excellent subject and soldier.\\nWhose memory will be immortalized both here and hereafter;\\nCoveting nothing but real glory\\nThoroughly conversant in all parts of polite literature,\\nConducting himself through all military employment with un-\\nblemished honour\\nNot unacquainted wilh all the arts of war, with dangers,\\nAnd knew how to improve advantages by every opportunity thai\\noffered\\nAn active General\\nIn Italy, Bohemia, and Germany.\\nAlways behaving himself wilh that magnanimity\\nThat he might be put upon the same level wilh his ancestors;\\nAlready eminent in dangers,\\nBeing sent to defend the province of Canada,\\nHe often lepulsed the enemy s forces with a handful of men\\nHe made himself master of almost insurmountable fortifications,\\nDefended by numerous garrisons,\\nAnd furnished with plenty of warlike stores.\\nHe could endure cold, hunger, watchings, and fatigue,\\nTo a degree almost incredible\\nEver solicitous for the safety of his soldiers.\\nHe was regardless of his own\\nA vigilant enemy, and accustomed to conquer\\nHe supplied the deficienoes of fortune by his bravery.\\nWant of soldiers, by experience and activity.\\nHe supported the tottering fate of that colony four years,\\nBy his prudence and fortitude.\\nAt length, having a long time baffled the edbrts of his enemies,\\nBy manifold stratagems.\\nBeing obliged to engage a large army.\\nCommanded by an active and courageous general.\\nAnd supported by a fleet equipped with every thing necessary for\\nwar\\nBeing mortally wounded at the head of his army,\\nIn the first onset,\\nHe died on the 14ih of September, MDCCLIX.\\nIn the forty-eighth year of his age,\\nFirmly relying on Divine Providence,\\nWhose precepts he had religiously observed\\nUniversallv lamented by his own soldiers,\\nAnd even regietted by his enemies.\\nThe mourning French have deposited the mortal remaing\\nOf ihis incomparable General,\\nIn a grave,\\nWhich an impetuous ball had previously dug,\\nAnd commended them to the generous piotecliou\\nof their adversaries.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "178\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nadvancing with the troops under liis direction, brolve\\nthe centre of the French army. The Highlanders,\\ndrawing their broadswords, completed the confusion\\nof the enemy and after having lost their first and\\nsecond in command, the right and centre of the\\nFrench were entirely driven from the fiejd and the\\nleft was following the example, when Bougainville\\nappeared in the rear, with the fifteen hundred men\\nwho had been sent to oppose the landing of the\\nEnglish. Two battalions and two pieces of artillery\\nwere detached to meet him; but he retired, and the\\nBritish troops were left the undisputed masters of the\\nfield. The loss of the French was much greater\\nthan that of the English. The corps of French\\nregulars was almost entirely annihilated. The killed\\nand wounded of the English army did not amount to\\nsix hundred men. Although Quebec was still strongly\\ndefended by its fortifications, and might possibly be\\nrelieved by Bougainville, or from Montreal, yet\\nGeneral Townshend had scarcely finished a road in\\nthe bank to get up his heavy artillery for a siege,\\nwhen the inhabitants capitulated, on condition that\\nduring the war they might still enjoy their own civil\\nand religious rights. A garrison of five thousand\\nmen was left under General Murray, and the fleet\\nsailed out of the St. Lawrence.\\nThe fall of Q,uebec did not immediately produce\\nthe submission of Canada. The main body of the\\nFrench army, which, after the battle on the plains of\\nAbraham, retired to Montreal, and which still consist-\\ned of ten battalions of regulars, had been reinforced\\nby six thousand Canadian militia, and a body of In-\\ndians. With these forces M. de Levi, who had suc-\\nceeded the Marquis de Montcalm in the chief com-\\nmand, resolved to attempt the recovery of Quebec.\\nHe had hoped to carry the place by a coup de main\\nduring the winter but, on reconnoitring, he found\\nthe outposts so well secured, and the governor so vi-\\ngilant and active, that he postponed the enterprise un-\\ntil spring. In the month of April, when the upper\\npart of the St. Lawrence was so open as to admit a\\ntransportation by water, his artillery, military stores,\\nand heavy baggage, were embarked at Montreal, and\\nfell down the river under convoy of six frisfates\\nand M. de Levi, after a march of ten days, arrived\\nwith his army at Point an Tremble, within a few miles\\nof Quebec. General Murray, to whom the care of\\nmaintaining the English conquest had been entrust-\\ned, had taken every precaution to preserve it but\\nIlls troops had suffered so much by the extreme cold\\nof the winter, and by the want of vegetables and\\nfresh provisions, that instead of five thousand, the\\noriginal number of his garrison there were not at this\\ntime above three thousand men fit for service. With\\nthis small but valiant body he resolved to meet the\\nenemy in the field and on the 28th of April marched\\nout to the heights of Abraham, where, near Sillery,\\nhe attacked the French under M. de Levi with great\\nimpetuosity. He was received with firmness and\\nafter a fierce encounter, finding himself outflanked,\\nand in danger of being surrounded by superior num-\\nbers, he called ofl his troops, and retired into the\\ncity. In this action the loss of the English was near\\na thousand men, and that of the French still great-\\ner. The French^ general lost no time in improv-\\ning his victory. On the very evening of the battle\\nhe opened trenches before the town, but it was the\\n11th of May before he could mount his batteries, and\\nbring his guns to bear on the fortifications. By that\\ntime General Murray, who had been indefatigable in\\nhis exertions, had completed some outworks, and\\nplanted so numerous an artillery on his ramparts,\\nthat his fire was very superior to that of the besiegers,\\nand in a manner silenced their batteries. A British\\nfleet most opportunely arriving a few days after, M.\\nde Levi immediately raised the siege, and precipitately\\nretired to Montreal. Here the Marquis de Vaudreuil,\\ngovernor-general of Canada, had fixed his head quar-\\nters, and determined to make his last stand. For\\nthis purpose he called in all his detachments, and col-\\nlected around him the whole force of the colony.\\nThe English, on the other hand, were resolved\\nupon the utter annihilation of the French power in\\nCanada and General Amherst prepared to overwhelm\\nit with an irresistible superiority of numbers. Al-\\nmost on the same day, the armies from Quebec, from\\nLake Ontario, and from Lake Champlain, were con-\\ncentrated before Montreal a capitulation was imme-\\ndiately signed Detroit, Michilimackinac, and, indeed,\\nall New France, surrendered to the English. The\\nFrench troops were to be carried home and the\\nCanadians to retain their civil and religious privi-\\nleges.\\nThe history of modern Europe, with whose desti-\\nny that of the colonies was closely interwoven, may\\nbe designated as the annals of an interminable war.\\nHer sovereigns, ever having the oily words of peace\\non their lips, have seldom had recourse to the olive\\nbranch but as the signal of a truce, the duration of\\nwhich should be coeval with the reinvigoration of\\nmilitary strength. It was thus with France on the\\npresent occasion. Equally unsuccessful on both\\ncontinents, and exhausted by her strenuous and con-\\ntinued efforts, she was at length induced to make\\novertures of peace and every thing seemed to be in\\na fair train for adjustment, when the treaty was sud-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n179\\ndmly broken off by an attempt of the court of Ver-\\nsailles to mingle the politics of Spain and of Germany\\nwith the disputes between France and Great Britain.\\nA secret family compact between the Bourbons to\\nsupport each other throuofh evil and good, in peace\\nand in war, had rendered Spain desirous of war, and\\ninduced France once more to try her fortune. As the\\ninterests of the two nations were now identified, it\\nonly remained for England to make a formal decla-\\nration of hostility against Spain. The colonies of\\nNew England being chiefly interested in the reduc-\\ntion of the West India Islands, furnished a consider-\\nable body of troops to carry on the war. A large\\nfleet was despatched from England the land forces\\namounted to sixteen thousand and before the end of\\nthe second year, Great Britain had taken the import-\\nThe acquisitions of Great Britain, both from France and\\nSpain, on the continent of North. America, established by this\\ntreaty, whether they be considered in relation to the political or\\ncommercial interests of the parent country, or in relation to the\\nentire interests of the American colonies, merit particular atten-\\ntion. Every article, therefore, which has respect to America, is\\nsubjoined in the words of the treaty. By the second article, France\\nrenounces and guarantees to Great Britain all Nova Scotia or\\nAcadia, and lik;wise Canada, tlie isle of Cape Breton, and all\\nother islands in the gulf and river of St. Lawrence. By the third\\narticle, it is stipulated, that the French shall have the liberty of\\n6shin2; and drying on a part of the island of Newfotmdland, as\\nspecified in the thirteenth article of the treaty of Utrecht; and the\\nFrench may also fish in the gulf of St. Lawrence, so as they do\\nnot exercise the same but at the distance of three leagues from all\\nthe coasts belonging to Great Britain, as well those of the continent,\\nas those of the islands in the said gulf As to what relates to the\\nfishery out of the said gulf, the French shall exercise the same, but\\nat the distance of fifteen leagues from the coasts of the isle of Cape\\nBreton. By the fourth article, Great Britain cedes to France, to\\nserve as a shelter for the French fishermen, the islands of St. Peter\\nand of Mii;uelon; and his most Christian Majesty absolutely en-\\ngages not to fortify the said island, nor to erect any other buildings\\nthereon, but merely for the convenience of the fishery and to keep\\nonly a guard of fifty men for the police. By the sixth article it is\\nstipulated that the confines between the dominions of Great Bri-\\ntain and France, on the continent of North America, shall be irre-\\nvocably fixed, by a line drawn along the middle of the river Mis-\\nsissippi, from its source, as far as the river Iberville, and from\\nthence by a line drawn along the middle of this river, and of the\\nlakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to the sea; and to this purpose\\nthe most Christian King cedes in full right, and guarantees to his\\nBritannic Majesty, the river and port of Mobile, and every thing\\nthat he possesses on the left side of the river Mississippi, except\\nthe town of New Orleans, and the island on which it is situated,\\nwhich shall remain to France, provided that the navigation of the\\nriver shall, be equally free to the subjects of Great Britain and\\nPrance, in its whole breadth and length, from its source to the sea,\\nand that part expressly which is between the said island of New\\nOrleans and the right bank of that river, as w-ell as the passage\\nboth in and out of its mouth and the vessels belonging to the sub-\\njects of either nation shall not be stopped, visited, or subjected to the\\npayment of any duty whatsoever. The stipulations in favour of\\nthe inhabitants of Canada, inserted in the second article, shall also\\ntake place with legard to the inhabitants of the countries ceded by\\nthis article that is, that the French in Canada may freely profess\\nthe Roman Catholic religion, as far as the laws of Great Britain\\npermit; that they may enjoy their civil rights, retire when they\\nplease, and may dispose of their estates to British subjects. By the\\nseTcntb article, it is stipulated, that Britain shall restore to France\\nant city of Havannah, the key of the Mexican Gulf,\\ntogether witli the French provinces of Martinique,\\nGrenada, St, Lucia, St. Vincent, and the Caribbee\\nIslands.\\nThe progress of the British conquests, which\\nthreatened all the remaining colonial possessions of\\ntheir opponents, was arrested by preliminary articles\\nof peace, which, towards the close of 1762, were\\ninterchanged at Fontainbleau between the ministers\\nof Groat Britain, France, and Spain. On the 10th\\nof February, in the following year, a definitive treaty\\nof peace was signed at Paris, and soon after ratified.*\\nFrance ceded to Great Britain all the conquests which\\nthe latter had made in North America and it was\\nstipulated between the two crowns, that the boundary-\\nline of their respective dominions in the new hemi-\\nthe islands of Guadaloupe, Marigalante, Desirade, and Martinico,\\nin the West Indies, and of Belleisle, on the coast of France, with\\ntheir fortresses; provided that the term of eighteen months be\\ngranted to his Britannic Majesty s subjects, settled there, and in\\nother places hereby restored to France, to sell their estates, recover\\ntheir debts, and to transport themselves and effects, without being\\nrestrained on account of their religion, or any pretence, except for\\ndebts, or criminal prosecutions. By the eighth article, France\\ncedes and guarantees to Great Britain the islands of Grenada and\\nthe Grenadines, with the same stipulations in favour of the inhabit-\\nants as are inserted in the second article for those of Canada and\\nthe partition of the islands called neutral, is agreed and fixed, so\\nthat those of St. Vincent, Dominico, and Tobago, ^hall remain in\\nfull right to England, and that of St. Lucia shall be delivered to\\nFrance in full right, the two crowns reciprocally guaranteeing to\\neach other the partition so stipulated. By the sixteenth article, it\\nis stipulated, that his Britannic Majesty shall cause all the fortifi-\\ncations to be demolished, which his subjects shall have erected in\\nthe bay of Honduras, and other places of the territory of Spain, in\\nthat part of the world. And his Catholic Majesty shall not, for\\nthe future, sufl er the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, or their\\nworkmen, to be disturbed or molested under any pretence whatso-\\never, in their occupation of cutting, loading, and carrying away\\nlog-wood; and for this purpose they may build, without hinderance,\\nand occupy, without interruption, the houses and magazines neces-\\nsary for tiiem, for their families, and for their effects and his\\nsaid Catholic Majesty assures to them, by this article, the entire\\nenjoyment of what i.s above stipulated. By the seventeenth arti-\\ncle, his Catholic Majesty desists from all pretensions which he may\\nhave formed to the right of fishing about the island of Newfound-\\nland. By the eighteenth article, it is stipulated, that the king of\\nGreat Britain shall restore to Spain all that he has conquered in\\nthe island of Cuba, with the fortress of Havannah and that fort-\\nress, as well as all the other fortresses of the said island, shall be\\nrestored in the same condition they were in when they were con-\\nquered by his Britannic Majesty s arms. By the twentieth article,\\nhis Catholic Majesty cedes and guarantees, in full right, to his\\nBritannic Majestv, Florida, with the Fort St. Augustine, and the\\nbay of Pensacola, as well as all that Spain po.sse.sses en the conti-\\nnent of North America, to the east, or to the southeast of the river\\nMississippi and, in general, every thing that depends on the said\\ncountries and lands, with the sovereignly, property, and possession,\\nand all rights acquired by treaties, or otherwise, which the Catho-\\nlic king and the crown of Spain have had till now over the said\\ncountrres. Anderson, vol.iii. p. 339\u00e2\u0080\u0094 433, where the preliminary\\narticles of the treaty are inserted entire; and vol. iv. p. 1,2, where\\nthe moit material alterations or explanations of those articles, as\\nsettled by the definitive treaty, are inserted.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 American Annals,\\nvol. ii. p. 113\u00e2\u0080\u0094115.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "180\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsphere sliould niii along the middle of the Mississippi,\\nfrom its source as far as the Iberville, and along the\\nmiddle of that river, and of Lakes Maurepas and\\nPoiitcluutrain.\\nThus terminated a war, which orio-inated in an\\nattempt on the part of the French to surround the\\nEnglish colonists, and chain them to a narrow strip\\nof country alona: the coast of the Atlantic and ended\\nwith their giving up the whole of what was then\\ntheir only valuable territory in North America. The\\nimmediate advantage the colonies derived from the\\nsuccessful issue of the contest was great and apparent.\\nAlthough, for a short period after the conquest of\\nCanada had been effected, they were subject to attacks\\nfrom the Indian tribes attached to the French, and\\nalso from the Cherokees on their south-western bor-\\nders, they were soon enabled to visit their cruelties\\nwith severe retribution, and to procure a lasting\\nrepose, as the Indians had no forts to which to repair\\nfor protection or aid. But the indirect results, though\\nalmost unperceived at first, were far more important,\\nand prepared the way for those momentous efforts\\nwhich issued in the loss to Great Britain of the fairest\\nportion of her colonies, and the establishment of her\\nvassal as a rival. The colonists became inured to the\\nhabits and hardships of a military life, and skilled in\\nthe arts of European warfare while the desire of\\nrevenge for the loss of Canada, which France did not ij\\nfail to harbour, was preparing for them a most\\nefficient friend, and making way for the anomalous\\nexhibition of a despotic sovereign exerting- all his\\npower in the cause of liberty and independence.\\nCHAPTER II.\\nTHE REVOLUTION. FROM THE MOTION FOR WRITS\\nOF ASSISTANCE TO THE REPEAL OF THE STAMP\\nACT.\\nNo period of the world s history exhibits events\\nmore deeply fraught with interest, or more full of\\nmoral and political instruction, than the era of\\nAmerican independence. Duly to appreciate the clia-\\nracter of the struggle, it is necessary to take a brief\\nreview of the circumstances in wliich the colonies\\noriginated, their progress for nearly a century and a\\nhalf, and the nature of the connexion which existed\\nbetween the colonies and the parent state.\\nA considerable variety of circumstances attended\\nthe establishment of the different colonies. In some\\ncases large sums were advanced, either by associated\\nor by individual proprietors who remained in England,\\nexpecting, though in vain, to derive a profitable return\\nfor tlie advance of their capital while in others, and\\nthose the most eminent, the colonies were founded\\nsolely at the expense and by the talent and laborious\\nexertion of the individuals who expatriated them-\\nselves, to obtain the uninterrupted enjoyment of\\nrights which they sought in vain in their native land.\\nIn no instance can it be truly stated, that any Ame-\\nrican colony was established at the expense of the\\ngovfernment or nation of Great Britain. The indi-\\nviduals who had thus voluntarily separated them-\\nselves from their native land by a distance of three\\nthousand miles, still maintained some connexion with\\nthe parent state, both because the new soil was claimed\\nas an appendage of the crown, and in order to place\\nthemselves under adequate protection against the\\nhostile attempts of any of the other European states.\\nBy royal charter, however, each colony was allowed\\nits legislative assembly, and with such slight restric-\\ntions, that the colonists might well be excused for\\nentertaining the idea that they possessed their own\\nparliament and their history evinces that this senti-\\nment was widely extended and deeply impressed on\\nthe minds of the Americans. In no case were the\\ncivil institutions of the colonies less free than those\\nof the British constitution in many instances they\\nwere far more so while the simplicity and popular\\ncharacter of their ecclesiastical bodies, fended most\\npowerfully to keep alive the spirit of civil freedom.\\nThe liberties they enjoyed were rendered still more\\nvaluable, in their esteem, from the recollection of the\\nsacrifices they had made to obtain them. What\\nlabour what fatigue what peril had they not en-\\ncountered in an unknown and savage land Exposed,\\nto the excessive rigour of the winter, and the over-\\npowering heat of the summer, of an American climate,\\nunmitigated by the protecting and consoling influ-\\nences of civilization, an early death had been the fate of\\nmost of the first emigrants while those who survived\\nthe miseries of their situation had to defend their new\\nhabitations against the assaults of a ferocious foe, who\\ndisputed their title to the possession of lands they had\\nso long regarded as exclusively their own. Did the\\naristocracy or the legislature of Great Britain share in\\nthese toils Did they dispense with any of their\\nluxurious habits to relieve the wants, or sympathize\\nin the difficulties or distresses of these brave and\\nindefatigal le men Or did they not leave them un-\\nnoticed till they became sufficiently wealthy to afford\\na lucrative banishment to some of the basest scions\\nof nobility, and a prospect of yielding a revenue\\nwhich might facilitate the enlargemeiit of the pension\\nlist\\nK", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n181\\nAfter the difficulties inevitably attendant on first\\nattempts at colonization were overcome, the progress\\nof the colonists in changing the luxuriant wilderness\\ninto a cultivated and well-regulated state was very\\nrapid and to tiie abundance of nature, conmierce\\nsoon added the accumulations of wealth. The secret\\nof their prosperity undoubtedly is, that the colonies\\nwere left to themselves, without the officious inter-\\nmeddling of the legislature of the parent state. The\\nnavigation acts form the only exception to this obser-\\nvation. These acts, it has already been observed,*\\nprohibited both exportation and importation either in\\nBritain or the colonies, except in English-built vessels\\nmanned by English sailors. These and other enact-\\nments were designed to secure to England a monopoly\\nof all American productions, from which her merchants\\ncould derive a profit and had they been carried into\\nfull efitct, they would have prevented all direct inter-\\ncourse between the British American colonies and\\nthose of Spanish America, as well as with Europe\\nand Asia. Through the laxity of their administration,\\nhowever, an important traffic had long been carried\\non witli Spanish settlements, the returns of which\\nwere principally in gold and silver, an object of great\\nmoment to the interest of the English colonies, and\\nindited very advantageous to Great Britain herselft\\nA considerable trade was also carried on between New\\nYork and some other of the principal American sea-\\nports, and Lisbon, the returns of which were made\\nchiefly in specie, and tb.e remainder in wine. These\\nand other sources of commercial profit were closed\\nby the strict enforcement of the navigation laws, their\\nsystematic evasion having attracted the attention of\\nthe British ministry and this measure was, in fact,\\none of the most powerful, though least avowed,\\nincitements to revolutionary zeal. It must also be\\nadded, that for the aggrandizement of English manu-\\nfactures, the colonists were prohibited from making\\nsome of the most simple and necessary articles, a\\nmeasure which was, in the estimation of the Ame-\\nricans, as degrading as it was unjust and oppressive.\\nIt must be evident to any impartial investigator,\\nthat for all purposes of internal government, in the\\nNew England colonies especially, the connexion\\nbetween them and the British empire was little more\\nthan nominal and that, under the form of allegiance,\\nthe reality of independence had lona: existed. It\\nwas not easy to devise, says Governor Hutchinson,\\nwhose testimony on this point at least must be admit-\\nted to be of great weight, a system of subordinate\\ngovernment less controlled by the supreme, than the\\nBook I. chap. ii. and chap. iii.\\nStedman s American War, 4to. vol. i. p. 16.\\ngovernments in the colonies. Every colony had\\nbeen left to frame their own laws, and adapt them to\\nthe genius of the people, and the local circumstances\\nof the colony. Massachusetts, in particular, was\\ngoverned by laws varying greatly from, though not\\nrepugnant to, the laws of England. Not only their\\npenal laws, their forms of administering justice, the\\ndescent of estates, varied from the English constitu-\\ntion, and were settled to their own minds but they\\nhad been allowed to establish a mode of religious\\nworship, and a form of church government and\\ndiscipline, which, at most, might be said to be only\\ntolerated in England. Possessed of their own\\nlegislature, the colonists imposed and appropriated\\ntheir own imposts, and perpetually resisted the at-\\ntempts of the crown to render the governors, judges,\\nand other officers appointed by the sovereign, inde-\\npendent of the colonial legislatures, by refusing them.\\nThe repeated declarations of some of tlie representa-\\ntive assemblies, that no power could lawfully require\\nthe imposition of any tax without the assent of the\\ncolonial assembly, plainly indicated their opinion as\\nto their independence of the British parliament in all\\nmatters of internal government while their frequent\\nresistance to the encroachments of the crown, in the\\nconduct of the governors, proves equally their watch-\\nful jealousy to keep the sovereign power within\\nthe narrowest limits, and to dispute its exercises\\nwhenever it interfered with their re.al or imagina-\\nry rights.\\nThe advocates of the liberties of America, preced-\\ning and during the period of contest, appear to have\\nbeen fully aware of the real state of the question;\\nthat their views were just, is testified by the almost\\nunanimous concurrence of all enliglitencd statesmen\\nof the present day. When Charles Tovvushciid, at\\nthe conclusion of one of his speeches in favour of the\\nright of the British parliament to tax the colonies,\\nexclaimed, And now will these Americans, planted\\nby our care, nourished up by our indulgence, until\\nthey are grown to a degree of strength and importance,\\nand protected by our arms\u00e2\u0080\u0094 will they grudge to\\ncontrijuite their mite to relieve us from the heavy\\nburden we lie under? Colonel Barre replied:\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThey planted by your care No, your oppression\\nplanted them in America. They fled from your\\ntyranny, to a then uncultivated and inhospitable\\ncountry, where they exposed themselves to almost\\nall the hardships to which human nature is liable,\\nand among others, to the cruellies of a savage fof\\nthe most subtle, and I will take upon me to say, he\\nt Hutchinson s History of Massachusetts Bay, p. 353.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "182\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmost formidable, of any people upon the face of God s\\nearth and yet, actuated by principles of true Eng-\\nlisli liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure,\\ncompared with those they suffered in their own\\ncountry, from the hands of those who should have\\nbeen their friends. They nourished by your indul-\\ngence They grew by your neglect of them.\\nAs soon as you began to take care about them, that\\ncare was exercised in sending persons to rule them in\\none department and another, who were deputies of\\ndeputies to some members of this house, sent to prey\\nupon them men, whose behaviour on many occa-\\nsmns has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to\\nrecoil within them men promoted to the highest\\nseats of justice, some of whom, to my knowledge,\\nwere glad, by going to a foreign country, to escape\\nbeing brought to a bar of justice in their own.\\nThey protected b)^ your arms They have nobly\\ntaken up arms in your defence, have exerted their\\nvalour, amidst tlieir constant and laborious industry,\\nfor tlie defence of a country whose frontiers were\\ndrenched in blood, while its interior parts yielded all\\nUs little savings to your emolument. And believe me,\\nthat same spirit of freedom which actuated that\\npeople at first, will accompany them still.\\nThe immediate and exciting causes of the spirit of\\nopposition to the government were two-fold the\\nrigorous execution of the navigation laws, which\\ndestroyed a most important and profitable, though\\ncontraband and illegal trade and the assertion by\\nthe Britisli parliament of its right to tax the colonies.\\nThe latter so speedily followed the former, and afford-\\ned so preferable a ground on which to make a stand,\\nthat the navigation laws were seldom exhibited as\\none of the, chief grievances although, had not the\\nstamp act and other similar measures been brought\\nforward, the laws affecting the trade of the co-\\nlonies would inevitably have excited the same op-\\nposition.\\nThe attempt to hold a people, circumstanced as\\nwere the American colonists, under the legislation of\\nGreat Britain, was as irrational as it was luijust.\\nFinancial embarrassments called forth the er^neous\\npolicy into action, which, as often happens in\\nprivate life, deeply aggravated the evil it was design-\\ned to remedy; and the attempt to wring a few thou-\\nsands per annum from the colonists, terminated in\\nplunging Great Britain into debt, and in depriving\\nher of an immense territory, which, under a just\\nand liberal management, might still have con-\\nGordon s History of the American Revolution, vol. i. p. 160,\\n161.\\nt Bisselt s History, vol. i. p. 227, and M. Botta s Historic de la\\ntiniTed one of the most illustrious appendages of the\\nBritish crown.\\nPlans of laying internal taxes, and of drawing a\\nrevenue from the colonies, had been at various times\\nsuggested to the ministry, and particularly to Sir\\nRobert Walpole. This statesman, however, was too\\nwise and sagacious to adopt them. I will leave the\\ntaxation of the Americans, Walpole answered, for\\nsome of my successors, who may have more courage\\nthan I have, and be less friendly to commerce thaii I\\nam. It has been a maxim with me, he added,\\nduring my administration, to encourage the trade\\nof the American colonies to the utmost latitude; nay,\\nit has been necessary to pass over some irregularities\\nin their trade with Europe for, by encouraging\\nthem to an extensive and growing foreign commerce,\\nif they gain five hundred thousand pounds, I am\\nconvinced that, in two years afterwards, full two\\nInmdred and fifty thousand of this gain will be in his\\nmajesty s exchequer by the labour and product of this\\nkingdom, as immense quantities of every kind of\\nour manufactures go thither and as they increase in\\nthe foreign American trade, more of our produce will\\nbe wanted. This is taxing them more agreeably to\\ntheir own constitution and laws. t The first Pitt,\\nalso, in his celebrated speech on the repeal of. the\\nstamp act, referring to the conduct of the several\\npreceding administrations, says, None of these\\nthought, or even dreamed of, robbing the colonies of\\ntheir constitutional rights. That was reserved to\\nmark an era of the late administration not that\\nthere were wanting some, when I had tlie honour to\\nserve his majesty, to propose to me to burn my fin-\\ngers with an American stamp act. With the enemy\\nat their back, with our bayonets at their breasts, in\\nthe day of their distress, perhaps the Americans\\nwould have submitted to the imposition but it\\nwould have been taking an ungenerous and unjust\\nadvantagfe.\\nWhatever might have been the views or wishes of\\nany individual of the British cabinet, at any period,\\nrelative to drawing a revenue directly from the co-\\nlonies, no one had been bold enough to make the at-\\ntempt until after the reduction of the French power\\nin America. This was deemed a favourable moment\\nto call upon the Americans for taxes, to assist in the\\npayment of a debt, incurred, as was alleged, in a\\ngreat measure, for their protection against apoM ^crful\\nenemy, now no longer an object of their dread. t A\\nBritish statesman should have reflected, that, if the\\nGuerre de I lndependence et des Etat.s-Unis d Ameriqne. Edit.\\nFranc, vol. i. p. 62.\\nt Pitkin, vol. i. p. 157.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n183\\nAmericans were relieved from the dread of their\\nancient enemy, they no longer required tlie protec-\\ntion of the parent country against that enemy and\\nthat the strongest hold on their dependence was gone\\nwhen Canada was gained.*\\nThe conquest of Canada had scarcely been effected,!\\nwhen rumours were extensively prevalent! that a dif-\\nferent system of government was about to be adopt-\\ned by the parent state that the charters would be\\ntaken away, and the colonies reduced to royal govern-\\nments. The officers of the customs began to enforce\\nwitlr strictness all the acts of parliament regulating\\nthe trade of the colonies, several of which had been\\nsuspended, or had become obsolete. Governor Ber-\\nnard, of Massachusetts, who was always a supporter of\\nthe royal prerogative, appears to have entered fully in-\\nto these views, and to have indicated, by his appoint-\\nment of confidential advisers, that his object would be\\nto extend the power of the government to any limits\\nwhich the ministry might require. The first demon-\\nstration of the new course intended to be pursued,\\nwas the arrival of an order in council to carry into\\neffect the acts of trade, and to apply to the supreme\\njudicature of the province for writs of assistance, to\\nbe granted to the officers of the customs. According\\nto the ordinary course of law, no searches or seizures\\ncan be made without a special warrant, issued upon\\nprobable cause, supported by oath or affirmation,\\nThe disposition to lax. the American.s, unless they would tax\\nthemselves equal to the wishes of the ministry, was undoubtedly\\nstrengthened by the reports of their gayety and luxury which\\nreached the mother country it was also said, that the planters\\nlived like princes, while the inhahilants of Britain laboured hard\\nfor a tolerable subsistence. The officers lately returned represent-\\ned them as rich, wealthy, and even overgrown in fortune. Their\\nopinion might arise from observations inade in the Ainerican cities\\nand towns during the war, while large sums were spent in the\\ncountry, for the support of fleets and arinies. American produc-\\ntions were then in great demand, and trade flourished. The peo-\\nple, naturally generous and hospitable, having a number of stran-\\ngers among them, indulged themselves in many uncommon ex-\\npenses. When the war was terminated, and they had no further\\napprehension of danger, the power of the late enemy in the coim-\\ntry being totally broken, Canada., and the back lands to the very\\nbanks of the Mississippi, with the Floridas, being ceded to Great\\nBritain, it was thought they could not well make too much of\\nthose who had so contributed to their security. Partly to do\\nhonour to them, and partly, it is to be feared, to gratify their own\\npride, they added to their sliow of plate, by borrowing of neighbours,\\nand made a great parade of riches in their several entertainments.\\nThe plenty and variety of provision and liquors enabled them to\\nfurnish out an elegant table, at a comparatively trifling expense.\\nGordon s History, vol. i. p. 1.57, 158.\\nt It will be perceived, that the contest respecting the writs of as-\\nsistance occurred nearly two years before the signature of the treaty\\nof Paris; but it has been deemed preferable to make a slight chro-\\nnological retrocession, than to dissever this occurrence from those\\nwith which it is so strictly allied in its moral and political cha-\\nracter.\\nt Nothing excited a greater alarm in the breats of those to\\nwhom it was communicated, than the following anecdote, viz. The\\nRev. Mr. Whitefield, ere he left Portsmouth, in New Hampshire,\\n24\\nparticulai ly do.sigiintiiig the place to be searched and\\ni the iroods to be seized. But the writ of assistance\\nwas to command all sheriffs and other civil officers\\nto assi.st the person to whom it was granted, in\\nbreaking open and searching every place where he\\nmight suspect_ any prohibited or uncustomed goods\\nto be concealed. It was a sort of commission, during\\npleasure, to ransack the dwellings of the citizens, for\\nit was never to be returned, nor any account of the\\nproceedings under it rendered to the court whence it\\nissued. Such a weapcjn of oppression in the hands\\nof the inferior officers of the customs, might well\\nalarm even iimccencc,- and confound the violators of\\nthe law.\\nThe mercantile part of the community united in\\nopposing the petition, and was in a state of great\\nanxiety, as to the result of the question. The offi-\\ncers of the customs called upon Mr. Otis for his official\\nassistance, as advocate-general, to argue their cause\\nbut as he believed these writs to be illegal and tyran-\\nnical, he resigned the situation, though very lucrative,\\nand if filled by a compliant spirit, leading to the high-\\nest favours of government. The merchants of\\nSalem and Boston applied to Otis? and Thacher, who\\nengaged to make their defence. The trial took place\\nin the council chamber of the Old Town House, in\\nBoston. The judges were five in number, including\\nLieutenant-Governor Hutchinson, who presided as\\non Monday afternoon, the 2d of April, 1764, sent for Dr. Langdon\\nand Mr. Haven, the congregational ministers of the town, and upon\\ntheir coming and being alone with him, said, I can t in conscience\\nleave the town without acquainting you with a secret. My heart\\nbleeds for America. O poor New England There is a deep-laid\\nplot against both your civil and religious liberties, and they will be\\nlost. Your golden days are at an end. You have nothing but\\ntrouble before you. My information comes from the best authority\\nin Great Britain. I was allowed to speak of the affair in general,\\nbut enjoined not to mention particulars. Your liberties will be\\nlost. Gordon, vol. i. p. 143. Considerable jealousy appears to\\nhave been justly entertained by the Americans of the well known\\nSociety for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts. The bishop\\nof LlandafT observed, in a discourse on behalf of that institution,\\nthat the establishment of episcopacy being obtained, the American\\nchurch will go out of its infant stale, be able to stand upon its own\\nlegs, and, without foreign help, support and spread itself, and then\\nthis society will be brought to the happy issue intended. Mr.\\nWhitefield justly remarks, in a letter to Dr. Durell, Supposing\\nhis lordship s assertions true, then I fear it will follow, that a so-\\nciety, which, since its first institution, hath been locked upon as a\\nsociety for propagating the gospel, hath been all the while rather a\\nsociety for propagating episcopacy in foreign parts.\\nMr. Hutchinson insists that the opposition of Mr. Otis was\\noriffinally excited by the governor s refttsing the place of chief jus-\\ntice of tlie supreme court to his father and speaking of his conduct\\non this occasion, says, Mr. Otis s zeal in carrying on these causes\\nwas deemed as ineriiorious as if it had sprung from a sincere con-\\ncern for the liberties of the people. His resenlmcnt against the\\ngovernor was not charged upon him as the motive. Mr. Hutch-\\ninson may, however, be supposed at least as prejudiced against Mr.\\nOtis, as his biograplier or Mr. Adams may be in his favour. See\\nHutchinson s History of Massachusetts Bay, from 1749 to 1774. p.\\n90\u00e2\u0080\u009495.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "184\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nchief justice and ^he room was filled with all the\\nofficers of government and the principal citizens, to\\nhear the arguments in a cause that inspired the deep-\\nest solicitude. The case was opened by JMr. Gridley,\\nwho argued it with much learning, ingenuity, and\\ndignity, urging every point and authority that could\\nbe found, after the most diligent search, in favour of\\ntlie custom house petition making all his reasoning\\ndepend on this consideration, if the parliament of\\nGreat Britain is the sovereign legislator of the Bri-\\ntish empire. He was followed by Mr. Thacher on\\nthe opposite side, whose reasoning was ingenious and\\nable, delivered in a tone of great mildness and mode-\\nration. But, in the language of president Adams,\\nOtis was a flame of fire with a promptitude of\\nclassical allusion, a depth of research, a rapid summa-\\nry of historical events and dates, a profusion of legal\\nauthorities, a prophetic glance into futurity, and a\\nrapid torrent of impetuous eloquence, he hurried away\\nall before him. American independence was then\\nand there born. The seeds of patriots and heroes to\\ndefend the Non shie DHs animostis infaiis* to de-\\nfend the vigorous youth, were then and there sown.\\nEvery man of an immense crowded audience appear-\\ned to me to go away as I did, ready to tal^e arms\\nagainst writs of assistance. Then and there was\\nthe first scene of the first act of opposition to the ar-\\nbitrary claims of Great Britain. Then and there the\\nchild Independence was born. In fifteen years, i. e.\\nin 1776, he grew up to manhood and declared himself\\nfree. t\\nIn consequence of this argument, it appears, the\\npopularity of Otis was without bounds, and at the\\nnext election he was for the first time chosen a mem-\\nber of the house of representatives by an almost unani-\\nmous vote. Some idea of the state of public senti-\\nment at that period may be derived from the following\\nremarkable language of the governor, in his speech\\nat the commencement of the session. Let me re-\\ncommend to you to give no attention to declamations\\ntending to promote a suspicion of the civil rights of\\nthe people being in danger. Such harangues might\\nsuit well in the time of Charles and James, but in\\nthe times of the Georges they are groundless and un-\\njust. Since the accession of the first George, there\\nhas been no instance of the legal privileges of any\\ncorporate body being attacked by any of the king s\\nministers or servants, without public censure ensuing.\\nHis present majesty has given uncommon assurances\\nThis allusion is to the alliance medal, struck in Paris; one\\nsiile of which contains the head of Liberty, with the words Liber/as\\nAmericaTw., 4th .Tuly, 1776; and on the reverse, a robust infant\\nstruggling with the serpent, attacked by a lion, (England,) defend-\\nhow much he has at heart the preservation of the\\nliberty, riglits, and privileges of all his subjects. Can\\nit be supposed that he can forfeit his word or that\\nhe will suffer it to be forfeited by the acts of any\\nservant of his with impunity An insinuation so\\nunreasonable and injurious I am sure will never be\\nwell received among you.\\nIn the following session, Governor Bernard in-\\nformed the house of representatives that, during the\\nrecess of the legislature, he had appropriated a small\\nsum towards fitting out the sloop Massachusetts to\\nprotect the fishery. The committee appointed to\\nprepare an answer, reported to the house a message,\\nin which_ after desiring his excellency to restore the\\nsloop to her former condition, they add Justice to\\nourselves and to our constituents obliges us to remon-\\nstrate against the method of making or increasing\\nestablishments by the governor and council. It\\nis in effect taking from the house their most darling\\nprivilege, the right of originating all taxes. It is, in\\nshort, annihilating one branch of the legislature.\\nAnd when once the representatives of a people give\\nup this privilege, the government will very soon be-\\ncome arbitrary. No necessity, therefore, can be suf-\\nficient to justify a house of representatives in giving up\\nsuch a privilege; for it would be of little consequence\\nto the people whether they were subject to George or\\nLouis, the king of Great Britain or the French king,\\nif both were arbitrary, as both would be if both could\\nlevy taxes without parliament. Treason, trea-\\nson cried one of the members, when these words\\nwere read but the report was accepted, and the mes-\\nsage sent unaltered to the governor. The same\\nday he returned it, accompanied by a letter requesting\\nthat a part of it might be expunged, as disrespectful\\nto the king. It was then proposed to insert an\\namendment in the message, expressive of loyalty\\nbut a certain member crying Rase them, rase them,\\nthe obnoxious words, which had been underlined by\\nthe governor, were erased it being obvious that\\nthe remonstrance would bo the same in effect with or\\nwithout them. The g-overnor sent a vindication ol\\nhis conduct to the house, and prorogued the assem-\\nbly before there was time to answer it.\\nIn the mean time, the laws of trade were enforced\\nwith increasing strictness, gieatly to the embarrass-\\nment of American commerce, particularly that of the\\nnorthern colonies, the whole of whose foreign trade\\nseemed about to be ruined an event which would\\ned by Minerva, (France,) who interposes a shield with the fleurs\\nde lis, and on which the lion fastens; the motto, furnished by Sir\\nWilliam Jones, Non sine Diis animosus injans.\\nt Tudor s Life of Otis, p. 61.\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nISO\\nleave them no means of making remittances to Eno;-\\nland for the purchase of manufactures, rendered so\\nnecessary by the severity of their climate, bat direct\\nexportations to that country to which, the subjection\\nof Canada having made that province the seat of tlie\\nfur trade, they had nothing to send, but the growth\\nof their foi-ests and the produce of their whale fishery.\\nThe apprehension of this evil induced them to urge\\ntheir agents and correspondents in Great Britain to\\nmake every effort to procure a repeal, or to prevent\\nthe perpetuity, of the most obnoxious statutes, particu-\\nlarly of the sugar and molasses act. Notwithstanding\\ntlie approach of these evils, and the language of Mr.\\nOtis in his argument on writs of assistance, the\\nunconstitutional character of this and the other laws\\nof trade does not appear to have been denied with a\\nvoice loud and general enough to excite attention in\\nGreat Britain, or even in the southern colonies nor\\ndoes the authority of parliament to enact them appear\\nto have been yet openly contested by any deliberative\\nbody. The colonies were not ready to throw off by\\nforce restraints which they had been accustomed to\\nwear from tlieir infancy, and which had not till\\nlately pressed severely upon them. They now began\\nto find them galling; and perhaps the time when they\\nwould have grown up to such a size as to feel them-\\nselves cramped and shackled by them beyond endu-\\nrance, was not far distant. The ministry, however,\\nchose to anticipate it; and in December, 1763, orders\\nwere published in America for the vigilant and\\nunsparing enforcement of the most odious of these\\nlaws, with the avowed purpose of raising a revenue.\\nThe year 1764 was prolific in measures calculated\\nto agitate and arouse the spirit of the Americans.\\nEarly in March an act was passed, which declared\\nthat the bills which had been issued by the several\\ncolonial governments, should no longer be regarded\\nas legal currency an enactment which, although in\\nsome cases it might have the beneficial effect of pre-\\nventing an injurious excess of paper, was very\\nprejudicial to the interests, as well as galling to the\\nfeelings, of the colonists. On the 10th of March, the\\nhouse of commons passed eighteen resolutions for\\nimposing taxes and duties on the colonies. The\\nexecution of that which declared that it might be\\nproper to impose certain stamp duties on them, was\\ndeferred to the next session but the others were\\nimmediately enforced by An Act for granting certain\\nDuties in America which, after stating that it was\\njust and expedient to raise a revenue there, imposed\\nduties on silks and coloured calicoes from Persia,\\nIndia, or China, and on sugar, wines, coffee, and\\npimento, made the sugar and molasses act perpetual.\\nreducing the duty on molasses from sixpence to three\\npence per gallon and this for the express and sole\\npurpose of raising a revenue. The same act increased\\nthe number of enumerated commodities, laid new and\\nharsh restrictions on commerce, re-enacted many of\\nthe obsolete laws of trade, and provided that all penal-\\nties and forfeitures, accruing under any of them,\\nmight be sued for, at the election of the informer, in\\nany court of record or of admiralty, or in that of vice-\\nadmiralty, to be established over all America. The\\ndeclaration which was made, that all tliese duties\\nshould be devoted to the maintenance of an army for\\nthe defence of the colonies, Avas by no means satis-\\nfactory it was, indeed, urged by the ministry, to\\nprove to the Americans that the money which was\\nraised from them would ultimately be spent again\\namong their own inhabitants but the colonists saga-\\nciously conjectured, that now they had no other\\nenemy than a few exhausted tribes of Indians, there\\nmust be some other design than that of defence m\\nmaintaining a standing army among them and they\\ncould attribute the plan to no other source, than a\\ndesire on the part of the ministry to secure the\\ndestruction of their liberties by military force.\\nThe direct assertion by the British parliament, of\\nits right to tax the colonies, accompanied, as it evi-\\ndently was, by a determination to carry the principle\\ninto almost immediate effect, excited the most ex-\\ntensive clamour and agitation, not only among\\nindividuals, but in the minds of the constituted\\nauthorities. Taxation without representation is\\ntyranny, was the universal watchword the pro-\\nposed exaction was every where the topic of conver-\\nsation, and the subject of the severest animadversion.\\nEvery day beheld the aflection of the Americans for\\nthe parent country sensibly diminish, while the dis-\\nposition to resist by force was silently but effectually\\nfostered. Several of the provincial assemblies sent\\ninstructions to their agents in London to employ\\nevery means to prevent the obnoxious measure being\\ncarried into effect.\\nThe people of Boston, at their meeting in May,\\ninstructed their representatives to the general court\\non this important subject. In these instructions,\\n(which were drawn up by Samuel Adams, one of tlio\\ncommittee appointed for that purpose,) after comment-\\ning on the sugar and molasses act, they proceed to\\nobserve But our greatest apprehension is, that\\nthese proceedings may be preparatory to new faxes\\nfor if our trade may be taxed, why not our lands\\nwhy not the products of our lands, and every thing\\nwe possess or use This, v/e conceive, annihilate?\\nour charter rights to govern and tax ourselves. It", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "186\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nstrikes at our British privileges, which, as we have\\nnever forfeited, we hold in common with our fellow-\\nsulijects wlio are natives of Britain. If taxes are laid\\nupon us, in any shape, without our having a legal\\nrepresentation where they are laid, we are reduced\\nfrom the character of free subjects, to the state of\\ntributary slaves. We, therefore, earnestly recommend\\nit to you to use your utmost endeavours to obtain\\nfrom the general court all necessary advice and\\ninstruction to our agent at this most critical juncture.\\nVVe also desire you to use your endeavours that the\\nother colonies, having the same interests and rights\\nwith us, may add their weight to that of this province\\nthat by united application of all who are aggrieved,\\nall may obtain redress. This was the first public\\nact in the colonies, in opposition to the ministerial\\nplans of drawing a revenue directly from America\\nand it contained the first suggestion of the propriety\\nof that mutual understanding and correspondence\\namong the colonies, which laid the foundation of their\\nfuture confederacy. The house of representatives of\\nMassachusetts, in June following, declared, That the\\nsole right of giving and granting the money of the\\npeople of that province, was vested in them, or their\\nrepresentatives, and that the imposition of duties and\\ntaxes by the parliament of Great Britain upon a\\npeople not represented in the house of commons, is\\nabsolutely irreconcilable with their rights that no\\nman can justly take the property of another, without\\nhis consent upon which original principles, the\\npower of making laws for levying taxes, one of the\\nmain pillars of the British constitution, is evidently\\nfounded. The same senti ments are expressed, though\\nin stronger language, in their letter of instructions to\\ntheir agent. If the colonists are to be taxed at\\npleasure, they say, without any representatives in\\nparliament, what will there be, to distinguish them,\\nin point of liberty, from the subjects of the most\\nabsolute prince If we are to be taxed at pleasure,\\nwithout our consent, will it be any consolation to us,\\nthat we are to be assessed by a hundred instead of\\none 1 If we are not represented, we are slaves.\\nThe house, also, at the same time, appointed a com-\\nmittee, to sit during the recess of the court, to -write\\nto the other colonies, requesting them to join in\\napplying for a repeal of the sugar act, and in endea-\\nvouring to prevent the passage of the act laying\\nstamp duties, or any other act imposing taxes on the\\nAmerican provinces.\\nThe assembly of Connecticut appointed a committee\\nto assist the governor in drawing up reasons why the\\nLife of Samuel Adams, Signers of the Declaration of Inde-\\npendence, vol. ix. p. 291.\\ncolonies should not be charged with internal taxes by\\nauthority of parliament. These reasons were drawn\\nup principally by Mr. Fitch, an able jurist, then\\ngovernor of Connecticut, and being reported to the\\nassembly of that colony, were approved. In the\\ncourse of the year, petitions to the king and both\\nhouses of parliament were prepared in many of the\\ncolonies, and sent to their agents. The general court\\nof Massachusetts was prorogued until October. The\\nhouse of representatives of that colony agreed upon a\\npetition in accordance with their resglutions of June\\npreceding. This being sent to the council for their\\nconcurrence, through the influence of Thomas Hutch-\\ninson, one of the joint committee to whom it was\\nreferred, M^as finally so altered and modified, as to\\nplace the objections of that colony to the stamp act\\non the ground of expediency rather than of right.\\nThe petitions of the other colonies, hoAvever, spoke a\\nmore bold and decisive language. The memorial of\\nthe assembly of Virginia to the house of commons\\ndeclared, that they conceived it essential to British\\nliberty, that laws imposing taxes on the people ought\\nnot to be made without the consent of representatives\\nchosen by themselves who, at the same time that\\nthey are acquainted with the circumstances of their\\nconstituents, sustain a proportion of the burden laid\\non them. This privilege, inherent in the persons\\nwho discovered and Settled these regions, could not,\\nthey observed, be renounced, or forfeited, by their\\nremoval hither, not as vagabonds and fugitives, but\\nlicensed and encouraged by their prince, and animated\\nwith a laudable desire of enlarging the British domi-\\nnions and extending its commerce on the contrary,\\nit was secured to them and their descendants, with\\nall other rights and immunities of British subjects, by\\na royal charter, which hath been invariably recog-\\nnised and confirmed by his majesty and his prede-\\ncessors, in their commissions to the several governors,\\ngranting a power and prescribing a form of legislation,\\naccording to which laws for the administration of\\njustice, and for the welfare and good government of\\nthe colony, have been enacted by the governor,\\ncouncil, and general assembly and to them requi-\\nsitions and applications for supplies have been directed\\nby the crown.\\nThe petitions of the assembly of New York were\\ndrawn with great ability, and breathed a spirit more\\nbold and decided than those from any other colony.\\nIn that to the house of commons, after stating, that\\nfrom the year 1683 there had been in that province\\nthree legislative branches, consisting of the governor\\nand council, appointed by the crown, and the repre-\\nsentatives chosen by the people, who had enjoyed the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n187\\nright of taxing the subject for the support of the\\ngovernment, and had always granted aid to the crown\\naccording to their abiUties, they add, But an\\nexemption from the burden of ungranted and in-\\nvoluntary taxes must be the grand principle of every\\nfree state. Without such a right vested in them-\\nselves, exclusive of all others, there can be no liberty,\\nno happiness, no security it is inseparable from the\\nvery idea of property; for who can call that his own,\\nwhich may be taken away at the pleasure of another?\\nAnd so evidently does this appear to be the natural\\nright of mankind, that even conquered tributary\\nstates, though subject to the payment of a fixed\\nperiodical tribute, never were reduced to so absolute\\nand forlorn a condition, as to yield to all the burdens\\nwhich their conquerors might, at any future time,\\nthiirk fit to impose. The tribute paid, the debt was\\ndischarged and the remainder they would call their\\nown. And if conquered vassals, upon the principle\\nof mutual justice, may claim a freedom from assess-\\nments unbounded and unassented to, without which\\nthey would suffer the loss of every thing, and life\\nitself become intolerable, with how much propriety\\nand boldness may we proceed to inform the commons\\nof Great Britain, who, to their distinguished honour,\\nin all ages asserted the liberties of mankind, that the\\npeople of this colony nobly disdain the thought of\\nclaiming that exemption as a privilege. They found\\nit on a basis more honourable, solid, and stable they\\nchallenge it, and glory in it as their right. That\\nright their ancestors enjoyed in Great Britain and\\nIreland their descendants, returning to these king-\\ndoms, enjoy it again and that it may be exercised\\nby his majesty s subjects at home, and justly denied\\nto those who submitted to poverty, barbarian wars,\\nloss of blood, loss of money, personal fatigues, and ten\\nthousand unutterable hardships, to enlarge the trade,\\nwealth, and dominion of the nation or to speak with\\nthe most incontestable modesty, that when, as subjects,\\nall have equal merits, a fatal, nay, the most odious\\ndiscrimination should nevertheless be made between\\nthem, no sophistry can recommend to the sober impar-\\ntial decision of common sense. While the assembly\\nof New York acknowledged that parliament had a\\nright to regulate the trade of the colonies, they\\ndeclared, that in doing this they had not the right of\\nimposing duties for the purpose of revenue.\\nIn addition to the acts and declarations of the\\ncolonial legislatures, various individuals enlightened\\nand animated the colonists by numerous publications\\nboth in the newspapers and by separate pamphlets.\\nAmong the latter, The Rights of the Colonists as-\\nserted and proved, by Mr. Otis, and The Sentiments\\nof a British American, by Oxenbridge Thacher,\\nwere particularly distinguished. Mr. Otis, among\\nother things, declared, Tiiat the imposition of taxes,\\nwhether on trade or on land, on houses, or ships, on\\nreal or personal, fixed or floating property, in the\\ncolonies, is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights\\nof the colonists, as British subjects and as men.\\nOn the subject of the sugar and molasses act, Mr.\\nThacher stated his objections, the first of which was,\\nThat a tax was thereby laid on several commodities,\\nto be raised and levied in the plantations, and to be\\nremitted home to England. This is esteemed, he\\nsaid, a grievance, inasmuch as the same are laid\\nwithout the consent of the representatives of the\\ncolonists. It is esteemed an essential British right,\\nthat no man shall be subject to any tax but what,\\nin person or by his representative, he ham a voice\\nin laying.\\nIn the winter of 1765, at the request of the other\\nagents of the colonies. Dr. Franklin, Jarcd Ingersoll,\\nMr. Jackson, and Mr. Garth, had a conference with\\nMr. Grenville, on the subject of the stamp duty. Mr.\\nIngersoll was from Connecticut, and had been re-\\nquested to assist Mr. Jackson in any matters relating\\nto that colony Mr. Garth was agent for South Caro-\\nlina, and he and Mr. Jackson were members of\\nparliament. These gentlemen, and particularly Dr.\\nFranklin and Mr. Ingersoll, informed the minister of\\nthe great opposition to the proposed tax in America,\\nand most earnestly entreated him, that if money must\\nbe drawn from the colonies by taxes, to leave it with the\\ncolonists to raise it among themselves, in such manner\\nas they should think proper, and best adapted to their\\ncircumstances and abilities. Dr. Franklin informed\\nthe minister, that the legislature of Pennsylvania had,\\nby a resolution, declared, That as they always had,\\nso they always should, think it their duly, to grant\\naids to the crown, according to their abilities,\\nwhenever required of them in the usual constitu-\\ntional way.\\nNeither the remonstrances of the colonists, how-\\never, nor the entreaties of their agents, were of any\\navail with the ministry or parliament. The bill for\\nlaying the stamp and other duties was soon brought\\nbefore the liouse, and petitions from the colonies cf\\nVirginia, Connecticut, and South Carolina, were\\noffeTed in opposition to it. The house, however, re-\\nfused to receive them in the first place, because they\\nquestioned or denied the right of parliament to pass\\nthe bill and, in the second place, because it was\\ncontrary to an old standing rule of the house, that\\nPitkin, vol. i. p. 161\u00e2\u0080\u0094170.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "188\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nno petition should be received against a money bill.\\nThe majority against receiving the petitions was very\\nlarge, and those from the other colonies were not\\noflered. The petition from New York was express-\\ned in such strong languas-e, that no member of the\\nhouse could be prevailed upon to present it. The\\nadmirable speech of Colonel Barre in reply to Charles\\nTownshend, which has already been quoted, although\\nit produced a profound impression, did not of course\\ndefeat the measure and the colonial petitions and\\nremonstrances, with the petition of the London\\nmerchants trading to America, were equally unavail-\\ning. In the house of commons there were about two\\nhundred and fifty for, and only fifty against it. In the\\nlords it passed without debate, with entire unanimity\\nand on the 22d of March it obtained the royal assent.\\nThis enactment, which was to come into operation\\non the 1st of November, excited the most serious\\nakirm throughout the colonies. It was viewed as a\\nviolation of the British constitution, and as destruc-\\ntive of the first principles of liberty and combina-\\ntions against its execution were every where formed.\\nThe house of burgesses in Virginia, which was in\\nsession when intelligence of the act was received,\\npassed several spirited resolutions, asserting the co-\\nlonial rights, and denying tlie claim of parliamentary\\ntaxation. The resolutions* were introduced into the\\nVirofinia assembly by the eloquent Patrick Henry,\\nwho, on the envelope of a copy of them in his own\\nhand writing, has given the following interesting\\nparticulars Tliey formed, says Mr. Henry, the\\nfirst opposition to the stamp act, and the scheme of\\ntaxing America by the British parliament. All the\\ncolonies, either through fear, or want of opportunity\\nto form an opposition, or from influence of some kind\\nor other, had remained silent.t I had been for the\\nfirst time elected a burgess a few days before, was\\nThey were as follows Resolved, That ihe first adventurers\\nand settlers of this his majesty s colony and dominion, brought with\\nihem, and transmitted to their posterity, and all other his majesty s\\nsubjects since inhabilins; in this his majesty s said colony, all the\\nprivileges, franchises, and immunities, that have at any time been\\nheld, enjoyed, and possessed by the people of Great Brilain.\\nResolved, That by two royal charters, granted by King James\\nI., the colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all the privileges,\\nliberties, and immunities, of denizens and natural born subjects, to\\nall intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within\\nthe realm of England.\\nResolved, That the taxation of the people by themselves, or by\\npersons chosen by tliemselves to represent them, who can only\\nknow what taxes the people are able to bear, and the easiest mode\\nof raising them, and are equally affected by such taxes themselves,\\nis the distinguishing characteristic of British freedom, and without\\nwhich the ancient constitution canno subsist.\\nResolved, That his majesty s liege people of this most ancient\\ncolony, have uninterruptedly enjoyed the right of being thus go-\\nverned by their own assembly in the article of their taxes and in-\\nternal police, and that the same hath never been forfeited, or any\\nyoung, inexperienced, unacquainted with the forms\\nof the house, and the members that composed it.\\nFinding the men of weight averse to opposition, and\\nthe commencement of the tax at hand, and that no\\nperson was likely to step forth, I determined to ven-\\nture and alone, unadvised, and unassisted, on a\\nblank leaf of an old law book wrote the within. Upon\\noffering them to the house, violent debates ensued.\\nMany threats were uttered, and much abuse cast on\\nme, by the party for submission. After a long and\\nwarm contest, the resolutions passed by a very small\\nmajority, perhaps of one or two only. The alarm\\nspread throujjhout America with astonishing quick-\\nness, and the ministerial party were overwhelmed.\\nThe great point of resistance to British taxation was\\nimiversally established in tlie colonies. This brought\\non the war, which finally separated the two countries,\\nand gave independence to ours. Whether this will\\nprove a blessing or a curse, will depend upon the\\nuse our people make of the blessings which a gra-\\ncious God hath bestowed on us. If they are wise\\nthey will be great and happy. If they are of a con\\ntrary character, they will be miserable. Kighteous\\nness alone can exalt them as a nation.\\nIt was in the midst of this magnificent debate,\\nsays his biographer, Mr. Wirt, while he was des-\\ncanting on the tyranny of the obnoxious act, that he\\nexclaimed in a voice of thunder, Cassar had his Bru-\\ntus Charles the First his Cromwell and George the\\nThird Treason, cried the speaker Treason, trea-\\nson, echoed from every part of the house it was one\\nof those trying moments which are decisive of\\ncharacter. Henry faltered not for an instant but\\nrising to a loftier attitude, and fixing on the speaker an\\neye of- the most determined fire, he finished his sen-\\ntence with the firmest emphasis,) may frojit by their\\nexample. If this be treason, make the most of it. I\\nother way given up, but hath been constantly recognised by the\\nking and people of Great Britain.\\nResolved, therefore. That the general assembly of this colony\\nhave Ihe sole right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon\\nthe inhabitants of this colony, and tliat every attempt to vest such\\npower in any person or persons whatsoever, other than the general\\nassembly aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to destroy British as\\nwell as American freedom. Win s Life of Henry, p. 56, 57.\\nt Mr. Henry does not appear to have been fully informed of, or\\nto have adequately estimated, the character of the proceedings in\\nMassachusetts and other colonies, during the preceding year.\\nt We cannot refrain from giving another extract from Mr.\\nWirt s Life of Henry, although it is a specimen of an overcharged\\nand vitiated style. Mr. W. has, however, received a just critique\\nfrom that able work, to which England and America are both\\ngreatly indebted, the North American Review. He had never\\nbefore had a subject which entirely matched his genius, and was\\ncapable of drawing out all the powers of his mind. It was remark-\\ned of him, throughout his life, that his talents never failed to rise\\nwith the occasion, and in proportion with the resistance which he had\\nto encounter. The nicety of the vote on his last resolution, proves", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n189\\nIn the province of Massachusetts dissatisfaction at\\nthe passing the stamp act was strongly manifested,\\nand surprise was mingled with irritation, arising\\nfrom the act having been adopted without any regard\\nto the memorials and remonstrances forwarded from\\nAmerica on the subject. Feeling as freemen and as\\nEnglishmen, they saw a fatal blow aimed at their\\nhighly valued charter-liberties, and were justly ap-\\nprehensive that, without a more resolute and united\\ndefence than had yet been made, their civil freedom\\nwould be laid prostrate at the feet of despotic power.\\nGovernor Bernard, in his speech to the legislature\\nin May, merely glanced at the interesting subject by\\nwhich the public mind was so deeply agitated but\\nurged entire submission to all acts of parliament, as\\nit was the sanctuary of liberty and justice and\\neulogized the character of the prince on the throne.\\nas one fully deserving the epithet of a patriot king.\\nHis speech had principal reference to other topics of\\na local nature. But the house of representatives,\\nhaving referred to committees the several matters re-\\ncommended by the governor, devoted themselves to\\nthe adoption of measures for preserving the rights of\\nthe province, which they saw directly and systemati-\\ncally assailed. On an early day of the session,\\nhaving considered the many difficulties to which\\nthe colonies were and must be reduced by the opera-\\ntion of the late acts of parliament, they voted to\\nappoint a committee of nine of their body to report\\nwhat measures were best to be taken thereon. This\\ncommittee recommended that there should be a\\nmeeting, as soon as convenient, of committees from\\nthe houses of representatives or burgesses in the\\nseveral colonies on this continent, to consult together\\non their present circumstances, and the difficulties to\\nwhich they are and must be reduced, by the late acts\\nof parliament for levying duties and taxes on the\\ncolonies, and to consider of a general and humble\\naddress to his majesty and the parliament, imploring\\nrelief that such meeting should be holden at New\\nYork, in October that three persons be chosen from\\nthe house of representatives, on the part of this\\nprovince, to attend the convention that letters be\\nprepared and transmitted to the respective speakers\\nof the several houses of representatives, or burgesses,\\nthat this was not a time to hold in reserve any part of his forces.\\nIt was, indeed, an alpine passage, under circumstances even more\\nunpropitious than those of Hannibal for he had not only to fight,\\nhand to hand, the powerful party who were already in possession\\nof the heights, but at the same instant to cheer and animate the\\ntimid band of followers that were trembling, and fainting, and\\ndrawing back, below him. It was an occasion that called upon\\nhim to put forth all his strength, and he did put it forth, in such a\\nmanner as man never did before. The cords of argument, with\\nwhich his adversaries frei^ently flattered themselves that they\\nin the colonies, advising them of the resolutions of\\nthe house, and inviting them to join by their commit-\\ntees for the purposes above expressed. And that a\\nletter be also prepared and forwarded to the agent of\\nthe province in England on these matters. This\\nwas a very important measure an occasion was\\nthus furnished for citizens from the different colonies\\nto confer with one another, and to ascertain each\\nother s opinions and feelings and a precedent\\nwas established for a general meeting, in future to\\nconsult for the welfare of the whole. The effect of\\nunited consultation and petitions must also be much\\ngreater than an application or an expression of dis-\\ncontent from a single province and the British\\nadministration might perceive that the dissatisfaction\\nin the colonies was not, as represented, confined to a\\nparticular section of the country and to a few indivi-\\nduals, but was almost universal.\\nOn the 7th of October, the convention, consisting\\nof twenty-eight delegates from the assemblies of Mas-\\nsachusetts, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations,\\nConnecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,\\nthe Delaware counties, Maryland, and South Caro-\\nlina, assembled in the city of New York, and Timo-\\nthy Ruo-gles, of Massachusetts, was chosen president.\\nThe first measure of the congress was a declaration\\nof the rights and grievances of the colonists. They\\nwere declared to be entitled to all the rights and\\nliberties of natural-born subjects within the kingdom\\nof Great Britain among the most essential of which\\nare, the exclusive power to tax themselves, and the\\nprivilege of trial by jury. The grievance chiefly\\ncomplained of was the act granting certain stamp\\nand other duties in the British colonies, which, by\\ntaxing the colonists without tlieir consent, and by ex-\\ntending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty, was\\ndeclared to have a direct tendency to subvert their\\nrights and liberties. A petition to the king, and a\\nmemorial to each house of parliament, were also\\nagreed on and it was recommended to the several\\ncolonies to appoint special agents, who should unite\\ntheir utmost endeavours in soliciting redress of griev-\\nances. The assemblies of Virginia, North Carolina,\\nand Georgia, were either not in session, or were\\nprevented by their governors from sending represent-\\nhad bound him fast, became packthreads in his hands. He burst\\nthem wilh as much ease as the unshorn Samson did the bands of\\nthe Philistines. He seized the pillars of the temple, shook them\\nterribly, and seemed to threaten his opponents with ruin. It was\\nan incessant storm of lightning and thunder, which struck ihera\\naghast. The faint-hearted gathered courage from his counte\\nnance, and cowards became heroes while they gazed upon his ex-\\nploits. p. 64, 65.\\nBradford s History of Massachusetts, p. 53.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "190\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\natives to the congress but they forwarded peti-\\ntions to England similar to those adopted by that\\nbody.\\nThe populace in various parts of the colonies were\\niinwillina: to wait for the effect of the constitutional\\nmeasures their representatives were adopting. One\\nday in the month of August the effigy of Andrew\\nOliv^er, the proposed distributor of stamps in Massa-\\nchusetts, was found hanging on a tree, afterwards\\nwell known by the name of Liberty Tree, in the\\nmain street of Boston. At night it was taken down,\\nand carried on a bier, amidst the acclamations of an\\nimmense collection of people, through the court house,\\ndown King-street, to a small brick building, suppos-\\ned to have been erected for the reception of the de-\\ntested stamps. This building being soon levelled\\nwitli the ground, the rioters next attacked Mr. Oli-\\nver s house, and having broken the windows, entered\\nit, and destroyed part of the furniture. The ne.xt\\nday, however, Mr. Oliver authorized several gentle-\\nmen to announce on the exchange, that he had de-\\nclined having any concern with the office of stamp\\nmaster but in the evening a bonfire was made, and\\na repetition of this declaration exacted of him.\\nOn the 2Gth the tumults were renewed. The rioters\\nEissembled in King-street, and proceeded to the house\\nof the deputy register of the court of admiralty,\\nwhose private papers, as well as tlie records and files\\nof the court, were destroyed. The house of Benja-\\nmin Hallowell, jun., comptroller of the customs, was\\nnext entered and elevated and emboldened by liquors\\nfound in his cellar, the mob, with inflamed rage, di-\\nrected their course to the house of Lieutenant-govern-\\nor Hutchinson, who, after vainly attempting resist-\\nance, was constrained to depart to save his life. By\\nfour in the morning one of the best houses in the\\nprovince was completely in ruins, nothing remain-\\ning but the bare walls and floors. The plate,\\nfamily pictures, most of the furniture, the wearing\\napparel, about nine hundred pounds sterling, and the\\nmanuscripts and books which Mr. Hutchinson had\\nbeen thirty years collecting, besides many public\\npapers in his custody, were either carried off or de-\\nstroyed. The ivhole damage was estimated at two\\n:housand five hundred pounds.* The town of Bos-\\n*;on the next day voted unanimously, that the select-\\nmen and magistrates be desired to use their utmost\\nendeavours, agreeably to law, to suppress the like\\ndisorders for the future, and that the freeholders and\\nother inhabitants would do every thing in their pow-\\ner to assist them. The officer appointed to receive\\nHutchinson s History of Massachusetts, from 1749 to 1774, p.\\nthe stamped paper, which was daily expected, having\\nresigned his commission, the governor determined to\\nreceive the paper into his own charge at the castle\\nand, by advice of council, he ordered the enlistment\\nof a number of men to strengthen the garrison. This\\ncaused great murmur among the people. To pa-\\ncify them, he made a declaration in council, that\\nhe had no authority to open any of the packages, or\\nto appoint a distributor of stamps that his views in\\ndepositing the stamped paper in the castle, and in\\nstrengthening the garrison there, were to prevent im-\\nprudent people from ofiering p.n insult to the king\\nand to save the town, or province, as it might hap-\\npen, from being held to answer for the value of the\\nstamps, as they certainly would be if the papers\\nshould be taken away. This declaration the council\\ndesired him to publish, but it did not stop the cla-\\nmour. He was forced to stop the enlistment, and to\\ndischarge such men as had been enlisted. The first\\nday of November, on which the stamp act was to be-\\ngin its operation, was ushered in at Boston by the\\ntolling of bells; many shops and stores were shut;\\nand effigies of the authors and friends of that act\\nwere carried about the streets, and afterwards torn\\nin pieces by the populace.\\nNor was Massachusetts alone the obnoxious act\\nreceived similar, though less flagrant treatment in the\\nother colonies. On the 24th of August a gazette extra-\\nordinary was published at Providence, with Vox Populi\\nvox Dei, for a motto effigies were exhibited, and in\\nthe evening cut down and burnt. Three days after-\\nwards, the people of Newport conducted effigies of\\nthree obnoxious persons in a cart, with halters about\\ntheir necks, to a gallows near the town house, where\\nthey were hung, and after a while cut down and\\nburnt amidst the acclamations of thousands. On the\\nlast day of October, a body of people from the country\\napproached the town of Portsmouth, (New Hampshire,)\\nin the apprehension that the stamps would be distri-\\nbuted; but on receiving assurance that there was no\\nsuch intention, they quietly returned. All the bells\\nin Portsmouth, Newcastle, and Greenland, were tolled,\\nto denote the decease of Liberty and in the course\\nof the day, notice was given to her friends to attend\\nher funeral. A coffin, neatly ornamented, and in-\\nscribed with Liberty, aged cxlv. years, was\\nprepared for the funeral procession, which began from\\nthe state house, attended with two unbraced drums\\nminute guns were fired until the corpse arrived at the\\ngrave, when an oration was pronounced in honour of\\ntlie deceased but scarcely was the oration concluded,\\nwhen, some remains of life having been discovered,\\nthe corpse was taken up and the inscription on the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "?,D^t?r8.-ved try U G Tli \u00c2\u00abiii.3on\\n^/;^^L-^\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A^", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "N^X^\\nV\\\\", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n191\\nlid of the coffin was immediately altered to Liberty\\nREVIVED the bells suddenly struck a cheerful sound,\\nand joy appeared again in every countenance. In\\nConnecticut, Mr. IngersoU, the constituted distributor\\nof stamps, was exhibited and burnt in effigy in the\\nmonth of August and the resentment at length\\nbecame so general and alarming, that he resigned\\nhis office.\\nThe spirit manifested by the citizens of New York\\nproduced a similar resignation and the obnoxious\\nact was contemptuously cried about the streets, la-\\nbelled, The Folly of England and Ruin of America.\\nThe stamp papers arriving toward the end of October,\\nLieutenant-Governor Golden took every precaution to\\nsecure them. On the 1st of November, many of the\\ninhabitants of New York, offended at the conduct\\nand disliking the political sentiments of the governor,\\nhaving assembled in the evening, broke open his\\nstable, and took out his coach and after carrying it\\nthrough the principal streets of the city, marched to\\nthe common, where a gallows was erected, on one\\nend of which they suspended his effigy, with a stamped\\nbill of lading in one hand, and a figure of the devil\\nin the other. When the effigy had hung a consi-\\nderable time, they carried it in procession suspended\\nto the gallows, to the gate of the fort, whence it was\\nremoved to the bowling green, under the muzzle of\\nthe guns, and a bonfire made, in which the whole\\npageantry, including the coach, was consumed, amidst\\nthe acclamations of several thousand spectators. The\\nnext day, the people insisting upon having the stamps,\\nit was agreed that they should be delivered to the\\ncorporation, and they were deposited in the city hall.\\nTen boxes of stamps, which arrived subsequently,\\nwere committed to the flames.\\nAt Philadelphia, on the appearance of the ships\\nhaving the stamps on board, all the vessels in the\\nharbour hoisted their colours half-mast high, the bells\\nwere muffled, and continued to toll until evening.\\nThe body of quakers, with a part of the church of\\nEngland and of the baptists, seemed inclined to sub-\\nmit to the stamp act but great pains were taken to\\nengage the Dutch and the lower class of people in the\\nopposition, and Mr. Hughes, the stamp master, found\\nit necessary at length to resign. In Maryland,\\nMr. Hood, the stamp distributor for that colony, to\\navoid resigning his office, fled to New York; but\\nhe was constrained by a number of freemen to sign a\\npaper, declaring his absolute and final resignation.\\nIn Virginia, when the gentleman who had been ap-\\npointed distributor of stamps arrived at Williamsburg,\\nhe was immediately urged to resign and the next\\nday he so handsomely declined acting in his office,\\n25\\nthat he received the acclamations of the people at\\nnight the town was illuminated, the bells were rung,\\nand festivity expressed the universal joy.\\nAssociations had already been formed in the colo-\\nnies, under the title of the Sons of Liberty, and were\\ncomposed of some of the most respectable of their citi-\\nzens. The association in New York held a meetinor\\non the 7th of November, at which it was determined\\nthat they would risk their lives and fortunes to resist\\nthe stamp act. Notice of this being sent to the Sons\\nof Liberty in Connecticut, a union of the two asso-\\nciations was soon after agreed upon, and a formal\\ninstrument drawn and signed in which, after de-\\nnouncing the stamp act as a flagrant outrage on the\\nBritish constitution, they most solemnly pledged them-\\nselves to march with their whole force whenever re-\\nquired, at their own proper cost and expense, to the\\nrelief of all who should be in danger from the stamp\\nact or its abettors to be vigilant in watching for the\\nintroduction of stamped paper, to consider all who are\\ncaught in introducing it as betrayers of their country,\\nand to bring them if possible to condign punishment,\\nwhatever may be their rank to defend the liberty of\\nthe press in their respective colonies from all viola-\\ntions or impediments on account of the said act to\\nsave all judges, attorneys, clerks, and others, from fines,\\npenalties, or any molestation whatever, who shall pro-\\nceed in their respective duties without regard to the\\nstamp act and lastly, to use their utmost endeavours\\nto bring about a similar union with all the colonies\\non the continent. In pursuance of this plan, circular\\nletters were addressed to the Sons of Liberty in Boston,\\nNew Hampshire, and as far as South Carolina, and\\nthe proposal was received with almost universal en-\\nthusiasm.\\nSocieties were formed also in most of the colonies,\\nincluding females, and those of the highest rank and\\nfashion, of persons who resolved to forego all the luxu-\\nries of life, sooner than be indebted for them to the\\ncommerce of England, under the restrictions imposed\\nupon it by parliament. These societies denied them-\\nselves the use of all foreign articles of clothing card-\\ning, spinning, and weaving became the daily employ-\\nment of ladies of fashion sheep were forbidden to be\\nused as food, lest there should not be found a sufficient\\nsupply of wool and to be dressed in a suit of home-\\nspun was to possess the surest means of popular dis-\\ntinction. So true were these patriotic societies to\\ntheir mutual compact, that the British merchants and\\nmanufacturers soon began to feel the necessity of uni-\\nting with the colonies in petitioning parliament for a\\nrepeal of the obnoxious law and the table of the\\nminister was loaded with petitions and remonstrances", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "192\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfrom most of the manufacturing and mercantile towns\\nin the kingdom.\\nCHAPTER III.\\nTHE REVOLUTION FROM THE REPEAL OF THE\\nSTAMP ACT TO THE PASSING THE BILL FOR CLO-\\nSING THE PORT OF BOSTON.\\nWhile the colonies were thus brought into a state\\nbordering on insurrection by the injudicious and unjust\\nmeasures of the Grenville administration, tire adminis-\\ntration itself was rapidly hastening to its dissolution.\\nGeorge HI. had ascended the throne not long after the\\ncapture of Quebec and in the following October the\\npatriot Pitt, who had devised and executed the grand\\nscheme of expelling the French from North America,\\nresigned the seals of office. Lord Bute, who appears\\nto have been a personal friend of the new king, was\\nappointed Mr. Pitt s successor and imder his brief\\nadministration the peace of Paris was concluded.\\nHe was succeeded by Mr. Grenville, whose name\\nwill always bear an unhappy notoriety as the author\\nof the stamp act and whose measures have formed\\nthe subject of the preceding chapter. However the\\nking might approve his political sentiments, and the\\nking was a decided tory, Grenville was not person-\\nally in favour with his majesty and the result was,\\n(after some unsuccessful negotiation with Mr. Pitt,\\nwho expressed his unwillingness to go to St. James s\\nwithout he could carry the constitution along with\\nhim, the formation of the Rockingham administra-\\ntion.\\nThe speech of the king at the opening of parlia-\\nment in January, 1766, clearly evinced the difference\\nof principle between the men who now formed his\\ncabinet, and his former ministers. He declared his\\nfirm confidence in the wisdom and zeal of parliament,\\nwhich would, he doubted not, guide them to such\\nsound and prudent resolutions as might tend at once\\nto preserve the constitutional rights of the British\\nlegislature over the colonies and to restore to them\\nthat harmony and tranquillity which have lately been\\ninterrupted by disorders of the most dangerous nature.\\nHe said he had nothing at heart but the assertion of\\nlegal authority, the preservation of the liberties of all\\nhis subjects, the equity and good order of his govern-\\nment, and the concord and prosperity of all parts of\\nhis dominions. On the motion for an address to\\nthe king, the sentiments of the house on the measures\\nof the late administration, and particularly on the\\nstamp act, were given boldly and freely. Mr. Pitt\\nwas the first to offer his sentiments on the state affairs.\\nIt is a long time, Mr. Speaker, said that able states-\\nman and uncorruptible patriot, since I have attend-\\ned in parliament when the resolution was taken in\\nthis house to tax America, I was ill in bed. If I could\\nhave endured to have been carried in my bed, so great\\nwas the agitation of my mind for the consequences,\\nI would have solicited some kind hand to have laid\\nme down on this floor to have borne my testimony\\nagainst it. It is my opinion, that this kingdom has\\nno right to lay a tax upon the colonies. At the\\nsame time, I assert the authority of this kingdom to\\nbe sovereign and supreme in every circumstance of\\ngovernment and legislature whatsoever. Taxation is\\nno part of the governing or legislative power the taxes\\nare a voluntary gift and grant of the commons alone.\\nThe concurrence of the peers and of the crown is ne-\\ncessary only as a form of law. This house represents\\nthe commons of Great Britain. When in this house we\\ngive and grant, therefore, we give and grant what is\\nour own, but can we give and grant the property of\\nthe commons of America? It is an absurdity in terms.\\nThere is an idea in some, that the colonies are virtu-\\nally represented in this house. I would fain know\\nby whom The idea of virtual representation is the\\nmost contemptible that ever entered into the head of\\nman it does not deserve a serious refutation. The com-\\nmons in America, represented in their several as.scm-\\nblies, have invariably exercised this constitutional\\nright of giving and granting their own money they\\nwould have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it.\\nAt the same time, this kingdom has ever professed the\\npower of legislative and commercial control. The colo-\\nnies acknowledge your arUhority in all things, with the\\nsole exception, that you shall not take their money\\nout of their pockets without their consent. Here\\nwould I draw the line quajn ultra citraque veqnit\\nconsistere rectum. A profound silence succeeded\\nthe address of Mr. Pitt no one appeared inclined to\\ntake the part of the late ministers. At length Mr.\\nGrenville himself, the obstinate author of all the mis-\\nchief which then so loudly threatened the peace and\\nprosperity of the whole empire, rose in defence of the\\nmeasures of his administration. Protection and\\nobedience, said the late minister, are reciprocal\\nGreat Britain protects America, America is therefore\\nbound to yield obedience. If not, tell me, when\\nwere the Americans emancipated The seditious\\nspirit of the colonies owes its birth to the factions in\\nthis house. We were told we trod on tender ground,\\nwe were bid to expect disobedience what is this\\nbut telling America to stand out against the law to\\nencourage their obstinacy with the expectation of", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n193\\nsupport here Ungrateful people of America The\\nnation has run itself into an immense debt to give\\nthem protection bounties have been extended to\\nthem in their favour the act of navigation, that pal-\\nladium of British commerce, has been relaxed and\\nnow that they are called upon to contribute a small\\nshare towards the public expense, they renounce your\\nauthority, insult your officers, and break out, I might\\nalmost say, into open rebellion.\\nIn reply to the observations of Mr. Grenville, Mr. Pitt\\nthus addressed himself to the speaker Sir, a charge\\nis brouffht aafainst gentlemen sittinsr in this house for\\ngiving birth to sedition in America. The freedom\\nwith which they have spoken their sentiments against\\nthis unhappy act is imputed to them as a crime but\\ntiie imputation shall not discourage me. It is a\\nliberty which I hope no gentleman will be afraid to\\nexercise it is a liberty by which the gentleman who\\ncalumniates it might have profited. He ought to have\\ndesisted from his project. We are told America is\\nobstinate America is almost in open rebellion. Sir,\\nrejoice that America has resisted three millions\\nof people so dead to all the feelings of liberty, as\\nvoluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been\\nfit instruments to make slaves of all the rest. I\\ncame not here armed at all points with law cases\\nand acts of parliament, with the statute book doubled\\ndown in dogsears to defend the cause of liberty but\\nfor the defence of liberty upon a general constitutional\\nprinciple, it is a ground on which I dare meet any\\nman. I will not debate points of law but what,\\nafter all, do the cases of Chester and Durham prove,\\nbut that under the most arbitrary reigns, parliament\\nwere ashamed of taxing a people without their\\nconsent, and allowed them representatives A\\nhigher and better example might have been taken\\nfrom Wales that principality was never taxed by\\nparliament till it was incorporated with England.\\nWe are told of many classes of persons in this king-\\ndom not represented in parliament but are they not\\nall virtually represented as Englishmen within the\\nrealm? Have they not the option, many of them at\\nleast, of becoming themselves electors Every in-\\nhabitant of this kingdom is necessarily included in\\nthe general system of representation. It is a ?nis-\\nfortune that more are not actually represejited.t\\nThe honourable gentleman boasts of his bounties to\\nAmerica. Are not these bounties intended finally\\nfor the benefit of this kingdom? If they are not,\\nhe has misapplied the national treasures. I am no\\nAlluding to Mr. Grenville s having read several statutes in the\\ncourse of his speech, as precedents for taxation without representa-\\nion.\\ncourtier of America I maintain that parliament has\\na right to bind, to restrain America. Our legislative\\npov/er over the colonies is sovereign and supreme.\\nThe honourable gentleman tells us, he understands\\nnot the difference between internal and external taxa-\\ntion but surely there is a plain distinction between\\ntaxes levied for the purpose of raising a revenue, and\\nduties imposed for the regulation of commerce.\\nWhen, said the honourable gentleman, were the\\ncolonies emancipated? At what time, say I, in\\nanswer, were they made slaves I speak from ac-\\ncurate knowledge when I say that the profits to Great\\nBritain from the trade of the colonies, through all\\nits branches, is two millions per annum. This is\\nthe fund which carried you triumphantly through\\nthe war this is the price America pays you for her\\nprotection and shall a miserable financier come with a\\nboast that he can fetch a peppercorn into the ex-\\nchequer at the loss of millions to the nation I know\\nthe valour of your troops I know the skill of your\\nofficers I know the force of this country but in\\nsuch a cause your success would be hazardous. Ame-\\nrica, if she fell, would fall like the strong man she\\nwould embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down\\nthe constitution with her. Is this your boasted peace\\nNot to sheathe the sword in the scabbard, but to\\nsheathe it in the bowels of your countrymen The\\nAmericans have been wronged they have been driven\\nto madness by injustice. Will you punish them for\\nthe madness you have occasioned No, let this coun-\\ntry be the first to resume its prudence and temper\\nI will pledge myself for the colonies, that, on their part,\\nanimosity and resentment will cease. Upon the whole,\\nI will beg leave to tell the house in a few words what\\nis really my opinion. It is, that the stamp act be re-\\npealed absolutely, totally, and immediately. At the\\nsame time, let the sovereign authority of this country\\nover the colonies be asserted in as strong terms as can\\nbe devised, and be made to extend to every point of\\nlegislation whatsoever that we may bind their trade,\\nconfine their manufactures, and exercise every power\\nwhatsoever, except that of taking their money out of\\ntheir pockets without their consent.\\nThe address of the commons having been voted,\\nMr. Grenville made an attempt to pledge the house to\\nenforce the obnoxious enactment, but was success-\\nfully opposed by the new ministers, who were sup-\\nported by a majority of one hundred and forty. The\\nhouse made no delay in entering on the investigation\\nof the papers relative to American affairs, which\\nt To this declaration the whole nation, with the exception of a\\nsmall and interested faction, is now yielding its unqualified\\nassent.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "194\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwere laid before them by command of his majesty.\\nThe petition from the cciigress at New York was\\nnot allowed to be read, the parliament having denied\\ntheir authority to assemble for the purpose alleged.\\nVarious other petitions, however, as well from the\\ncolonies as from the manufacturino- and trading in-\\nterests of the kingdom, all tending to the same point,\\nreceived due and patient attention. In the course of\\nthis inquiry on American affairs, Dr. Franklin, whose\\npolitical integrity and moral worth were alike duly\\nestimated by the people of England, was called to the\\nbar of the house, and freely questioned upon many\\nimportant topics.* The answers which he gave fully\\nconfirmed the new ministers in the propriety and\\nexpediency of their intention to move for a repeal of\\nthe stamp act and a bill for that purpose was, on\\nthe 22d of February, brought in by General Conway,\\nwho had so boldly denied the right of parliament to\\nimpose it in the first instance. The debate which\\nensued was warm, interesting, and long but the\\nhouse, by an independent, noble-spirited, and unex-\\npected majority, in the teeth of all the old mercenary\\niSiciss of the state, in despite of all the speculators\\nand augurs of political events, in defiance of the whole\\nembattled legion of veteran pensioners and practised\\ninstruments of court, gave a total repeal to the stamp\\nact, and if the scheme of taxing the colonies had been\\ntotally abandoned, a lasting peace to the whole em-\\npire. t The motion was carried by two hundred\\nand seventy-five against one hundred and sixty-seven.\\nDuring the debate, the trading interest of the empire\\ncrammed into the lobbies of the house of commons\\nwith a trembling and anxious expectation, and waited,\\nalmost to a winter s return of light, their fate from\\nthe resolution of the house. When, at length, that\\nhad determined in their favour, and the doors thrown\\nopen showed them the figure of their deliverer in the\\nwell earned triumph of his important victory, from the\\nwhole of that grave multitude there arose an invo-\\nluntary burst of gratitude and transport. They jump-\\nDr. Franklin s answers to the numerous questions put to him on\\nthis occasion, show at once his thorough knowledge of the merits of\\nthe cause, and of the views, principles, and spirit of his countiymen.\\nTo the question, Do not you think the people of America would\\nsubmit to the stamp duty if it was moderated V he answered, No,\\nnever, unless compelled by force of arms. To the question, What\\nwas the temper of America towards Great Britain before the year\\n1763 he replied, The best in the world. They submitted wil-\\nlingly to the government of the crown, and paid, in their courts,\\nobedience to acts of parliament. Numerous as the people are in\\nthe several old provinces, they cost you nothing in forts, citadels,\\ngarrisons, or armies, to keep them in subjection. They were go-\\nverned by this country at the expense only of a little pen, ink, and\\npaper; they were led by a thread. They had not only a respect,\\nbut an affection for Great Britain, for its laws, its customs, and\\nmanners, and even a fondness for its fashions, that greatly increas-\\ned the commerce. Natives of Britain were always treated with\\ned upon him like children on a long absent father.\\nThey clung about him as captives about their re-\\ndeemer. All England joined in his applause. Nor\\ndid he seem insensible to the best of all earthly re\\nwards, the love and admiration of his fellow-citizens.\\nHope elevated and joy brightened his crest. The\\nbill having passed the house of commons, went up to\\nthe house of lords. Lords Bute and Strange publicly\\ndeclared that his majesty s wish was not for a repeal.\\nThe Marquis of Rockingham and Lord Shelburne\\nwent together to the king, and told him what was\\nreported. They were informed that his majesty had\\nexpressed his desire that it should be enforced but\\nif it could not be done peaceably and without blood-\\nshed, it was his sincere desire and intention that it\\nshould be totally repealed. The dukes of York and\\nCumberland, the lords of the bedchamber, and the\\nofiicers of the household, were for carrying fire and\\nsword to America and most of the bench of bishops\\ncon urred in those hostile sentiments. There were,\\nin the lords, for the repeal one hundred and five,\\nagainst it seventy-one.\\nOn the 19th of March, his majesty went to the\\nhouse of peers, and passed the bill for repealing the\\nAmerican stamp act, as also that for securing the\\ndependency of the colonies on the British crown.\\nOn this occasion the American merchants made a most\\nnumerous appearance to express their gratitude and joy\\nships in the river displayed their colours the city was\\nilluminated and every method was adopted to de-\\nmonstrate the sense entertained of the wisdom of par-\\nliament in conciliating the luinds of the people on\\nthis critical occasion. In America, the intelligence\\nwas received with acclamations of the most sincere\\nand heartfelt gratitude by all classes of people. Pub-\\nlic thanksgivings were offered up in all the churches.\\nThe resolutions which had been passed on the subject\\nof importations were rescinded, and their trade with\\nthe mother country was immediately renewed with\\nincreased vigour. The homespun dresses were\\npariicular regard to be an Old England-man was, of itself, a cha-\\nracter of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us. And\\nwhat is their temper now it was asked. O, very much alter-\\ned, he replied. Did you ever hear the authority of parliament\\nto make laws for America, questioned till lately t The authori-\\nty of parliament, said he, was allowed to be valid in all laws,\\nexcept such as should lay internal taxes. It was never disputed\\nin laying duties to regulate commerce. To the question, Can\\nyou name any act of assembly, or public act of any of your govern-\\nments, that made such distinction 7 he replied, I do not know\\nthat there was any I think there was never an occasion to make\\nsuch an act, till now that you have attempted to tax us; that has\\noccasioned resolutions of assembly, declaring the distinction, in\\nwhich I think every assembly on the continent, and every member\\nin every assembly, have been unanimous.\\nt Mr. Edmund Burke s speech, April 19, 1774,\\nt Ibid.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n195\\ngiven to the poor, and once more the colonists appear-\\ned clad in the produce of British looms.\\nIn his circular to the governors of the colonies, Se-\\ncretary Conway informed them that the king and\\nparliament seemed disposed not only to forgive but\\nto forget those most unjustifiable marks of an undu-\\ntiful disposition, too frequent in the late transactions\\nof these colonies but at the same time required them\\nstrongly to recommend to the assemblies to make full\\nand ample compensation to those who had suffered\\nfor their deference to the act of the British legisla-\\nture. The transactions referred to in the secretary s\\nletter were those which took place in Boston and\\nNew York, in the summer of 1765. In June, 1766,\\nthis letter of the British secretary was laid before the\\nassembly of Massachusetts, by Governor Bernard.\\nIn comnmnicating it to the assembly of that province,\\nthe governor says, The justice and humanity of this\\nrequisition, as he called it, is so forcible, that it\\ncannot be controverted the authority with which it\\nis introduced should preclude all disputation about it.\\nThis language on the part of the royal governor was\\nconsidered, by the house of representatives, as inter-\\nfering with the freedom of deliberation in that body,\\nand was one of the causes which produced delay in\\ncomplying with the wishes of the king and parlia-\\nment on this subject. In their answer to this com-\\nmunication, the house observed, That it was con-\\nceived in much higher and stronger terms in the\\nspeech than in the letter of the secretary. Whether\\nin thus exceeding, your excellency speaks by your\\nown authority, or a higher, is not with us to deter-\\nmine. However, if this recommendation, which your\\nexcellency terms a requisition, be founded on so mucli\\njustice and humanity that it cannot be controverted\\nif the authority with which it is introduced should\\npreclude all disputation about complying with it, we\\nshould be glad to know what freedom we have in the\\ncase. Compensation was not made to the sufferers\\nin Massachusetts until December, 1767 and then in\\na manner and on conditions highly displeasing to the\\nBritish government the act for that purpose also\\ncontaining free and general pardon, indemnity, and\\noblivion, to all offenders in the late times. The act\\nwas afterwards disallowed by the king and council,\\nbecause the assembly had no power to pass a law of\\ngeneral pardon without the previous assent of the\\ncrown. The sufferers, however, received the com-\\npensation provided by the act, and the rioters were\\nnot prosecuted.\\nThe government of Great Britain could not have\\nfound an agent less qualified to foster and preserve a\\nspirit of reconciliation in the colonies, than his excel-\\nlency Governor Bernard. He was haughty, morose,\\nand tyrannical, and seemed to take delight in thwart-\\ning every measure of the assembly not proposed by\\nhis immediate friends and sub-agents. This conduct\\non the part of the governor, so far from subduing tlie\\nspirits of what was called the American party, or the\\nfriends of liberty, irritated them to more open hosti-\\nlity, and brought continual accessions to their niuu-\\nbers. The town of Boston was at this time rcpreseiil-\\ned by James Otis, jun., Thomas Cushinff, Samuel\\nAdams, and John Hancock men whose subsequent\\nconduct proved that they were not to be driven into\\nany surrender of privilege. It was probably in the\\npower of the governor to have made them friends of\\nthe king but he chose, by every petty act of opposi-\\ntion to their views, to alienate their respect and af-\\nfection, and confirm them in the character of cham-\\npions of freedom. At the meeting of the assembly,\\nMr. Otis was chosen speaker, but the governor refu-\\nsed to confirm the choice he also refused to sanction\\nthe nomination of the council, because the crown\\nofficers had been left out. Hitherto the influence of\\nthe governor over the assembly had been greatly as-\\nsisted by the secrecy with which the debates of that\\nhouse had been carried on but the friends of liberty\\nwere now so numerous there, tiiat their doors were\\nthrown open, and a gallery ordered to be erected for\\nthe accommodation of their fellow-citizens. From\\nthis moment the court party began to decline, and\\nthe cause of the people to acquire additional de-\\nfenders.\\nIn New York the legislature, by a voluntary act,\\ngranted compensation to those who had suffered a\\nloss of property in their adherence to the stanjp act\\nbut they refused to carry into execution the act of\\nparliament for quartering his majesty s troops upon\\nthem, on account of a clause which they declared in-\\nvolved the principle of taxation.\\nIn the mean time a change took place in the Bri-\\ntish cabinet. The administration of the Marquis of\\nRockingham terminated in July, 1766, and a new\\nministry was formed, under the direction of Mr. Pitt,\\ncomposed of men of different political principles and\\nparties. The Duke of Grafton was placed at the\\nhead of the treasury Lord Shelburne was joined\\nwith General Conway, as one of the secretaries of\\nstate Charles Townshend was made chancellor of\\nthe exchequer Camden lord chancellor Pitt had the\\nprivy seal, and was made a peer, with the title of the\\nEarl of Chatham and Lord North and George Cooke\\nwere joint paymasters. Under this checkered ad-\\nministration, the scheme of taxing America was re-\\nvived. In May, 1767, he new chancellor of the", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "196\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nexchequer submitted a plan of this kind to parlia-\\nment. Charles Townshend was a man of genius\\nand talents, but of high passions, eccentric, and\\nversatile. He had warmly supported Grenville in the\\npassage of the stamp act, and had voted with the\\nMarquis of Rockinsrham in its repeal. The ex-mi-\\nnister Grenville may indeed be considered the real au-\\nthor of the second plan for taxing the colonies, for\\nhe was ever urging the subject on the new ministers.*\\nThe measure proposed by Townshend to the house\\nwas for imposing duties on glass, paper, pasteboard,\\nwhite and red lead, painters colours, and tea im-\\nported into the colonies. The preamble declared,\\nthat it was expedient to raise a revenue in America,\\nand to make a more certain and adequate provision\\nfor defraying the charge of the administration of jus-\\ntice and the support of the civil government in the\\nprovinces, and for defraying the expenses of defend-\\ning, protecting, and securing them. The Earl of\\nChatham was then confined by sickness in the coun-\\ntry, the bill passed both houses without much opposi-\\ntion, and on the 29th of June received the royal as-\\nsent.\\nThe conduct of the assemblies of Massachusetts\\nand New York had given great dissatisfaction in\\nGreat Britain. The refusal of the assembly of the\\nlatter to comply with the requisitions of the mutiny\\nact, in particular, had excited the indignation of the\\nministry and parliament to such a degree, that three\\ndays after the passage of the new tax bill an act was\\npassed restraining the legislature of that province\\nfrom passing any act whatever, until they had fur-\\nnished the king s troops with all the articles required\\nby the mutiny act. The ministry at the same time\\ndetermined to establish a new board of custom-house\\nofficers in America. An act was therefore passed,\\nenabling the king to put the customs and other duties\\nin America, and the execution of the laws relating\\nto trade there, under the management of commission-\\ners to be appointed for that purpose, and to reside in\\nthe colonies. This, as the preamble declares, would\\ntend to the encouragement of commerce, and to bet-\\nter securing the rates and duties, and the more speedy\\nand effectual collection thereof\\nThese three acts arrived in America about the\\nsame time. The imposition of new taxes, accompa-\\nnied by the establishment of a board of custom-house\\nofficers, not only to enforce the collection of the new\\nDeclaiming, as usual, one evening, on American affairs, he\\naddressed himself particularly to the ministers. You are cowards,\\nhe said; you are afraid of the Americans you dare not tax Ame-\\nrica. This he repeated in different language. Upon this, Towns-\\nhend look fire, immediately rose, and said, Fear fear! cowards\\ndare not tax America I dare tax America. Grenville stood\\ntaxes, but the various ancient statutes relating to\\nduties and the colonial trade, again excited great\\nalarm among the colonists. It led them to a more\\nthorough investigation of the nature of their political\\nconnexion with the parent country, and to a more\\nstrict inquiry into the extent of the power of parlia-\\nment over them. The ablest heads were engaged in\\nthese investigations and inquiries, and the ablest pens\\nemployed in defence of American rights.t The le-\\ngislature of New York were, indeed, frightened into\\nimiuediate compliance, but a different efl ect was pro-\\nduced in the other colonies. They saw in it a bold\\nand daring attack upon their chartered privileges if\\nthe parliament of England felt so little scruple in\\nabolishingthe legislative power of acolony, they might,\\nwith equal indifference, attack some other rights gua-\\nranteed to them by their charter, and in the end adopt\\nthe advice which had been once given by Governor\\nBernard, and abolish the charter itself The uneasi-\\nness occasioned by this prohibitory act was, indeed,\\nparticularly in Massachusetts, little less than that\\nproduced by the stamp act and their fears were still\\nfurther increased soon afterwards by the arrival of a\\nbody of Britsh troops in Boston, which were hypo-\\ncritically said to have been driven in by stress of\\nweather. They arrived during the recess of the le-\\ngislature, and the governor and his council undertook\\nto provide for their support out of the public treasury.\\nThe conduct of the troops themselves was by no\\nmeans calculated to appease the people on the con-\\ntrary, it tended to confirm the suspicions, that the al-\\nleged cause of their coming into Boston was an in-\\nsidious fabrication. When the legislature met, they\\nremonstrated, in their usual firmness and dignity of\\nmanner, against the appropriations of the public\\nmoney by the governor and the governor, with his\\nusual virulence, wrote an exaggerated account of the\\naffair to the ministers at home. J The new duties\\nwere considered by the Americans only as a new\\nmode of drawing money from them by way of taxes\\nand the spirit manifested in the case of the stamp act\\nagain appeared, while they viewed the appointment\\nof commissioners of the customs to reside in America\\nas a dangerous innovation, and an unnecessary in-\\ncrease of the crown officers.\\nThe appropriation of the new duties to the support\\nof crown officers, and to the maintenance of troops in\\nAmerica, was a subject of serious complaint. It had long\\nsilent for a moment, and then said, Dare you ta.x America I\\nwish to God I could see it. Townshend replied, I will, I will.\\nMSS. papers of Dr. Wm. S. Johnson, then in England as agen for\\nConnecticut, quoted in Pitkin s History, vol. i. p. 217.\\nt Pitkin, vol. i. p. 218.\\nt Allen s History of the Revolution, vol. i. p. 107.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n197\\nbeen a favourite object of the British cabinet toestablish\\nin the colonies a fund, from which the salaries of the go-\\nvernors, judges, and other officers of the crown should\\nbe paid, independent of the annual grants of the colo-\\nnial legislatures. As these officers held their places\\nduring the pleasure of the king, the people of Massa-\\nchusetts, it will be remembered, had unitbrmly resist-\\ned such establishment, though repeatedly urged on\\nthe part of the crown. On this subject the house of\\nrepresentatives maintained, in resolutions indicative\\nof great firmness, their former purpose. The house,\\nalso, during this session addressed a circular letter to\\nthe other colonies, stating the difficulties to be appre-\\nhended by (he operation of the late acts of parlia-\\nment, and requesting their co-operation for redress.\\nWhen the question of addressing a circular to the\\ncolonies was first presented to the house it was op-\\nposed, as seeming to countenance the meeting of\\nanother congress, heretofore so offensive to the British\\ngovernment and the motion was negatived. The\\nsubject was afterwards reconsidered, and the letter so\\nworded as to satisfy a large majority of the house.\\nThe other colonies approved of the proceedings of\\nMassachusetts, and joined in applying to the king for\\nrelief\\nThe circular letter of Massachusetts created no\\nlittle alarm in the British cabinet. They viewed it\\nas an attempt to convene another congress, to concert\\nmeasures in opposition to the authority of parliament.\\nUnion and concert among the colonies was a peculiar\\nobject of dread with the ministers and they were\\ndetermined, if possible, to prevent every measure\\nleading to it. A letter from Lord Hillsborough, se-\\ncretary of state, was therefore addressed to tlie go-\\nvernor of Massachusetts, directing him, at the next\\nmeeting of the general assembly of that colony, to\\nrequire of the house of representatives, in his majes-\\nty s name, to rescind the resolution which gave birth\\nto the circular letter of the speaker, and to declare\\ntheir disapprobation of, and dissent to, that rash and\\nhasty proceeding. If the house refused compliance,\\nhe was directed immediately to dissolve the assembly,\\nand to transmit their proceedings to the king, that\\nmeasures might be taken to prevent for the future\\na conduct of so extraordinary and unconstitutional\\na nature. This being communicated to the house\\nof representatives of Massachusetts in June, 1768, the\\nhouse, in the most peremptory manner, by ninety-two\\nto seventeen, refused to rescind, or to disapprove of\\nthe proceedings of the preceding assembly declaring\\ntheir rights as British subjects, in a respectful man-\\nner, to petition the king and parliament for a redress\\nof grievances, and to request the other colonies to\\nunite with them for the same purpose. The house\\nviewed the letter of Lord Hillsborough as an unwar-\\nrantable attempt on their rights and in their answer\\nto the communication of the governor on this subject,\\nexpress themselves with no little warmth. If the\\nvotes of the house were to be controlled by the direc-\\ntion of a minister, they say, we have left us but a\\nshadow of liberty. On the question to rescind, Mr.\\nOtis, one of the representatives from Boston, said\\nWhen Lord Hillsborough knows that we will not\\nrescind our acts, let him apply to parliament to rescind\\ntheirs. Let Britain rescind their measures, or they\\nare lost for ever. On receiving information of the\\ndecision of the house, the governor immediately\\ndissolved the assembly.\\nThe ministerial mandate to the other colonies was\\nequally disregarded. The answer of the house of\\nrepresentatives of Maryland to the message of Go-\\nvernor Sharpe, communicating Lord Hillsborough s\\nletter, evinces the independent and fearless spirit of\\nthe people of that province. We cannot, say they,\\nbut view this as an attempt, in some of his majesty s\\nministers, to suppress all communication of senti-\\nments between the colonies, and to prevent the united\\nsupplications of America from reaching the royal\\near. We have the warmest and most affection-\\nate attachment to our most gracious sovereign, and\\nshall ever pay the readiest and most respectful regard\\nto the just and constitutional power of the British\\nparliament but we shall not be intimidated by a few\\nhigh-sounding expressions from doing what we think\\nis riffht. The assemblies of New York, Delaware,\\nVirginia, and Georgia, expressed similar sentiments,\\nin language more or less decided. Indeed, all Ame-\\nricans looked with astonishment at such a system of\\npolicy proceeding from a ministry of which Lord Cha-\\ntham constituted a part. They found it impossible\\nto reconcile tlie conduct now adopted towards them\\nwith their ideas of his lordship s character. They\\nhad heretofore regarded him as a friend, in whose\\nhonest and liberal principles they might securely\\ntrust the management of all that concerned the colo-\\nnies but here was a melancholy evidence before\\ntheir eyes of the insincerity of ministerial professions.\\nIn justice to the character of I^ord Chatham, how-\\never, it must be observed, that he was not in parlia-\\nment during any part of the time that t])ese measures\\nof Mr. Townshend were under discussion. The\\nstate of his health was such as not only to detain\\nhim from his seat in the house, but to render him in-\\ncnpable of attondino- to any of the duties of his high\\nstation and it appears that his opinion weighed\\nbut little with the men whom he had raised to power", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "198\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nCharles Townshend, from whom all the troubles\\nand commotions that were now rapidly spreading\\nthrough the colonies in a great measure originated,\\ndid not live to witness their effects. He died in Sep-\\ntember, 1767, and was succeeded as chancellor of the\\nexchequer by Frederick Lord North, ayoung nobleman,\\nwho was then but little known in the political world,\\nbut who will be found to make a conspicuous figure\\nin the sequel of this history. Very soon afterwards.\\nLord Chatham, disgusted with the corrupt influence\\nwhich manifested itself in every act of the court, and\\nsick of the political world, resigned the privy seal,\\nwhich was immediately put into the hands of the Earl\\nof Bristol. It was thought necessary, about the same\\ntime, to create a new office that of secretary of state\\nfor the colonies which was given to Lord Hillsbo-\\nrough, a circumstance Avhich indicated that they\\nwere becoming an object of the highest considera-\\ntion in the estimation of the cabinet.\\nThe colonists meanwhile were adopting all the\\npeaceable means in their power to show their sense\\nof the wrongs heaped upon them. Petitions, memo-\\nrials, and remonstrances to the king and parliament,\\nand letters to the individual friends of America, were\\naddressed from all the legislatures but the most\\nfavourable reply which any of them received was an\\nexhortation to suffer with patience and in silence.\\nTo suffer tamely, and without seeking redress, how-\\never, was not the character of the sturdy sons of\\nfreedom who inhabited the colonies. They entered\\ninto the same kind of resolutions of non-importation,\\nthe effects of which had been so severely felt by the\\ntraders in England under the stamp act. Bos-\\nton, as before, took the lead. At a town meeting\\nheld in October, it was voted that measures should be\\nimmediately taken to promote the establishment of\\ndomestic manufactories, by encouraging the consump-\\ntion of all articles of American manufacture. They\\nalso agreed to purchase no articles of foreign growth\\nor manufacture, but such as were absolutely indis-\\npensable. New York and Philadelphia soon follow-\\ned the example of Boston and in a short time the\\nmerchants themselves entered into associations to im-\\nport nothing from Great Britain but articles that ne-\\ncessity required.\\nThe new board of commissioners of the customs\\nestablished at Boston had now entered on the duties\\nof their office. From the great excitement at that\\nplace, produced by the late proceedings of parliament,\\nPitkin, vol. i. p. 229.\\nt This was in direct violation of an act of parliament, (the 6th\\nAnne,) which declared, that no mariner, or other person, who\\nshall serve on board, or be retained to .serve on board, any priva-\\na collision between the new custom-house officers and\\nthe people was by no means improbable. The in-\\ndignation of the people of Boston was at length excit-\\ned to open opposition by the seizure of Mr. Hancock s\\nsloop Liberty, for a violation of the revenue laws,\\nTlie popularity of the owner, who was one of the\\nmost active friends of the people, added to the abhor-\\nrence already felt for the officers of the customs and\\nthe whole board of commissioners, combined to give\\na character of outrage to this seizure in the minds of\\nthe populace, which led to an alarming riot. Under\\nthe idea that the sloop would not be safe at the wharf\\nin their custody, the custom-house officers had soli-\\ncited aid from a ship of war which lay in the har-\\nbour, the commander of which or-dered the sloop to\\nbe cut from her fastenings and brought under the\\nguns of his ship. It was to prevent this removal\\nthat the mob collected many of the officers were\\nseverely wounded in the scuffle, and the mob being\\nbaffled in their attempts to retain the sloop at the\\nwharf, repaired to the house of the collector, comp-\\ntroller, and other officers of the customs, where they\\ncommitted many acts of violence and injury to their\\nproperty. This riotous disposition continued for se-\\nveral days, during which the commissioners applied\\nto the governor for assistance, but his excellency not\\nbeing able to protect them, advised them to remove\\nfrom Boston they consequently retired, first on\\nboard the Romney man-of-war, and then to Castle\\nWilliam. A committee of the council, in their report\\non this subject, say, that, although the extraordinary\\ncircumstances attending the seizure of the sloop, might,\\nin some measure, extenuate the criminality of the\\nriotous proceedings in consequence of it, yet, being\\nof a very criminal nature, they declared their abhor-\\nrence of them, and requested that the governor would\\ndirect prosecutions against the offenders. This re-\\nport was accepted b^r the council, but in consequence\\nof the dissolution of the assembly, was not acted upon\\nby the house. Such, however, was the state of pub-\\nlic feeling:, that no prosecutions could be successfully\\ncarried on.* The excitement at Boston was greatly\\nincreased about this time by the impressment of some\\nseamen belonging to that town by order of the offi-\\ncers of the Romney .t The inhabitants of Boston\\nwere assembled on this occasion, and their petition\\nto the governor, praying his interference to prevent\\nsuch outrages for the future, shows to what a state\\nof alarm, anxiety, and even despair, they were then\\nteer, or trading ship, or vessel, that shall be employed in America,\\nnor any mariner or person, being on shore in any part thereof, shall\\nbe liable to be impressed or taken away by any officer or oflScers of\\nor belonging to, her majesty s ships of war.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n199\\nreduced. They state that, while waiting for a gra-\\ncious answer to their petitions to the king, they were\\ninvaded with an armed force, impressing and imprison-\\ning the persons of their fellow subjects, contrary to\\nan express act of parliament that menaces had been\\nthrown out fit only for barbarians, aflecting them in\\nthe most sensible manner, and that, on account of\\nthe obstruction of their navigation, the situation of\\nthe town was nearly such as if war had been formally\\ndeclared against it. To contend, they said, against\\nour parent state, is, in our idea, the most shocking\\nand dreadful extremity but tamely to relinquish the\\nonly security we and our posterity retain for the en-\\njoyment of our lives and properties without one strug-\\ngle, is so humiliating and base, that we cannot sup-\\nport the reflection.\\nThe general court of Massachusetts having been\\ndissolved by Governor Bernard, who refused to con-\\nvene it again without his majesty s command, on the\\nproposal of the selectmen of Boston to the several\\ntowns in the colony, a convention met in that town\\non the 22d of September, to deliberate on constitu-\\ntional measures to obtain redress of their grievances.\\nThe convention, disclaiming legislative authority,\\npetitioned the governor made loyal professions\\nexpressed its aversion to standing armies, to tumults\\nand disorders, its readiness to assist in suppressing\\nriots, and preserving the peace recommended pa-\\ntience and good order and after a short session dis-\\nsolved itself.\\nThe day before the convention rose, advice was\\nreceived that a man-of-war and some transports from\\nHalifax, with about nine hundred troops, had arrived\\nat Nantasket harbour. On tlie day after their arri-\\nval, the fleet was brought to anchor near Castle Wil-\\nliam. Having taken a station which commanded\\nthe town, the troops, under cover of the cannon of\\nthe ships, landed without molestation, and, to the\\nnumber of upwards of seven hundred men, marched,\\nwith muskets charged, bayonets fixed, martial music,\\nand the usual military parade, into the common. In\\nthe evening, the selectmen of Boston were required to\\nquarter the two regiments in the town but they ab-\\nsolutely refused. A temporary shelter, however, in\\nFanueil Hall, was permitted to one regiment that was\\nwithout its camp equipage. The next day, the State-\\nhouse, by order of the governor, was opened for the\\nreception of the soldiers; and, after the quarters were\\nsettled, two field pieces, with the main guard, were\\nstationed just in its front. Every thing was calcula-\\nted to excite the indignation of the inhabitants. The\\nlower floor of the state-house, which had been used\\nby gentlemen and merchants as an exchange, the re-\\n26\\npresentatives-chamber, the court-house, Fanueil Hall\\nplaces with which were intimately associated ideas\\nof justice and freedom, as well as of convenience and\\nutility were now filled with troops of the line.\\nGuards were placed at the doors of the State-house,\\nthrough which the council must pass in going to their\\nown chamber. The common was covered with\\ntents. Soldiers were constantly marching and coun-\\ntermarching to relieve the guards. The sentinels\\nchallenged the inhabitants as they passed. The sab-\\nbath was profaned, and the devotion of the sanctua-\\nry disturbed, by the sound of drums and other\\nmilitary music. There was every appearance of a\\nSfarrisoned town. The colonists felt disgusted and\\ninjured, but not overawed, by the presence of such a\\nbody of soldiery. After the troops had obtained quar-\\nters, the council were required to provide barracks\\nfor them, agreeably to act of parliament but they\\nresolutely declined any measure which might be con-\\nstrued into a submission to that act. In a few weeks\\nseveral more transports arrived at Boston from Cork,\\nhaving on board part of the 64th and 65th British\\nregiments, under Colonels Mackey and Pomeroy.\\nIt is evident that the British ministry little tmder-\\nstood the true interests of the kingdom in regard to\\nthe transatlantic colonies. They had certainly made\\nsufficient experiments to ascertain that the Americans\\nwere not to be intimidated into a surrender of any\\nof their rights and yet they persisted in measures\\nwhich could only tend to alienate their affections, and\\nto widen the breach which former attempts had crea-\\nted, and which a contrary policy might have healed.\\nThese rigorous mcastires of the ministry, however,\\nreceived the fullest sanction of both houses of parlia-\\nment. The lords passed resolutions censuring the\\nvotes and proceedings of Massachusetts and pro-\\nnounced the election of deputies to sit in convention,\\nand the meeting of that convention, daring insults\\noffered to his majesty s authority, and audacious usur-\\npations of the powers of govennnent. The house of\\ncommons concurred in these resolutions and both\\nhouses, in a joint address to his majesty, expressed\\ntheir satisfaction in the measures that he had pursued\\ngave the strongest assurances that they would effect-\\nually support him in such further measures as might\\nbe found necessary to maintain the magistrates in a\\ndue execution of the laws in Massachusetts Bay and\\nbesought him to direct the governor to lake the most\\neffectual methods for procuring the fullest information,\\ntouching all treasons or misprisions of treason, com-\\nmitted within the government since the 30th day of\\nDecember, 1767, and to transmit the same, together\\nwith the names of the persons who were most active", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "200\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nin the co nmission of such offences, to one of the sec-\\nretaries of state, in order that his majesty might issue\\na special commission for inquiring of, hearing, and\\ndetermining, the said offences within the reahn of\\nGreat Britain, pursuant to the provision of the statute\\nof the 35th of Henry the Eighth.\\nThere is no portion of the conduct of the British\\ngovernment, in its contest with the colonies, which\\nbetrays stronger indications of tyranny, or evin-\\nces more of the blindness happily so often found in\\nconnexion with it, than the last of these resolutions.\\nIt was evidently intended to terrify the leaders of the\\npatriotic party but it certainly ought to have been\\nforeseen, that it was far more calculated to give them\\nadditional power, by affording another instance of the\\nunjust and oppressive measures which the British\\nlegislature was prepared to sanction. If the object\\nof the ministry had been to goad the colonists to\\nresistance before they were overawed by numerous\\ngarrisons of royal troops, their conduct was intelligi-\\nble and consistent but as that was evidently far\\nfrom their design, we find in it another occasion of\\nadmiring the dispensations of Him who setteth up\\none and putteth down another, in allotting so small\\na portion of prescience to the individuals who at this\\ntime counselled his Britannic majesty.\\nMassachusetts had no general assembly when the\\naddress and resolutions of parliament became known\\nin America, it having been dissolved by the governor\\nbut Virginia, imiformly prompt, intelligent, and deci-\\nded, did not suffer them to pass unobserved. The\\nhouse of burgesses, alarmed at the general danger,\\npassed several resolutions, which they directed their\\nspeaker to transmit without delay to the speakers of\\nthe houses of assembly in the other colonies, whose\\nconcurrence in similar sentiments was earnestly re-\\nquested. On the next day, the house, foreseeing the\\nevent, met on the instant of the ringing of the bell, and\\nwith closed doors received the report of their resolu-\\ntions, considered, adopted, and ordered them to be enter-\\ned upon their journals which they had scarcely done,\\nwhen they were summoned to attend the governor,\\nand were dissolved. Mr. Speaker, said he, and\\ngentlemen of the house of representatives, I have\\nheard of your resolves, and augur ill of their effects\\nyou have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you\\nare accordingly dissolved. But the dissolution of\\nthe house of burgesses did not change the materials\\nof which it had been composed. The same members\\nwere re-elected without a single exception, and the\\nsame determined spirit of resistance continued to\\nWirt s Life of Henry, p. 87.\\ndiffuse itself from the legislature over the colony\\nwhich they represented, and to animate by sympathy\\ntJie neighbouring colonies.* The assembly of South\\nCarolina, the lower house in Maryland and the Dela-\\nware counties, and the assembly of North Carolina,\\nadopted similar resolutions. Towards the close of the\\nyear, the assembly of New York also passed resolutions\\nin concurrence with those of Virg-inia.\\nThe general court of Massachusetts was at length\\nconvened on the 31st of May, not having been before\\ncalled together by the governor since his memorable\\ndissolution of it, for refusing to rescind their resolution\\nrespecting the circular letter. Their first act was to\\nsend a committee to the governor, to declare, that\\nthey claimed that constitutional freedom, which was\\nthe right of the assembly, and was equally important\\nas its existence to assure his excellency, that it was\\ntheir firm resolution to promote the welfare of the\\nsubject, and support his majesty s government in the\\nprovince to make a thorough inquiry into the griev-\\nances of the people, and to have them redressed to\\namend, strengthen, and preserve the laws of the land\\nto reform illegal proceedings in administration, and\\nto maintain the public liberty. This resolution,\\nthey said, demanded parliamentary freedom in the\\ndebates of the assembly and therefore they were\\nconstrained early to remonstrate to his excellency,\\nthat an armament by sea and land investing the\\nmetropolis, and a military guard with cannon pointed\\nat the very door of the state-house, where the assem-\\nbly had convened, was inconsistent with the dignity\\nand freedom with which they had a right to deliber-\\nate, consult, and determine. The experience of ages\\nwas sufficient to evince that the military power was\\never dangerous, and subversive of a free constitution\\nthe council of the province had publicly declared that\\nthe aid of the military was unnecessary to support\\nthe civil authority in Massachusetts nor could they\\nconceive that his majesty s service required a fleet\\nand army at Boston, in a time of profound peace\\nand they had a right to expect that his excellency,\\nas the representative of the king, would give the\\nnecessary orders for the removal of the forces, both\\nof the sea and of the land, out of the harbour, and from\\nthe gates of the capital, during the sitting of the assem-\\nbly. To this message of the house the governor\\nreplied, that he had no control of the king s troops\\nstationed in the town or province, and that he had\\nreceived no orders for their removal. t\\nFrom the haughty temper of Governor Bernard, it\\ncould not be expected that he would be condescending\\nt Bradford s History of Massachusetts, p. 182.\\n11", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n201\\nin the exercise of official authority yet it was hard-\\nly to be supposed that he would causelessly give of-\\nfence, by objecting to many of the best friends of the\\npeople elected to the council board. He gave his\\nnegative, however, to eleven gentlemen who had been\\nchosen by the assembly, among whom were Bowdoin,\\nBrattle, and Hancock and after the general court\\nhad been some days in session, because they were\\nconsulting upon means to preserve the liberties of the\\npeople and obtain redress of grievances, instead of\\ngiving their attention to the ordinary business of\\nvoting salaries and providing for replenishing the trea-\\nsury, he undertook to dictate to them what were the\\nproper subjects of legislation charged them with\\nwasting the public money by needless debates, and\\nthreatened to adjourn the court to some other place,\\nunless they should proceed in the usual, and, as he\\npretended, necessary course of business. The gene-\\nral assembly was accordingly removed to Cambridge,\\nwhere it was very inconvenient to be holden, as the\\nrecords and the house erected for their accommoda-\\ntion were -in Boston. Thus the military were sufl er-\\ned to keep possession of the capital of the province,\\nand the legislative assembly ordered to another place,\\nbecause they chose not to be surrounaed by armed\\nmen. They could not, however, be driven from their\\npurpose of boldly remonstrating against all arbitrary\\nmeasures, especially the obnoxious one of keeping a\\nlarge military force in the province, and of devising\\nproper means for relief to the people. The firmness\\nand decision of this assembly, says Mr. Alden Brad-\\nford, are entitled to the highest praise. The reso-\\nlution and patriotism they exhibited at this critical\\nperiod have never, perhaps, been exceeded by our\\nmost meritorious statesmen. The occasion demand-\\ned an energy and zeal which no dangers or threats\\ncould subdue. And the men whom the people had\\nthen trusted with their dearest rights, proved them-\\nselves equal to the peculiar exigencies of the times.\\nNothing was omitted on their part to show their ab-\\nhorrence of despotism, their attachment to constitu-\\ntional liberty, and their determined purpose to deliver\\nthe people from oppression.*\\nOn the 6th of July, the governor sent a message\\nto the court, with accounts of the expenditures al-\\nready incurred by quartering his majesty s troops de-\\nsiring funds to be provided for discharging the same,\\nand requiring a provision for the further quartering of\\nthe forces in Boston and Castle Island, according to\\nact of parliament. The next day the house of assem-\\nbly, among other resolutions, passed the following\\nHistory of Massachusetts, p. 184.\\nThat a general discontent on account of the revenue\\nacts, an expectation of a sudden arrival of a mili-\\ntary power to enforce the said acts, an apprehension\\nof the troops being quartered upon the inhabitants,\\nthe general court dissolved, the governor refusing to\\ncall a new one, and the people almost reduced to a\\nstate of despair, rendered it highly expedient and\\nnecessary for the people to convene by their com-\\nmittees to associate, consult, and advise the best\\nmeans to promote peace and good order to present\\ntheir united complaints to the throne and jointly\\nto pray for the royal interposition in favour of their\\nviolated rights nor can this procedure possibly be\\nillegal, as they expressly disclaim all governmental\\nacts that the establishment of a standing army in\\nthis colony, in time of peace, is an invasion of natu-\\nral rights that a standing army is not known as a\\npart of the British constitution that sending an\\narmed force into the colony under pretence of assist-\\ning the civil authority, is highly dangerous to the\\npeople, unprecedented, and unconstitutional. On\\nthe 12tli of July, the governor called on the court to\\nanswer, whether they would or would not make pro-\\nvision for the troops. The house, by message, after\\nremarking on the mutiny or billeting act, answered,\\nAs we cannot consistently with our own honour or\\ninterest, much less with the duty we owe to our con-\\nstituents, so we never shall make any provision of\\nfunds for the purposes in your several messages.\\nOn the reception of this message, the governor pro-\\nrogued the general court to the 10th of January, to\\nmeet at Boston.\\nOn the 1st of August, Sir Francis Bernard was re-\\ncalled. A few days before his departure, he received\\nletters from the secretary of state, which, being circu-\\nlar to the several governors of the continent, were ap-\\nparently intended to be made public. One of the\\nlast acts of his administration was his directing, or\\nauthorizing, the publication of the assurance to the\\npeople of the colonies in those letters, that the ad-\\nministration is well disposed to relieve the colonies\\nfrom all real grievances arising from the late acts\\nof revenue. And though the present ministers have\\nconcurred in the opinion of the whole legislature, that\\nno measures ought to be taken which can derogate\\nfrom the legislative authority of Great Britain over\\nthe colonies, yet they have declared, that they have at\\nno time entertained a design to propose any further\\ntaxes upon America for the purpose of a revenue\\nand that it is their intention to propose, in the next\\nsession of parliament, to take ofi the duties upon glass,\\npaper, and colours, upon consideration of such duties\\nbeing contrary to the true principles oi commerce.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "202\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nGovernment in England expected, by this assurance\\nof intended favour, to incline the people to abate\\ntheir opposition. But it had a very different effect.\\nIt was immediately the common language among the\\nadvocates for liberty, Repealing the act upon prin-\\nciples of commerce is a mere pretence, calculated to\\nestablish the grievance we complain of The true\\nreason why the duty upon tea is to continue, is to\\nsave the right of taxing. Our acquiescing in the\\nrepeal of the rest will be construed into an acknow-\\nledgment of this right. The fear of trouble, from\\nthe discontent of merchants an9 manufacturers upon\\nour non-importation agreements, has brought the\\nministry to consent to this partial repeal. A vigor-\\nous enforcement of these agreements will increase the\\nfear, and we shall certainly carry the point we con-\\ntend for, and obtain the repeal of the whole. A meet-\\nins: of the tradinof classes was called in Boston. The\\nrepeal of only part of the act was unanimously re-\\nsolved to be a measure intended merely to quiet the\\nmanufacturers in Great Britain, and to prevent the\\nsetting up of manufactures in the colonies, and one\\nthat would by no means relieve trade from its diffi-\\nculties it was, therefore, further resolved, to send for\\nno more goods from Great Britain, a few specified\\narticles excepted, unless the revenue acts should be\\nrepealed. A committee was appointed to procure a\\nwritten pledge from the inhabitants of the town not\\nto purchase any goods from persons who have import-\\ned them, or who shall import them, contrary to the\\nlate agreement and another committee to inspect\\nthe manifests of the cargoes of all vessels arriving\\nfrom Great Britain, and to publish the names of all\\nimporters, unless they immediately delivered their\\ngoods into the hands of a committee appointed to re-\\nceive them. In the midst of these proceedings, ne-\\ncessarily productive of considerable disorder, Govern-\\nor Bernard left the administration to Lieutenant-go-\\nvernor Hutchinson, and embarked on board the Rip-\\npon, a man-of war ordered from Virginia to receive\\nhim, and sailed for England. Instead of the marks\\nof respect commonly shown, in a greater or less de-\\ngree, to governors upon their leaving the province,\\nthere were many marks of public joy in the town of\\nBoston. The bells were rung, guns were fired from\\nMr. Hancock s wharf, the liberty tree was covered with\\nflags, and in the evening a great bonfire was made\\nupon Fort Hill.*\\nThe year 1770 is rendered important by the eleva-\\ntion of Lord North to the premiership. Having been\\nchancellor of the exchequer in the Duke of Grafton s\\nDr. Hutchinson s History of Massachusetts Bay, from 1749 to\\n1774, ohap. ii. p. 254.\\nadministration, on his grace s resignation, which took\\nplace in the end of January, he succeeded him as\\nfirst lord of the treasury, a pre-eminence he held till\\nthe close of the American revolution. His adminis-\\ntration will ever be celebrated by the fact, that during\\nits existence Great Britain lost more territory and ac-\\nquired more debt than in any previous period of her\\nhistory. His first measure was partially, and unhap-\\npily only partially, of a conciliatory character a\\nmotion for the repeal of the port duties of 1767, with\\nthe exception of the duty on tea, which his lordship\\nexpressly declared he desired to keep on as an asser-\\ntion of the supremacy of the parliament. In vain it\\nwas contended that the reservation of this single arti-\\ncle would keep up the contention which it was so\\ndesirable to allay that after giving up the prospect\\nof a revenue from the colonies, it was absurd and im-\\npolitic to persevere in the assertion of an abstract\\nclaim of right, which, if attempted in any mode to be\\ncarried into practice, would produce nothing but\\ncivil discord and interminable opposition that, in\\nshort, if nothing more was meant by this omission\\nof the tea in the repeal, than the mere declaration of\\nparliamentary supremacy, the law already in exist-\\nence, under the title of the Declaratory Act, was\\nabundantly sufficient for that purpose, and that the\\nAmericans had hitherto silently acquiesced in that\\nlaw. To all these arguments Lord North replied,\\nHas the repeal of the stamp act taught the Ameri-\\ncans obedience Has our lenity inspired them with\\nmoderation Can it be proper, while they deny our\\nlegal power to tax them, to acquiesce in the argu-\\nment of illegality, and, by the repeal of the whole\\nlaw, to give up that power? No the most proper\\ntime to exert our rioht of taxation is when the right\\nis denied. To temporize is to yield and the au-\\nthority of the mother country, if it is now unsupport-\\ned, will, in reality, be relinquished for ever. A total\\nrepeal cannot be thought of, till America is prostrate\\nat our feet.\\nGovernor Pownall, who moved, as an amendment,\\nto include tlie duty on tea, acknowledged, that even\\nthe total repeal of the duties in question, though it\\nmight be expected to do much, would not restore\\nsatisfaction to America. If, said he, it be asked,\\nwhether it will remove the apprehensions excited Ijy\\nyour resolutions and address of the last year, for\\nbringing to trial in England persons accused of trea-\\nson in America, I answer, No. If it lie asked, if this\\ncommercial concession would quiet the minds of the\\nAmericans as to the political doubts and fears which\\nhave struck them to the heart, throughout the conti-\\nnent, I answer, No. So long as they are left in", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n203\\ndoubt whether the habeas corpus act, whether the\\nbill of rifjhts, whether the common law as now exist-\\ning in England, have any operation and eflect in\\nAmerica, they cannot be satisfied. At this hour they\\nknow not whether the civil constitutions be not sus-\\npended and superseded by the establishment of a mili-\\ntary force. The Americans think that they have, in\\nreturn to all their applications, experienced a temper\\nand disposition that is unfriendly, and that the en-\\njoyment and exercise of tlie common rights of free-\\nmen have been refused to them Never with these\\nviews will they solicit the favour of this house\\nnever more will they wish to bring before parliament\\nthe grievances under which they conceive them-\\nselves to labour. Deeply as they feel, they suffer and\\nendure with a determined and alarming silence for\\ntheir liberty they are under no apprehensions. It\\nwas first planted under the auspicious genius of the\\nconstitution it has grown up into a verdant and\\nflourishing tree and should any severe strokes be\\naimed at the branches, and fate reduce it to the bare\\nstock, it would only take deeper root, and spring out\\nagain more durable than before. They trust to\\nProvidence, and wait with firmness and fortitude the\\nissue. The evenf proved that Mr. Pownall knew,\\nincomparably better than Lord North, the character\\nand state of the colonies. During his residence in\\nAmerica, while successively governor of two of the\\nprovinces, he acquired that knowledge which the\\nBritish ministry could not, and some provincial\\ngovernors would not, acquire. It might have\\nbeen supposed that the very unsatisfactory result of\\nthe previous half-measures of this kind would have\\ndeterred any minister from a repetition of them. It\\ndisplays as little knowledge of the construction of the\\nhuman mind, as attention to the history of popular\\nagitations, to intermingle professions of kindness with\\nthreats, or concessions with expressions of insult.\\nThe colonies, however, would probably have as-\\nsumed a less agitated aspect, had not other circum-\\nstances existed to ferment and perpetuate feelings of\\nhostility. Among these, the introduction and main-\\ntenance of troops of the line in Boston was one of the\\nmost aggravating. The inhabitants felt that their\\npresence was designed to overawe and control the ex-\\npression of their sentiments, and the military appear\\nto have viewed their residence in the town in the\\nsame light. Under the excitement that was thus\\noccasioned, affrays were frequently occurring between\\nthe populace and the soldiers and it would appear\\nthat, as might be expected, neither party conducted\\nBradford s History of Massaohusells, p. 205.\\nthemselves with prudence or forbearance. On the\\none hand, the soldiers are represented as parading\\nthe town., armed with heavy clubs, insulting and\\nseeking occasion to quarrel with die people while,\\non the other, the populace are declared to be the\\naggressors, and ilie military to have acted on the de-\\nfensive. t Early in the evening of the 5th of March,\\nthe inhabitants were observed to assemble in different\\nquarters of the town parties of soldiers were also\\ndriving about the streets, as if both tiie one and the\\nother had something more than ordinary upon their\\nminds. About eight o clock, one of the bells of the\\ntown was rung in such manner as is usual in case of\\nfire. This called people into the streets. A large\\nnumber assembled in the market-place, not far from\\nKing-street, armed with bludgeons, or clubs. A small\\nfray between some of the inhabitants and the soldiers\\narose at or near the barracks at the west part of the\\ntown, but it was of little importance, and was soon\\nover. A sentinel who was posted at the custom-\\nhouse, not far from the main guard, was next insulted,\\nand pelted with pieces of ice and other missiles,\\nwhich caused him to call to the main guard to pro-\\ntect him. Notice was soon given to Captain Preston,\\nwhose company was then on guard, and a sergeant\\nwith six men was sent to protect the sentinel but\\nthe captain, to prevent any precipitate action, follow-\\ned them himself. There seem to have been but few\\npeople collected when the assault was first made on\\nthe sentinel but the sergeant s guard drew a greater\\nnumber together, and they were more insulted than\\nthe sentinel had been, and received frequent blows\\nfrom snowballs and lumps of ice. Captain Preston\\nthereupon ordered them to charge but this was no\\ndiscouragement to the assailants, who continued to\\npelt the guard, daring them to fire. Some of the\\npeople who were behind the soldiers, and observed\\nthe abuse of them, called on them to do so. At\\nlength one received a blow with a club, which brought\\nhim to the ground but, rising again, he immediate-\\nly fired, and all the rest, except one, followed the ex-\\nample. This seems, from the evidence on the trials\\nand the observation of persons present, to have been\\nthe course of the material facts. Three men were\\nkilled, two mortally wounded, who died soon after,\\nand several s!i rhtly wounded. The soldiers imme-\\ndiately withdrew to the main guard, which was\\nstrengthened by additional companies. Two or three\\nof the persons who had seen the action ran to the\\nlieutenant-governor s house, which was about half a\\nmile distant, and begged he would go to King-street,\\nt Hutchinson, p. 270", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "204\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwhere they feared a general action would come on\\nbetween the troops and the inhabitants. He went\\nimmediately, and, to satisfy the people, called for\\nCaptain Preston, and inquired why he had fired upon\\nthe inhabitants without the direction of a civil ma-\\ngistrate. The noise was so great that his answer\\ncould not be understood and some persons, who\\nwere apprehensive of the lieutenant-governor s danger\\nfrom the general confusion, called out, The town-\\nhouse, the town-house when, with irresistible vio-\\nlence, he was forced up by tlie crowd into the council\\nchamber. There demand was immediately made of\\nhim, to order the troops to withdraw from the town-\\nhouse to their barracks. He refused but calling\\nfrom the balcony to the great body of people who re-\\nmained in the street, he expressed his great concern\\nat the unhappy event assured them he would do every\\nthing in his power to obtain a full and impartial in-\\nquiry, that the law might have its course and advi-\\nsed them to go peaceably to their homes. Upon this\\nthere was a cry Home, home and a great part\\nseparated, and went home. He then signified his\\nopinion to Lieutenant-Colonel Carr, that if the com-\\npanies in arms were ordered to their barracks, the\\nstreets would be cleared, and the town in quiet for that\\nnight. Upon their retiring, the rest of the inhabitants,\\nexcept those in the council chamber, retired also.\\nLieutenant-Colonel Dalrymple, at the desire of the\\nlieutenant-governor, came to the council chamber,\\nwhile several justices were examining persons who\\nwere present at the transactions of the evening. From\\nthe evidence it was apparent that the justices would\\ncommit Captain Preston, if taken. Several hours\\npassed before he could be found, and the people sus-\\npected that he would not run the hazard of a trial\\nbut at length he surrendered himself to a warrant for\\napprehending him, and, having been examined, was\\ncommitted to prison. The next morning the soldiers\\nwho were upon guard surrendered also, and were\\ncommitted. This was not sufficient to satisfy the\\npeople, and early in the forenoon they were in motion\\nagain. The lieutenant-governor caused his council\\nto be summoned, and desired the two lieutenant-co-\\nlonels of the regiments to be present. The select-\\nmen of Boston were waiting the lieutenant-governor s\\ncoming to council, and, being admitted, made their\\nrepresentation, that, from the contentions arising from\\nthe troops quartered in Boston, and above all, from\\nthe tragedy of the last night, the minds of the inhabit-\\nants were exceedingly disturbed; that they would\\npresently be assembled in a town meeting and that,\\nunless the troops should be removed, the most terrible\\nconsequences were to be expected. The justices also\\nof Boston and several of the neighbouring towns had\\nassembled, and desired to signify their opinion, that\\nit would not be possible to keep the people under\\nrestraint, if the troops remained in town. The lieu-\\ntenant-governor acquainted both the select-men and\\nthe justices, that he had no authority to alter the\\nplace of destination of the king s troops but that he\\nexpected the commanding officers of the two regi-\\nments, and would let them know the applications\\nwhich had been made. Presently after their coming,\\na large committee from the town-meeting presented\\nan address to the lieutenant-governor, declaring it to\\nbe the unanimous opinion of the meeting, that nothing\\ncould rationally be expected to restore the peace of the\\ntown, and prevent blood and carnage, but the im-\\nmediate removal of the troops. The committee with-\\ndrew into another room to wait for an answer.\\nSome of the council urged the necessity of complying\\nwith the people s demand but the lieutenant-gover-\\nnor declared that he would, upon no consideration\\nwhatever, give orders for their removal. Lieutenant-\\nColonel Dalrymple then signified, that, as the 29th\\nregiment had originally been designed to be placed at\\nthe castle, and was now peculiarly obnoxious to the\\ntown, he was content that it should be removed to the\\ncastle, until the general s pleasure should be known.\\nThe committee was informed of this ofier, and the\\nlieutenant-governor rose from council, intending to\\nreceive no further application upon the subject but\\nthe council prayed that he would meet them again\\nin the afternoon, and Colonel Dalrymple desiring it\\nalso, he complied. Before the council met again, it\\nhad been intimated to them that the desire oftlie\\ngovernor and council to the commanding officer to\\nremove the troops, would cause him to do it, though\\nhe should receive no authoritative order. As soon\\nas they met, a committee from the town-meeting at-\\ntended with a second message, to acquaint the lieu-\\ntenant-governor that it was the unanimous voice of\\nthe people assembled, consisting, as they said, of near\\nthree thousand persons, that nothing less than a total\\nand immediate removal of the troops would satisfy\\nthem.* Ultimately the scruples of the lieutenant-\\ngovernor were overcome, and he expressed his desire\\nthat the troops should be wholly withdrawn from the\\ntown to the castle, which was accordingly done.\\nThe funeral of the victims was attended with extra-\\nordinary pomp. Most of the shops were closed, all\\nthe bells of the town tolled on the occasion, and the\\ncorpses were followed to the grave by an immense\\nconcourse of people, arranged six abreast, the proces-\\nHutchinson, p. 272\u00e2\u0080\u0094275.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n205\\nsion being closed by a long train of carriages belonging\\nto the principal gentry of the town.* Captain Preston\\nand the party of soldiers were afterwards tried. The\\ncaptain and six of the men were acquitted, and two\\nwere brought in guilty of manglaughter a result which\\nreflected great honour on John Adams and Josiah\\nQuincy, the counsel for the prisoners, and on thejury.t\\nThis disastrous occurrence infused additional\\nspirit into the assembly of the province. Accumula-\\nted as the public business was, there having been\\nbut one session for eighteen months, the lieutenant-\\ngovernor postponed the assembly from January, the\\ntime to which it had been prorogued by Governor\\nBernard, to the middle of March, and then ordered it\\nto be convened at Cambridge. The reason which he\\ngave for this measure was, that he had been so in-\\nstructed by the British ministry. At the session in\\nCambridge, in his message to both houses respecting\\nthe state of the province, he said nothing to mitigate\\nthe alarm, or to alleviate the distress, of the people.\\nHis duty to the king, his royal master, he said, he\\nwas resolved faithfully to discharge and he gave\\npromises of a readiness to unite with the assembly\\nin all proper measures for the welfare of the provinc-e\\nbut of tlie recent tragical event he took no notice.\\nGordon s History, vol. i. p. 290.\\nt Cluincy s Life of Josiah Cluincy, p. 31\u00e2\u0080\u009466, where there is a\\nfull account of the trial of Captain Preston.\\nt When complaints, said they, are made of riots and tumults,\\nit is the wisdom of governmeni, and it becomes the representatives\\nof the people especially, to inquire into the real causes of them.\\nIf they ari,se from oppression, as is often the case, a thorough re-\\ndress of grievances will remove the cause, and, probably, put an\\nend to the complaint. It may be justly said of the people of this\\nprovince, that they seldom, if ever, have assembled in a tumultu-\\nous manner, unless they were oppressed. It cannot be expected\\nthat a people, accustomed to the freedom of the English constitu-\\ntion, will be patient while they are under the hand of tyranny and\\narbitrary power. They will rii.scover their resentment in a manner\\nwhich will naturally displease their oppressors; and in such a\\ncase, the severest laws and the most rigorous execution will be to\\nlittle purpose. The most effectual method to restore tranquillity,\\nwould be to reiinove their burdens, and to punish all those who have\\nbeen the procurers of their oppression. The instance your honour\\nrecommends to our attention, admitting it to be true, cannot be\\nmore threatening to government, than those enormities which have\\nbeen known to be committed by the soldiery of late, and have\\nstrangely escaped punishment, though repeated, in defiance of the\\nlaws and authority of government. A military force posted among\\nIhe people without their express consent, is itself one of the greatest\\ngrievances, and threatens the total subversion of a free constitu-\\ntion much more, if designed lo execute a system of corrupt and\\narbitrary power, and even to exterminate the liberties of the coun-\\ntry. The bill of rights, passed immediately after the revolution\\n(of 1688,) expressly declares, that the keeping of a standing army\\nwithin the kingdom, in a time of peace, without the consent of the\\nparliament, is against law and we take this occasion to say, with\\nfreedom, that the keeping of a standing army, within this province,\\nin a time of peace, without the consent of tfie general assembly, is\\nequally against law. Yet we have seen a standing army procured,\\nposted and kept within this province, in a time of piofound peace,\\nnot only without the consent of the people, but against the remon-\\nstrance of both liouses of assembly. Such a standing army must\\nA few days afterwards he sent a special message to\\ninform the house of a trifling affray at Gloucester, in\\nwhich a petty officer of the customs was said to have\\nbeen abused and called on them to afibrd assistance\\nin bringing the agents to punishment. The reply of\\nthe house clearly indicated their deep sense of injury\\nfrom their own executive government, as well as from\\nthe parent state, and the rapid strides they were ma-\\nking towards open resistance.! During a great part\\nof this session, the house of representatives and the\\ncouncil were occupied with remonstrances against\\nthe removal of the general court to Cambridge. They\\ncontended, that law, usage, and convenience, were in\\nfavour of holding it in Boston that the governor had\\na discretionary power respecting the place, to be ex\\nercised only when the public welfare required it in\\nsome peculiar exigency and that it was highly im-\\nproper and unjust for ministers to give instructions\\nin the case, founded merely on political considerations.\\nProtesting against the removal as unconstitutional,\\nthere being no necessity to justify it, and believing it\\nwas designed to harass the representatives of the people,\\nwhose deliberations and transactions ought to be per-\\nfectly free, they declined proceeding to public business.\\nThe lieutenant-governor insisted that he was bound\\nbe designed lo subjugate the people to arbitrary measures. It is a\\nmost violent infraction of their natural and constitutional rights.\\nIt is an unlawful assembly, of all others the most dangerous and\\nalarming; and every instance of its restraining the liberty of any\\nindividual, is a crime, which infinitely exceeds what the law intends\\nby a riot. Surely, then, your honour cannot think this house can\\ndescend to the consideration of matters, comparatively trifling,\\nwhile the capital of the province has so lately been in a state of\\nactual imprisonment, and the government is under duress. We\\nshall not enlarge on the multiplied outrages committed by this un-\\nlawful assembly, in frequently assaulting his majesty s peaceable\\nand loyal subjects, in beating and wounding the magistrate when\\nin the execution of his office; in rescuing prisoners out of the hands\\nof justice; and finally, in perpetrating the most horrid slaughter of\\na Dumber of the inhabitants, hut a few days before the sitting of\\nthis assembly. Yet not the least notice has been taken of these\\noutrageous offences nor can we find the most distant allusion to\\nIhe late inhuman and barbarous action, either in your speech at\\nthe opening of the session, or in this mes.sage to both houses.\\nThese violences, so frequently committed, added to the most rigor-\\nous and oppressive prosecutions, carried on against the subjects,\\ngrounded on unconstitutional acts, and in the courts of admiralty,\\nuncontrolled by the courts of common law, have been justly alarm-\\ning to the people. The disorder, which your honour so earnestly\\nrecommends to the consideration of the assembly, very probably\\ntook its rise from such provocations. The use, therefore, which\\nwe shall make of the information in your message, shall be to in-\\nquire into the grounds of the people s uneasiness, and to seek a\\nradical redress of their grievances. Indeed, it is natural lo expept\\nthat while the terror of arms continues in the province, the laws\\nwill be, in some degree, silent. But when the channels of justice\\nshall be again opened, and the law can be heard, the person who\\nhas complained to your honour will have a remedy. We yet en-\\ntertain hope, that the military power, so grievous to the people,\\nwill soon be removed from the province till ihen, we have nothing\\nto expect, but that tyranny and confusion will prevail, in dedtince\\nof the laws of the land, and the just and constitutional auiliority of\\ngovernment.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "206\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nby his instructions that his commission required it\\nof him and that it was competent for him at any\\ntime to fix the place, as well as the day, for the\\nmeeting of the general court. To this statement the\\nliouse made a long, elaborate, and able reply but the\\nlieutenant-governor asserted his authority, and abso-\\nlutely refused to yield to the request of the assembly.\\nkSnch was the situation of public affairs, that the\\nhouse concluded it the most prudent to proceed to\\nconsult upon the common concerns of the province\\nbut resolved, that they were induced thereto from\\nabsolute necessity, and declared, that it was not to\\nbe considered as the renunciation of their claim to\\nthe legal right of sitting in general assembly, at its\\nancient place, the court-house in Boston. The ge-\\nneral court closed its session in November by proro-\\ngation, after having resolved, among other things, to\\npromote industry and frugality, and to encourage the\\nuse of domestic manufactures throughout the pro-\\nvince and having appointed a committee of corres-\\nspondence to communicate with the agents in Great\\nBritain, and with the committees of the colonies.\\nThe first of these resolutions of the Massachusetts\\nassembly, namely, to discourage the use of foreign\\narticles, had been adopted in consequence of a deter-\\nmination of the merchants of Boston, made during\\nthe present session, by which they agreed to alter\\ntheir non-importation agreement, and to adopt the\\nplan, which had been for some time followed in New\\nYork and in Philadelphia, of importing all the usual\\narticles of trade, except tea, which it was unanimously\\nagreed should not be brought into the country, unless\\nit could be smuggled.*\\nDuring the year 1771, nothing of moment occur-\\nred either in Boston or the colonies. The encourage-\\nment given by the agreement of the merchants to\\nsmuggling, occasioned continual contests with reve-\\nnue officers and it appears that the magistrates, when\\nappealed to, refused to interfere. One circumstance,\\nhowever, transpired, which must not be omitted.\\nEarly in this year, Mr. Hutchinson received his ap-\\npointment to the office of governor of Massachusetts,\\nan office which his political opponents allege to have\\nalways been the darling object of his ambition\\nwhile he maintains, that, however, in ordinary times,\\nhe might have desired it, he now determined not\\nonly to desire to be excused from the honour intend-\\ned for him, but to be superseded in his place of lieu-\\ntenant-governor and he wrote to the secretary of\\nstate accordingly. t\\nThe occnrrences of the year 1772, afforded new\\nAllen s History of the American Revolution, vol. i. p. 149.\\nsources of mutual animosity. The destruction of\\nhis majesty s revenue schooner, Gaspee, was one of\\nthose popular excesses which highly incensed the\\nBritish ministry. Lieutenant Doddington, who com-\\nmanded that vessel, had become very obnoxious to\\nthe inhabitants of Rhode Island, by his extraordinary\\nzeal in the execution of the revenue laws. On the\\n9th of June, the Providence packet was sailing into\\nthe harbour of Newport, and Lieutenant Doddington\\nthought proper to require the captain to lower his co-\\nlours. This the captain of the packet deemed repug-\\nnant to his patriotic feelings, and the Gaspee fired at\\nthe packet to bring her to the American, however,\\nstill persisted in holding on her course, and by keep-\\ning in shoal water, dexterously contrived to run the\\nschooner aground in the chase. As the tide was upon\\nthe ebb, the Gaspee was set fast for the night, and\\nafforded a tempting opportunity for retaliation and\\na number of fishermen, aided and encouraged by\\nsome of the most respectable inhabitants of Provi-\\ndence, being determined to rid themselves of so uncivil\\nan inspector, in the, middle of the night manned seve-\\nral boats, and boarded the Gaspee. The lieutenant\\nwas wounded in the affray but, with every thing\\nbelonging to him, he was carefully conveyed on\\nshore, as were all his crew. The vessel, with her\\nstores, was then burnt and the party returned unmo-\\nlested to their homes. When the governor became\\nacquainted with this event, he offered a reward of\\nfive hundred pounds for the discovery of the offenders,\\nand the royal pardon to those who would confess\\ntheir guilt. Commissioners were appointed also to\\ninvestigate the offence, and bring the perpetrators to\\njustice but, afler remaining some time in session,\\nthey reported that they could obtain no evidence, and\\nthus the affair terminated a circumstance which\\nforcibly illustrates the inviolable brotherhood which\\nthen united the people against the government.\\nWhile the conduct of the American populace thus\\ncontinued to aggravate the exasperation of the British\\ncourt, the measures of the government had an equal\\ntendency to keep alive the feeling of hostility in the\\nbreasts of the Americans. It is vain, and unworthy\\nof the character of any statesman, to urge that the\\nmeasures adopted would not have given oflence in\\nother times the enactment of laws will ever be regard-\\ned not with a view to the principles of abstract pro-\\npriety, but to the immediate object for which they are\\npromulgated. This plea, however, in extenuation of\\nthe plan of rendering the governor, judges, and other\\nofficers of the crown, independent of the general court,\\nt Hutchinson, p. 290.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n207\\ncould only be raised* by persons inattentive (as, in-\\ndeed, most English politicians appear to have been)\\nto the political history of tlie colonies. The arrange-\\nment which was now ordered to be carried into eflect,\\nthat the governor and other officers sliould receive\\ntheir salaries from the crown, had hitherto been suc-\\ncessfully opposed. The old contest on this subject was\\nnot yet forgotten, and tiie people, now greatly increased\\nin numbers, were as little disposed as their ancestors\\nto yield on this point. Opposition to this measure\\nwas not confined to the assembly, but numerous meet-\\nings of the people themselves in various towns were\\nheld on the subject. At these meetings, not only this\\nparticular measure, but all the late ministerial and\\nparliamentary proceedings in relation to the colonies,\\nwere examined and discussed with great freedom\\nand boldness. At the suggestion of Samuel Adams,\\na committee, consisting of twenty-one, was appointed\\nto state tlie rights of the colonies, and of this pro-\\nvince in particular, as men, as Christians, and as sub-\\njects. This committee was also directed to publish\\nthe same to the several towns in the province, and to\\nthe world, as the sense of the town of Boston on the\\nsubject oftlieir rights, with the various infringements\\nand violations which had occurred. In this report,\\ndrawn with great ability, they claimed those natural\\nand unalienable rights of man, with which no govern-\\nment could interfere without their consent. As Bri-\\ntish subjects, they claimed equal rights with their\\nfellow-subjects in Eng-land, rights secured to them by\\nthe constitution. The Christian religion, they said,\\nnot only sanctioned their views of civil liberty, but,\\nm spiritual concerns, secured to them all the freedom\\nand self-direction which they and their fathers had\\nlong enjoyed. In their letter to the several towns,\\nthe committee tell their fellow-citizens, that they had\\nabundant reason to appreliend that a plan of despot-\\nism had been concerted, and was hastening to a\\ncompletion that the late measures of administration\\nhad a direct tendency to deprive them of every thing\\nvaluable as men, as Christians, and as subjects enti-\\ntled to the rights of native Britons. We are not\\nafraid of poverty, say the committee, in conclusion,\\nbnt we disdain slavery. Let us consider we are\\nSleadman s History of the American War, p. 81.\\nt Pitkin, vol. i. p. 2-17\u00e2\u0080\u0094250.\\nt Mr. Hutchinson himself states that he was greatly alarmed\\nwith so sudden and unexpected a change in the state of affairs and\\nhe was greatly perplexed with doubts concerning his own conduct\\nnpon the occasion. He had avoided engaging in a dispute upon\\nthe authority of parliament, having good reason to think, that ad-\\nministration in England expected that the colonies would return to\\ntlieir former stale of submission to this authority, by lenient mea-\\nsures, vathoat discussing points of right; and he knew that great\\npains had been taken to persuade the people in England, as well as\\n27\\nstruggling for our best birthrights and inheritance,\\nwhich, being infringed, renders all our blessings pre-\\ncarious in their enjoyment, and trifling in their value.\\nMost of the towns held meetings, appointed committees\\nof correspondence, and passed resolutions similar to\\nthose of Boston, and some of them even in still bolder\\nlanguage.t These proceedings greatly alarmed the\\ngovernor and his political friends, who had hoped\\nthat the opposition to the. British ministry would\\ngradually cease and that, through fear of ministerial\\nand royal resentment, the people would be induced\\nto submit.* After the votes and the circular address\\nof Boston were adopted, and before the other towns\\nhad meetings to act upon them, endeavours were\\nmade in many places to prevent the people from ap-\\nproving the statement and report of the patriots in\\nthe capital. But thee attempts were generally with-\\nout effect. There were in every town some intelli-\\ngent men, who perfectly understood the nature of the\\ndispute with Great Britain, and who saw the evil ten-\\ndency of the claims of administration to govern the\\ncolonies. They were, says Mr. Bradford, also a\\nsober, moral, and religions people, who were actuated\\nby principle and who, while they contended earn-\\nestly for that portion of liberty secured to them by their\\ncharter, and which they had long enjoyed, were\\nindisposed to all unconstitutional means of redress. 5\\nIn his speech at the opening of the assembly, in .Tan-\\nuary, 1773, the governor declared these meetings of\\nthe inhabitants to be unwarrantable and of dangerous\\ntendency and he called upon the assembly to join\\nin discountenancing such irregularities and innova-\\ntions. Alluding to these proceedings, and to the\\ndisordered state of the province, he says, at length\\nthe constitution has been called in question, and the\\nauthority of the parliament of Great Britain to make\\nand establish laws for the inhabitants of this pro-\\nvince has been by many denied. He maintained in\\nthe most explicit manner the supremacy of parliament\\nover the colonies, agreeably to the principles of the\\ndeclaratory act and his speech was conceived to be\\na challenge to the assembly on- the great question\\nbetween the two countries. This drew answers from\\nthe council and house in vindication of the proceedings\\nthe ministry, that this was all the people in America expected or\\ndesired and that suspicions of other views, either in the body of\\nthe people, or in men who had inHuenee over them, were ground-\\nless, and had been caused by misrepresentations of governors, and\\nother crown officers in the colonies, in order to promote their own\\nsinister views. But now, a measure was engaged in, which, if\\npursued to effect, must cause, not a return of the colonies to their\\nformer submission, hut a total separation from the kingdom, by\\ntheir independency upon parliament, the only band which couli\\nkeep them united to it. Hutchinson s History, p. 370.\\nS History nf Massachusetts, from 1764 to 1775, p. 262.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "208\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nof the towrs, and of the rights of the colonies, and of\\nMassachusetts in particular to these the governor\\nreplied, and to this reply hoth the council and house\\nrejoined. These state papers, as they may be justly\\ncalled, were drawn with no ordinary ability on both\\nsides. The governor was a gentleman of talents, as\\nwell as research, and no one was better acquainted\\nwith the history of the province over which he presid-\\ned. The answers of the council and house were\\nprepared by committees composed of men of the first\\ntalents in the assembly. They evinced not only a\\nthorough knowledge of the rights of the colonists ge-\\nnerally, but of their own provincial history, and the\\nvarious controversies that had subsisted between the\\nparent country and the people of Massachusetts from\\ntheir first settlement, as well as the views entertained\\nand expressed at different times by their ancestors on\\nthe subject of their rights.\\nActive resistance to the measures of the British go-\\nvernment in relation to the colonies, had for some\\ntime been principally confined to Massachusetts.\\nThe other colonists, however, had not been idle or\\nindifferent spectators of the scenes that had passed in\\nMassachusetts. The leading patrfots of America, no\\ndoubt, now began seriously to contemplate the mighty\\nstruggle to which the present state of things must\\nfinallj lead. The parent country seemed determined\\nnot to relax, and the colonists were equally determin-\\ned not to submit. To remain lone in their present\\nstate seemed impossible and in the event of an op-\\nposition by force, unity of action, as well as of senti-\\nment, was all important. To promote this object,\\nthe house of burgesses in Virginia originated what\\nultimately proved a powerful engine of resistance\\na committee for corresponding with the legislatures\\nof the several colonies. It was resolved that it should\\nbe the business of this committee, to obtain the most\\nearly and authentic intelligence of such acts and re-\\nsolutions of the British parliament, or proceedings of\\nadministration, as may relate to or affect the British\\ncolonies and to keep up and maintain a correspond-\\nence and communication with our sister colonies, re-\\nspecting these impcrtant considerations, and the re-\\nsult of their proceedmgs from time to time, to lay be-\\nfore the house. It was also resolved, that the\\nspeaker of this house do transmit to the speakers of\\nthe different assemblies of the British colonies on this\\ncontinent, copies of the said resolutions, and desire\\nthat they will lay them before their respective as-\\nsemblies, and request them to appoint some person or\\npersons, of their respective bodies, to communicate\\nfrom time to time with the said committee. The\\nrequest of Virginia was complied with by the dif-\\nferent assemblies and by this means a confidential\\ncommunication and interchange of opinions was kept\\nup between the colonies.\\nThe appointment of Lord Dartmouth in the room\\nof Lord Hillsborough, as secretary of state for the\\nAmerican department, a person supposed to be more\\nfavourable to the colonies, revived the hopes of the\\ncolonists for a reconciliation on terms compatible with\\ntheir rights. Animated with these hopes, both houses\\nof the Massachusetts assembly addressed a letter to\\nthe new secretary, in which they declare they should\\nrejoice at the restoration of the harmony and good\\nwill that once subsisted between the parent state and\\nthem. This happiness, however, they should e.xpcct\\nin vain, they observed, during the continuance of\\ntheir grievances, and while their chartered rights, one\\nafter another, were wrested from them. If your\\nlordship should condescend to ask, they say, what\\nare the measures of restoring the harmony so much\\ndesired, we should answer, in a word, that we are\\nhumbly of opinion, if things were brought to the ge-\\nneral state in which they stood at the conclusion of\\nthe late war, it would restore the happy harmony\\nwhich at that time subsisted and, in conclusion,\\nthey most earnestly request his lordship s influence\\nin bringing about this happy event. But to retrace\\ntheir steps was too humiliating to the pride of the\\nBritish cabinet and nation. A change of men did\\nnot produce a change of principles, or any permanent\\nchange of measures.\\nThe British government, having determined to car-\\nry into execution the duty on tea, attempted to eflect\\nby policy what was foimd to be impracticable by con-\\nstraint. The measures of the colonists had already\\nproduced such a diminution of exports from Great\\nBritain, that the warehouses of the East India Com-\\npany contained about seventeen millions of pounds of\\ntea, for which a market could not readily be pro-\\ncured. The unwillingness of that company to lose\\ntheir commercial profits, and of the ministry to lose\\nthe expected revenue from the sale of the tea in Ame-\\nrica, led to a compromise for the security of hoth.\\nThe East India Company were authorized by law to\\nexport their tea, free of duties, to all places whatover\\nby which regulation, tea, though loaded with an ex-\\nceptionable duty, would come cheaper to America\\nthan before it had been made a source of revenue.\\nThe crisis now approached, when the colonies were\\nto decide whether they would submit to be taxed liy\\nthe British parliament, or practically support their\\nown principles, and meet the consequences. One\\nsentiment appears to have pervaded the entire conti-\\nnent. The new ministerial plan was universally", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n209\\nconsiilered as a direct attack on tlie liberties of the\\ncolonists, which it was the duty of all to oppose. A\\nviolent ferment was every where excited the cor-\\nresponding committees were extremely active and it\\nwas very generally declared, that whoever should,\\ndirectly or indirectly, countenance this dangerous in-\\nvasion of their rights, would be an enemy to his\\ncountry. The East India Company, confident of\\nfinding a market for their tea, reduced as it now\\nwas in its price, freighted several ships to the colo-\\nnies with that article, and appointed agents for the\\ndisposal of it. Cargoes were sent to New York,\\nPhiladelphia, Charleston, and Boston. The inhabit-\\nants of New York and Philadelphia sent the ships\\nback to London, and tliey sailed up the Thames to\\nproclaim to all the nation that New York and Penn-\\nsylvania would not be enslaved. The inhabitants\\nof Charleston unloaded the tea, and stored it in cel-\\nlars, where it could not be used, and where it finally\\nperished.\\nAt Boston, before the vessels arrived with it, a\\ntown-meeting was called to devise measures to pre-\\nvent the landing and sale within the province. The\\nagreement not to use tea while a duty was imposed,\\nwas now solenmly renewed and a committee was\\nchosen to request the consignees of the East India\\nComp.in^ neither to sell nor unlade the tea which\\nshould be brought into the harbour. They com-\\nmunicated the wishes of the town to the merchants,\\nwho were to have the custody and sale of the tea\\nbut they declined making any such promise, as\\nthey had received no orders or directions on the sub-\\nject. On the arrival of the vessels with the tea in\\nthe harbour af Boston, another meeting of the citizens\\nwas immediately called. The hour of destruction,\\nit was said, or of manly opposition, had now come\\nand all who were friends to the country were invited\\nto attend, to make a united and successful resist-\\nance to this last and worst measure of the administra-\\ntion. A great number of people assembled from the\\nadjoining towns, as well as from the capital, in the\\ncelebrated Fanueil Hall, the usual place of meeting\\non such occasions, but the meeting was soon ad-\\njourned to one of the largest churches in the town.\\nHere it was voted, as it had been at a meeting before\\nIhe tea airived, that they would use all lawful means\\nto prevent its being landed, and to have it returned\\nimmediately to England. After several days spent\\nin neffotiations, the consignees still refused to return\\nthe tea, and, fearing the vengeance of an injured peo-\\nple, they retired to the castle. The owner of the\\nship which brought the tea was unable to obtain a\\nMS;. for her sailing, as the officer was in the interest\\nof the British ministers. Application was then made\\nto the governor, to order that a pass be given for the\\nvessel but he declined interfering in the affair.\\nWhen it was found no satisfactory arrangement\\ncould be effected, the meeting broke up but, late in\\nthe evening, a number of men, disguised as Mohawk\\nIndians, proceeded to the vessels, then lying at the\\nwharf, which had the tea on board, and in a shori\\ntime every chest was taken out, and the contents\\nthrown into the sea but no injury was done to any\\nother part of their cargoes. The inhabitants of the\\ntown, generally, had no knowledge of the event until\\nthe next day. It is supposed, the number of those\\nconcerned in the affair was about fifty but who they\\nwere has been only a matter of conjecture to the pre-\\nsent day.\\nThis act of violence, which, in its effects, rapidly\\nadvanced the grand crisis, appears rather to liave\\nbeen the result of cool determination, than of a sudden\\nebullition. The populace appear to have been fiilly\\nwarned by their leaders as to the important conse-\\nquences which would result from any destruction of\\nthe property of the East India Company. One of\\nthe citizens,* equally distinguished as a statesman and\\na patriot, says Bradford, addressed the meeting\\nwith unusual warmth and solemnity. He seemed\\ndeeply impressed with a sense of the serious conse-\\nquences of their proceedings on this interesting occa-\\nsion. The spirit then displayed, and the sentiments\\nthen avowed, he warned them, should be such as they\\nwould be ready to approve and maintain at any future\\nday. For, to retreat from the ground they should\\nthen take, would bring disgrace on themselves, and\\nruin on the country. That Mr. Quincy did not\\noverrate the importance of that memorable day, will\\nbe very apparent in the sequel.\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nTHE RKVOLUTION. FROM THE BOgTON PORT BILL\\nTO THE DECLARATION OP INDEPENDENCE.\\nThe British ministry appear to have been highly\\ngratified that the town of Boston, which they ever\\nregarded as the focus of sedition in America, had ren-\\ndered itself, by the violent destruction of the property\\nof the East India Company, obnoxious to their se-\\nverest vengeance. On the 7th of March, Lord North\\npresented a message from his majesty to both houses\\nof parliament, in which it was stated, that, in con-\\nJosiah ftuincy.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "210\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsequence of the unwarrantable practices carried on in\\nNorth America, and particularly of the violent and\\noutrageous proceedings at the town and port of Bos-\\nton, with a view of obstructing the commerce of this\\nkingdom, and upon grounds and pretences immedi-\\nately suljversive of its constitution, it was thought fit\\nto lay the whole matter before parliament, recom-\\nmending it to their serious consideration what further\\nregulations or permanent provisions might be neces-\\nsary to be established. The minister, on presenting\\nthe papers, represented tiie conduct of Boston in the\\ndarkest colours. He said, that the utmost lenity on\\nthe part of the governor, perhaps too much, had been\\nalready shown and that this town, by its late pro-\\nceedings, had left government perfectly at liberty to\\nadopt any measures they should think convenient, not\\no.ily for redressing the wrong sustained by the East\\nIndia Company, but for inflicting such punishment\\nfis their factious and criminal conduct merited; and\\nthat the aid of parliament would be resorted to for this\\npurpose, and for vindicating the honour of the crown,\\nso daringly and wantonly attacked and contemned.\\nIn reply to the royal message, the house voted, that\\nan address of thanks should be presented to the king,\\nassuring his majesty that they would not fail to exert\\nevery means in their power of effectually providing\\nfor the due execution of the laws, and securing the\\ndependence of the colonies upon the crown and par-\\nliament of Great Britain. In a few days a bill was\\nintroduced for the immediate removal of the officers\\nconcerned in the collection of customs from Boston,\\nand to discontinue the landing and discharging, la-\\ndins: and shipping of goods, wares, arid merchandise,\\nat Boston, or within the harbour thereof The bill\\nalso levied a fine upon the town, as a compensation\\nto the East India Company for the destruction of their\\nteas, and was to continue in force during the pleasure\\nof the king. The opposition to this measure was\\nvery slight, and it was finally carried in both houses\\nwithout a division.\\nThis, however, was only a part of Lord North s\\nscheme of coercion. He proposed two other bills,\\nwhich were intended to strike terror into the province\\nof Massachusetts, and to deter the other colonies from\\nfollowing her example. By one of these, the consti-\\ntution and charter of the province were completely\\nsubverted, all power taken out of the hands of the\\npeople, and placed in those of the servants of the\\ncrown. The third scheme of Lord North was the\\nintroduction of a bill for the impartial administra-\\ntion of justice in Massachusetts. By this act, per-\\nsons informed against or indicted for any act done for\\nthr, support of the laws of the revenue, or for the sup-\\npression of riots in Massachusetts, might, by the go-\\nvernor, with the advice of the council, be sent for\\ntrial to any other colony, or to Great Britain an en-\\nactment which, in efl ect, conferred impunity on the\\nofficers of the crown, however odious might be their\\nviolations of the law.\\nSome distinguished statesmen opposed these plans\\nof administration with great eloquence and zeal.\\nThe celebrated Burke declared that it was only op-\\npressive and unjust laws which the people had op-\\nposed that it was most unreasonable to condemn\\nthem without a hearing and that constitutional\\nprinciples were not to be settled by the military arm.\\nPownall observed, that it M as no longer a matter of\\nopinion with the citizens of Massachusetts that\\nthings had come to action that the Americans would\\nresist all attempts to coerce them, and were prepared\\nto do it and that if there should be a rebellion in\\nthat province, the question would be, who caused it 1\\nThe Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Rockingham,\\nand other peers, insisted that the charter was a solemn\\ncontract, which neither the king nor parliament could\\njustly annul or alter, without the consent of the sub-\\njects in Massachusetts, unless they had forfeited their\\nrights by an infraction of its provisions. Lord Chat-\\nham also opposed the.se plans of the administration\\nwith all his former energy and spirit; although at\\nthis time he was in such a debilitated state that he\\nseldom took part in the debates in parliament. He\\ndeclared himself most decidedly in favour of concilia-\\ntory measures for he was of opinion that the pro-\\nvince had been oppressed, and the liberties of the\\nsubject therein most flagrantly violated. He believed\\nthat just measures on the part of ministers would\\nquiet the colonies, and restore harmony b(;tween them\\nand the parent state. He denounced the proposed\\nsystem as unconstitutional and tyrannical, and pre-\\ndicted that the people of Massachusetts would never\\nsubmit to such palpable and repeated violations of\\ntheir political rights. Colonel Barre also addressed\\nthe ministry on the last bill, in the following bold\\nand energetic language You have changed your\\nground. You are becoming the aggressors, and of-\\nfering the last of human outrages to the people of\\ni America, by subjecting them to military execution.\\nInstead of sending them the olive branch, you have\\nsent the naked sword. By the olive branch, I mean\\na repeal of all the late laws, fruitless to you, and\\noppressive to them. Ask their aid in a constitu-\\ntional manner, and they will give it to the utmost of\\ntheir ability. They never yet refused it, when pro-\\nperly required. Your journals bear the recorded ac-\\nknowledgments of the zeal with which they have con-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\niribnted to the general necessities of the state. What\\nmadness is it that prompts you to attempt obtainino-\\nthat by force, which you may more certainly procure\\nby requisition They may be flattered into any\\nthing, but they are too much like yourselves to be\\ndriven. Have some indulr,rence for your own like-\\nness respect theii sturdy English virtue; retract\\nyour odious exertions of authority and remember,\\nthat the first step toward making them contribute to\\nyour wants, is to reconcile them to your crovernment.\\nThese measures of the British ministry originated\\npartly in mistaken views of the opinionsand temper\\nof the people. Great misrepresentations had been\\nmade for several years to the administration in\\nEngland, respecting the state of the colonies. It was\\ndeclared by the officers of the crown and some other\\nindividuals, that it was only a few ambitious persons\\nwho objected to the policy of the parent state,, while\\nthe friends and agents of the people were not\\npermitted to be heard in their attempts to show the\\ngeneral dissatisfaction. It is also true that Lord\\nNorth, and several other members of the British\\ncabinet at this period, possessed high notions of the\\nsupremacy of parliament, and of the sovereign power\\nof the king the more correct and just principles of\\ncivil liberty, recognised in 1689, and still received by\\nmany eminent statesmen in England, were not in\\nfashion with the court party. Assuming the doctrine\\nof the supreme and unlimited authority of parliament\\nover all parts of the empire, (which, in a certain\\nsense, restricted and qualified, however, by great\\nconstitutional principles, had been generally admitted\\nin the colonies,) ministers insisted that the power of\\nthe parent government was entirely without control\\nand contended for the legitimacy of measures which\\n(he patriots in both countries considered most arbitrary,\\nand wholly destructive of the liberties of the subject.\\nWith these views of government, they maintained that\\nany measures were justifiable for supporting the\\nauthority of the king and parliament and they\\ncalculated upon bringing the refractory and disaffect-\\ned to ready submission by severity and force. It will\\nsoon be apparent, however, that it was not a faction\\nm Boston by which opposition was kept alive in\\nAmerica; and that through this and the other\\nprovinces but one sentiment prevailed as to the\\noppressive and arbitrary conduct of the parent\\ngovernment, and one determination to oppose and\\nprevent the continuance of such a system of policy.\\nNotwithstanding these successive measures, from\\nwhich such important results were professedly ex-\\npected, it is evident that the goveyiment entertained\\nsemjus apprehensions that an appeal to arms was by\\n211\\nno means improbable. The English cabinet souffht,\\ntherefore, to ingratiate themselves with the newly\\nacquired province of Canada, and the proceedings\\nthey adopted with this view appear to have been the\\nonly measures which were characterized by the slight-\\nest indications of wisdom. The Canadian noblesse had\\nenjoj^ed great authority under the dominion of their\\nnative country, and they had recently been complain-\\ning of the abridgment of their privileges, while the\\ninhabitants, who were chiefly catholic, had Icen\\nviewing with jealousy the superior privileges of the\\nproteslants Lord North, therefore, did not suffer\\nthe session to close without introducing a bill calcu-\\nlated to insure the affections of the Canadians. It\\nerected a legislative council, nominated by the crown,\\non whom very extensive powers were conferred,\\nwhich was highly gratifying to the Canadian nobility\\nthe catholic clergy were established in their privileo-es,\\nand a perfect equality between tlieir religion and that\\nof protestants was established the French laws\\nwere confirmed, and tiinl without jury permittfid in\\nall except criminal cases. To afford a wider field\\nfor ministerial manoeuvres, the limits of the province\\nof Quebec were extended to the river Ohio. To\\nthese prudent concessions to the sentiments of the\\nCanadians may be attributed, in a great measure, the\\nsingular fact of their remaining attached to the\\nBritish government during the revolutionary contest,\\nwhen it might not unreasonably have been antici-\\npated that they would have been the first to throw\\noff a foreign yoke, and declare their independence.\\nAs a measure indicative of a determination to con-\\nduct the proceedings against the refractory colonists\\nwith the utmost vigour. General Gage was appointed,\\nwith powers of th^e most unlimited extent, to super-\\nsede Governor Hutchinson. The offices of governor\\nof the province of Massachusetts and commander of\\nI his majesty s forces in America were united in hi,\u00c2\u00ab\\nperson. The intelligence of the passing of the Boston\\nI port bill had preceded General Gage a few days.\\nThe new governor, though it appeared that he\\nentertained serious apprehensions of some disorderly\\nor disrespectful conduct on the part of the people,\\nwas received by them with every mark of civility.\\nHe had soon occasion to perceive, however, that their\\npohteness to him did not proceed from any fear of his\\nauthority, or from any relaxation in their purposes\\nof resistance. On the day after his arrival, the\\ngeneral court having been dissolved by the late\\ngovernor, a town-meeting was convened and very\\nnumerously attended. They declared and resolved,\\nBotta, edit. Franc, vol. i. p. 270.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "412\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThat the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and\\ncruelty of the act, exceed all their powers of expres-\\nsion and, therefore, they say, we leave it to the\\ncensure of others, and appeal to God and the world.\\nThey also declared it as their opinion, that, if the\\nother colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all\\nimportations from, and exportation to. Great Britain,\\nand every part of the West Indies, till the act be re-\\npealed, the same would prove the salvation of North\\nAmerica and her liberties.\\nThe idea was probably entertained by the British\\nministry, that the other colonies would be inclined\\nrather to avail themselves of the commercial advan-\\ntages which the closing of one of the chief sea-ports\\nwould open to them, than to make common cause\\nwith Boston, at the hazard of incurring a similar\\npenalty. In this instance, as in most others, the go-\\nvernment made a great miscalculation of the American\\ncharacter. The several colonies lost no time in ex-\\npressing the deepest sympathy for the sufferings of\\nthe inhabitants of Boston, and in contributing to their\\npecuniary necessities, as well as in affording them\\nmoral countenance. In this patriotic course Virginia\\ntook the lead her house of burgesses was in session\\nwhen the act arrived, and they proceeded to pass an\\norder, which, for the sentiments it expresses, well de-\\nserves to be introduced at length.\\nTnesdai/, the 2\\\\th of May, 14 Geo. III. 1774.\\nThis house being deeply impressed with appre-\\nhension of the great dangers to be derived to British\\nAmerica, from the hostile invasion of the city of Boston,\\nin our sister colony of Massachusetts Bay, whose\\ncommerce and harbour are, on the first day of June\\nnext, to be stopped by an armed force, deem it highly\\nnecessary that the said first day t)f June next be set\\napart by the members of this house, as a day of fasting,\\nhumiliation, and prayer, devoutly to implore the Di-\\nvine interposition for averting the heavy calamity\\nwhich threatens destruction to our civil rights, and\\nthe evils of civil war to give us one heart and one\\nmind, firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means,\\nThe Boston port bill, says Mr. auincy, in his celebrated\\nobser\\\\ ations on the act, \u00e2\u0096\u00a0condemns a whole town unheard, nay,\\nuncited to answer; involves thousands in ruin and misery, without\\nthesufrj^cstion of any crime by them committed; and it is so consti-\\ntuted, that enormous pains and penalties must ensue, notwithstand-\\ning the most perfect obedience to its injunctions. The destruction\\nof the tea, which toolc place without any illegal procedure of the\\ntown, is the only alleged ground of consigning thousands of its in-\\nhabitants to ruin, misery, and despair. Those charged with the\\nmost aggravated crimes arc not ptinishablc, till arraigned before\\ndisinterested judges, heard in their own defence, and found guilty\\nof the charge; but here a whole people are accused, prosecuted by\\nihey know not whom, tried they know not when, proved guilty\\nthey know not how, and sentenced to suffer inevitable ruin. Their\\nhard fate cannot be averted by the most servile submission, the\\nevery injury to American rights and that the minds\\nof his majesty and his parliament may be inspired\\nfrom above with wisdom, moderation, and justice, to\\nremove from the loyal people of America all cause of\\ndanger, from a continued pursuit of measures pregnant\\nwith their ruin.\\nOrdered, therefore. That the members of this\\nhouse do attend in their places, at the hour of ten in\\nthe forenoon, on the said first day of June next, in\\norder to proceed with the speaker and the mace to the\\nchurch in this city, for the purposes aforesaid and\\nthat the Rev. Mr. Price be appointed to read prayers,\\nand to preach a sermon suitable to the occasion.\\nIn consequence of this order. Governor Dunmore\\non the following day dissolved the house, with this\\nbrief speech\\nMr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the house of\\nburgesses I have in my hand a paper published by\\norder of your house, conceived in such terms as reflect\\nhighly upon his majesty and the parliament of Great\\nBritain, which makes it necessary to dissolve you,\\nand you are dissolved accordingly.\\nTiie members immediately withdrew to the Raleigh\\ntavern, where they formed themselves uito a commit-\\ntee to consider of the most expedient and necessary\\nmeasures to guard against the encroachments which\\nso glaringly threatened them, and immediately adopted\\nthe following spirited declaration\\nAn association, signed by eighty-nine members\\nof the late house of burgesses. We, his majesty s\\nmost dutiful and loyal subjects, the late representatives\\nof the good people of this countjry, having been de-\\nprived, by the sudden interposition of the executive\\npart of this government, from giving our countrymen\\nthe advice we wished to convey to them, in a legisla-\\ntive capacity, find ourselves under the hard necessity\\nof adopting this, the only method we have left, of\\npointing out to our countrymen such measures as, in\\nour opinion, are best fitted to secure our dear rights and\\nliberty from destruction, by the heavy hand of power\\nnow lifted against North America. With much grief\\nmost implicit obedience to this statute. The first intimation of itj\\nwas on the 1 0th of May, and it took place on the 1st of June,\\nthence to continue in full force, till it shall sufficiently appear to\\nhis majesty, that lull satisfaction hath been made by, or in behalf\\nof the inhabitants of Boston, to the East India Company, for the\\ndamage sustained bv the destruction of their tea and until it shall\\nbe certified to his majesty, by the governor or lieutenant-governor\\nof the province, that reasonable satisfaction has been made to the*\\nofficers of the revenue and others, for the riots and insurrections\\nmentioned in it. So short a space is given for staying the torrent\\nof threatened evils, that the subject, though exerting his utmost\\nenergy, must be overwhelmed and driven to madness by terms c*\\ndeliverance, whict (^ny relief ti 1 hif ruin is inevitable. -Pitkin,\\nvol. i. p 270", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n213\\nwe find, that our dutiful applications to Great Britain\\nfor the security of our just, ancient, and constitution-\\nal rights, have been not only disregarded, but that a\\ndetermined system is formed and pressed, for reducing\\ntile inhabitants of British America to slavery, by sub-\\njecting tiiem to tiie payment of taxes, imposed with-\\nout the consent of the people or their representatives\\nand that, in pursuit of this system, we find an act of\\nthe British parliament, lately passed, for stopping the\\nharbour and commerce of the town of Boston, in our\\nsister colony of Massachusetts Bay, until the people\\nthere submit to the payment of such unconstitutional\\ntaxes and which act most violently and arbitrarily\\ndeprives them of their property, in wharves erected\\nby private persons, at their own great and proper ex-\\npense which act is, in our opinion, a most dangerous\\nattempt to destroy the constitutional liberty and rights\\nof all North America. It is further our opinion, that\\nas tea, on its importation into America, is charged\\nwith a duty imposed by parliament, for the purpose\\nof raising a revenue without the consent of the peo-\\nple, it ought not to be used by any person who wishes\\nwell to the constitutional rights and liberties of Bri-\\ntish America. And whereas the India Company\\nhtive ungenerously attempted the ruin of America, by\\nsendioff many ships loaded with tea into the colonies,\\nthereby intending to fix a precedent in favour of ar-\\nbitrary taxation, we deem it highly proper, and do\\naccordingly recommend it strongly to our countrymen,\\nnot to purchase or use any kind of East India com-\\nmodity whatsoever, except saltpetre and spices, until\\nthe grievances of America are redressed. We are\\nfurther clearly of opinion, that an attack made on one\\nof our sister colonies, to compel submission to arbitrary\\ntaxes, is an attack made on all British America, and\\nthreatens ruin to the rights of all, unless the united\\nwisdom of the whole be applied. And for this pur-\\npose it is recommended to the committee of correspon-\\ndence, that they cominunicate with their several cor-\\nresponding committees, on the expediency of appoint-\\ning deputies from the several colonies of British\\nAmerica, to meet in general congress, at such place,\\nannually, as shall be thought most convenient there\\nto deliberate on those general measures which the\\nunited interests of America may from time to time\\nrequire. A tender regard for the interest of our\\nfellow-subjects, the merchants and manufacturers of\\nGreat Britain, prevents us from going further at this\\ntime most earnestly hoping, that the unconstitutional\\nprinciple of taxing the colonies without their consent\\nA censure of this kind, under the circumstances of the times,\\nand by such a character, renders them more deserving of grateful\\nremembrance. They were, J. Bowdoin, S. Dexter, J. Winthrop,\\nwill not be persisted in, thereby to compel us, against\\nour -will, to avoid all commercial intercourse with\\nBritain. Wishing them and our people free and\\nhappy, we are their afiectionate friends, the late re-\\npresentatives of Virginia.\\nThe 27 Ih day of May, 1774.\\nTo give effect to the recommendation of a congiess\\non the part of this colony, delegates were shortly after\\nelected by the several counties, to meet at Williams-\\nburgh on the 1st of August following, to consider fur-\\nther of the state of public affairs, and, more particularly,\\nto appoint deputies to the aeueral congress, which\\nwas to be convened at Philadelphia on the 5th of\\nSeptember following. The clear, firm, and animated\\ninstructions given by the people of the several coun-\\nties to their delegates, evince the thorough knowledge\\nof the s:reat parliamentary question which now perva-\\nded the country, and the determined spirit of tl)e colo-\\nnists to resist the claim of British taxation.\\nSimilar expressions of determined opposition to the\\nport bill, and assurances of support to the disfranchi-\\nsed citizens of Boston, were made wherever the act\\nbecame known. In some places it was printed upon\\nmourning paper, and hawked about tlie streets in\\nothers it was publicly burned, with every demon-\\nstration of abhorrence. At New York there was a\\nconsiderable struggle between the friends of administra-\\ntion and the friends of liberty, but the latter at length\\nprevailed by the influence and management of two\\nindividuals, who had on several occasions manifested\\ngreat activity and zeal in their opposition to the ob-\\nnoxious measures of the ministry. Addresses were\\nalso sent from Pennsylvania, the Carolinas, and some\\nother provinces, to the committee of Boston, assuring\\nthemof support, and deciaringthatthey considered the\\ncause of Boston as the common cause of the country\\nWith all these assurances of support and assistance,\\nof sympathy and affection, from their sister colonies,\\nthere was still a fearful foreboding in the hearts of\\nthe members of the general court, when they as. ^em-\\nbled at Boston on the 2.5th of May. Nor was this\\napprehension lessened by the first official acte of their\\nnew governor. At the opening of the court he gave\\nthe representatives notice, that, in a few days, he\\nshould remove them to Salem; and he also gave his\\nnegative to thirteen of the council chosen by the\\nassembly.* The representatives of the people at this\\ncritical juncture did not shrink from the high and\\nimperative dtities which devolved upon them in delcnce\\nof political freedom. They had been selected under\\nT Danielson, B. Austin, W. Phillips, M. Farley, J. Prescott, J.\\nAdams, N. ttuincy, J. Bowers, E. Freeman, and J Foster -Brad\\nford, p. 327.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "214\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe belief that a most important crisis was approach-\\ning. They adopted resolutions, recommending to\\nthe citizens of Boston to be firm and patient, to the\\npeople through the province to assist their brethren\\nin the metropolis, and to all to refrain entirely from\\nthe use of British goods, and of other foreign articles\\nsubject to a duty conceiving this to be a lawful and\\nmost efficient means of convincing the parent govern-\\nment of their opposition to the recent oppressive mea-\\nsiires, and of prevailing on ministers to relax in their\\narbitrary and severe conduct towards Massachusetts.\\nThey also requested the governor to appoint a day\\nfor public religious worship and \u00e2\u0096\u00a0pva.yer. And as he\\ndeclined doing it, they recommended the observance\\nof a particular day for that solemn service, in imitation\\nof their pious ancestors, who, on all occasions of pub-\\nlic distress and danger, humbly sought to the Almighty\\nfor guidance and protection. But the most important\\nmeasure adopted at this eventful period, and in pre-\\nparing which a large committee was occupied through\\nthe greater part of the session, was that of choosing\\nfive members of the house as delegates to a general\\ncontinental congress and of giving immediate inform-\\nation thereof to all the other colonies, with a request\\ntliat they would appoint deputies for the same purpose.\\nA measure of this kind had been already suggested,\\nboth in Massachusetts and in several of the other co-\\nlonies, but nothing definite or decisive had been done\\nnor had any committees or deputies been elected with\\nthis design.* The patriots in this province were\\nconvinced that the time had arrived for a more effi-\\ncient and united stand in defence of their rights.\\nThey did not, however, even now, contemplate inde-\\npendence but they were resolved to show the British\\nministry that a determination prevailed through all\\nthe colonies to oppose their abitrary and oppressive\\nplans of governing America hopinsr, probably, for a\\nnew administration, whose views would be more con-\\nciliatory and just. The preamble to the resolutiont\\nfor choosing delegates to meet in a general congress\\nstates concisely the reason which induced the house to\\nadopt thiSi important measure. It was as follows\\nTliis house, having duly considered, and being\\ndeeply affected with the unhappy diflerences which\\nhave lono- subsisted and are increasing between Great\\nBritain and the American colonies, are of opinion, that\\na meeting of committees from the several colonies on\\ntills continent is highly expedient and necessary, to\\nconsult upon the present state of the country, and the\\nThe proceedings of the delegates in Virginia, already referred\\nto, were a few days subsequent to those of the general court of\\nMar.sachusetts.\\nt The lesolulioQ was adopted by a vote of one hundred jmj six-\\nmiseries to which we are and must be reduced by the\\noperation of certain acts of parliament and to deli-\\nberate and determine upon wise and proper measures,\\nto be by them recommended to all the colonies, for\\nthe recovery and establishment of our just rights and\\nliberties, civil and religious and the restoration of\\nunion and harmony between Great Britain and Ameri-\\nca, which is most ardently desired by all good men.\\nWhile the house were engaged in considering this\\nmeasure, the governor received notice of their design\\nfrom one of the members politically attached to him,\\nand immediately directed that they should be dis-\\nsolved. The door-keeper was ordered to admit no\\nperson into the house but soon after the secretary\\nproceeded, by his excellency s command, to the dooi\\nof the room in which the representatives were sittins,\\nand read a proclamation for dissolving the assembly;\\nand when the resolutions were adopted respecting the\\ndelegates to congress, and an order was passed for\\ntheir compensation, the house separated. In this\\nmeasure, it was easy to perceive the commencement\\nof a general and open opposition to the parent go-\\nvernment which, without either a great change in\\nthe policy of the English cabinet, or servile submis-\\nsion on the part of the colonies, through an appre-\\nhension of a more wretched condition under a pow\\nerful military force, woTild produce a struggle, to be\\ndetermined only by superior physical power.\\nThe two last of the coercive enactments of the\\nBritish legislature, did not reach Boston till July.\\nBy one, the governor alone was authorized to appoint\\nall civil officers and by the other, the counsellors\\nwere to be selected by the king and his ministers in\\nEngland. A list of those appointed was soon made\\nknown, and gave great dissatisfaction, as they were\\nthe most unpopular characters in the province. To\\nadd to the anxiety which now pervaded every breast,\\na large military force was ordered into the province,\\nan act of parliament having been passed, which di-\\nrected the governor to provide quarters for them in\\nany town he might choose. Thus the charter, the\\npalladium of their rights and privileges, under the\\nshelter of which they had formerly felt themselves\\nsafe, at least from systematic tyranny, was wantonly\\nviolated by the arbitrary will of a favourite minister.\\nThey were to be governed entirely by strangers, and\\nthose in whom they had no confidence and foreign\\nmercenaries were provided to stifle the murmurs oc-\\ncasioned by oppression, and to check the efforts of a\\nteen to twelve, and the following distinguished citizens, whose\\ntalents and patriotism placed them high in tht esteem and confi-\\ndece of the people, were then appointed T. Gushing, S, Adams,\\nR. T. Paine, J. Bowdoin, and J. Adams.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n2Io\\ngenerous patriotism, Vhich ministerial threats had\\nnot been able to silence or prevent. The intelligent\\ncitizens, who composed the committees of correspond-\\nence, and others distinguished by their activity and\\nfirmness, were openly tin eatened by the servile tools\\nof despotism, and marked out as victims to appease a\\ntyrannical administration. But, happily for their\\ncountrymen, and happily for posterity, they were not\\nmoved from their high purpose by the menaces of the\\ncorrupt or powerful. Satisfied of the justice of their\\ncause, they resolved to attempt every thing, and ha-\\nzard every thing for its support.\\nIt had besn agreed by the delegates which had\\nnow been appointed by most of the colonies, that they\\nshould meet in general congress in September and\\nthe desire to await the result of its determinations pre-\\nvented any violent proceedings during the interim\\nwhile, however, great attention was given by the in-\\nhabitants to military discipline. Independent compa-\\nnies were formed, who elected their own ofiicers, many\\nof whom had served during the French war, and were\\nwell able to instruct their pupils in military tactics.\\nOn the other hand. General Gage was no less active\\nin adopting measures calculated, in his estimation, to\\noverawe the inhabitants, and to deter them from\\nhaving recourse to force. With this view, although\\nostensibly for the purpose of preventing desertion, he\\nfortified the isthmus which connects Boston with the\\nmain land, called Boston Neck, the only entrance by\\nland into the town of Boston, and therefore the only\\nroute by which, according to the port bill, the mer-\\nchants and traders could carry on their business.\\nThis measure, however, served only the more to ex-\\nasperate the people, and the subsequent seizure of the\\ngunpowder at Charlestown, added to their alarm.\\nBefore day-break, on the 1st of September, General\\nGage despatched a party of soldiers to bring into his\\nown custody a cpiantity of provincial powder from\\nthe arsenal at Charlestown. Immediat ly this trans-\\naction became generally known the inhabitants of\\nthe neighbouring towns flew to arms, and agreed on\\nCambridge as a general rendezvous and it was with\\ngreat difficulty that they were dissuaded, by their more\\nprudent leaders, from marching at once to Boston, to\\nrequire the restoration of the powder, or, in case of\\nrefusal, to attack the garrison. Their presence at\\nCambridge, however, induced several gentlemen to\\nresign their appointments as counsellors under the\\nlate act of parliament, and to declare they would not\\ntake any part in carrying into execution the obnox-\\nious measures of the ministry. Before the agitation\\nBradford s History from 1764 to 1775, p. 332.\\n28\\noccasioned by this movement was tranquillized, a ru-\\nmour was, probably not without design, rapidly cir-\\nculated throughout the whole province, that the gar-\\nrison and fleet were firing on the town of Boston\\nand in a few hours between thirty and forty thousand\\nmen, of all arms, were in motion towards the capital;\\nand althouffh they retired when satisfied of the falsity\\nof the rumour, the readiness with which so powerful\\na demonstration of physical force was efl!ected, gave\\nadditional boldness to the leaders of the patriotic\\ncause.\\nIt was under the excitement of these circumstances\\nthat, in defiance of the act of parliament, and the go-\\nvernor s proclamation founded upon it, prohibiting\\npublic assemblies, the county of Suflblk, of whicli\\nBoston was the capital, elected delegates to meet for\\nthe purpose of taking into consideration the most\\nproper course to be adopted in the present state of af-\\nfairs. With a boldness and decision surpassing that\\nof any former assembly, they passed resolutions de-\\nclaring themselves constitutionally exempt from all\\nobedience to the late measures of the British parlia-\\nment, that the government of the province was in\\nfact dissolved, and that they should consider all per-\\nsons who dared to act in any official capacity under\\nthe new regulations as open enemies of their country.\\nThey sent a copy of their resolutions, and of their\\nletter to the governor, with his answer, to the gene-\\nral congress, upon whose judgment they rested the\\ndecision of their future conduct.\\nThis congress, which will ever be celebrated in\\nthe page of history, and held sacred in the annals of\\nliberty, met at Philadelphia, on the 5th of September.\\nRepresentatives from eleven of the colonies were\\npresent at the opening, and those from North Caro-\\nlina arrived shortly after Georgia alone having de-\\nmurred to send delegates. Peyton Randolph, of\\nVirginia, was elected president, and Charles Thomp-\\nson, of Philadelphia, secretary and after a brief\\ncontroversy on the mode of voting, which resulted in\\nthe determination that each province should have\\nonly one vote, whatever number of delegates might\\nbe present, the assembly proceeded to business with\\nall the solemnity of an organized legislature. The\\nmost eminent men of the various colonies were now,\\nfor the first time, brought together. They were\\nknown to each other by fame, but they were person-\\nally strangers. The meeting was awfully solemn.\\nThe object which had called them together was of\\nincalculable mnsrnitude. The liberties of no less\\nthan three millions of people, with that of all their\\nposterity, were staked on the wisdom and energy of\\ntheir councils. No wonder, then, at the long and", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "216\\nHISTORY OF THE UiSTTED STATES.\\ndeep silence wliich is said to have followed upon\\ntheir organization at the anxiety with which the\\nmembers looked round upon each other and the reluc-\\ntance which every individual felt to open a business\\nso fearfully momentous. In the midst of this deep\\nand death-like silence, and just when it was begin-\\nning to becorne painfully embarrassing, Mr. Henry\\narose slowly, as if borne down by the weight of the\\nsubject. After faltering, according to his habit,\\nthrough a most impressive exordium, in which he\\nmerely echoed back llie consciousness ofevery other\\nheart, in deploring his inability to do justice to the\\noccasion, he launched gradually into a recital of the\\ncolonial wrongs. Rising, as he advanced, with the\\ngrandeur of his subject, and glowing at length with\\nall the majesty of the occasion, his speech seemed\\nmore than that of mortal man. Mr. Henry was\\nfollowed by Mr. Richard Henry Lee, in a speech\\nscarcely less powerful, and still more replete with\\nclassic eloquence. One spirit of ardent love of liber-\\nty pervaded every breast, and produced a unanimity\\nas advantageous to the cause they advocated, as it\\nwas unexpected and appalling to their adversaries.\\nOne of the first acts of this assembly was the\\nappointment of a committee, consisting of two from\\neach colony, to state the rights of the colonies in\\ngeneral, the several instances in which those rights\\nhad been violated, and the means most proper to\\nbe pursued for obtaining a restoration of them.\\nWhile these important subjects were before the com-\\nmittee, the proceedings of the delegates of the county\\nof Suffolk, to which we have before alluded, were\\nlaid before congress and on the 8th of October that\\nassembly adopted the following resolutions\\nResolved, That this congress do approve of the\\nopposition made by the inhabitants of Massachusetts\\nBay to the execution of the late acts of parliament\\nand if the same shall be attempted to be carried into\\nexecution by force, in such case all America ought\\nto support them in their opposition.\\nResolved, That it is the opinion of this body,\\nthat the removal of the people of Boston into the\\ncountry, would be not only extremely difficult in tlie\\nexecution, ITut so important in its consequences as\\nto require the utmost deliberation before it is adopt-\\ned. But in case the provincial meeting of that\\ncolony shall judge it absolutely necessary, it is the\\nopinion of this congress, that all America ought to\\ncontribute towards recompensing them for the injury\\nthey may thereby sustain and it will be recom-\\nmended accordingly.\\nWirt s Life of Henry, p. 105, 106.\\nResolved, That this congress do recommend to\\nthe inhabitants of the colony of Massachusetts Bay,\\nto submit to a suspension of the administration of\\njustice, when it cannot be procured in a legal and\\npeaceable manner, under the rules of the charter, and\\nthe laws founded thereon, until the eifects of our ap-\\nplication for a repeal of the acts, by which their\\ncharter rights are infringed, is known.\\nResolved, unanimously, That every person or\\npersons whosoever, who shall take, accept, or act\\nunder any commission or authority, in any wise de-\\nrived from the act passed in the last session of parlia-\\nment, changing the formof government and violating\\nthe charter of the province of Massachusetts Bay,\\nought to be held in detestation and abhorrence by all\\ngood men, and considered as the wicked tools of that\\ndespotism which is preparing to destroy those rights\\nwhich God, nature, and compact, have given to\\nAmerica.\\nThe congress proceeded with great deliberation\\nits debates were held with closed doors, and the\\nhonour of each member was solemnly engaged not\\nto disclose any of the discussions till such disclosure\\nwas declared advisable by the majority. It was not\\ntill the 14th of October that the following: series of\\nresolutions, which may be regarded as their grand\\ndeclaration of rights and of grievances, was passed\\nand promulgated. To abridge or analyze them\\nwould be an equal injustice to the memory of their\\nauthors, and to the fidelity of history we therefore\\npresent them entire.\\nResolved, unanimously, That the inhabitants of\\nthe English colonies in North America, by the immu-\\ntable laws of nature, the principles of the English\\nconstitution, and the several charters or compacts,\\nhave the following rights\\n1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and pro-\\nperty and they have never ceded to any foreign\\npower whatever a right to dispose of either without\\ntheir consent.\\n2. That our ancestors, who first settled these\\ncolonies, were, at the time of their emigration from\\nthe mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties,\\nand immunities of free and natural-born subjects with-\\nin the realm of England.\\n3. That by sAch emigration they by no means\\nforfeited, surrendered, or lost, any of those rights,\\nbut that they were, and their descendants now are,\\nentitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of\\nthem as their local and other circumstances enable\\nthem to exercise and enjoy.\\n4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of\\nall free governments, is a right in the people to parti-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n217\\ncipate in their legislative council and as the English\\ncolonists are not represented, and from their local and\\nother circumstances cannot properly be represented,\\nin the British parliament, they are entitled to a free\\nand exclusive power of legislation in their several\\nprovincial legislatures, where their right of represent-\\nation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation\\nand internal policy, subject only to the negative of\\ntheir sovereign, in such manner as has been hereto-\\nfore used and accustomed. But from the necessity\\nof the case, and a regard to the mutual interest of\\nboth countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation\\nof such acts of the British parliament as are, bo?ta\\nfide, restrained to the regulation of our external com-\\nmerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial\\nadvantages of the whole empire to the mother coun-\\ntry, and the commercial benefit of its respective mem-\\nbers excluding every idea of taxation, internal or\\nexternal, for raising a reveime on the subjects in\\nAmerica, without their consent.\\n5. That the respective colonies are entitled to the\\ncommon law of England, and, more especially, to the\\ngreat and inestimable privilege of being tried by their\\npeers of the vicinity, according to the course of that\\nlaw.\\n6. That they are entitled to the benefit of such\\nof the English statutes as existed at the time of their\\ncolonization, and which they have, by experience, re-\\nspectively found to be applicable to their several local\\nand other circumstances.\\n7. That these, his majesty s colonies, are like-\\nwise entitled to all the immunities and privileges\\ngranted and confirmed to them by royal charters, or\\nsecured by their several codes of provincial laws.\\n8. That they have a right peaceably to assemble,\\nconsider of their grievances, and petition the king\\nand that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations,\\nand commitments, for the same, are illegal.\\n9. That the keeping a standing army in these\\ncolonies, in times of peace, without the consent of the\\nlegislature of that colony in which such army is\\nkept, is against law.\\n10. It is indispensably necessary to good govern-\\nment, and rendered essential by the English constitu-\\ntion, that the constituent branches of the legislature\\nbe independent of each other that therefore the ex-\\nercise of leofislative power, in several colonies, by a\\ncouncil appointed during, pleasure by the crown, is\\nunconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the\\nfreedom of American legislation.\\nAll and each of which the aforesaid deputies, in\\nbehalf of themselves and their constituents, do claim,\\ndemand, and insist on, as their indubitable rights and\\nliberties, which cannot be legally taken from them,\\naltered, or abridged, by any power whatever, withoni\\ntheir consent, by their representatives in their several\\nprovincial legislatures.\\nIn the course of our inquiry, they proceed to\\nsay, we find many infringements and violations ol\\nthe foregoing rights, which, from an ardent desire that\\nharmony and nmtual intercourse of aflection and in-\\nterest may be restored, we pass over for the present,\\nand proceed to state such acts and measures as have\\nbeen adopted since the last war, which demonstrate\\na system formed to enslave America.\\nResolved, That the following acts of parliament\\nare infringements and violations of the rights of the\\ncolonists, and that the repeal of them is essentially\\nnecessary, in order to restore harmony between Great\\nBritain and the American colonies viz. the several\\nacts of 4 Geo. III. c. 15 and 34, 5 Geo. III. c. 25, G\\nGeo. HI. c. 52, 7 Geo. HI. c. 41 and 4G, 8 Geo. HI.\\nc. 22, which impose duties for the purpose of raising\\na revenue in America, extend the power of the admi-\\nralty courts beyond their ancient limits, deprive the\\nAmerican subject of trial by jury, authorize the judgeV\\ncertificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages\\nthat he might be otherwise liable to, requiring op.\\npressive security from a claimant of ships and goods\\nseized before he shall be allowed to defend his pro-\\nperty and are subversive of American rights.\\nAlso, 12 Geo. HI. c. 24, entitled, An act for the\\nbetter securing his majesty s dock yards, magazines,\\nships, ammunition, and stores, which declares a new\\nofience in America, and deprives the American sub-\\nject of a constitutional trial by jury of the vicinage,\\nby authorizing the trial of any person, charged with\\nthe committing any offence described in the said act,\\nout of the realm, to be indicted and tried for the same\\nin any shire or county within the realm.\\nAlso, the three acts passed in the last session of\\nparliament, for stopping the port and blocking up the\\nharbour of Boston, for altering the charter and go-\\nvernment of Massachusetts Bay, and that which is\\nentitled, An act for the better administration of jus-\\ntice, (fee.\\nAlso, the act passed in the same session, for es-\\ntablishing the Roman Catholic religion in the pro-\\nvince of Quebec, abolishing the equitable system of\\nEnglish laws, and erecting a tyranny there, to the\\ngreat danger (from so total a dissimilarity of reli-\\ngion, law, and government) of the neighbourinn\\nBritish colonics, by the assistance of whose blood\\nand treasure the said country was conquered from\\nFrance.\\nAlso, the act passed in the same session, for the", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "218\\nHISTORY OF THE UMITED STATES.\\nbetter providing suitable quarters for officers and\\nsoldiers in his majesty s service in North America.\\nAlso, that the keeping a standing army in seve-\\nral of these colonies, in time of peace, without the\\nconsent of tlie legislature of tiiat colony in wJiich\\nsuch army is kept, is against law.\\nTo these grievous acts and measures, Americans\\ncannot submit but in hopes their fellow-subjects in\\nGreat Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to\\ntiiat state in wliich botli countries found happiness\\nand prosperity, we have, for the present, only resolved\\nto pursue the following peaceable measures 1. To\\nenter into a non-importation association 2. To pre-\\npare an address to the people of Great Britain, and a\\nmemorial to the inhabitants of British America and,\\n3. To prepare a loyal address to his majesty, agreea-\\nbly to resolutions already entered into.\\nAn agreement to abstain from commercial inter-\\ncourse with Great Britain, was signed by all tlie\\njiiembers of this congress. By this instrument they\\nwere bound not to import, directly or indirectly, any\\nfoods from Great Britain or Ireland, after the 1st of\\nDecember, 1774 and in case the acts complained of\\nshould not be repealed by the 10th of September, 1775,\\nthey agreed not to export to Great Britain, Ireland, or\\nthe West Indies, any commodities or merchandise\\nwhatever, except rice to. Europe. They at the same\\ntime agreed to encourage frugality, economy, and in-\\ndustry, and to promote the agriculture, arts, and ma-\\nnufactures of their own country, especially wool.\\nCommittees were to be appointed in every county,\\ncity, or town, to see that the agreement was observed;\\nand the names of the violators of it were to be pub-\\nlished in the gazettes, as enemies to the rights of\\nAmerica and in that case no dealings were to be had\\nwith them.\\nUpon the principles, and in the spirit of the pre-\\nceding resolutions, was composed an address to the\\npeople of Great Britain, as also one to the king a\\nstatement to the aggrieved colonies, and an address\\nto the inhabitants of Canada. These documents\\nwere drawn up with great ability. The gentlemen\\nselected from the several colonies for this memorable\\ncongress, were no less distinguished for their talents\\nthan their patriotism and when perusing these state\\npapers, no one can fail to regret that the speeches de-\\nlivered on that occasion, by such distinguished states-\\nmen and orators as John Adams, John Jay, Richard\\nHenry Lee, Patrick Henry, John Dickinson, Samuel\\nChase, John Rutledge, and many others of that illus-\\ntrious band of patriots, are lost to the world.\\nJournals of Congress, vol. i. p. 28\u00e2\u0080\u009430. Pitkin, vol. i. p. 285\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n288. Allen, vol. i. p. 210.\\nIn their address to the people of Great Britain, lifter\\nenumerating the several acts of parliament deemed to\\nbe violations of their rights, they appeal, with peculiar\\nforce of language, to the generosity, to the virtue, and\\nto the justice of the nation, for relief You have\\nbeen told, say they, tliat we are seditious, impatient\\nof government, and desirous of independency. Be\\nassured that these are not facts, but calumnies. Per-\\nmit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever\\nesteem a imion with you to be our greatest glory, and\\nour greatest happiness we shall ever be ready to\\ncontribute all in our power to the welfare of the\\nwhole empire we shall consider your enemies as our\\nenemies, and your interest as our own. But if you\\nare determined that your ministers shall wantonly\\nsport with the rights of mankind if neither the voice\\nof justice, the dictates of the law, the principles of the\\nconstitution, or the suggestions of humanity, can re-\\nstrain your hands from shedding human blood in svich\\nan impious cause, we must then tell you, that we will\\nnever submit to be hewers of wood or drawers of\\nwater for any ministry or nation in the world.\\nThe address of congress to the king was couclird\\nin language respectful, and even alfectionate nor is\\nthere any just ground to suspect its authors of hy-\\npocrisy they liad not yet been driven to familiarize\\nthemselves with the idea of separation from the Bri-\\ntish crown. One extract will afibrd a specimen of\\nthat union of firmness and affection which pervades\\nthe whole. Permit us, then, most gracious sove-\\nreign, in the name of all your faithful people in Ame-\\nrica, with the utmost hrmiility, to implore you, for the\\nhonour of Almighty God, whose pure religion our\\nenemies are undermining for your glory, which can\\nbe advanced only by rendering your subjects happy,\\nand keeping them united for the interests of your\\nfamily, depending on an adherence to the principles\\nthat enlhroncd it for the safety and welfare of your\\nkingdoms and dominions, threatened with almost un-\\navoidable dangers and distresses that your majesty,\\nas the loving father of your whole people, connected\\nby the same bonds of law, loyalty, faith, and blood,\\nthough dwelling in various countries, will not suffer\\nthe transcendent relation formed by these ties to be\\nfurther violated, in uncertain expectations of eHects\\nthat, if obtained, never can compensate for the ca-\\nlamities through which they must be gained.\\nIn their address to the inhabitants of Quebec, con-\\ngress endeavoured to convince them that the late act\\nrespecting that province had deprived them of many\\nof their rights and privileges, and to persuade them\\nto unite in obtaining redress, as well as to join the\\nconfederacy while to the inhabitants of the ag-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n219\\ngrieved colonies they presented a detailed account of\\nthe violations of their rig-hts since the year 1763, as\\nwell as the reasons for the pacific mode of redress\\nadopted by them and concluded by observing,\\nFrom the detail of facts herein before recited, as\\nwell as from authentic intelligence rc ?feived, it is\\nclear beyond a doubt, that a resolution is ibrmed\u00e2\u0080\u009eand\\nnow carrying into execution, to extinguish the free-\\ndom of these colonies, by subjecting them to a des-\\npotic government.\\nFinally, they resolved upon the expediency of hold-\\ning another congress at the same place, on the 10th\\nof May, 1775, unless it should be rendered unneces-\\nsary by a previous redress of grievances. Having\\nthus completed their important transactions in a ses-\\nsion of fifty-two days, they dissolved themselves on\\nthe 26th of October.\\nA majority of tlie members of this congress had\\nlittle doubt that the measures taken by them, if sup-\\nported by the American people, would produce a re-\\ndress of grievances. Richard Henry Lee said to Mr.\\nAdams, We shall undoubtedly carry all our points.\\nYou will be completely relieved all the offensive acts\\nwill be repealed the army and fleet will be recalled\\nand Britain will give up her foolish projects. George\\nWashington was of opinion, that with the aid of both\\nthe non-importation and the non-exportation system,\\nAmerica would prevail. Patrick Henry concurred\\nin opinion with Mr. Adams, that the contest must ul-\\ntimately be decided by force.* The proceedings of\\nthis celebrated congress, the tone and temper of their\\nvarious resolutions, the style of their addresses, the\\ncomposition of the several papers that were drawn np\\nby them, v/ere in every particular calculated to excite\\nthe admiration of the world. That an assembly of\\nfifty-two meil, born and educated in the wilds of a\\nnew world, unpractised in the arts of polity, most\\nof them unexperienced in the arduous duties of legis-\\nlation, coming from distant aud distinct governments,\\ndilFering in religion, manners, customs, and habits, as\\nthey did in their views with regard to the nature of\\ntheir connexion with Great Britain that such an as-\\nsembly, so constituted, should display so much wis-\\ndom, sagacity, foresight, and knowledge of the world,\\nsuch skill in argument, such force of reasoning, such\\nfirmness and soundness of judgment, so profound an\\nacquaintance with the rights of man, such elevation\\nof sentiment, such genuine patriotism, and, above all,\\nsuch unexampled union of opinion, was indeed a po-\\nlitical phenomenon, to which history has yet furnish-\\ned no parallel. Nor is it less wonderful that the\\nPitkin s Political aud Civil History, vol. i. p. j^Ol.\\nwhole people of the colonies represented, should have\\nregarded the simple recommendations of this congress\\nwith the reverence and obedience due to the strongest\\nties of law. Even in those colonies where law and\\nauthority had been set at defiance, the injunctions of\\nthe congress were scrupulously obeyed. The whole\\ncountry was in that awful calm of expectation, which\\nprecedes the bursting of a storm. They were willing\\nto wait. the issue of their petitions, but ready to enforce\\ntheir rights at the risk of life. t\\nDuring the session of the congress most of the colo-\\nnies had adopted the plan of instituting provincial as-\\nsemblies, reg-ardless of their old form of government.\\nIn Massachusetts, General Gage had convoked a\\ngeneral court, to assemble at Salem, on the 5th of\\nOctober but events which subsequently transpired,\\ninduced him to issue a proclamation dissolving the\\nassembl/. The members, however, regarded that\\nproclamation was illegal, and met at Salem on the\\nday apfiointed. After waiting in vain the whole day\\nfor the governor s appearance to administer the oaths,\\nthey resolved themselves into a provincial congress,\\nand adjourned to Concord. After appointing John\\nHancock president, and addressing a communication\\nto the governor, they again adjourned, to meet at Cam-\\nbridge on the 17th. Here they appointed a committee\\nof safety, and a committee of supplies. They also vo-\\nted to enlist one fourth of the militia as minute-men, to\\nbe frequently drilled, and held in readiness for service\\nat a minute s warning and after appointing three\\ngeneral officers, they adjourned to the 23d of November.\\nIn the mean time the situation of the citizens of Boston\\nwas in every respect disagreeable General Gage, how-\\never, seemed to have no disposition to risk an imme-\\ndiate attack upon the Americans. His intention of\\nremaining quiet for the present was evinced by his de-\\nmand of materials for the construction of winter quar-\\nters for his men but so great was the general de-\\ntestation of him and his men, that he could procure\\nneither workmen, materials, clothing, nor provi-\\nsions.\\nBefore the close of the year the busy note of pre-\\nparation resounded through almost every colony.\\nThe Massachusetts committees were indefatigable in\\nproviding for the most vigorous defence in the spring.\\nThey had procured all sorts of military supplies for\\nthe service of twelve thousand men, and had engaged\\nthe assistance of the three neighbouring provinces of\\nNew Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut.\\nWhile these hostile preparations were proceeding\\nin America, the British monarch was meeting a new\\nt Allen s History of the American Revolution, vol. i. p. 223", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "220\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nparliament. Happily for the independence of America,\\nit proved equally servile, and it must be said equally\\npurblind, with its predecessor. The king informed\\nhis parliament, that a most daring resistance and dis-\\nobedience to the law still prevailed in Massachusetts,\\nand had broken out in fresh violences that these\\nproceedings had been countenanced and encouraged\\nin the other colonies, and that unwarrantable attempts\\nhad been made to obstruct the commerce of the king-\\ndom, by unlawful combinations and he expressed his\\nfirm determination to withstand every attempt to\\nweaken or impair the supreme authority of parlia-\\nment over all the dominions of the crown. Addresses\\nin answer to the speech, concurring in the sentiments\\nexpressed by the king, were carried in both houses,\\nby large majorities.\\nThe cabinet had determined on coercive measures,\\nin case the colonies persisted in their claims. Mr.\\nQuincy, not long after his arrival in England, had\\nan interview with Lord North, as well as Lord Dart-\\nmouth, at their special request. The former, on the\\n19th of November, in conversation on the subject of\\nAmerican affairs, reminded Mr. Q,uincy of the power\\nof Great Britain, and declared that they were deter-\\nmined to exert it to the utmost in order to effect the\\nsubmission of the colonies. We must try, said\\nhe, what we can do to support the authority we\\nclaim over America. If we are defective in power,\\nwe must sit down contented, and make the best terms\\nwe can and nobody can blame us after we have done\\nour utmost but till we have tried what we can do, we\\ncan never be justified in receding. Knowing the prin-\\ncipal object of Mr. Q,uincy s visit to England, it was\\nnot to be expected that the minister would use the\\nlanguage of concession to him, even if concession\\nwere intended but rather endeavour to impress him\\nwith the idea, that it would be impossible for the colo-\\nnies to resist with any prospect of success Mr.\\nQuincy, however, from information obtained from\\nother sources, as well as this conversation with the\\nprime minister, was convinced that the Americans\\nhad nothing to hope but from forcible resistance.\\nThis conviction was communicated to some of his\\nparticular friends in America. I cannot forbear\\ntelling you, says Mr. Q,uincy, in one of his letters\\nof this date, that I look to my countrymen with the\\nfeelings of one who verily believes they must yet seal\\ntheir faith and constancy to their liberties with\\nblood.\\nAfter the recess, parliament met on the 20th of\\nJanuary, and on the same day Lord Chatham moved,\\nThat an humble address be presented to his majesty,\\nmost humbly to advise and beseech his majesty, that,\\nin order to open the way towards our happy settle-\\nment of the dangerous troubles in America, by begin-\\nning to allay ferments and soften animosities there\\nand, above all, for preventing, in the mean time, any\\nsudden and fatal catastrophe at Boston, now suffering\\nunder dail) irritation of an army before their eyes,\\nposted in their town; it may graciously please his\\nmajesty that immediate orders may be despatched to\\nGeneral Gage for removing his majesty s forces from\\nthe town of Boston, as soon as the rigour of the sea-\\nson and other circumstances, indispensable to the\\nsafety and accommodation of the said troops, may ren-\\nder the same practicable. This motion was sup-\\nported by one of the most eloquent and impressive\\nspeeches ever delivered by that distinguished states-\\nman and orator. My lords, said that patriot peer,\\nthese papers from America, now laid by administra-\\ntion for the first time before your lordships, have been,\\nto my knowledge, five or six weeks in the pocket of\\nthe minister and, notwithstanding the fate of this\\nkingdom hangs upon tlie event of this great contro-\\nversy, we are but this moment called to a considera-\\ntion of this important subject. My lords, I do not\\nwish to look into one of these jjapers, I know their\\ncontents well enough already I know that there is\\nnot a member in this house but is acquainted with\\ntheir purport also. There ought, therefore, to be no\\ndelay in entering upon this matter we ought to pro-\\nceed to it immediately we ought to seize the first\\nmoment to open the door of reconciliation. The\\nAmericans will never be in a temper or state to be\\nreconciled they ought not to be, till the troops are\\nwithdrawn. The troops are a perpetual irritation to\\nthose people they are a bar to all confidence and all\\ncordial reconcilement. The way must be immedi-\\nately opened for reconciliation. It will soon be too\\nlate. I know not who advised the present measures\\nI know not who advises to a perseverance and en-\\nforcement of them but this I will say, that whoever\\nadvises them ought to answer for it at his utmost\\nperil. I know that no one will avow that he advised,\\nor that he was the author of these measures every\\none shrinks from the charge. But somebody has ad-\\nvised his majesty to these measures, and if he con-\\ntinues to hear such evil counsellors, his majesty will\\nbe undone his majesty may indeed wear his crown,\\nbut, the American jewel out of it, it will not be worth\\nthe wearing. What more shall I say I must not\\nsay the king is betrayed but this I will say, the\\nnation is ruined. What foundation have we for our\\nclaims over America What is our right to persist\\nin such cruel and vindictive measures against that\\nloyal, respectable people They saj you have no", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n221\\nright to tax them without their consent. They say-\\ntruly. Representation and taxation must go together\\nthey are inseparable. Yet there is scarcely a man\\nin our streets, though so poor as scarcely to be able\\nto get his daily bread, but thinks he is the legislator of\\nAmerica. Our American subjects is a common phrase\\nin the mouths of the lowest orders of our citizens but\\nproperty, my lords, is the sole and entire dominion of\\nthe owner it excludes all the world besides the owner.\\nNone can intermeddle with it. It is a unity, a mathe-\\nmatical point. It is an atom untangible by any but\\nthe proprietor. Touch it, and the owner loses his\\nwhole property. The touch contaminates the whole\\nmass, the whole property vanishes. The touch of\\nanother annihilates it for whatever is a man s own\\nis absolutely and exclusively his own. How have\\nthis respectable people behaved under their griev-\\nances With unexampled patience, with imparal-\\nleled wisdom. They chose delegates by their free\\nsuffrages no bribery, no corruption, no influence\\nthere, my lords. Their representatives meet with the\\nsentiments and temper, and speak the sense of the\\ncontinent. For srenuine sagacity, for singular mo-\\nderation, for solid wisdom, manly spirit, sublime sen-\\ntiments, and simplicity of language, for every thing\\nrespectable and honourable, the congress of Phila-\\ndelphia shine unrivalled. This wise people speak\\nont. They do not hold thi; language of slaves they\\ntell you what they mean. They do not ask you to\\nrepeal your laws as a favour they claim it as a\\nright they demand it. They tell you they will not\\nsubmit to tljem and I tell you the acts must be re-\\npealed they will be repealed you cannot enforce\\nthem. The ministry are checkmated they have a\\nmove to make on the board yet not a move, but\\nthey are ruined. Repeal, therefore, my lords, I say.\\nBut bare repeal will not satisfy this enlightened and\\nspirited people. What repeal a bit of paper repeal\\na piece of parchment That alone will not do, my\\nlords. You must so through the work you must\\ndeclare you have no right to tax then they may\\ntrust you then they will have some confidence in\\nyou. My lords, deeply impressed with the import-\\nance of taking some healing measures at this most\\nalarming, distracted state of our affairs, though bow-\\ned down with a cruel disease, I have crawled to this\\nhouse to give you my best counsel and experience;\\nand my advice is, to beseech his majesty to withdraw\\nhis troops. This is the best I can think of. It will\\nconvince America that you mean to try her cause, in\\nthe spirit, and by the laws of freedom and fair in-\\nquiry, and not by codes of blood. How can she now\\ntrust you, with the bayonet at her breast She has\\nall the reason in the world now to believe you mean\\nher death, or her bondage. Thus entered on the\\nthreshold of this business, I will knock at j^our gates\\nfor justice without ceasing, unless inveterate infirmi-\\nties stay my hand. My lords, I pledge myself never to\\nleave this business. I will pursue it to the end in\\nevery shape. I will never fail of my attendance on\\nit at every step and period of this great matter, unless\\nnailed down to my bed by the- severity of disease.\\nMy lords, there is no time to be lost; every moment\\nis big with dangers. Nay, while I am now speaking,\\nthe deci-sive blow may be struck, and millions invol-\\nA^ed in the consequences. The very first drop of\\nblood will make a wound that will not easily be skin-\\nned over. Years, perhaps ages, may not heal it. It\\nwill be immedicabilc vubnis a wound of that ran-\\ncorous, mialignant, corroding, festering nalure, that,\\nin all probability, it will mortify the whole body.\\nLet us, then, my lords, set to this business in earnest;\\nnot take it up by bits and scraps as formeily, just as\\nexigencies pressed, without any regard to general re-\\nlations, connexions, and dependencies. I would not.\\nby any thing I have said, my lords, be thoiight to en-\\ncourage America to proceed beyond the right line.\\nI reprobate all acts of violence by her mobility. But\\nwhen her inherent constitutional rights are invaded,\\nthose rights which she has an equitable claim to en-\\njoy by the fundamental laws of the English constitu-\\ntion, and which are engrafted thereon by the unaltera-\\nble laws of nature, then I own myself an American,\\nand feeling myself such, shall, to the verge of my life,\\nvindicate those rights against all men who strive to\\ntrample upon or oppose them.\\nLord Chatham s motion was seconded by Lord\\nCamden, who affirmed that whenever oppression\\nbegins, resistance becomes lawful and right and\\nit was ably supported by the Marquis cf Rockingham\\nand Lord Shelburne but, like all other motions\\nopposed to the views of the ministry, it was lost by a\\nlarge majority. The administration declared their\\ndetermination never to relax in their measures of\\ncoercion, until America was forced into obedience.\\nThis, however, did not prevent Lord Chatham from\\npresenting to the house, soon afterwards, a bill, con-\\ntaining his favourite plan for settling the troubles,\\nand for asserting the supreme legislative authority\\nand superintending power of Great Britain over the\\ncolonies. Though this bill, as it contained a direct\\navowal of the supreme authority of parliament over\\nthe colonies, in all cases except that of taxation, could\\nnever have received the assent of the Americans, yet,\\nas it expressly denied the parliamentary power of\\ntaxing the colonies, without the consent of their as-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "222\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nLord Chatham had shown this bill to Dr. Franldin, before he\\nsubmilled it to the house of lords, but the latler had not an oppor-\\ntunity of proposing certain alterations which he had sketched.\\nDr. Franklin, however, at the special request of Lord Chatham,\\nwas present at the debjtes upon it. Lord Dartmouth was at first\\ndisposed to have the bill lie upon the table but Lord Sandwich\\nopposed its being received, and moved that it be immediately re-\\njected with the contemjil it deserved. He could never believe, he\\nsaid, that it was the production of a British peer it appeared to\\nhim rather the work of some American. Turning his face to-\\nwards Dr. Franklin, then standing at the bar, He fancied, he\\nsaid, he had in his eye the person who drew it up, one of the\\nbitterest and most mischievous enemies this country had ever\\nknown. To this part of the speech of Lord Sandwich, the great\\nChathain replied, by saying, that it was entirely his own. This\\ndeclaration, he said, he thought himself the more obliged to\\nmake, as many of their lordships appeared to have so mean an\\nopinion of it for if it was so weak or so bad a thing, it was proper\\nin him to take care that no other person should unjustly share in\\nthe censure it deserved. It had been .heretofore reckoned his vice\\nnot to be apt to take advice but he made no scruple to declare,\\nsemblies, and made other concessions, it was rejected\\nby a large majority on its first reading.*\\nImmediately after the rejection of Lord Chatham s\\nbill, the minister proposed, in the house of commons,\\na joint addiess to the king on American afiairs. In\\nthis address, which was carried by large majorities,\\nparliament declared that Massachusetts was in a\\nstate of rebellion and that this colony had been sup-\\nported by unlawful- combinations and engagements\\nentered into by several of the other colonies, to the\\ngreat injury and oppression of his majesty s subjects\\nill Great Britain. Assuring his majesty of their\\ndetermination never to relinquish the sovereign au-\\nthority of the king and parliament over the colonies,\\nthey requested him to take the most effectual mea-\\nsures to enforce obedience to that authority, and pro-\\ninised him their support at the hazard of their lives\\nand property. Opposition to the address was matle\\nin both houses, but in vain. The king, in his an-\\nswer, declared his firm determination, in compliance\\nwith their request, to enforce obedience to the laws\\nand authority of the supreme legislature of the empire.\\nHis answer was followed by a message, requesting\\nan increase of his forces by sea and land. The\\nrestriction of the trade of the colonies, and a prohibi-\\ntion of the use of the fisheries, was also a part of the\\nministerial system of measures. The minister began\\nthis part of his system with Massachusetts, Connecti-\\ncut, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island, as being the\\nmost obstinate and refractory. On the 10th of Feb-\\nruary he presented a bill, which soon became a. law,\\nrestricting tlie trade of these colonies to Great Britain,\\nIreland, and the British West Indies, and prohibiting\\ntheir carrying on any fislieries on the banks of New-\\nfoundland, and other places, for a limited time and\\nthe same restrictions were soon after extended to all\\nthe colonies represented in the congress at Philadel-\\nI phia, with the exception of New York and North\\nCarolina. These bills were opposed by the minority\\nin both houses, as unjust and cruel towards the colo-\\nnists, involving the innocent with the guilty, and\\nunwise and impolitic in regard to the people of Great\\nBritain. By the loss of their foreign trade and the\\nfisheries, the colonists, it was said, particularly those\\nof New England, would be unable to pay the large\\nbalances due from them to the British merchants.\\nBut every argument, however just or reason\\nable, was urged in vain against the measures pro-\\nposed by the minister. An idea prevailed in Great\\nBritain, that the people of New England were depen-\\ndent on the fisheries for subsistence, and that, w+ien\\ndeprived of these, they would be starved into obe-\\ndience and submission.\\nIt would appear, that at this period there were\\nsome individuals in the confidence of the ministry\\nengaged in conferences with Dr. Franklin, having for\\ntheir object to ascertain whether terms of reconcilia-\\ntion could be devised. Dr. Franklin acted with his\\nusual prudence in this affair, as was very manifest\\nin the title of the plan he sketched for the persons\\nwho consulted him, which he termed, Hints for con-\\nversation, upon the subject of terms that might pro-\\nbably produce a durable union between Great Britain\\nand the colonies. This plan embraced, in seventeen\\npropositions, the principal points in dispute but, as\\nthe negotiations were not avowedly official, and led\\nto no practical result, we shall not enter upon the de-\\ntail of them.t\\nOn the 20th of February, Lord North astonished\\nboth his friends and his opponents, by introducing\\ninto the house of commons a proposition of a con-\\nciliatory character. It provided, that when the go-\\nvernor, council, and assembly, or general court of any\\nof his majesty s colonies in America, shall propose to\\nthat if he were the first minister of this country, and had the care\\nof settling this momentous business, he should not he ashamed of\\npublicly calling to his assistance a person so perfectly acquainted\\nwith the whole of American affairs, as the gentleman alluded to,\\nand so injuriously reflected on one whom all Europe held in es-\\ntimation for his knowledge and wisdom, and ranked with our\\nBoyles and Newtons; who Vas an honour, not to the English na\\ntion only, but to human nature. Franklin s Works, vol. i. p. 222\\n323. Pitkin, vol. i. p. 312. Among the papers which had been\\nlaid before the house by Lord Dartmouth, was the petition of the\\ncongress to the king, in behalf of which the American agents, Dr.\\nFranklin, Mr. Bollan, and Mr. Lee, petitioned to be heard at the\\nbar of the house. But this privilege was refused to ihem by the\\nministers, on the ground that the congress was an illegal body, and\\ntheir petition was rejected by an unusually large majority.\\nt Those of our readers who may be desirous of pursuing this sub-\\nject further, we refer to Pitkin s Political and Civil History, vol.\\ni. p. 315 322. We take this opportunity of acknowledging our\\nobligations to that very valuable work; certainly the most satis-\\nfactory extant, in the department which it occupies.\\n^1", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n223\\nmake prov sion, according to the condition, circum-\\nstances, and situation cf such province or colony, for\\ncontributing their proportion for the common defence,\\n(such proportion to be raised under the authority of\\nthe general court or assembly of such colony, and dis-\\nposable by parliament,) and shall engage to make\\nprovision also for the support of the civil government\\nand the administration of justice in such colony, it\\nwill be proper, if such proposal shall be approved by\\nhis majesty and the two houses of parliament, and\\nfor so long as such provision shall be made accord-\\ningly, to forbear, in respect to such colony, to levy\\nany duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties\\nas it may be expedient to levy or impose for the regu-\\nlation of commerce the net proceeds of the duties\\nlast mentioned to be carried to the account of such\\ncolony respectively.\\nThis unexpected proposition was at first opposed\\nby those who usually acted with the minister, as to-\\ntally inconsistent with the course of measures just\\nadopted and they would probably have voted against\\nit, had they not been quieted by explanations, as to\\nits real object, made by his particular friends. By\\nthese explanations, in which the minister, whatever\\nmight have been Ins original intentions, concurred, it\\nappeared that the object was to cause a division among\\nthe colonies, or, if this should not be the efiect, and\\nthe reasonable terms offered should be rejected by\\nthem, to unite the people of England in strong coer-\\ncive measures.\\nThe adoption of Lord North s conciliatory scheme\\ndid not prevent Mr. Burke and Mr. Hartley from pre-\\nsenting to the house their respective plans of recon-\\nciliation. That of the former, founded on the prin-\\nciple of expediency, was to permit the colonies to tax\\nthemselves in their assemblies, according to ancient\\nusage, and to repeal all acts of parliament imposing\\nduties in America. Mr. Hartley proposed, that, at\\nthe request of parliament, the secretary of state should\\nrequire a contribution from the colonies for the gene-\\nral expense of the empire, leaving the amount and ap-\\nplication to the colonial assemblies. These proposi-\\ntions, though supported by all the eloquence and\\npowerful talents of Mr. Burke, were rejected by the\\nusual ministerial majorities.\\nThe resolution of the colonists was soon put to\\na more serious test. A considerable quantity of mili-\\ntary stores having been deposited at Concord, an in-\\nland town, about eighteen miles from Boston, General\\nGage purposed to destroy them. For the execution\\nof this design, he, on the night preceding the 19th of\\nApril, detached Lieutenant-Colonel Smith and Major\\nPitcairn, with 800 grenadiers and light-infantry, who.\\nat eleven o clock, embarked in boats at the bottom of\\nthe common, in Boston, crossed the river Charles, and\\nlanding at Phipps farm, in Cambridge, commenced a\\nsilent and expeditious march for Concord. Although\\nseveral British officers, who dined at Cambridge the\\npreceding day, had taken the precaution to disperse\\nthemselves along the road leading to Concord, to in-\\ntercept any expresses that might be sent from Boston,\\nto alarm the country yet messengers, who had been\\nsent from that town for the purpose, Iiad eluded the\\nBritish patrols, and given an alarm, which was rapidly\\nspread by church bells, signal guns, and volleys. On\\nthe arrival of the British troops at Lexington, toward\\nfive in the morning, about 70 men, belonging to the\\nminute company of that town, were found on the pa-\\nrade, under arms. Major Pitcairn, who led the van,\\ngalloping up to them, called out, Disperse, disperse,\\nyou rebels throw down your arms, and disperse.\\nThe sturdy yeomanry not instantly obeying the or-\\nder, he advanced nearer, fired his pistol, flourished\\nhis sword, and ordered his soldiers to fire. A dis-\\ncharge of arms from the British troops, with a huzza,\\nimmediately succeeded several of the provincials\\nfell, and the rest dispersed. The firing continued\\nafter the dispersion, and the fugitives stopped and re-\\nturned the fire. Eight Americans were killed, three\\nor four of them by the first fire of the British the\\nothers, after they had left the parade. Several were\\nalso wounded.\\nThe British detachment proceeded to Concord.\\nThe inhabitants of that town, having received the\\nalarm, drew up in order for defence but, observing\\nthe number of the regulars to be too g-resit for them\\nto encounter, they retired over the north bridge, at\\nsome distance beyond the town, and waited for re-\\nenforcements. A party of British light-infantry fol-\\nlowed them, and took possession of the bridge, while\\nthe main body entered the town, and proceeded to\\nexecute their commission. They disabled two 24\\npounders, threw 500 pounds of ball into the river\\nand wells, and broke in pieces about 60 barrels of\\nflour. The militia being re-enforced, Major ButtncK,\\nof Concord, who had gallantly ofiered to command\\nthem, advanced toward the bridge but, not knowing\\nof the transaction at Lexington, ordered the men not\\nto give the first fire, that the provincials might not be\\nth\u00c2\u00a7 aggressors. As he advanced, the light-infantry\\nretired to the Concord side of the river, and began to\\npull up the bridge and, on his nearer approach, they\\nfired, and killed a captain and one of the privates.\\nThe provincials returned the fire a skirmish ensu-\\ned and the regulars were forced to retreat, with some\\nloss. They were soon joined by the main body, and", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "224\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe whole detachment retreated with precipitancy.\\nAll the people of the adjacent country were by this\\ntime in arms and they attacked the retreating troops\\nin every direction. Some fired from behind stone\\nwalls and other coverts others pressed on their rear\\nand, thus harassed, they made good their retreat six\\nmiles back to Lexington. Here they were joined by\\nLord Piercy, who, most opportunely for them, had ar-\\nrived with a detachment of 900 men, and two pieces\\nof cannon. The enemy, now amounting to about\\n1800 men, having halted an hour or two at Lexing-\\nton, recommenced their march but the attack from\\nthe provincials was renewed at the same time and\\nan irregular, yet very galling fire, was kept up on\\neach flank, as well as in the front and rear. The\\nclose firing from behind stone walls, by good marks-\\nmen, put them in no small confusion but they kept\\nup a brisk retreating fire on the militia and minute-\\nmen. A little after sunset, the regulars reached\\nBunker s Hill, where, exhausted with excessive fa-\\ntigue, they remained during the night, under the pro-\\ntection of the Somerset man-of-war and the next\\nmorning went into Boston. If the Salem and Mar-\\nblehead regiments had arrived in season to have cut\\noff their retreat, in all probability but few of the de-\\ntachment would ever have reached Boston. Still the\\ngreat doctrines of humanity were so deeply impressed\\nupon the minds of the people, already much oppress-\\ned, that they forgot, in their sympathy for the distress-\\ned, their animosity and the people of Charlestown,\\nall whigs, still oifered the exhausted and dying British\\nsoldiers, the same hospitality that they would have af-\\nforded friends in distress.\\nThe first act of the great drama was now opened.\\nBlood had flowed, and flowpd copiously. The peo-\\nple had now no more doubts on their minds what\\ncourse they had to pursue. Every workshop, every\\ndwelling-house, every church, was a shrine in which\\nthe vows of freemen were made to the God of battles.\\nCambridge, by a sort of common consent, was fixed\\nupon as a place of g-eiieral rendezvous, and in a few\\ndays twenty thousand freemen were seen in arms, to\\navenge their wrongs\\nThe provincial congress of Massachusetts met the\\nnext day after the battle of Lexington, and determined\\nthe number of men to be raised fixed on the pay-\\nment of the troops voted an issue of paper money\\ndrew up rules and regulations for the army and all\\nwas done in a business-like manner. The other co-\\nlonies caught the spirit of New England, and the\\nwatch-fires of liberty blazed along the whole coast from\\nFalmouth to Charleston. Activity and enterprise\\nwere every where conspicuous. A party from Con-\\nnecticut, under the authority of Governor Trumbull,\\nproceeded to the Canada frontiers, and took many\\npieces of cannon, and, at the same time, the fort at\\nTiconderoga. Arnold, Allen, and Easton, were con-\\nspicuous in this bloodless enterprise but all agreed\\nthat it was one of spirit and discretion. This fort,\\nalthough in a somewhat dilapidated state, command-\\ned, as it was thought, all our passes to Canada. At\\nthis time it was the opinion of several of the officers\\nof the British army, that it would not require a large\\nbody of troops to put all things at rest in America.\\nThese men reasoned upon general principles, and so\\nfar they were correct. An unarmed force, without\\nsystem or concert, are, in general, but momentary\\nsteps to regular troops but they underrated the mili-\\ntary talents and science of the colonists.\\nAt this period, the first minds in Massachusetts\\nwere wrought up to a spirit of martyrdom. Adams\\nand Hancock, in the continental congress, instead of\\nflinching at their troubles, spoke out more boldly than\\never and their feelings seemed to pervade the whole\\npeople. Gage, by an indiscreet proclamation, kept this\\nfire alive, and little was thought of, but hostile move-\\nments. He offered pardon to all but John Hancock\\nand Samuel Adams, whose crimes, he alleged, de-\\nserved condign punishment. This was to them an\\nenviable elevation, and gave them almost the power\\nof dictators. The military knowledge which was\\ndiscovered in the provincial officers, astonished the\\nexperienced commanders in the British army. From\\nMystic river to Dorchester heights, a line of fortifica-\\ntions were established, that showed the British that\\nour engineers knew something of the art of war\\nbut still they could not be brought to believe, that\\nsuch a mass of men, so suddenly collected, could, for\\na moment, resist British veterans. They were not\\nsanguinary, and hoped that all the difliculties would\\nsoon pass away but in this they were deceived.\\nThe American army had been quartered at Cam-\\nbridge nearly two months, and no blow had been\\nstruck to rid the country of the British troops, or to\\nencourage the natives; some uneasiness seemed to\\nshow itself in the camp, and more abroad, that greater\\nenergy was not shown but the wise thought to con-\\nquer by Fabian wisdom, while others were for deci-\\nsive measures. The army at Cambridge was known\\nto be large enough to demolish the British, if they\\ncould be ffot at. In this state of feelin?, it was thought\\nproper to make some demonstrations of courage, and\\nof an intention of acting offensively and fearlessly.\\nCol. Prescott was sent with the fragments, or rather,\\nthe skeletons of three regiments, on the night of the\\n16th of June, to occupy a station on Bunker s Hill.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "HISTOHY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n236\\nOn viewinsf thai eminence, he saw at once that it\\nwas an ineligible spot and he looked along to the\\nright, and found that a spur of that hill, which was\\nnow called Breed s Hill, was the most proper situa-\\ntion, in every respect, for a battle-ground. Consider-\\ning that they were within the limits of their orders,\\nPrescott and Colonel Gridley, the engineers, began a\\nredoubt on the right of Breed s Hill. It was about\\none hundred and forty feet square, with two open\\npassages for ingress and egress. On the left of the\\nredoubt, running north-easterly, was a breast-work of\\nsods, not much over four feet high but not, as has\\nbeen stated, extending to Mystic river it did not ex-\\ntend one quarter of the way to it. The line from\\nthis breast-work was made of two post and rail\\nfences, placed about four feet apart, in parallel lines,\\nand between them was trode the newly mown grass,\\nmaking quite as good a screen for the militia as the\\nredoubt or the breast work.\\nGeneral Ward, who commanded the American\\narmy, concluding from the firing from Copp s Hill, in\\nBoston, at the early dawn of the morning of the 17th,\\nthat the British would make a struggle to get posses-\\nsion of the works, offered to relieve Prescott and his\\nmen, but they unanimously declined the offer, but\\nearnestly insisted on re-enforcements. These were\\nreluctantly given, as the commander in chief thought\\nthat an attack on his camp was contemplated and\\nin such case, his camp at Cambridge, indifferently\\nfortified as it was, would be a better place for a gene-\\nral action than Bunker s Hill.\\nEarly in the morning, from the battery on Copp s\\nHill, one of the men in or near the redoubt was shot,\\nand was instantly buried on the spot but although\\nthe roar of the cannon from Copp s Hill was inces-\\nsant, no further damage was done by their shots\\nand in aid of this battery, the Lively, a man-of-war,\\nwas brought to bear, and in fact she began the can-\\nnonade.\\nGeneral Gage, wishing to drive the provincials\\nfrom the hill, sent Major-General Howe and Brigadier-\\nGeneral Pigot, with ten companies of grenadiers, and\\nten of light-infantry, with some artillery, to perform this\\nservice. These generals, reconnoitring the American\\nforces, on their arrival at Morton s Point, thought best\\nto wait for re-enforcements from Boston. For these,\\nHowe waited from about noon to three o clock, P. M. be-\\nfore the battle was commenced. The British began a\\nslow march up the hill in two lines, stopping at times\\nto give the artillery a chance to play. But the angle\\nof elevation was such, that it did but little execution.\\nThe provincials wasted no ammunition they had\\nbut a scanty supply. They were ordered to put four\\nbuck-shots to a bullet, and to reserve their fire until\\nthe enemy were at blank-point shot distance. At\\nthis moment they poured in upon the approaching\\nfoe a most destructive volley. The effect was not\\nmore destructive than appalling. The British sol-\\ndiery, expecting nothing but random shots from un-\\ndisciplined militia, were astounded at such deadly\\nfires, and their line was broken in confusion. Some\\ncompanies had not twenty soldiers fit for duty when\\nthey were about to rally. The British officers had\\nthe greatest difficulty to bring their troops into line\\nagain. At length, they came up a second time to-\\nwards the works, but with some wavering and in\\nless than fifteen minutes, their line broke in still\\ngreater confusion than before. Clinton saw this\\nfrom Boston, and hastened over to assist Howe.\\nBoth the generals addressed the soldiers called to\\ntheir mind their former wreaths of glory, and the\\neverlasting disgrace of being beaten by raw militia.\\nHowe swore to them, that he would never survive the\\ndisgrace, if they were conquered that day. By this\\ntime, Charlestown, consisting of four hundred houses,\\nwas in a blaze. This Clinton had done to terrify the\\nneighbouring army. On the third attack they were\\nunder the necessity of resorting to skill, not daring to\\nput it on the score of bravery a third time. Pigot,\\nwith a considerable force, took a circuitous route\\naround the south side of the hill, and came upon the\\nsouthwestern angle of the redoubt, and instantly\\nscaled the slight works. Pitcairn was with him, and\\nwas shot through the body as he was about to leap\\ninto the redoubt. Pigot, being a short man. was\\nlifted by his soldiers on to the sods, and jumped into\\nthe area without harm. The provincials were now\\nattacked on the east and on the west their ammuni-\\ntion was exhausted, and they had but few or no\\nbayonets and after beating their assailants a while\\nwith the butts of their guns, Prescott ordered a retreat.\\nThose at the breast-work and in the redoubt retreat-\\ned, and those at the rail fence followed, over Charles-\\ntown neck, northward.\\nUntil the commencement of the retreat, but few\\nof the Americans had been killed. Their unwilling-\\nness to leave tlie ground at the proper time, was the\\ncause of the considerable number of the killed and\\nwounded. Captain Knowlton having a fine large\\ncompany near Mystic river, moved up in good order,\\nand covered the retreat of the Americans. The bat-\\n,tle ended between five and six o clock. The wind,\\nduring the fight, was brisk and westerly, and drove\\nthe smoke directly in the face of the enemy but as\\nthe smoke arose over the heads of the British, the\\nAmericans, as it were, looking under the cloud, saw", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "226\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwhere to fire. Prescott was all the fight in the re-\\ndoubt the other portion of the Massachusetts militia\\nat the breast-works. The New Hampshire troops,\\nunder Stark, Dearborn, and others, were at the rail-\\nfence. They were marching from their native state\\ntowards Cambridge, and went on to the battle ground\\nby their own impulses, not having received any orders\\nfrom the commander in chief\\nThe British had between three and four thousand\\nin the fight. They acknowledged ten hundred and\\nfifty-four killed and wounded, with a great proportion\\nof oflicers. Their number was most unquestionably\\nlarger for they brought between three and four hun-\\ndred of the slain, and buried them in the corner of\\nthe new burying-ground at the bottom of the common\\nin Boston. The others were buried on Breed s Hill,\\nwhere they fell.\\nThe Americans had fifteen hundred in the fight,\\nbut perhaps there were a few more at times, for volun-\\nteers came on to the ground, expended their powder,\\nand retreated, when they could do no more service\\nto the cause. The provincials had one hundred and\\nlliirty-nine killed, and three hundred and fourteen\\nwounded and missing. The officers who fell on\\nthe American side were, Colonel Gardner of Cam-\\nbridge, Lieutenant-Colonel Parker of Chelmsford,\\nand Majors Moore and M Cleary,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 all men of dis-\\ntinction and value, and heroes in the cause, with\\nMajor-General Joseph Warren.\\nGeneral Burgoyne was all the time during the battle\\nseated in the belfry of the North Church of Boston, a\\nmost commanding position, to watch the movements of\\neither party. His letter describing the scene was, at that\\nperiod, considered as one of very graphic power, but it\\nis too general to give the historian much information.\\nJoseph Warren was born in Roxbury, near Boston, in the year\\n1741. His father was a respectable farmer in that place, who had\\nheld several municipal offices to the acceptance of his fellow citi-\\nzens. Joseph, with several of his brothers, was instructed in the\\nelementary branches of knowledge al the public grammar school of\\nthe town, which was distinguished for its successive instructers of\\nsuperior attainments. In 17 55 he entered college, where hesus-\\nt.ained the character of a youth of talents, fine manners, and of a\\ngenerous, independent deportment, united to great personal courage\\nand perseverance. An anecdote will illustrate his fearlessness and\\ndetermination at that age, when character can hardly be said to be\\nformed. Several students of Warren s class shut themselves in a\\nroom to arrange some college affairs in a way which they knew\\nwas contrary to his wishes, and barred the door so efiectually that\\nLe could not, without great violence, force it but he did not give\\nover the attempt of getting amongst them, for, perceiving that the\\nwindow of the room in which they were assembled was open, and\\nnear a spout which extended from the roof of the building to the\\nground, he went to the top of the house, slid down to the eav(ft,\\nseized the spout, and, when he had descended as far as the widow,\\nthrew hitnself into the chamber amongst them. At that instant the\\nspout, which was decayed and weak, gave way and fell to the\\nground. He looked at it without emotion, said that it had served\\nLis purpose, and began to take his part in the business. A specta-\\nWarren assumed no command on that day. He had\\nbeen commissioned as a major-general by the Provincial\\ncongress, but four days previous, and had not taken\\nany command nor had he, in fact, been sworn into\\noffice, except, as every one had an oath in heaven, to\\nlive free, or die. Warren was, at the moment of his\\nfall, president of the provincial congress, and chair-\\nman of the committee of safety. He had put some\\none in the chair, and mounted his horse at Water-\\ntown, where the legislature was in session, to come\\nand encourage his fellow-citizens in the fight. When\\nhe entered the redoubt, Prescott offered him the com-\\nmand, but he declined it, saying, I come to learn\\nwar under an experienced soldier, not to take any\\ncommand^ He was the martyr of that day s glory.\\nHis death was felt as a calamity to the cause and to\\nthe nation. He was in the prime of life, being only\\nthirty-five years of age, with a spirit as bold and daunt-\\nless as ever was blazoned in legends, or recorded in his-\\ntory. He was a prudent, cautious, but fearless states-\\nman made to govern men, and to breathe into them\\na portion of his own heroic soul. His eloquence\\nwas of a high order his voice was fine, and of great\\ncompass, and he modulated it at will. His appear-\\nance had the air of a soldier, graceful and com-\\nmanding, united to the manners of a finished gentle-\\nman. The British thought that his life was of the\\nutmost importance to the American army of so\\nmuch importance, that they would no longer hold\\ntogether after his fall. They sadly mistook the men\\nthey had to deal with. His blood was not shed in\\nvain it cried from, the ground for vengeance and\\nhis name became a watch word in the hour of peril\\nand glory.* The name of the humblest individual\\nwho perished in that fight will be remembered by the\\ntor of this feat and narrow escape, related this fact to me in the\\ncollege yard, nearly half a century afterwards, and the impression\\nit made on his mind was so strong, that he seemed to feel the same\\nemotion as though it happened hut an hour before.\\nOn leaving college, in 1759, Warren turned his attention to the\\nstudy of medicine, under the direction of Dr. Lloyd, an eminent\\nphysician of that day, whose valuable life has been protracted al-\\nmost to the present time. Warren was distinguished very soon\\nafter he commenced practice; for, when in 1764 the small-pox\\nspread in Boston, he was amongst the most successful in his me-\\nthod of treating that disease, which was then considered the most\\ndreadful scourge of the human race, and the violence of which had\\nbaffled the efforts of the learned faculty of medicine, from the time\\nof its first appearance. From this moment he stood high amongst\\nhis brethren, and was the favourite of the people and what he\\ngained in their good will, he never lost. His personal a)ipcarance,\\nhis address, his courtesy, and his humanity, won the way to the\\nhearts of all, and his knowledge and superiority of talents secured\\nthe conquest. A bright and lasting fame in his profession, with\\nthe attendant consequences, wealth and influence, were within his\\nreach, and near at hand but the calls of a distracted country were\\nparamount to every consideration of his own interests, and he en-\\ntered the vortex of politics, never to return to the peaceful course\\nof professional labour.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n227\\ntown or parish from whence he came, and be generally\\nenrolled on the books of the corporation. Young, sub-\\nstantial jreomen, or industrious mechanics, they were\\nThe change in public opinion had been gradually preparing the\\nminds of most men for a revolution. This was not openly avow-\\ned amelioration of treatment for the present, and assurance of\\nkindness in future, were all that the colonies asked from Great\\nBritain; but these they did not receive. The mother country mis-\\ntook the spirit of her children, and used threats when kindness\\nwould have been the best policy. When Britain declared her\\nright to direct, govern, and tax us, in any form, and at all times, the\\ncolonies reasoned, remonstrated, and entreated, for a while and,\\nwhen these means did not answer, they defied and resisted. The\\npolitical writers of the province had been active and busy, and they\\nwere generally screened by fictitious names, or sent their produc-\\ntions anonymously into the world but the time had arrived when\\nspeakers of nerve and boldness were wanted to raise their voices\\nagainst oppression in every shape. Warren possessed first rate\\nqualities for an orator, and had early declared, in the strongest\\nterms, his political sentiments, which were somewhat in advance of\\npublic opinion, for he held as tyranny all taxation which could be\\nimposed by the British parliament upon the colonies. In times of\\ndanger the people are sagacious, and cling to those who best can\\nserve them, and every eye was on him in every emergency, for he\\nhad not only the firmness and decision they wished for in a leader,\\nbut was prudent and wary in all his plans. His first object was to\\nenlighten the people, and then he felt sure of engaging their feel-\\nings in the general cause. He knew when once they began, it\\nwould be impossible to tread back independence only would satisfy\\nthe country. With an intention of directing public sentiment,\\nwithout appearing to be too active, he met frequently with a con-\\nsiderable number of substantial mechanics, and others in the mid-\\ndling classes of society, who were busy in politics. This crisis re-\\nquired such a man as they found him to be one who could discern\\nthe signs of the limes, and mould the ductile materials to his will,\\nand at the same time seem only to follow in the path of others.\\nHis letter to Barnard, which attracted the notice of government,\\nhad been written several years before, in 1768; but in some form\\nor other, he was constantly enlightening the people by his pen but\\nit is now difficult, and of no great importance, to trace him in the\\npapers of that period. The public was not then always right in\\ndesignating the authors of political essays. In the different situa-\\ntions in which he was called to act, he assumed as many charac-\\nters as fable has ever given to the tutelar god of his profession, and,\\nlike him, in every one of them he retained the wisdom to guide,\\nand the power to charm. At one time he might be found restrain-\\ning the impetuosity, and bridling the fury of those hotheaded poli-\\nticians, who felt more than they reasoned, and dared to do more\\nthan became men. Such was his versatility, that he turned from\\nthese lectures of caution and prudence, to asserting and defend-\\ning the most bold and undisguised principles of liberty, jind defy-\\ning in their very teeth the agents of the crown.\\nTwice he was elected to deliver the oration on the fifth of March,\\nin commemoration of the massacre, and his orations are amongst\\nthe most distinguished produced by that splendid list of speakers\\nwho addressed their fellow citizens on this subject, so interesting\\nto them all. In these productions generally the immediate causes\\nof this event were overlooked, and the remote ones alone were dis-\\ncussed. Here they were on safe ground, for tyranny in its inci-\\npient stages has no excuse from opposition but in its march it ge-\\nnerally finds some plausible arguments for its proceedings, drawn\\nfrom the veiy resistance it naturally produces. These occasions\\ngave the orators a fine field for remark, and a fair opportunity for\\neftecl. The great orators of antiquity, in their speeches, attempted\\nnnlj to rouse the people to retain what they possessed. Invective,\\nentreaty, and pride, had their effect in assisting these mighty mas-\\nters to influence the people. They were ashamed to lose what\\ntheir fathers had left them, won by their blood, and so long pre-\\nserved by their wisdom, their virtues, and their courage. Our\\nstatesmen had a harder task to perform, for they were compelled\\nto call on the people to gain what they had never enjoyed an in-\\ndependent rank and standing amongst the nations of the world.\\nowners of the soil for which they fought. The battle\\nscene was imposing the ground was in the imme-\\ndiate neighbourhood of a city, whose inhabitants were\\nHis next oiation was delivered March 6th, 1775. It was at hib\\nown solicitation that he was appointed to this duly a second time.\\nThe fact is illustrative of his character, and worthy ol remem-\\nbrance. Some British officers of the army then in Boston had\\npublicly declared that it should be at the price of the life of any\\nman to speak of the event of the 5th of March, 1770, on that anni-\\nversary. Warren s soul took fire at such a threat, so openly made\\nand he wished for the honour of braving il. This was readily\\ngranted, for at such a time a man would probably find hut few ri-\\nvals. Many who would spurn the thought of personal fear, might\\nbe apprehensive that they would bo so far ilisconcerlcd as to forget\\ntheir discourse. It is easier to fight bravely, than to think clearly\\nor correctly in danger. Passion sometimes nerves the arm to\\nfight, but disturbs the regular current of thought. The day came,\\nand the weather was remarkably fine. The Old South Meeting\\nHouse was crowded at an early hour. The British officers occu-\\npied the aisles, the flight of steps to the pulpit, and several of them\\nwere within it. It was not precisely known whether this was ac-\\ncident or design. The orator, with the assistance of his friends,\\nmade his entrance at the pulpit window by a ladder. The officers,\\nseeing his coolness and intrepidity, made way for him to advance\\nand address the audience. An awful stillness preceded his exor-\\ndium. Each man felt the palpitations of his own heart, and saw\\nthe pale but determined face of his neighbour. The speaker be-\\ngan his oration in a firm tone of voice, and proceeded with great\\nenergy and pathos. Warren and his friends were prepared to\\nchastise contumely, prevent disgrace, and avenge an attempt at as-\\nsassination.\\nThe scene was sublime a patriot, in whom the flush of youth,\\nand the grace and dignity of manhood, were combined, stood armed\\nin the sanctuary of God, to animate and encourage the sons of li-\\nberty, and to hurl defiance at their oppressors. The orator com-\\nmenced with the early history of the country, described the tenure\\nby which we held our liberties and properly, the affection we had\\nconstantly shown the parent country, and boldly told them how, and\\nby whom, these blessings of life had been violated. There was in\\nthis appeal to Britain, in this description of suffering, agony, and\\nhorror, a calm and high-souled defiance, which must have chilled\\nthe blood of every sensible foe. Such another hour has seldom\\nhappened in the history of man, and is not surpassed in the records\\nof nations. The thunders of Demosthenes rolled at a distance from\\nPhilip and his host, and TuUy poured the fiercest torrent of his in-\\nvective when Catiline was at a distance, and his dagger no longer\\nto be feared but Warren s speech was made to proud oppressors,\\nresting on their arms, whose errand it was to overawe, and whose\\nbusiness it was to fight.\\nIf the deed of Brutus deserved to be commemorated by history\\npoetry, painting, and sculpture, should not this instance of patriot-\\nism and bravery be held in lasting remembrance 1 If he that\\nstruck the foremost man of all this world, was hailed as the first\\nof freemen, what honours are not due to him, who, undismayed,\\nbeaided the British lion, to show the world what his countrymen\\ndared to do in the cause of liberty 1 If the statue of Brutus was\\nplaced amongst those of the gods, who were the preservers of Ro-\\nman freedom, should not that of Warren fill a lofty niche in the\\ntemple reared to peipetuate the remembrance of our birth as a\\nnation 1\\nIf independence was not at first openly avowed by oar leading\\nmen, at that time, the hope of attaining it was fondly cherished, and\\nthe exertions of the patriots pointed to this end. The wise knew\\nthat the storm, which the political Prosperos were raising, would\\npass away in blood. With these impressions on his mind, Warren\\nfor several years was preparing himself by siudy and observation\\nto lake a conspicuous rank in the military arrangements which he\\nknew must ensue.\\nOn the 18th of April, 1775, by his agents in Boston, he disco-\\nvered the design of the British commander to seize or destroy our\\nfew stores at Concord. He instantly despatched several confiden-\\ntial messengers to Lexington. The late venerable patriot, Paul", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "228\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwatching the progress of events, anxious for their\\nnearest friends the roar of cannon from ships\\nof war, and from floating and stationary batteries,\\nfollowed or commingled with incessant volleys of\\nmusketry a well-built and compact town, seen in\\nRevere, was one of them. This gentleman has given a very inte-\\nresting account of the difficulties he encountered in the discharge\\nof this duly. The alarm was given, and the militia, burning with\\nresentment, weie, at day break, on the 19th, on the road to repel\\ninsult and aggression. The drama was opened about sunrise,\\nwithin a few yards of the house of God, in Lexington. Warren\\nhastened to the field of action, in the full ardour of his soul, and\\nshared the dangers of the day. While pressing on the enemy, a\\nmusket ball took off a lock of his hair close to his ear. The lock\\nwas rolled anil pinned after the fashion of that day, and considera-\\nble force must have been necessary to have cut it away. The peo-\\nple were delighted with his cool, collected bravery, and already\\nconsidered him as a leader, whose gallantry they were to admire,\\nand in whose talents they were to confide.\\nOn the 14th of June, 1775, the provincial congress of Massachu-\\nsetts made him a major-general of their forces; but, previous to the\\ndate of his commission, he had been unceasing in his exertions to\\nmaintain order and enforce discipline amongst the troops, which\\nhad hastily assembled at Cambridge, after the battle of Lexington.\\nHe mingled in the ranks, and by every method and argument\\nstrove to inspire them with confidence, and succeeded in a most\\nwonderful manner in imparting to them a portion of the flame\\nwhich glowed in his own Ijreast. At such a crisis, genius receives\\nits birth-righl, the homage of inferior minds, who for self-preserva-\\ntion, are willing to he directed. Previous to receiving the ap-\\npointment of major-general, he had been requested to take the of-\\nfice of physician general to the army, but be chose to be where\\nwounds were to be made, rather than where they were to be heal-\\ned. Yet he lent his aid and advice to the medical department of\\nthe army, and was of great service to thein in their organization\\nand arrangements.\\nHe was at this time president of the provincial congress, having\\nbeen elected the preceding year a member from the (own of Boston.\\nIn this body he discovered his extraordinary powers of mind, and\\nhis peculiar fitness for responsible offices at such a juncture. Cau-\\ntions in proposing measures, he was assiduous in pursuing what he\\nthought, after mature deliberation, to be right, and never counted\\nthe probable cost of a mea.\u00c2\u00abure, when he had decided that it was\\nnecessary to be taken. When this congress, which was sitting at\\nWatertown, adjourned for the day, he mounted his horse, and\\nhastened to the camp. Every day he bought golden opinions\\nof all sorts of men and when the troops were called to act on\\nBreed s Hill, he had so often been amongst them, that his person\\nwas known to most of the soldiers.\\nSeveral respectable historians have fallen into some errors in de-\\nscribing the battle in which he fell, by giving the command of the\\ntroops, on that day, to Warren, when he was only a volunteer in\\nrlie fight. He did not arrive on the battle ground until the enemy\\nhad commenced their movements for the attack. As soon as he\\nmade his appearance on the field, the veteran coinmander of the\\nday, Colonel Prescott, desired to act under his direction but War-\\nren declined taking any other part than that of a volunteer, and\\nadded, that he came to learn the art of war from an experienced\\nsoldier, whose orders he should be happy to obey. In the battle he\\nwas armed with a musket, and stood in the ranks, now and then\\nchanging his place, to encourage his fellow .soldiers by words and\\nexample. He undoubtedly, from the slate of hostilities, expected\\nsoon to act in his high military capacity, and it was indispensable,\\naccording to his views, that he should share the dangers of the field\\nas a common soldier with his fellow citizens, that his reputation\\nf)r bravery might be put bevond the possibility of suspicion. The\\nwisdom of such a course would never have been doubted, if he had\\nreturned in safety from the fight. In such a struggle for inde-\\npendence, the ordinary rules of prudence and caution could not\\ngovern those who were building up their names for future useful-\\nness by present exertion. Some maxims drawn from the republi-\\none mass of flames, and all this, but the commence-\\ninent of troubles, was a sight appalling to every\\nAmerican, and seemed to shake even the enemy,\\nin both mind and body. The British troops, in\\nconsiderable numbers, occupied the hill that night.\\ncan writers of antiquity, were worn as their mottos. Some pre-\\ncepts descriptive of the charms of liberty, were ever on their\\ntongues, and some classical model of Greek or Roman patriotism,\\nwas constantly in their minds. Instances of great men mixing in\\nthe ranks of common soldiers, were to be found in ancient times,\\nwhen men fought for their altars and their homes. The casis\\nwere parallel, and the examples were imposing. When the bati a\\nwas decided, and our people fled, Warren was one of the last who\\nleft the breast-work, and was slain within a few yards of it, as he\\nwas slowly retiring. He probably felt mortified at the event of the\\nday; but, had he known how dearly the victory was purchased,\\nand how little honour was gained by those who won it, his heart\\nmight have been at rest. Like the band of Leonidas, the van-\\nquished have received by the judgment of nations, from which\\nthere is no appeal, the imperishable laurels of victors. His death\\nbrought a sickness to the heart of the community, and the people\\nmourned his fall, not with the convulsive agony of a betrothed vir-\\ngin over the bleeding corse of her lover, but with the pride of the\\nSpartan mother, who, in the intensity of her grief, smiled to see\\nthat the wounds whence life had flown, were on the breast of her\\nson, and was satisfied that he had died in defence of his country.\\nThe worth of the victim, and the horror of the sacrifice, gave a\\nhigher value to our liberties, and produced a more fixed determi-\\nnation to preserve them.\\nThis eminence has become sacred ground. It contains in its\\nbosom the ashes of the brave, who died fighting to defend their\\naltars and their homes. Strangers from all countries visit this\\n.spot, for it is associated in their memories with Marathon and\\nPlataia, and all the mighty struggles of determined freemen. Our\\ncitizens love to wander over this field the aged to awake recollec-\\ntions, and the youthful to excite heroic emotions. The battle-\\nground is now all plainly to be seen the spirit of modern improve-\\nment, which would stop the streams of Helicon to turn a mill, and\\ncause to be felled the trees of Paradise to make a rafter, has yet\\nspared this hallowed height.\\nIf the days of chivalry be gone for ever, and the high and en-\\nthusiastic feelings of generosity and magnanimity be not so widely\\ndiffused as in more heroic ages, yet it cannot be denied but that there\\nhave been, and still are, individuals whose bo.soms are warmed with\\na spirit as glowing and ethereal, as ever swelled the heart of mail-\\ned knight, who, in the ecstasies of love, religion, and martial\\nglory, joined the war-cry on the plains of Palestine, or proved his\\nsteel on the infidel foe. The history of every revolution is inter-\\nspersed with brilliant episodes of individual prowess. The pages\\nof our own history, when fully written out, will sparkle profusely\\nwith these gems of romantic valour.\\nThe calmness and indifference of the veteran in clouds of dust\\nand seas of blood, can only be acquired by long acquaintance with\\nthe trade of death; but the heights of Charlestown will hear eter-\\nnal testimony how suddenly, in the cause of freedom, the peaceful\\ncitizen can become the invincible warrior stung by oppression, he\\nsprings forward from his tranquil pursuits, undaunted by Opposition,\\nand undismayed by danger, to fight even to death for the defence\\nof his rights. Parents, wives, children, and country, all the hal-\\nlowed properties of existence, are to him the talisman that takes\\nfear from his heart, and nerves his arm to victory. In the requiem\\nover tho.se who have fallen in the cause of their country, which\\nTime, with his own eternal lips, shall sing, the praises of War-\\nren shall be distinctly heard.\\nThe blood of those patriots who have fallen in the defence of re-\\npublics, has often cried from the ground, against the ingratitude\\nof the country for which if was shed. No monument whs reared\\nto their fame no record of their virtues written; no fostering hand\\nextended to their offspring; btit they and llirir deeds were neirlect-\\ned and forgotten. Towards Warren there was no ingratitude our\\ncountry is free from this slain. Congress were the guardians of bis", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n229\\nand enlarged the redoubt to nearly twice the original\\nextent yet they did not venture to light their fires,\\nbut laboured by the sinking, flickering lights, which\\nshot up from the smouldering ruins of Charlestown.\\nFor the Americans, struggling for liberty, the event\\nof this battle was most fortunate. Their troops had\\ndone enough for honour enough to produce an\\nimpression of their prowess on the minds of their\\nenemies; enough to give them confidence in them-\\nselves and to show that they had learnt something\\nin the way of preparing themselves to correct the\\nerrors of judgment in planning a fight. They suf-\\nfered enough to feel their loss deeply, and yet not\\nsufficiently in any way to weaken their forces. The\\nwound received was too deep to be healed at once\\nthe sight was too awful to be soon forgotten.\\nIf the army had come down from Cambridge and\\nRoxbury to the succour, the British would have been\\ndestroyed altogether but from the disposition of the\\nking of England at this period, and the spirit of the\\nministry, the whole force of the British nation would\\nhave been brought to crush the Americans at once.\\nTlie battle was fous^ht on Saturday afternoon.\\nBefore Sunday night the intelligence was spread more\\nthan a hundred miles distant from the scene of action.\\nAll were roused to the highest pitch of resentment,\\nand set about preparing themselves for a long and\\nbloody struggle. Companies were raised and equipped\\nwith the utmost despatch all hopes of reconcilia-\\ntion were lost. Squads of armed men flocked to\\nhead quarters, some of them having travelled eighty\\nmiles in twenty-four hours.\\nTo show the character of the men who had entered\\nupon the duties of this important revolution, we need\\nhonour, and remembered that his children were unprotected or-\\nphnns. Wirhin a year after his death, congress pas.sed tlie follow-\\ning resolution\\nThat a monument be erected to the memory of General War-\\nren, in the town of Boston, with the following inscription\\nIn honour of\\nJOSEPH WARREN,\\nMajor-General of Massachusetts Bay.\\nHe devoted his life lo the liberties of his country,\\nAnd in bravely defending them, fell an early victim in the\\nBatti.e of Bunker Hill,\\nJune 17, 1775.\\nThe Congress of the United States, as an acknowledgment of his\\nservices and distinguished merit, have erected this monument\\nto his memory.\\nIt was resolved, likewise, that the eldest son of General War-\\nren should be educated from that time at the expense of the United\\nSlates. On the first of July, 1780, congress, recognising these\\nformer resolutions, further resolved, that it should be recommend-\\ned to Ihe executive of Massachusetts Bay, to make provision for\\ntlie maintenance and education of his three younger children, and\\nthat congress would defray the expense to Ihe amount of the half\\npay of a major-general, to commence at the time of his death, and\\nonly to notice the fact, that the provincial congress,\\nthen sitting at Watertown, about six miles from the\\nbattle-field, proceeded, as usual, with their business\\nand no mention is made of the battle on their records,\\nuntil three days afterwards, when a member moved\\nthat the body should proceed to elect a president, as\\nit was believed that Doctor Joseph Warren, who had\\nfilled the chair, had been slain on the 17th, at Bun-\\nker Hill. His place was supplied, and a committee\\nwas appointed to collect and publish all the circum-\\nstances of the fight. This was only partially execu-\\nted at the time. It was reserved for the lapse of half\\na century, to complete the record for history. Whrn\\nthe Corner stone of Bunker Hill monument was about\\nto be laid, the legislature of Massachusetts invited,\\nby a resolve of that body, all the survivors of that\\nday s fight, to repair, at the expense of the common-\\nwealth, to Charlestown, to take a part in the cerenjo-\\nnies. This invitation was accepted by more than\\nfifty veterans, who, on their arrival, stated, under the\\nsolemnity of an oath, the circumstances within their\\nrecollections, of the battle. That which had been\\ndoubtful and contradictory, was made plain and satis-\\nfactory from comparing all these statements of these\\nhonest veterans.]\\nWhile most of the colonies afforded sufficient oc-\\ncupation for the watchfulness of the British govern-\\nment, those of New England called forth the most\\nvisrorous efforts of the royalists, both by sea and land.\\nThe naval forces were frequently engaged in destroy-\\ning armed American vessels, congress having fitted\\nout several, which were very successful in capturing\\nstore ships sent with supplies of provisions and am-\\nmunition for the royal army.* At Gloucester, the\\ncontinue till the youngest of the children should be of age. The\\npart of the resolutions relating to the education of ihe children,\\nwas carried into effect accordingly. The monument is not yet\\nerected, but it is not too late. The shade of Warren will not re-\\npine at this neglect, while Ihe ashes of Washington repose without\\ngrave stone or epitaph. Knapp s American Biogrnphy.\\nAfter the war had begun in earnest, Washinglon gave com-\\nmission and authority to take, and bring in, such vessels as our\\ncruisers could capture, belonging to ihe British government, on\\nthe high seas. By virtue of this aulhorily, several rich prizes\\nwere taken, some of them loaded with munitions of war, which\\ncame timely to the American army. Several vessels bcir.g private\\nproperty which had been taketi by these cruisers, were promptly\\nreleased. Congress s.anctioned his proceedings as justifiable and\\nproper, and at once turned their allention to a naval force. In\\n1776, they appointed twenty-four caplains of the navy, and a few\\nlieutenants, leaving it to the naval commillee lo appoint the olhers;\\nand, at the same time, authorized the building of si.xleen ships of\\nwar, and several smaller vessels. This, wilh the force which was\\nthen already in the possession of the several states, a part of which\\nwere sold to congress, soon made a respectable naval force. The\\nwork of building went bravely on, for the merchants were deeply\\ninterested in it, and readily loaned Ihe money to government for\\ntheir building, or trusted the naiional cnniractor for malerials ne-\\ncessary in getting this naval force into effective operation. Some", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "2-dO\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nFalcon sloop of war having chased an American ves-\\nsel into the harbour, despatched three boats, with\\nabout forty men, to bring her off, when the party\\nof the ships were as large as thirty-two s, and from these down to\\nfour s. After this, larger vessels were built, but only one seventy-\\nfour, however, and she was never in our service. These were\\ncommanded by brave men, and there was no act of cowardice\\nknown in the American navy during the revolutionary war.\\nThere might have been a few instances of indecorum and want of\\ndiscretion, but none of cowardice.\\nBut to be a little more minute in this history, as it is important\\nto examine our beginnings as a nation, in November, 1775, the le-\\ngislature of Massachusetts passed a spirited act, by which they au-\\nthorized and encouraged the fitting out of private armed vessels,\\nto defend the sea coast of America; and at the same time created\\na court of admiralty, to try and condemn all vessels that should\\nbe found infesting the same. The preamble to this act was w ritten\\nby the late vice-president, Mr. Gerry, and it is a bold and an in-\\ngenious exposition of the sovereign rights of the people in such an\\nexigency, fo.unded on the royal charter of William and Mary,\\nunder which the affairs of the province of Massachusetts had been\\nadministered for more than eighty years. The body of the act\\nwas penned by Mr. Sullivan, late governor of Massachusetts, an\\nearly and firm patriot of the revolution. On the 16th of Decem-\\nber of that year, the government of Massachusetts resolved to fit\\nout ten vessels to go to the West Indies for military stores. On\\nthe 29th of this month, John Adams and J. Palmer were appointed\\nby the legislature of Massachusetts, a committee to prepare and\\nreport a plan for fitting out armed vessels. On the 8th of January\\nfollowing, eight thousand pounds were voted for the purpose of\\nmaking a respectable marine force for the province. On the 11th\\nof January, 1776, it was resolved in council, to build two frigates,\\none of tliirty-six, and the other of thirty-two gims. On the 7th of\\nFebruary, it was resolved by the whole court to build ten sloops of\\nwar, to carry sixteen guns each. Ten thousand pounds were ap-\\npropriated to this purpose. Some of these vessels were built, and\\nsome others were hired, so that Massachusetts soon had quite a re-\\nspectable naval force on the high seas at their disposal. At the\\nclose of the year 1775, congress commissioned several vessels of\\nwar, six sloops, and thirteen galleys but they were restrained to\\nthe taking of public properly. After the declaration of independ-\\nence, when there was no prospect of peace for a season, or at least\\nuntil Great Britain had tried the strength of the United Colonies,\\nthe marine was greatly increased, and twenty-four vessels were\\nput in commission, and additions were made from time to time to\\nthis respectable force. These vessels were commanded by high-\\nspirited and intelligent men, who were wonderfully successful\\nfor in the course of three years they had taken more than double\\nthe number of their own guns from the enemy, besides a great\\nnumber of merchantmen of value. More than eight hundred guns\\nhad been taken from the enemy during this time, by the marine\\nwhich congress had fitted out while that of Massachusetts, and of\\nthe other states, were equally successful. The vessels taken by\\nthe public and private armed vessels, from the battle of Lexington\\nto the 17 th of March, 1776, when the British evacuated Boston,\\namounted to thirty-four, of considerable size and value, with ex-\\ncellent cargoes. The tonnage of these captured vessels amounted\\nto three thousand six hundred and forty-five tons. In 1776, the\\nBritish vessels captured by the private armed vessels, alone,\\namounted to the great number of three hundred and forty-two, of\\nwhich forty-four were retaken, eighteen released, and five burnt.\\nIn the following year, 1777, the success of our privateers was .stiU\\ngreater. Vessels were captured to the amount of four hundred\\nand twenty-one. The success continued without any great dimi-\\nnution until 1780. At this time the British merchants made so\\nstrong an appeal to their government, that they provided a convoy\\nfor every fleet of merchant vessels to every part of the globe. Out\\nof the fleet sailing from England to the West Indies, consisting of\\ntwo hundred in number, in the year 1777, one hundred and thirty-\\nseven were taken by our privateers; and from a fleet from Ireland\\nto the West Indies, of sixty sail, thirty-five were taken. Taking\\nthe years 1775, 6, 7, 8, and 9, say for the first year, thirty-four;\\nwere so warmly received by the militia who had col-\\nlected on the shore, that the captain thought it ne-\\ncessary to send a re-enforcement, and to commence\\nsecond, three hundred and forty-two; third, four hundred and\\ntwenty-one; and for the fourth, which has not been accurately\\ngiven, I believe, in any work, say, and this within bounds, two hun-\\ndred and for the fifth, the same, two hundred and allowing biit\\none hundred for the balance of the time during the war, will make\\ntwelve hundred and ninety-seven, without including those taken by\\npublic vessels from 1776 to the close of the war and this latter\\nnumber, if it could be precisely given, would add greatly to the list\\nof captures. The marine, undoubtedly, fell off towards the close of\\nthe war, from several causes one, the diflScuIties in the finance of\\nthe country, and from the great exertions of the Admiralty of Eng-\\nland in capturing our privateers. They had become alarmed from\\nthe complaints of their merchants, and the rise of insurance against\\ncapture, which reached an extent unknown before or since. The\\nFrench navy, after that time, joined us in the war, and was in itself\\nso powerful, that our smaller vessels were not wanted to co-operate\\nwith the land forces as before. Besides the defence of Charleston\\nand Philadelphia, which were engagements that ought to be ranked\\namong the most memorable events in our revolutionary contest,\\nthere were others all along the seaboard, of less note, but in them-\\nselves spirited afl^airs. Rhode Island, Philadelphia, and Charles-\\nton, have high claims for naval distinction, and for constant efforts\\non the high seas, during the war.\\nOur naval affairs were managed by a marine committee in con-\\ngress, who were as active and efficient as their limited means would\\nallow. They had the admiralty code of England and Holland be-\\nfore them, and took such parts of it as would answer the purpose\\nof their design. The committee of congress did wonders, consider-\\ning their means, and the difficulties they had to encounter. John\\nAdams was an efficient member of this committee and, delighted\\nwith the course pur.sued by the merchants of the Netherlands, in\\ngaining their independence and raising their national character, he\\nstudied their state papers, ruminated upon their history, and found-\\nit wise to copy their policy. He was born and educated among a\\nmercantile people, and was well acquainted with their true interests.\\nHe saw an extended seaboard, and knew it were folly to defend our\\nharbours and seaports without a naval force. To him and his co-\\nadjutors are we indebted for the shape our infant navy took, and\\nfor the Herculean tasks she performed, as it were, in the cradle.\\nIt is not to be denied, however, that he had the cordial co-operalion\\nof all the efficient members in congress in every state, whether\\nmore or less maritime for these enlightened men saw what a\\nmighty engine of power this force might be made in a foreign\\nwar; and they soon saw, too, how much a matter of gain it was\\nin that day. John Adams has deservedly been considered the fa-\\nther of the American navy. His disposition was of that prompt,\\neffective, and daring character, that made him delight in the naval\\nglories of his country. He knew that Great Britain was hence-\\nforth to be separated from us, and that it was only by cherishing a\\ndesire for naval distinction, that we were ever to contend upon\\nequal ground with her. This he declared almost as soon as he\\nsaw the conflict gathering, and the storm ready to burst, long be-\\nfore he had assisted the people, or their representatives, lo brace\\nthemselves up for the declaration of independence. A naval force\\nwas thought by all to be necessary at that day. It was long since\\nthat period, that the establishment of this great engine of national\\ndefence, was considered of questionable policy. Then the repre-\\nsentatives of all the states concurred most heartily in doing every\\nthing in their power to encourage the increase of our naval force.\\nThe success of the privateers gave an elasticity and spirit to the\\npeople, that nothing else could have given. It gave them wealth\\nalso, through the medium of enterprise and valour. The seaports\\nwere full of the bustle of preparation for cruising and reception of\\nprizes. Articles of merchandise were common, and of a quality\\nthe frugality and economy of our people had never permitted them\\nto think of before. These articles were of use to citizens and\\nsoldiers, and the sale and purchase gave a specious form to busi-\\nness, A great part of the capital on which they were obtained,\\nwas the hardihood and daring of the people. This success inspired", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n231\\ncannonading the town. A very smart action en-\\nsued, which was kept up for several hours, but re-\\nsulted in the complete defeat of the assailants, lea-\\nving upwards of thirty prisoners in the hands of the\\nAmericans. This repulse excited the British to\\ndeeds of revenge upon several of the defenceless\\ntowns on the const, and to declare that many of\\nthem should be reduced to ashes, unless the inhabit-\\nants consented to an unconditional compliance with\\nall their demands. Another occurrence also tended\\nto mutual exasperation. In compliance with a re-\\nsolution of the provincial congress to prevent tories\\nfrom conveying out their effects, the inhabitants of\\nFalmouth, in the north-eastern part of Massachusetts,\\nhad obstructed the loading of a mast ship. The\\ndestruction of the town was therefore determined on,\\nas an example of vindictive punishment. Captain\\nMowat detached for that purpose with armed vessels by\\nAdmiral Greaves, arrived off the place on the evening\\nof the 17th of October, and gave notice to the in-\\nhabitants that he Avould allow them two hours to\\nremove the human species. Upon being solicited\\nto afford some explanation of this extraordinary\\nsummons, he replied, that he had orders to set on\\nfire all the seaport towns from Boston to Halifax,\\nand that he supposed New York was already\\nin ashes. He could dispense with his orders, he\\nsaid, on no terms but the compliance of the inhabit-\\nants to deliver up their arms and ammunition, and\\ntheir sending on board a supply of provisions, and\\nfour of the principal persons in the town, as hostages\\nthat they should engage not to unite with their\\ncountry in any kind of opposition to Britain and\\nthe army likewise for they saw that sailors of a new creation\\ncould meet, and dared fight, the hardy sons of Neplnne born in old\\nEngland, and educated in the best of fleets in the world and that\\nthese veterans were often found to yield to American sailors, of\\nbuta few months discipline on the high seas.\\nIn the bustle that privateering created, the loss of lives and\\nlimbs was forgotten, and the pride of conquest, and the joy of the\\npossession of property won by daring, concealed the pain of many\\nwounds, and perhaps healed a great many that a want of .success\\nmight have festered and rendered immedicable. In an army, in-\\ndividual bravery seldom finds an opportunity for display, while in\\nthese sea-fights almost every one had an opportunity of showing\\nhis prowess. These mariners on board a privateer were sharers\\nin the success of every enterprise, often a hietter, or stronger mo-\\ntive, for brave deeds, than the sound of a name. It was often that\\nthey had on opportunity of selecting the commander under whom\\nthey would serve and men so situated, are generally sagacious\\nin discerning the merits of their superiors; particularly when that\\nmerit, in a good measure, consisted in overt acts, of wliich they\\nwere as good judges as men of higher grades of mind, and of\\nhigher rank in society. Several of these commanders of privateers\\nwere men of original and commanding talent, and deserve to be\\nhanded down to posterity, as well as the leaders of small bands in\\nthe primitive wars of the classical ages. Manly, Mugford, Jones,\\nWaters, Young, Tucker, Talbot, Nicholson, Williams, Biddle,\\nHopkins, Robinson, and many others, who were either in the ser-\\nvice of cue of the state sovereignties at that time, or in the servire\\n30\\nhe assured them, that, on a refusal of these condi-\\ntions, he should lay the town in ashes within three\\nhours. Unprepared for the attack, the inhabitants,\\nby entreaty, obtained the suspension of an answer\\ntill the morning, and employed this interval in re-\\nmoving their families and effects. The next day.\\nCaptain Mowat commenced a furious cannonade and\\nbombardment and a great number of people, stand-\\ning on the heights, were spectators of the conflagra-\\ntion, which reduced many of them to penury and\\ndespair. More than four hundred houses and stores\\nwere burnt. Newport, Rhode Island, being threat-\\nened with a similar attack, was compelled to stipu-\\nlate for a weekly supply to avert it.\\nWarlike operations were not confined to the sea\\nports. Their success in the reduction of Ticonde-\\nroga and Crown Point stimulated the Americans to\\nmore extensive operations in the north and the\\nmovements of Sir G. Carleton, the governor of Cana-\\nda, appeared to call for them, congress having rea-\\nson to believe that a formidable invasion was intend-\\ned from that quarter. The management of military\\naffairs in this department had been committed to the\\nGenerals Schuyler and Montgomery. On the 10th\\nof September, about one thousand American troops\\neffected a landing at St. John s, the first British port\\nin Canada, lying one hundred and fifteen miles only\\nto the northward of Ticonderoga, but found it ad-\\nvisable to retreat to Isle aux Noix, twelve miles\\nsouth of St John s. An extremely bad state of\\nhealth soon after inducing General Schuyler to re-\\ntire to Ticonderoga, the command devolved on Ge-\\nneral Montgomery. That enterprising officer, in a\\nof congress, have been noticed by the writers of biography in limes\\npast but there are many more who are equally worthy of notice,\\nwho have been neglected, because they were only commanders of\\nprivateers. It ought, however, to be considered, that our vessels\\nof war were small, and did not, in general, carry more guns or\\nmen than some of our privateers at that lime and the commanders\\nof both classes of vessels, those of the United Slates and those of\\nprivate citizens, were educated and trained alike, and had equal\\nsagacity, skill, and success. Scarcely a day passed, from the sum-\\nmer of 1775 to 1780, that the people were not animated with the\\nnews of some sea fight, and generally victory was on our side; for\\nthese privateers were built for quick sailing, and when they thought\\nthe fight would be at odds against them, they out-sailed the enemy,\\nand escaped to annoy them in some other quarter. These com-\\nmanders, in general, were men of standing, honour, and principle,\\nand never suflTered themselves to sink into petty tyrants, or lawless\\nbucaniers, in their manners or feelings. Instances of the most\\nmagnanimous conduct among them, might be given. In several\\ncases of capture, when they understood the owners were friendly\\nto the cause of America, the vessels and crews were suffered to de-\\npart without losing a particle of property. In the vessels taken by\\nthese privateers, as in the public armed ships, the ofl^cers we.re\\nnever deprived of their baggage, and often were allowed their ad-\\nventures, if their owners liad allowed them such privileges, and\\nthey bad any on board. Some few of these commanders of priva-\\nteers have lived down to our time. American Editar,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "232\\nHISTORY OF J HE UNITED STATES.\\nfew days returned to the vicinity of St. John s, and\\nopened a battery against it and the reduction of\\nFort Chamblee, by a small detachment, giving him\\npossession of six tons of gunpowder, enabled him to\\nprosecute the siege of St. John s with vigour. General\\nCarleton advanced against him with about eight hun-\\ndred men but, in attempting to cross the St. Lawrence,\\nwith the intention of landing at Longueil, he was\\nattacked by Colonel Warner, at the head of three\\nhundred Green Mountain boys, and compelled to\\nretire with precipitancy. This repulse induced the\\ngarrison of St. John s to surrender, on honourable\\nterras of capitulation.\\nWhile Montgomery was prosecuting the siege of\\nSt. John s, Colonel Ethan Allen, who had been des-\\npatched- on a service necessary to that object, hear-\\ning that Montreal was in a defenceless state, attempted\\nits capture without the knowledge of his superior in\\ncommand he was, however, with part of his detach-\\nment, taken prisoner, and. to the disgrace of General\\nCarleton, loaded with irons, and in that State sent to\\nEngland. It is impossible to think of the fate of\\nthis heroic partisan, without regretting that wild\\nspirit of independence which spurned even at the\\nmost necessary and proper subordination in the revo-\\nlutionary fathers. If Colonel Allen had consulted\\nthe general, as was unquestionably his duty, the\\nwhole fate of the Canadian expedition might have\\nbeen changed. He would either have received such\\nre-enforcements as would have rendered his object\\nattainable without hazard, or he would have been\\nforbidden to undertake it and the assistance of his\\ndaring courage and skill might have prevented the\\nfate which subsequently befell General Montgomery\\nbefore Quebec. After the capture of St. John s,\\nMontgomery directed his attention to Montreal, with\\ndifferent success. On his approach, the few British\\ntroops there repaired on board the shipping, in hopes\\nof escaping down the river but General Prescot,\\nand several officers, with about one hundred and\\ntwenty privates, were intercepted, and made prison-\\ners on capitulation eleven sail of vessels, with all\\ntheir contents, fell into the hands of the provincials.\\nGovernor Carleton was secretly conveyed away in a\\nboat with muffled paddles, and arrived safely at\\nQuebec. General Montgomery, leaving some troops\\nin Montreal, and sending detachments into different\\nparts of the province to encourage the Canadians\\nand to forward provisions, advanced with his little\\narmy to Quebec, where he found, to his surprise,\\nthat a body of American troops had arrived before.\\nAllen s History of the American Revolution, vol. i. p. 292.\\nGeneral Washington, foreseeing that the whole\\nforce of Canada would be concentrated about Mon-\\ntreal, had projected an expedition against Quebec in\\na different direction from that of Montgomery. His\\nplan was to send out a detachment from his camp\\nbefore Boston, to march by way of Kennebeck River\\nand, passing through the dreary wilderness lying\\nbetween the settled parts of the province of Maine\\nand the St. Lawrence, to penetrate into Canada\\nabout ninety miles below Montreal. This extraor-\\ndinary and most arduous enterprise was committed\\nto Colonel Arnold, who, with one thousand one\\nhundred men, consisting of New England infantry,\\nsome volunteers, a company of artillery, and three\\ncompanies of riflemen, commenced his march on the\\n13th of September. It is almost impossible to con-\\nceive the labour, hardships, and difficulties, which\\nthis detachment had to encounter in their progress\\nup the rapid stream of the Kennebeck, frequently in-\\nterrupted by falls, where they were obliged to land\\nand carry the boats upon their shoulders, until they\\nsurmounted them, through a country wholly unin-\\nhabited, with a scanty supply of provisions, the sea-\\nson cold and rainy, and the men daily dropping down\\nwith fatigue, sickness, and hunger. Arnold was in-\\ndefatigable in his endeavours to alleviate the distresses\\nof his men, but to procure provisions for them was\\nnot in his power. They were at one time reduced\\nto so great an extremity of hunger, that the dogs\\nbelonging to the army were killed and eaten, and\\nmany of the soldiers devoured their leather cartouch\\nboxes. Arnold and his party at length arrived at\\nPoint Levi, opposite the town of Quebec but in\\nconsequence of information the British had received,\\nby the treachery of the Indian to whom Arnold had\\nintrusted a letter to General Schuyler, the boats which\\nhe expected to find there to transport his troops acrpss\\nthe river had been removed, and the enemy were no\\nlonger in a state to be surprised. Arnold, however,\\nwas not to be deterred from attempting something\\nagainst the town he calculated strongly upon the\\ndefection of the inhabitants and having supplied\\nhimself with canoes, he crossed the river in the night,\\nand gained possession of the heights of Abraham.\\nHere, though he had no artillery, and scarcely half\\nthe number of men that composed the garrison of\\nthe to\\\\\\\\m, he made a bold experiment to try the loy-\\nalty of the enemy s troops, by sending a flag to sum-\\nmon them to surrender. But no message would be\\nadmitted, and Arnold found himself compelled to\\nretire to more comfortable quarters, where he awaited\\nthe arrival of General Montgomery.\\nGeneral Carleton, who it has already been stated", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n233\\narrived at Quebec, had taken the best measures for\\nits defence, and was prepared to receive him. In a\\nfew days, the American general opened a six-gun\\nbattery within about seven hundred yards of the walls\\nbut his artillery was too light to make a breach, and\\nhe could do nothing more than amuse the enemy,\\nand conceal his real purpose. After continuing a\\nsiege nearly a month, he resolved on a desperate\\nattempt to carry the place by escalade. To distract\\nthe garrison, two feigned attacks were made on the\\nupper town by two divisions of the army under\\nMajors Brown and Livingston, while two real attacks\\non opposite sides of the lower town were made by\\ntwo otiier divisions under Montgomery and Arnold.\\nEarly in the morning of the last day in the year,\\nthe signal was given, and the several divisions moved\\nto the assault in the midst of a heavy fall of snow,\\nwhich covered the assailants from the sight of the\\nenemy. Montgomery, at the head of the New York\\ntroops, advanced along the St. Lawrence, by Aunce\\nde Mere, under Cape Diamond. The first barrier to\\nbe surmounted on that side was defended by a bat-\\ntery, in which were mounted a few pieces of artillery,\\nin front of which were a blockhouse and picket.\\nThe guard at the blockhouse, after giving a random\\nfire, threw away their arms and fled to the barrier,\\nand for a time the battery itself was deserted. Enor-\\nmous piles of ice impeded the progress of the\\nAmericans, who, pressing forward in a narrow defile,\\nreached at length the blockhouse and picket. Mont-\\ngomery, who was in front, assisted in cutting down\\nor pulling up the pickets, and advanced boldly and\\nrapidly at the head of about two hundred men, to\\nforce the barrier. By this time one or two persons\\nhad ventured to return to the battery, and, seizing a\\nslow match, discharged one of the guns. Casual as\\nthis fire appeared, it Avas fataJ to General Montgo-\\nmery and to two valuable young officers near his per-\\nson, who, together with his orderly sergeant and a\\nprivate, were killed on the spot. Colonel Campbell,\\non whom the command devolved, precipitately retired\\nwith the remainder of the division. In the mean\\ntime. Colonel Arnold, at the head of about three him-\\ndred and fifty men, made a desperate attack on the\\nopposite side. Advancing with the utmost intrepi-\\nIn Montgomery the Americans lost one of the bravest and\\nmost accomplished generals that ever led an army to the field. Bnt\\nhe was not more illustrious for his skill and courage as an officer,\\nthan he was estimable for his private virtues. All enmity to him\\non the part of the British ceased with his life, and respect to his\\nprivate character prevailed over all other considerations. His\\nbody was taken up the next day, and he was decently interred.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nMontgomery was a gentleman of good family in Ireland, who,\\nhaving married a lady and purchased an estate in New York, con-\\nsic. ered himself as an American, and had served with reputation in\\ndity along the St. Charles, through a narrow path,\\nexposed to an incessant fire of grape shot and mus-\\nketry, as he approached the first barrier at the Saut\\ndes Matelots, he received a musket ball in the leg,\\nwhich shattered the bone, and he was carried off to the\\ncamp. Captain Morgan, who commanded a company\\nof Virginia riflemen, rushed forward to the batteries\\nat their head, and received a discharge of grape shot,\\nwhich killed one man only. A few rifles were im-\\nmediately fired into the embrasures, and the barri-\\ncade was mounted the battery was instantly desert-\\ned, but the captain of the guard, with the greater\\npart of his men, fell into the hands of the Americans.\\nMorgan formed his men, but from the darkness of\\nthe night and total ignorance of the situation of the\\ntown, it was judged unadvisable to proceed. He\\nwas soon joined by Lieutenant-colonel Green and\\nMajors Bigelow and Meigs, with several fragments\\nof companies, amounting collectively to about two\\nhundred men. At daylight this gallant party was\\nagain formed but after a bloody and desperate en-\\ngagement, in which they sustained the force of the\\nwhole garrison three hours, they were compelled to\\nsurrender themselves prisoners of war.*\\nAfter this brave but disastrous assault, the com-\\nmander of the American troops did not muster more\\nthan four hundred effective men in the hope, how-\\never, of receiving reinforcements, they maintained a\\nposition at a short distance from Quebec and, al-\\nthough the garrison was very superior in numbers,\\nthe bravery the colonists had evinced, and the mixed\\ncharacter of his own troops, disinclined General\\nCarleton from leaving his ramparts to attack the\\nAmericans.\\nThe existence of armed vessels in the service of\\nthe colonies has already been adverted to. From\\nthe peculiar situation of Massachusetts, it was per-\\nceived that important advantages might be gained by\\nemploying armed vessels on the coasts, to prevent\\nthe British from collecting provisions from any places\\naccessible to them, and to capture the enemy s ships\\nloaded with military stores. Before the subject of\\na naval armament was taken up by congress, it ap-\\npears that not only Massachusetts, but Rhode Island\\nand Connecticut, had each of them two vessels, at\\nthe late French war. Congress directed a monument to be erected\\nto his memory, with an inscription e-xpressive of their veneration\\nfor his character, and of their deep sense of his many signal and\\nimportant services; and to transmit to future ages, as examples\\ntruly worthy of imitation, his patriotism, conduct, boldness of en-\\nterprise, insuperable perseverance, and contempt of danger and\\ndeath. A monument of white marble, with emblematic devices,\\nhas accordingly been erected to his memory, in front of St. Paul s\\nchurch, in New York.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "234\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nleast, fitted, armed, and equipped by the colonial autho-\\nrities. Subsequently, the general court of Massachu-\\nsetts passed an act for encouraging the fitting out of\\narmed vessels to defend the sea coast of America,\\nand for erecting a court to try and condemn all ves-\\nsels that should be found infesting the same. Short-\\nly afterwards, a committee of congress, appointed to\\ndevise ways and means for fitting out a naval arma-\\nment, brouglit in their report, which was adopted.\\nIt was resolved to fit out for sea thirteen ships, five\\nof thirty-two guns, five of twenty-eight, and three of\\ntwenty-four guns a committee was nominated, with\\nfull powers to carry the report into execution with\\nall possible expedition, and Ezekiel Hopkins was ap-\\npointed commander. Thus commenced the Ameri-\\ncan navy. The advantages that had been anticipa-\\nted from armed vessels were soon experienced.\\nCaptain Manly, of Marblehead, one of the first who\\nput to sea, on the 29th of November took an ordnance\\nbrig from Woolwich, containing, besides a large\\nbrass mortar, several pieces of fine brass cannon, a\\nlarge quantity of small arms and ammunition, with\\nall kinds of tools, utensils, and macliines, necessary\\nfor camps and artillery and, nine days after, three\\nsliips, from London, Glasgow, and Liverpool, with\\nvarious stores for the British army. A brig, with\\nfifteen thousand pounds of powder, was captured by\\na vessel fitted out by the council of safety of South\\nCarolina. The supplies obtained by these means\\nwere of vast importance to the American army,\\nwhich was in very great want of ammunition and\\nmilitary stores.\\nAmong other measures tending to promote the\\ngeneral welfare, congress resolved that a line of\\nposts should be appointed from Falmouth, in New\\nEngland, to Savannah, in Georgia and Benja-\\nmin Franklin was unanimously chosen postmas-\\nter-general. They also directed the establishment\\nof an hospital, adequate to the necessities of an army\\nconsisting of twenty thousand men and Dr. Church\\nwas appointed director and physician of the esta-\\nblishment.*\\nGeneral Washington, on his first arrival in camp,\\nhad found the materials for a good army but they\\nwere in the crudest state. The troops having been\\nraised by diflferent colonial governments, no uniform-\\nity existed among the regiments and imbued by\\nNot long afier his appointment, Dr. Church was detected in a\\ntraitorous correspondence with the British in Boston. He had\\nsustainedva high reputation as a patriot, and w.as at this time a\\nmember of the Massachusetts house of representatives. He was\\ntried, convicted, and expelled from the house of representatives;\\nand congress afterwards resolved, that he be closely confined in\\nsome secure goal in Connecticut, without the use of pen, ink, or\\nthe spirit of that very liberty for which they were\\npreparing to fight, and unaccustomed to discipline,\\nthey neither felt an inclination to be subject to mi-\\nlitary rules, nor realized the importance of being so.\\nThe difficulty of establisliing subordination was\\ngreatly increased by the shortness of the terms of\\nenlistment, some of which were to expire in Novem-\\nber, and none to continue longer than December.\\nVarious causes operated to lead congress to the al-\\nmost fatal plan of temporary military establishments.\\nAmong the most important of these were a prospect\\nof accommodation with the parent state, and the\\nwant of experience in the management of war upon\\nan extensive scale. It is true, the revolutionary\\nconflict placed the people of America in a situation\\nin which all the energies of the human mind are\\nbrought into action, and in which man makes his\\nnoblest eflforts the occasion called upon the public\\ntheatre statesmen and warriors, who, by the wise\\nand honourable execution of the complicated duties\\nof their new characters, surprised the world but\\neven from them errors of inexperience were inevita-\\nble. The fear of accumulating expenses which the\\nresources of the country could not discharge, had\\na further influence to deter the American govern-\\nment from the adoption of permanent military estab-\\nlishments for, although the recommendations of\\ncongress, and the regulations of state conventions\\nhad, in the day of enthusiasm, the force of law, yet the\\nruling power thought it inexpedient to attempt to\\nraise large sums by direct taxes, at a time when\\ntlie commerce of the country was annihilated, and\\nthe cultivators of the ground were subjected to\\nheavy services in the field of war. The only re-\\ncourse was to a paper medium, without funds for\\nits redemption, or for the support of its credit, and\\ntherefore of necessity subject to depreciation, and, in\\nits nature, capable of only a temporary currency\\ncongress, therefore, was justly afraid of the expense\\nof a permanent army. Jealousy of a standing army\\nhad also a powerful influence upon the military ar-\\nrangements of America. Indeed this spirit early in-\\nsinuated itself into the legislative bodies of the\\ncolonies, and was displayed in many of their mea-\\nsures an indication of this feeling appears in the\\naddress presented by the provincial assembly of New\\nYork to General Washington, while on his journey\\npaper; and that no person be allowed to converse with him, ex-\\ncept in the presence and hearing of a magistrate, or the sheriff of\\nthe county.\\nDr. Church was never confined in Connecticut, but was permit-\\nted to sail for the West Indies. The vessel he embarked in was\\nlost, and every one on board of her perished. His traitorous in-\\ntentions, since that period, have become problematical. Am. Ed.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n285\\nto the Ameiican camp. We have the fullest as-\\nsurance, say ihey, that whenever this important\\ncontest shall be decided, by that fondest wish of each\\nAmericaji soul, an accommodation with our mother\\ncountry, you will cheerfully resign the important\\ndeposit committed to your hands, and reassume the\\ncharacter of our worthiest citizen. Cong-ress, as a\\nbody, unquestionably participated in this jealousy,\\nand was afraid to trust a standing army with the\\npower necessary to conduct the war, lest, at its suc-\\ncessful termination, this- army should become the\\nmaster of the country for whose liberties it had\\nfought.\\nThe want of subordination was by no means the\\nonly difficuUy with which the commander in chief\\nliad to contend he soon made the alarming disco-\\nvery, that there was not more powder than would\\nfurnish each man with nine cartridges. Although\\nthis dangerous deficiency was carefully concealed\\nfrom the enemy, yet the want of bayonets, %vhich\\nwas very considerable, could not be kept secret. The\\narmy was also so destitute of tents as to be unavoid^^\\nably lodged in barracks, a circumstance extiemely\\nunfavourable to sudden movements, to health, and to\\ndiscipline. There was no commissary general, and\\ntherefore no systematic arrangement for obtaining\\nprovisions and a supply of clothes was rendered\\npeculiarly difficult by the non-importation agree-\\nments. Added to this, there was a total want of\\nengineers, and a great deficiency of working tools.\\nThe general, happily qualified at once to meet diffi-\\nculties and to remove them, took immediate care to\\norganize the troops, to fit them for actual service,\\nand to make arrangements for the necessary supplies.\\nNext to these objects, he considered the re-enlistment\\nof the army the most interesting. To this essential\\npoint he had early solicited the attention of congress,\\nassuring that body that he must despair of the liber-\\nties of his country, unless he were furnished with an\\narmy that should stand by him until the conclusion\\nof their enterprise. Congress at length resolved to\\nraise a standing army, to consist of about seventy-\\nfive thousand men, to serve for the term of three\\nyears, or during the war and that it should be com-\\nposed of eighty -eight battalions, to be raised in the\\ncolonies, according to their respective abilities. Re-\\ncruiting orders were accordingly issued but the\\nprogress in raising recruits was by no means pro-\\nportioned to the public exigencies. On the last day\\nof December, when all the old troops not engaged\\non the new establishments were disbanded, there had\\nbeen enlisted for the army of 1776 no more than\\nnine thousand six hundred and fifty men. An ear-\\nnest recommendation of General Washington tc con-\\ngress to try the influence of a bounty was not acce-\\nded to until laie in January but during the winter\\nthe number of recruits was considerably augmented.\\nThe history of the winter campaign, says the bio-\\ngrapher of Washington, is a history of continued\\nand successive struggles on the part of the American\\ngeneral, under the vexations and difiiculties imposed\\nby the want of arms, ammunition, and permanent\\ntroops, on a person in an uncommon degree solicitous\\nto prove himself, by some grand and useful achieve-\\nment, worthy of the high station to which the voice\\nof his country had called him.\\nIn the space of time between the disbanding the\\nold army, and the constitution of an efi ective force\\nfrom the new recruits, the lines were often in a de-\\nfenceless state the English must have known the\\nfact, and no adequate reason can be assigned why an\\nattack was not made. It is not, says General\\nWashington, in his communications to congress, in\\nthe pages of history to furnish a case like ours. To\\nmaintain a post within musket shot of the enemy, foi\\nsix months together, without ammunition, and, at the\\nsame time, to disband one army and recruit another,\\nwithin that distance of twenty odd British regiments,\\nis more, probably, than ever was attempted. But if\\nwe succeed as well in the last as we have heretofore\\nin the first, I shall think it the most fortunate event\\nof my whole life. Such a measure, with the organ-\\nization and discipline of the men, will be supposed\\nto have employed every active power of the general\\nyet this did not satisfy his mind. He knew that\\ncongress anxiously contemplated more decisive steps,\\nand that the country looked for events of greater\\nmagnitude. The public was ignorant of his actual\\nsituation, and conceived his means for ofiensive\\noperations to be much greater than they were and\\nthey expected from him the capture or expulsion\\nof the Brhish army in Boston. He felt the impor-\\ntance of securing the confidence of his countrymen\\nby some brilliant action, and was fully sensible that\\nhis own reputation was liable to suffer if he confined\\nhimself solely to measures of defence. To publish\\nto his anxious country the state of his army, would\\nbe to acqtiaint the enemy with his weakness, and to\\nhazard his destruction. The firmness and patiiotism\\nof General Washington were displayed, in making\\nthe good of his country an object of higher considera-\\ntion than the applause of those who were incapable\\nof forming a correct opinion of the propriety of his\\nmeasures. On this, and on many other occasions\\nduring the war, he withstood the voice of the popu-\\nlace, rejected the entreaties of the sangume. and re-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "236\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfused to adopt the plans of the rash, that he might\\nultimately secure the great object of contention.\\nWhile he resohitely rejected every measure which in\\nhis calm and deliberate judgment he did not approve,\\nhe daily pondered the practicability of a successful\\nattack upon Boston. As a preparatory step, he took\\npossession of Plowed-hill, Cobble-hill, and Lechmere s\\nPoint, and erected foiiifications upon them. These\\nprists brought him within half a mile of the enemy s\\nworks on Bunker s-hill and, by his artillery he\\ndrove the British floating; batteries from their stations\\nin Charles s River. He erected floating batteries to\\nwatch the movements of his enemy, and to aid in\\nany oflensive operations that circumstances might\\nwarrant. He took the opinion of his general officers\\na second time respecting the meditated attack they\\nagain unanimously gave their opinion in opposition to\\nthe measure, and this opinion was immediately com-\\nmunicated to congress. Congress appeared still to fa-\\nvour the attempt, and, that an apprehension of danger\\nto the town of Boston might not have an undue influ-\\nence upon the operations of the army, resolved, That\\nif General Washington and his council of war should\\nbe of opinion that a successful attack might be made\\non the troops in Boston, he should make it in any\\nmanner he might think expedient, notwithstanding\\nthe town, and property therein, might thereby be\\ndestroyed.\\nGeneral Howe had, in October, succeeded Gene-\\nral Gage in the command of the British army, and\\nthrough the winter confined himself to measures of\\ndefence. The inability of the American general to\\naccomplish the great object of the campaign, repeat-\\nedly pointed out by congress, was doubtless a source\\nof extreme mortification to him but he indulged the\\nhope of success in some military operations during\\nthe winter that would correspond with the high ex-\\npectations of his country, and procure him honour\\nin his exalted station of commander in chief of the\\nAmerican army. Early in January he summoned\\na council of war, in which it was resolved, That a\\nvigorous attempt ought to be made on the ministe-\\nrial troops in Boston, before they can be reinforced\\nin the spring, if the means can be provided, and a\\nfavourable opportunity shall ofier.\\nIt was not, however, till the middle of February\\nthat the ice became suflrciently strong for General\\nW ashington to march his forces upon it into Boston\\nhe was then inclined to risk a general assault upon\\nthe British posts, although he had not powder to\\nmake any extensive use of his artillery but his ge-\\nneral officers in council voted against the attempt,\\nand in their decision he reluctantly acquiesced. By\\nthe end of the month the stock of powder was con-\\nsiderably increased, and the regular army amount-\\ned to fourteen thousand men, which was reinforced\\nby six thousand of the militia of Massachusetts.\\nGeneral Washington now resolved to take possession\\nof the heights of Dorchester, in the prospect that this\\nmovement would bring on a general engagement\\nwith the enemy under favourable circumstances or,\\nshould this expectation fail, that from this position\\nhe would be enabled to annoy the ships in the har-\\nbour, and the troops in the town. To mask the de-\\nsign, a severe cannonade and bombardment were\\nopened on the British works and lines for several\\nnights in succession. As soon as the firing began\\non the night of the 4th of March, a strong detach-\\nment marched from Roxbury over the neck of land\\nconnecting Roxbury with Dorchester Heights, and,\\nwithout discovery, took possession of the heights.\\nGeneral Ward, who commanded the division of the\\narmy in Roxbury, had fortunately provided fascines\\nbefore the resolution passed to fortify the place\\nthese were of great use, as the ground was deeply\\nfrozen and, in the course of the night, the party, by\\nuncommon exertions, erected works sufficient for\\ntheir defence. When the British discovered these\\nworks, nothing could exceed their astonishment.\\nTheir only alternative was either to abandon the town,\\nor to dislodge the provincials. General Howe, with\\nhis usual spirit, chose the latter part of the alterna-\\ntive, and took measures for the embarkation on that\\nvery evening of five regiments, with the light infan-\\ntry and grenadiers, on the important but most ha-\\nzardous service. The transports fell down in the\\nevening toward the castle with the troops, amount-\\ning to about two thousand men but a tremendous\\nstorm at night rendered the execution of the design\\nabsolutely impracticable. A council of war was\\ncalled the next morning, which agreed to evacuate\\nthe town as soon as possible. A fortnight elapsed\\nbefore that measure was effected. Meanwhile, the\\nAmericans strengthened and extended their works\\nand on the morning of the 17th of March, the king s\\ntroops, with those Americans who were attached tc\\nthe royal cause, began to embark before ten, all of\\nthem were under sail. As the rear embarked, Ge-\\nneral Washington marched triumphantly into Bos-\\nton, where he was joyfully received as a deliverer.\\nThe issue of the campaign was highly gratifying\\nto all classes and the gratulation of his fellow-citi-\\nzens upon the repossession of the metropolis of Mas-\\nsachusetts, was more pleasing to the commander in\\nchief than would have been the honours of a triumph.\\nCongress, to express the public approbation of the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n237\\nmilitary achievements of their ereneral, resolved,\\nThat the thanks of congress, in their own name,\\nand in tlie name of the thirteen united colonies, be\\npresented to his excellency General Washington, and\\nthe officers and soldiers under his command, for their\\nwise and spirited conduct in the siege and acquisi-\\ntion of Boston and that a medal of gold be struck,\\nin commemoration of this great event, and presented\\nto his excellency. In his letter, informing congress\\nthat he had executed their order, and communicated\\nto the army the vote of thanks, he says, They were,\\nindeed, at first, a band of undisciplined husbandmen\\nbut it is, under God, to their bravery and attention\\nto their duty, that I am indebted for that success\\nwhich* has procured me the only reward I wish to\\nreceive the affection and esteem of my countrymen.\\nAlthough Halifax was mentioned as the destined\\nplace of the British armament. General Washington\\napprehended that New York was their object. On\\nthis supposition, he detached several brigades of his\\narmy to that city, before the evacuation of Boston\\nand as soon as the necessary arrangements were\\nmade in the latter city, he followed with the main\\nbody of his army to New York, where he arrived on\\nthe 14th of April. The situation of New York was\\nhighly favourable for an invading army, supported\\nby a superior naval force and General Washington\\ndoubted the jiracticability of a successful defence\\nbut the importance of the place, the wishes of con-\\ngress, the opinion of his general officers, and the ex-\\npectation of his country, induced him to make the\\nattempt and the resolution being formed, he called\\ninto action all the resources in his power to effect it,\\nand, with unremitted diligence, pushed on his works.\\nHulks were sunk in the North and East rivers\\nforts were erected on the most commanding situa-\\ntions on their banks and works were raised to de-\\nfend the narrow passage between Long and York\\nIslands. The passes in the Highlands, bordering on\\nthe Hudson, became an object of early and solicitous\\nattention. The command of this river was equally\\nimportant to the American and the British general.\\nBy its possession, the Americans easily conveyed\\nsupplies of provision and ammunition to the northern\\narmy, and secured an intercourse between the south-\\nern and northern colonies essential to the success of\\nthe war. If the river were in the hands of the\\nBritish, this necessary communication would be in-\\nterrupted, and an intercourse between the Atlantic\\nand Canada opened to them. General Washington\\nordered the passes to be fortified, and made their\\nsecurity an object of primary importance through\\nevery period of his command.\\nWhile these operations were carrying on in New\\nEngland, General Arnold, under all his discourage-\\nments, continued the blockade of Quebec but, in\\nthe month of May, m a council of war, it was unani-\\nmously determined, that the troops were in no con-\\ndition to risk an assault, and the army was removed\\nto a more defensible position. The Canadians at\\nthis juncture receiving considerable reinforcements,\\nthe Americans were compelled to relinquish one\\npost after another, and by the 18th of June they had\\nevacuated Canada.\\nIn Virginia, the zeal and activity which had been\\nexcited by the spirited enterprise of Patrick Henry\\nstill continued to manifest themselves in various\\nparts of the colony. The governor s family, alarm-\\ned by the threatening march of Mr. Henry towards\\nWilliamsburgh, had already taken refuge on board\\nthe Fowey man-of-war and only a few weeks\\nelapsed before Lord Dunmore himself adopted the\\nsame means of personal safety. Soon after fixing\\nhis residence on board the Fowey, his lordship re-\\nquired the house of burgesses to attend, him theie\\nbut instead of obeying the requisition, they pabsed\\nsundry resolutions, in which they declared thai his\\nlordship s message was a high breach of the rights\\nand privileges of the house, and that his conduct\\ngave them reason to fear that a dangerous attack\\nwas meditated against the unhappy people of the\\ncolony. On the 24th of July, the colonial conven-\\ntion met they appointed a committee of safety,\\npassed an ordinance for regulating the militia, and\\nfor raising a regular force of two regiments, the com-\\nmand of which was given to Patrick Henry, who\\nwas also made the commander of all the forces raised,\\nand to be raised, for the defence of the colony. The\\nships of war belonging to his majesty, which had\\nbeen cruising in the .Tames and York rivers during\\nthe whole summer, had committed many petty acts\\nof depredation and plunder along the shores, which\\nthe people now eagerly desired to resent, and an op-\\nportunity of gratification soon oflered. The captain\\nof the Otter sloop of war, on the 2d of September,\\nventured upon one of his plundering expeditions in a\\ntender, and was driven ashore near Hampton by a\\nviolent tempest. The crew left the vessel on the\\nshore, and made their escape in the night, and next\\nmorning the people boarded and set fire to her. This\\nnaturaUy roused Captain Squire s resentment, and he\\nthreatened instant destruction to the town but the\\ncommittee of safety at Williamsburg, having heard\\nof the affair, detached Colonel Woodford, with three\\ncompanies, to repel the attack, which was .so effectual-\\nly done, that the assailants were soon glad to make", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "2 J8\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\na precipitate flight, with considerable loss. This af-\\nfair produced a proclamation from his lordship, (who\\ncontinued to hold his head-quarters on board one of\\nthe ships,) in which he not only declared martial law,\\nbut freedom to all the slaves who would join his\\nstandard. By this means he soon collected a crew\\nwell suited to his designs and having fortified him-\\nself at the Great Bridge, near Norfolk, continued for\\nsome time to commit such acts of wanton barbarity\\nand contemptible depredations, as to disgust even\\nthose who had until now continued friendly to the cause\\nof the king. The committee of safety finding them-\\nselves called upon to put a stop to his lordship s\\nsavage warfare, despatched Colonel Woodford to drive\\niiim from his hold. Having arrived within cannon\\nshot of Lord Dunmore s position, the Americans halt-\\ned, and threw up some hasty entrenchments. His\\nlordship, hearing that the provincials amounted only\\nto three hundred men, badly armed, conceived the\\ndesign of surprising them and for this purpose\\nCaptain Leslie, with the regulars and slaves, crossed\\nthe bridge before day-light, and entered the camp of\\nthe provincials, just as they were parading under\\narms. Captain Fordyce advanced to the attack with\\nthe grenadiers, and was among the first that fell.\\nThe whole number of grenadiers were either killed,\\nwounded, or made prisoners, and the rest of the royal\\n]jarty were obliged to make a rapid retreat. Disap-\\npointed in their hopes, the governor s party abandon-\\ned their works the following night, and retired to\\ntheir shipping, leaving Woodford, who was now\\njoined by Colonel Howe from North Carolina, the\\ncom.plete command of Norfolk. After continuing to\\nassail the coasts of Virginia for a considerable time,\\nliut almost every where unsuccessfully,* Lord Dun-\\nmore was at length compelled to abandon his hostile\\ndesigns against the colonists. Some of his ships were\\ndriven upon that coast, where the wretched fugitives\\nwere made prisoners by their own fellow-citizens,\\nand immured in dungeons. To escape a similar\\nfate, Dunmore burnt the ships of least value and\\nthe miserable remains of soldiers and loyalists, as-\\nsailed at once by tempests, famine, and disease,\\nsought refuge in Florida, Bermudas, and the West\\nIndies.\\nNotwithstanding the extent to which hostilities had\\nbeen carried, a large portion of the colonists had\\nhitherto continued to entertain some hope of an ami-\\ncable termination of the dispute and it is evident,\\nOn the 1st day of January, 1776, the town of Norfolk, in Vir-\\nginia, was set on fire bv the British, under the direction of Lord\\nDunmore and reduced to ashes. On the arrival of the Liverpool\\nman-of-war from England, a tiag was sent on shore to put the ques-\\ntion, whether the provincials would supply his majesty s ship with\\nfrom the transactions we are about to record, that\\nmany felt sincerely desirous not to frustrate such a\\nresult. The want of more regular and stable go-\\nvernments had for some time been felt in those colo-\\nnies where royal governments had hitherto existed\\nand in the autumn of 1775, New Hampshire applied\\nto congress for their advice and direction on this\\nsubject. In November, congress advised the con-\\nvention of that colony, to call a full and free repre-\\nsentation of the people when the representatives, il\\nthey thought it necessary, should establish such a\\nform of government as, in their judgment, would lest\\npromote the happiness of the people, and most ef-\\nfectually secure peace and good order during the\\ncontinuance of the dispute between Great Britain\\nand the colonies. On this question the members of\\ncongress were not unanimous. It was viewed by\\nsome as a step necessarily leading to independence\\nand by some of its advocates it was probably intend-\\ned as such. To render the resolution less excep-\\ntionable, the duration of the government was limited\\nto the continuance of the dispute with the parent\\ncountry. Soon afterwards, similar directions and\\nadvice were given to South Carolina and Virginia.\\nThe last hopes of the colonists for reconciliation\\nrested on the success of their second petition to the\\nking and the answer of their sovereign to this ap-\\nplication was expected with extreme solicitude. In-\\nformation, however, was soon received from Mr.\\nPenn, who was intrusted with the petition, that no\\nanswer would be given. This intelligence was fol-\\nlowed by that of great additional preparations to sub-\\ndue the American rebels. The king, in his\\nspeech at the opening of parliament in October, not\\nonly accused the colonists of revolt, hostility, and\\nrebellion, but stated that the rebellious war carried\\non by them was for the purpose of establishing an\\nindependent empire. To prevent this, he declared\\nthat the most decisive and vigorous measures were\\nnecessary that he had consequently increased his\\nnaval establishment, liad augmented his land forces,\\nand had also taken measures to procure the aid of\\nforeign troops. He at the same time stated his in-\\ntention of appointing certain persons with authority\\nto grant pardons to individuals, and to receive the sub-\\nmission of whole colonies disposed to return to their\\nallegiance. Large majorities in both houses assured\\nthe king of their firm support in his measures for re-\\nducing the colonists to obedience. The addresses,\\nprovisions, and a negative answer being returned, it was determin-\\ned to destroy the town. The whole loss was estimated at three\\nhundred thousand pounds sterling. The provincial-, themselves\\ndestroyed the houses and plantations near the water, to deprive the\\nships of every resource of supply.\\n.C?", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n239\\nhowever, in answer to the speech, were opposed with\\ngreat ability. The project of employing foreign\\ntroops to destroy American subjects, was reprobated\\nby the minority in the strongest terms. The plans\\nof the ministry, however, were not only approved by\\nparliament, but by a majority of the nation. The\\nidea of making the colonists share their burdens,\\ncould not easily be relinquished by the people of\\nGreat Britain and national pride would not permit\\nthem to yield the point of supremacy. War was\\nnow, therefore, to be waged against the colonies, and\\na lorce sent out sufficiently powerful to compel sub-\\nmission, even without a struggle. For these pur-\\nposes the aid of parliament was requisite and about\\nthe last of December an act was passed, prohibiting\\nall trade and commerce with the colonies, and au-\\nthorizing the capture and condemnation, not only of\\nall American vessels, with their cargoes, but all other\\nvessels found trading in any port or place in the co-\\nlonies, as if the same were the vessels and effects of\\nopen enemies and the vessels and property thus\\ntaken were vested in the captors, and the crews were\\nto be treated, not as prisoners, but as slaves.* The\\npassing of this act shut the door against the applica-\\ntion of the colonies for a reconciliation. The last\\npetition of congress to the king had, indeed, been\\nlaid before parliament, but both houses refused to\\nhear it, or even to treat upon any proposition coming\\nfrom such an unlawful assembly, or from those who\\nwere then in arms against their lawful sovereign.\\nIn the house of lords, on the motion of the Duke of\\nRichmond, Mr. Penn was examined on American af-\\nfairs. He stated, among other things, that the colo-\\nnists were desirous of reconciliation, and did not aim\\nat independence that they were disposed to con-\\nform to the acts regulating their trade, but not to\\ntaxation and that on this point a spirit of resistance\\nBy a most extraordinary clause in the act, it was made lawful for\\nthe commander of a British vessel to take the masters, crews, and\\nother persons, found in the captured vessels, to put them on board\\nany other British armed vessel, and enter their names on the books of\\nthe same and from the time of such entry, such persons were to\\nbe considered in the service of his majesty, to all intents and pur-\\nposes, as though they had entered themselves voluntarily on board\\nof such vessel. By this means the Americans might be compelled\\nto fight even against their own friends and countrymen. This\\nclause in the act excited the indignation of many in both houses of\\nparliament, and drew from them the strongest epithets of reproba-\\ntion. This treatment of prisoners, they declared not only unjust,\\nbut a. refinement in cruelty unknown among savage nations. No\\nman, they said, could be despoiled of his goods as a foreign enemy,\\nand at the ^ame time compelled to serve the state as a citizen.\\nSuch a compulsion upon pri.soners was unknown in any case of\\nwar or rebellion and the only example of the kind that could be\\nproduced, must be found among pirates, the outlaws and enemies\\nof human society. Some of the lords, in their protest against the\\nact, described it as a refinement in cruelty, which, in a sen-\\ntence worse than death, obliged the unhappy men who should be\\n31\\nwas universal. After this examination, the Duke of\\nRichmond moved a resolution, declaring that the\\npetition of congress to the king was a ground for a\\nreconciliation of the differences between the two\\ncountries. This motion was negatived, after a warm\\ndebate, by eighty-six to thirty-three. These pro-\\nceedings of the king and parliament, with the em-\\nployment of sixteen thousand foreign mercenaries,\\nconvinced the leading men in each colony, that the\\nsword alone must decide the contest, and that the\\ncolonists must now declare themselves totally inde-\\npendent of Great Britain.\\nTime, however, was still requisite, to convince the\\ngreat mass of the American people of the necessity of\\na complete separation from their parent country, and\\nthe establishment of independent governments. The\\nablest pens were employed throughout America, in\\nthe winter of 1775-6, on this momentous subject.\\nThe propriety and necessity of the measure was en-\\nforced in the numerous gazettes, and in pamphlets.\\nAmong the latter, Common Sense, from the popu-\\nlar pen of Thomas Paine, produced a wonderful ef-\\nfect in the different colonies in favour of independ-\\nence. Influential individuals in every colony urged\\nit as a step absolutely necessary to preserve the rights\\nand liberties, as well as to secure the happiness and\\nprosperity of America.t\\nWhen the prohibitory act reached America, con-\\ngress, justly viewing it as a declaration of war, di-\\nrected reprisals to be made, both by public and pri-\\nvate armed vessels, against the ships and goods of\\nthe inhabitants of Great Britain, found on the high\\nseas, or between high and low water mark. They\\nalso burst the shackles of commercial monopoly,\\nwhich had so long kept them in bondage, and open-\\ned their ports to all the world, except the dominions\\nof Great Britain. In this state of things, it was pre-\\nmade captives in that predatory war, to bear arms against their\\nfamilies, kindred, friends, and country; and after being plundered\\nthemselves, to become accomplices in plundering their brethren.\\nThe ministry, on the other hand, pretended to view this irealment\\nof American prisoners rather as an act of grace and favour than ol\\ninjustice or cruelty.\\nt The chief justice of South Carolina, William Henr) Drayton,\\nappointed under the new form of government just adojiled, in his\\ncharge to the grand jurors, in April, after justifying ihe proceed-\\nings of that colony, in forming a new government, on the princi-\\nples of the revolution in England, in 1688, thus concludes The\\nAlmighty created America to be independent of Great Britain lei\\nus beware of the impiety of being backward lo act as instrumcni.\\nin the Almighty hand, now extended to accomplish his puipose\\nand by the completion of which alone, America, in Ihe nalure of\\nhuman affairs, can be secure against the crafty and insidious de-\\nsigns of her enemies, who think her power and prosperily already\\nby far too great. In a word, our piety and political safety are so\\nblended, that to refuse our labours in this divine work, is lo refuse\\nto be a great, a free, a pious, and a happy people. Pitkin, vol. i\\np. 359.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "240\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nposterous for the colonists any longer to consider\\nthemselves as holding or exercising the powers of\\ngovernment under the authority of Great Britain.\\nCongress, therefore, on the 10th of May, recommend-\\ned to the assemblies and conventions of the colonies\\nwhere no sufficient government had been established,\\nto adopt such government as should, in the opinion\\nof the representatives of the people, best conduce to\\nthe happiness and safety of their constituents in par-\\nticular, and America in general. They also de-\\nclared it necessary, that the exercise of every kind\\nof authority under the crown should be suppressed,\\nand that all the powers of government should be ex-\\nercised under the authority of the people of the co-\\nlonies, for the preservation of internal peace, virtue,\\nand good order, as well as for the defence of their\\nlives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile in-\\nvasions and cruel depredations of their enemies.\\nThis was a preliminary step to a general declaration\\nof independence. Some of the colonial assemblies\\nand conventions about the same time began to ex-\\npress their opinions on this great question. On the\\n22d of April, the convention of North Carolina em-\\npowered their delegates in congress to concur with\\nthose in the other colonies in declaring independ-\\nency. This, it is believed, was the first direct\\npublic act of any colonial assembly or convention in\\nfavour of the measure.* The- convention of Vir-\\nginia soon afterwards expressed itself still more deci-\\ndedly. After full deliberation, the following resolu-\\ntions were passed unanimously\\nThat the delegates appointed to represent this\\ncolony in general congress, be instructed to propose\\nto that respectable body, to declare the United Colo-\\nnies free and independent states, absolved from all\\nallegiance to, or dependance upon, the crown or par-\\nliament of Great Britain and that they give the as-\\nsent of this colony to such declaration, and to what-\\never measures may be thought jwoper and necessary\\nby the congress for forming foreign alliances, and a\\nconfederation of the colonies, at such time and in the\\nmanner as to them shall seem best. Provided, that\\nthe power of forming governments for, and the regu-\\nPitkin s Political and Civil History, vol. i. p. 361.\\nt This measure was followed by the most lively demonstrations\\nof joy. The spirit of the times is interestingly manifested by the\\nfollowing paragraph from Purdie s paper of the 17th of May, which\\nimmediately succeeds the annunciation of the resolutions: In\\nconsequence of the above resolutions, universally regarded as the\\nonly door which will lead to safely and prosperity, some gentlemen\\nmade a handsome collection for the purpose of treating the soldiery,\\nwho next day were para led in Waller s grove, before Brigadier-\\nGeneral Lewis, attended by the gentlemen of the committee of\\nsafety, the members of the general convention, the inhabitants of\\nthis city, c. The resolutions being read aloud to the army, the\\nfollowing toasts were given, each of them accompanied by a dis-\\nlations of, the internal concerns of each colony, be\\nleft to the respective colonial legislatures.\\nThat a committee be appointed to prepare a de-\\nclaration of rights, and such a plan of government as\\nwill be most likely to maintain peace and order in\\nthis colony, and secure substantial and equal liberty\\nto the people. t\\nEarly in the year the British government had pre-\\npared a considerable expedition to reduce the southern\\ncolonies to obedience. The command was intrusted\\nto Sir Peter Parker and Earl Cornwallis. On the\\n3d of May, Admiral Parker, with twenty sail, arrived\\nat Cape Fear. They found General Clinton ready\\nto co-operate with them. He had left New York,\\nand proceeded to Virginia, where he had an inter-\\nview with Lord Dunmore but finding nothing\\ncould be efiected in that colony, he repaired to Cape\\nFear, to await the arrival of the armament from\\nEngland. Meanwhile, the Carolinians had been\\nmaking great exertions. In Charleston the utmost\\nenergy and activity was evinced. The citizens\\npulled down the valuable storehouses on the wharfs,\\nbarricadoed the streets, and constructed lines of de-\\nfence along the shore. Abandoning their commer-\\ncial pursuits, they engaged in incessant labour, and\\nprepared for bloody conflicts. The troops, amount-\\ning to between five and six thousand men, were sta-\\ntioned in the most advantageous positions. Amidst\\nall this bustle and preparation, lead was so extremely\\nscarce, that the windows of Charleston were stripped\\nof their weights, in order to procure a small supply\\nof that necessary article for bullets. Early in June,\\nthe armament, consisting of between forty and fifty\\nvessels, appeared ofi Charleston Bay, and thirty-six\\nof the transports passed the bar, and anchored about\\nthree miles from Sullivan s Island. Some hundreds\\nof the troops landed on Long Island, which lies on\\nthe west of Sullivan s Island, and which is separa-\\nted from it by a narrow channel, often fordable. On\\nthe 10th of the month, the Bristol, a fifty gun ship-\\nhaving taken out her guns, got safely over the bar\\nand on the 25th, the Experiment, a ship of equal\\nforce, arrived, and next day passed in the same way.\\ncharge of the artillery and small arms, and the acclamations of all\\npresent: 1. The American Independent Stales. 2. The grand\\ncongress of the United States, and their respective legislatures.^\\n3. General Washington, and victory to the American arms. The\\nunion flag of the American states waved upon the capitol diiriiig\\nthe whole of this ceremony; which, being ended, the soldiers par-\\ntook of the refreshments prepared for them by the afleclion of their\\ncountrymen, and the evening concluded with illuminations and\\nother demonstrations of joy every one seeming pleased that the\\ndomination of Great Britain was now at an end, so wickedly and\\ntyrannically exercised for these twelve or thirteen years past, not-\\nwithstanding our repeated prayers and remonstrances for redress.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Wirt s Life of Henry, p. 195.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n241\\nOn the part of the British, every thing was now ready\\nfor action. Sir Henry Clinton had nearly three\\nthousand men under his command. The naval\\nforce, under Sir Peter Parker, consisted of the Bristol\\nand Experiment, of fifty guns the Active, Acteon,\\nSolebay, and Syren frigates; the Friendship, of\\ntwenty-two, and the Sphinx, of twenty guns the\\nRanger sloop, and Thunder bomb. On the forenoon\\nof the 28th of June, this fleet advanced against the\\nfort on Sullivan s Island, which was defended by\\nColonel Moultrie, with about three hundred and\\nfifty regular troops, and some militia. The Thun-\\nder bomb began the battle. The Active, Bristol, Ex-\\nperiment, and Solebay, followed boldly to the attack,\\nand a terrible cannonade ensued. The fort return-\\ned the fire of the ships slowly, but with deliberate\\nand deadly aim and the contest was carried on\\nduring the whole day with unabating fury. The\\nSphinx, Acteon, and Syren, were ordered to attack\\nthe western extremity of the fort, which was in a\\nvery unfinished state but, as they proceeded for\\nthat purpose, they got entangled with a shoal, called\\nthe Middle Ground. Two of them ran foul of each\\nother the Acteon stuck fast the Sphinx and Syren\\ngot off; but, fortunately for the Americans, that part\\nof the attack completely failed. It was designed that\\nSir Henry Clinton, with his corps, should co-operate\\nwith the naval operations by passing the narrow chan-\\nnel which separates Long Island from Sullivan s\\nIsland, and assail the fort by land but this the ge-\\nneral found impracticable, for the channel, though\\ncommonly fordable, was at that time, by a long pre-\\nvalence of easterly winds, deeper than usual and\\neven had the channel been fordable, the British troops\\nwould have found the passage an arduous enterprise\\nfor Colonel Thomson, with a strong detachment of\\nriflemen, regulars, and militia, was posted on the east\\nend of Sullivan s Island, to oppose any attack made\\nin that quarter. The engagement, which began\\nabout eleven o clock in the forenoon, continued with\\nunabated fury till seven in the evening, when the\\nfire slackened, and about nine entirely ceased on\\nboth sides. During the night, all the ^hips, except\\nthe Acteon, which was aground, removed about two\\nmiles from the island. Next morning, the fort fired\\na few shots at the Acteon, and she at first returned\\nthem but, in a short time, her crew set her on fire,\\nand abandoned her. She blew up shortly afterwards.\\nIn this obstinate engagement both parties fought with\\ngreat gallantry. The loss of the British was very\\nconsiderable, upwards of sixty being killed, and one\\nhundred and sixty wounded while the garrison lost\\nonly ten men killed, and twenty-two wounded. Al-\\nthough the Americans were raw troops, yet they be-\\nhaved with the steady intrepidity of veterans. One\\ncircumstance may serve to illustrate the cool but en-\\nthusiastic courage which pervaded their ranks. In\\nthe course of the engagement, the flag-staff of the\\nfort was shot away but Sergeant Jasper leaped down\\nupon the beach, snatched up the flag, fastened it to\\na sponge-staff, and while the ships were incessantly\\ndirecting their broadsides upon the fort, he mounted\\nthe merlon, and deliberately replaced the flag. The\\nfate of this expedition contributed greatly to establish\\nthe popular government it was intended to destroy,\\nwhile the news of it spread rapidly through the con-\\ntinent, and exercised an equally unfavourable in-\\nfluence on the royal cause the advocates of the ir-\\nresistibility of British fleets and armies were mor-\\ntified and silenced and the brave defence of Fort\\nMoultrie saved the southern states from the horrors\\nof war for several years.\\nIn South Carolina, the government took advantage\\nof the hour of success to conciliate their opponents\\nin the province. The adherents of royal power, who,\\nfor a considerable time, had been closely imprisoned,\\non promising fidelity to their country, were set at\\nfreedom, and restored to all the privileges of citizens.\\nThe repulse of the British was also attended with\\nanother advantage, that of leaving the Americans at\\nliberty to turn their undivided force against the In-\\ndians, who had attacked the western frontier of the\\nsouthern states with all the fury and carnage of sa-\\nvage warfare. In 1775, when the breach between\\nGreat Britain and her colonies was daily becoming\\nwider, one Stuart, the agent employed in conducting\\nthe intercourse between the British authorities and\\nthe Cherokees and Creeks, used all his influence to\\nattach the savages to the royal cause, and to inspire\\nthem with jealousy and hatred of the Americans.\\nHe found little difficulty in persuading them that the\\nAmericans, without provocation, had taken up arms\\nagainst Britain, and were the means of preventing\\nthem from receiving their yearly supplies of arms,\\nammunition, and clothing, from the British govern\\nment. The Americans had endeavoured to c .n-\\nciliate the good will of the Indians, but their sr anty\\npresents were unsatisfactory, and the savages re-\\nsolved to take up the hatchet. Deeming tbj appear-\\nance of the British fleet in Charleston Bay a fit\\nopportunity, the Cherokees invaded the western\\nfrontier of the province, marking their track with\\nmurder and devastation. The speedy retreat of the\\nBritish left the savages exposed to the vengeance of\\nthe Americans, who, in separate divisions, entered\\ntheir country at different points, from Virginia and", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "242\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES\\nGeorgia defeated their warriors, burned their vil-\\nlao;es, laid waste their corn-fields, and incapacitated\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6he Cherokees for a considerable time from giving\\nthe settlers further annoyance. Thus, in the south,\\nthe Americans triumphed both over the British and\\nthe Indians.\\nOn the 7th of June, the great question of indepen-\\ndence was brought directly before congress, by Rich-\\nard Henry Lee, one of the delegates from Virginia.\\nHe submitted a resolution, declaring that the united\\ncolonies are, and ought to be, free and independent\\nstates that they are absolved from all allegiance to\\nthe British crown and that all political connexion\\nbetween them and the state of Great Britain is, and\\nought to be, totally dissolved. The resolution was\\npostponed until the next day, and every member en-\\njoined to attend, to take the same into consideration.\\nOn the 8th it was debated in committee of the whole\\nhouse. No question of greater magnitude was ever\\npresented to the consideration of a deliberative body,\\nor debated with more energy, eloquence, and ability.\\nOn the 10th it was adopted in committee, by a bare\\nmajority. The delegates from Pennsylvania and\\nMaryland were instructed to oppose it, and the dele-\\ngates from some of the other colonies were without\\nspecial instructions on the subject. To give time\\nfor greater unanimity, the resolution was postponed\\nin the house until the 1st of July. In the mean\\ntime, a committee was appointed to prepare a declara-\\ntion of independence. During this interval, measures\\nwere taken to procure the assent of all the colonies.\\nOn the day appointed, the resolution relating to\\nindependence was resumed in the general congress,\\nreferred to a committee of the whole house, and as-\\nsented to by all the colonies, except Pennsylvania\\nand Delaware. The committee appointed to prepare\\na declaration of independence selected Mr. Adams\\nand Mr. Jefferson as a sub-committee, and the ori-\\nginal draft, was made by Mr. Jefferson. This draft,\\nwithout any amendment by the committee, was re-\\nported to congress, and, after undergoing several\\namendments, received their sanction.\\nThe course of time has now brought us to the de-\\ncisive hour when a new empire, of a character the\\nmost extraordinary, springs into being. The world\\nhas known no rest since this grand confederacy took\\nher rank among the nations of the earth her exam-\\nple infused a power into the principles of liberty\\nwhich for nearly two centuries had been dormant\\nalthough in another hemisphere, it has exercised\\nmore influence on the state of the public mind in\\nKurope than did the great straggle in the days of the\\ncommonwealth and the world will know rest no\\nmore, till, under whatever form, the great lessons of\\nfreedom which American history enforces, have been\\nlistened to, and embodied in action, by every nation\\nof the globe. We are persuaded we shall entirely\\nmeet the feelings of our readers, by closing this chap-\\nter with that ever memorable document, which gave\\nnational existence to an empire whose birth has open-\\ned so brilliant a prospect to the world-^\\nTHE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nA Declaration by the Representatives of the United\\nStates of America, in Congress assembled.\\nWhen, in the course of human events, it becomes\\nnecessary for one people to dissolve the political bands\\nwhich have connected them with another, and to as-\\nsume, among the powers of the earth, the separate\\nand equal station to which the laws of nature and of\\nnature s God entitle them, a decent respect to the\\nopinions of mankind requires that they should de-\\nclare the causes which impel them to the separation.\\nWe hold these truths to be self-evident that all\\nmen are created equal that they are endowed by\\ntheir Creator with certain unalienable rights that\\namong these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap-\\npiness. That to secure these rights, governments\\nare instituted among men, deriving their just powers\\nfrom the consent of the governed that whenever any\\nform of government becomes destructive of these\\nends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish\\nit, and to institute new government, laying its founda-\\ntion on such principles, and organizing its powers\\nin such form, as to them shall seem most likely to\\neffect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed,\\nwill dictate, that governments long established should\\nnot be changed for light and transient causes and\\naccordingly, all experience hath shown, that man-\\nkind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are suf-\\nferable, than to right themselves, by abolisiiinir the\\nforms to which they are accustomed. But when a\\nlong train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing inva-\\nriably the same object, evinces a design to reduce\\nthem under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is\\ntheir duty, to throw off such government, and to pro-\\nvide new guards for their future security. Such\\nhas been the patient sufferance of these colonies and\\nsuch is now the necessity which constrains them to\\nalter their former systems of government. The his-\\ntory of the present king of Great Britain is a history\\nof repeated injuries and usurpation, all having, in\\ndirect object, the establishment of an absolute ty-\\nranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be\\nsubmitted to a candid world.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n243\\nHe has refused his assent to laws the most whole-\\nsome and necessary for the public good.\\nHe has forbidden his governors to pass laws of\\nimmediate and pressing importance, unless suspended\\nin their operation till his assent should be obtained\\nand when so suspended, he has utterly;. neglected to\\nattend to them.\\nHe has refused to pass other la^s for the accom-\\nmodation of large districts of people, unless those\\npeople would relinquish the right of representation\\nin the legislature a right inestimable to them, and\\nformidable to tyrants only.\\nlie has called together legislative bodies at places\\nunusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the deposi-\\ntory of their public records, for the sole purpose of\\nfatiguing them into compliance with his measures.\\nHe has dissolved representative houses, repeat-\\nedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions\\non the rights of the people.\\nHe has refused, for a long time after such disso-\\nlutions, to cause others to be elected whereby the\\nlegislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have re-\\nturned to the people at large for their exercise the\\nstate remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the\\ndangers of invasion from without, and convulsions\\nwithin.\\nHe has endeavoured to prevent the population of\\nthese states for that purpose obstructing the laws\\nfor naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass\\nothers to encourage their migrations hither, and\\nraising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.\\nHe has obstructed the administration of justice,\\nby refusing his assent to laws for establishing judi-\\nciary powers.\\nHe has made judges dependant on his will\\nalone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount\\nand payment of their salaries.\\nHe has erected a multitude of new offices, and\\nsent hither swarms of officers to harass our people,\\nand eat out their substance.\\nHe has kept among us, in times of peace, stand-\\ning armies, without the consent of our legislatures.\\nHe has affected to render the military independ-\\nent of, and superior to, the civil power.\\nHe has combined with others to subject us to a\\njurisdiction foreign to our constitutions, and unac-\\nknowledged by our laws giving his assent to their\\nacts of pretended legislation\\nFor quartering large bodies of armed troops\\namong us\\nFor protecting them, by a mock trial, from pun-\\nishment for any murders which they should commit\\non the inhabitants of these states\\nFor cutting off our trade with all parts of the\\nworld\\nP^or imposing taxes on us without our consent\\nFor depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits\\nof trial by jury\\nFor transporting us beyond seas to be tried for\\npretended offences\\nFor aboli lag the free system of English laws\\nin a neighoouring province, establishing therein an\\narbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries,\\nso as to render it at once an example and fit instru-\\nment for introducing the same absohue rule into\\nthese colonies\\nFor taking away our charters, abolishing our\\nmost valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the\\nforms of our governments\\nFor suspending our own legislatures, and de-\\nclaring themselves invested with power to legislate\\nfor us in all cases whatsoever.\\nHe has abdicated government here, by declaring\\nus out of his protection, and waging war against us.\\nHe has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts,\\nburnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.\\nHe is, at this time, transporting large armies of\\nforeign mercenaries, to complete the works of death\\ndesolation, and tyranny, already begun with circum-\\nstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in\\nthe most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the\\nhead of a civilized nation.\\nHe has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken\\ncaptive on the high seas, to bear arms against their\\ncountry, to become the executioners of their friends\\nand brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.\\nHe has excited domestic insurrections amongst\\nus, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants\\nof our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose\\nknown rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruc-\\ntion of all ages, sexes, and conditions.\\nIn every stage of these oppressions we have pe-\\ntitioned for redress, in the most humble terms oui\\nrepeated petitions have been answered only by re-\\npeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus\\nmarked by every act which may define a tyrant, is\\nunfit to be the ruler of a free people.\\nNor have we been wanting in attentions to oui\\nBritish brethren. We have warned them, from time\\nto time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an\\nunwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have re-\\nminded them of the circumstances of our emigration\\nand settlement here. We have appealed to their na-\\ntive justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured\\nthem, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow\\nthese usurpations, which would inevitably mterrupt", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "244\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nour connexions and correspondence. They, too, have\\nbeen deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity.\\nWe must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which\\ndenounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold\\nthe rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.\\nWe, therefore, the representatives of the United\\nStates of America in general congress assembled, ap-\\npealing to the Supreme Judge of t world for the\\nrectitude of our intentions, do, in the naiue and by\\nauthority of the sfood people of these colonies, so-\\nlemnly publish and declare, that these United Colo-\\nnies are, and of right ought to be, Free and Inde-\\nThis declaration was directed to be engrossed, and on the 2d\\nof AugUKt, 1776, was signed by all the members then present, and\\nby some who were not members on the 4th of July.\\nPENDENT States that they are absolved from all\\nallegiance to the British crown, and that all political\\nconnexion between them and the state of Great Bri-\\ntain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved and that,\\nas free and independent states, they have full power\\nto levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, esta-\\nblish commerce, and to do all other acts and things\\nwhich independent states may of right do. And for\\nthe support of tliis declaration, with a firm reliance\\non the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually\\npledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our\\nsacred honour.\\nAuthenticated fac-similes of the signatures are given in an en-\\ngraved plate.\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "%m^ f^i\\nCHAPTER I.\\nPROM THE CAMPAIGN OP 1776 TO THAT OF 1779.\\nThe noblest employ of the pen of history, is to\\ndevelop facts which illustrate the progress of the hu-\\nman mind. The age is passed away, when the re-\\ncord of the operations of brute force, even when\\npresented in the fascinating garb of military achieve-\\nments, could be dwelt upon with feelings of unmin-\\nsrled satisfaction and delight. The slaughter of\\nman by his fellow-man, the consigning of cities to\\nthe flames, the substituting of the cries of the widow\\nand the orphan for the smiles of domestic peace, are\\ndeeds which civilized nations would now be well\\ncontent to obliterate from their history but if this\\ncannot be, it is better that the desolations of war\\nshould be merely sketched in faithful outline, rather\\nthan exhibited in a highly wrought picture, tending\\nto excite an admiration of its character, and a per-\\npetuation of its evils. True it is, that the ardour of\\na disinterested patriot cannot be exhibited in too\\nstrong a light but his glory arises far more from\\nthe grandeur of the motives which actuate him, than\\nfrom exploits in the field of blood, to which he is\\nsometimes inevitably, though reluctantly, borne.\\nHaving already dwelt at considerable length on the\\ndevoted patriotism of the inhabitants of the American\\ncolonies, we shall, in the subsequent pages, rather\\nstate the results than the details of their military\\noperations, which, happily foi the world, terminated\\nin the establishment and recognition of a republic\\npossessing all the elements of a great empire, and\\nexhibiting a rapidity of progress which ought to ex-\\ncite the admiration, not the envy, of every civilized\\nnation of the earth. We feel the more satisfaction\\nin proposing to notice but concisely the details of\\nhostilities, as ample justice has already been done to\\nthem by several writers, both in America and Eng-\\nland, while that portion of the history most capable\\nof affording moral and political instruction, has, in\\nour own country at least, hitherto received a very\\npartial and inadequate degree of attention. We shall,\\nhowever, give an outline of military operations amply\\nsufficient to answer all the purposes of the history.\\nGeneral Washington, after compelling the British\\nto abandon Boston, had made every possible prepa-\\nration for the defence of New York, where he had\\nfixed his head-quarters. To second his exertions,\\nthe congress instituted a flying camp, to consist of\\nan intermediate corps, between regular soldiers and\\nmilitia and called for ten thousand men from the\\nstates of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Delaware, to\\nbe in constant service to the first day of the ensuing\\nDecember and for thirteen thousand eight hundred\\nof the connnon militia, from Massachusetts, Connecti-\\ncut, New York, and New Jersey. The command of\\nthe naval force destined to operate against New York\\nwas given to Admiral Howe, while his brother. Sir\\nWilliam, was entrusted with the command of the\\narmy; and, in addition to their military powers, the\\nbrothers were appointed commissioners for restoring\\npeace to the- colonies. General Howe, after waiting\\ntwo months at Halifax for expected re-enforcements\\nfrom England, sailed with the force which he had\\npreviously commanded in Boston; and, directing his\\ncourse towards New York, arrived on the 2.5th of\\nJune off Sandy Hook. Admiral Lord Howe, with\\npart of the re-enforcement from England, arrived at\\nHalifax soon after his brother s departure, and, with-\\nout droj)piiig anchor, followed, and joined him on\\ntlie 12th of July, at Staten Island. General Clinton\\narrived there about the same time, with the troops", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "2 i6\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,\\norought back from the expedition of Charleston and\\nSoutli Carolina Commodore Hotham also appeared\\nthere with a re-enforcement under his escort and in\\na short time tlie British army amounted to about\\ntwenty-four thousand men, English, Hessians, and\\nWaldeckers. The royal commissioners, before they\\ncommenced military operations, attempted to effect a\\nre-union between the colonies and Great Britain.\\nLord Howe announced his pacific powers to the prin-\\ncipal magistrates of the several colonies. He pro-\\nmised pardon to all, who, in the late times, had de-\\nviated from their allegiance, on condition of their\\nspeedily returning to their duty and, in case of their\\ncompliance, encouraged their expectation of the fu-\\nture favour of their sovereign. In his declaration,\\nhe observed, that the commissioners were authori-\\nzed, in his majesty s name, to declare any province,\\ncolony, county, district, or town, to be at peace with\\nhis majesty that due consideration should be had to\\nthe meritorious services of any who should aid or\\nassist in restoring the public tranquillity that their\\ndutiful representations should be received, pardons\\ngranted, and suitable encouragement to such as\\nwould promote the measures of legal government\\nand peace, in pursuance of his majesty s most gra-\\ncious purposes. These pacific proposals were re-\\ngarded by the Americans as only an attempt to sow\\ndissensions among them, and were never for a mo-\\nment seriously regarded by any of the patriotic party.\\nThe British forces waited so long to receive acces-\\nsions from Halifax, the Carolinas, the West Indies,\\nand Europe, that the month of August was far ad-\\nvanced before they commenced the campaign. The\\ncommanders, having resolved to make their first at-\\ntempt on Long Island, landed their troops, estimated\\nat about twenty-four thousand men, at Gravesend\\nBay, to the right of the Narrows. The Americans,\\nto the amount of fifteen thousand, under Major-Ge-\\nneral Sullivan, were posted on a peninsula between\\nMill Creek, a little above Red Hook, and an elbow of\\nEast River, called Wallebout Bay. Here they\\nhad erected strong fortifications, which were separa-\\nted from New York by East River, at the distance\\nof a mile. A line of entrenchment from the Mill\\nCreek enclosed a large space of ground, on which\\nstood the American camp, near the village of Brook-\\nlyn. This line was secured by abattis, and flanked\\nby strong redoubts. The armies were separated by\\na range of hills, covered with a thick wood, wliich\\nintersects the country from west to east, terminating\\non the cast, near Jamaica. Through these hills\\nthere were three roads one near the Narrows, a se-\\ncond by the Flatbush road, and a third by the Bed-\\nford road these were the only passes from the south\\nside of the hills to the American lines, excepting a\\nroad which led to Jamaica, round the easterly end\\nof the hills and General Putnam, agreeably to the\\ninstructions of General Washington, had detached a\\nconsiderable part of his men to occupy them.\\nOn the 26th, the main body of British troops, with\\na large detachment of Germans, landed under cover\\nof the ships, on the south-western extremity of Long\\nIsland, and, advancing in three divisions, took post\\nupon the south skirt of the wood General Grant\\nupon their left, near the coast the German general,\\nDe Heister, in the centre, at Flatbush and General\\nClinton upon their right, ^t Flatland. Only the\\nrange of hills now separated the two armies, and the\\ndifferent posts of the British were distant from the\\nAmerican camp from four to six miles. In the\\nevening. General Clinton, without beat of drum,\\nmarched with the infantry of his division, a party of\\nlight horse, and fourteen field pieces, to gain the de-\\nfile on the Jamaica road. During the night he sur-\\nprised an American party stationed here to give the\\nalarm of an approaching enemy, and, imdiscovered\\nby Sullivan, seized the pass. At day-break he pass-\\ned the heights, and descended into the plain on the\\nside of Brooklyn. Early in the morning, General\\nDe Heister, at Flatbush, and General Grant upon\\nthe west coast, opened a cannonade upon the Ameri-\\ncan troops, and began to ascend the hill but they\\nmoved very slowly, as their object was to dr;iw the\\nattention of the American commander from his left,\\nand give General Clinton opportunity to gain the\\nrear of the American troops stationed on the heights.\\nGeneral Putnam, in the apprehension that the seri-\\nous attack would be made by De Heister and Grant,\\nsent detachments to re-enforce General Sullivan and\\nLord Stirling at the defiles, through which those di-\\nvisions of the enemy were, approaching. When Ge-\\nneral Clinton had passed the left flank of the Ameri-\\ncans, about eight o clock in the morning of the 27th,\\nDe Heister and Grant vigorously ascended the hill\\nthe troops which opposed them bravely maintained\\ntheir ground, until they learned their perilous situa-\\ntion from the British columns which were gaining\\ntheir rear. As soon as the American left discovered\\nthe progress of General Clinton, they attempted to\\nreturn to the camp at Brooklyn, but their flight was\\nstopped by the front of the British column. In the\\nmean time, the Germans pushed forward from Flat-\\nbush, and the troops in the American centre, under\\nthe immediate command of General Sullivan, having\\nalso discovered that their flank was turned, and thai\\nthe enemy was gaining their rear, in haste retreated\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n247\\ntowards Brooklyn. Clinton s columns continuing to\\nadvance, intercepted them they were attacked in\\nfront and rear, and alternately driven by the British\\non the Germans, and by the Germans on the British.\\nDesperate as their situation was, some regiments\\nbroke through the enemy s columns, and regained\\nthe foriified camp but most of the detachments upon\\nthe American left and centre, were either killed or\\ntaken prisoners. The detachment on the American\\nright, under Lord Stirling, maintained a severe con-\\nflict with General Grant, for six hours, until the van\\nof General Clinton s division, having crossed the\\nwhole island, gained their rear. Lord Stirling per-\\nceived his danger, and found that his troops could\\nbe saved only by an immediate retreat over a creek\\nnear the cove. He gave orders to this purpose\\nand, to facilitate their execution, he in person attack-\\ned Lord Cornwallis, who, by this time, having gained\\nthe coast, had posted a small corps in a house, just\\nabove the place where the American troops must\\npass the creek. The attack was bravely made with\\nfour hundred men but his lordship being re-en-\\nforced from his ow\u00c2\u00ab column, and General Grant at-\\nNathaniel Woodhull, a dislinguished martyr to the cause of\\nAmerican liberty, was descended from an English family of great\\nrespectability, among some of the branches of which the ancient\\nspelling of the name of Wodhull, is yet preserved. He was the\\neldest son of Nathaniel Woodhull, of Suffolk county, Long Island.\\nHis great grandfather, Richard Woodhull, Esq. was one of those\\nwhom an abhorrence of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny drove in\\nsuch numbers to our shores, and he settled at an early period of the\\nhistory of the colony of New York, at Seatalcot, on Long Island.\\nAfter the capture and organization of the province of New York,\\na grant was issued by Gov. Nicolls, (in 1666,) of the town of Brook-\\nhaven, to Richard Woodhull and others. He served in the magis-\\ntracy and principal offices of the town, until his death, which oc-\\ncurred about thirty years afterwards.\\nThe subject of the present memoir was bom on the 30th day of\\nDecember, 1722, O. S. on an extensive farm at Mastic, on the south\\nside of Long Island, now belonging to his daughter, Mrs. Elizabeth\\nSmith, which became the property of his grandfather, Richard\\nWoodhull, Jr. partly by purchase from the Indians, and grant from\\nthe governor, and partly by transfer from the original settler. His\\nearly life was passed in assisting his father in cultivating the pos-\\nsessions which he afterwards inherited. In 1761, he was married\\nto Ruth Floyd, a sister of the Hon. William Floyd, one of the\\nsigners of the declaration of American Independence.\\nBeing appointed a major in the provincial forces of New York,\\nMr. Woodhull, in 1758, served in that capacity, in the army under\\nGeneral Abercrorabie, intended for the reduction of Ticonderoga\\nand Crown Foint. He was engaged in the daring, or rather the\\nrash assault, ordered by the English general before the arrival of\\nhis artillery, upon the former place, which, strongly foriified, was\\ndefended by a garrison of more than five lhou.sand men, and pro-\\ntected on its only assailable side by fallen trees, with their branches\\nprojecting ou ward, so cut as to answer the purpose of chevaux-de-\\nfrise. After an exposure of four hours to the covered fire of the\\nFrench, during which time every effort of heroic perseverance\\nproved ineffectual in making an impression on the enemy s works,\\nthe assailing force was obliged to retire to the southern side of\\nLake George, with a loss of about 2000 men killed or dangerously\\nwounded,\\nDesirous of wiping off the slain ol this repulse. Gen. Abercrom-\\nbie detached a portion of his armv on an expedition against Cada-\\n32\\ntacking Lord Stirling in the rear, this brave band\\nwas overpowered by numbers, and those who sur-\\nvived were compelled to surrender themselves pri-\\nsoners of war but this spirited assault gave oppor-\\ntunity for a large proportion of the detachment to\\nescape. General Washington passed over to Brook-\\nlyn in the heat of the action but, unable to rescue\\nhis men from their perilous situation, was constrain-\\ned to be the inactive spectator of the slaughter of his\\nbest troops. The loss of the Americans on this oc-\\ncasion, for the number engaged, was great General\\nWashington stated it at a thousand men but his re-\\nturns probably included only the regular regiments.\\nGeneral Howe, in an oiEcial letter, made the prison-\\ners amount to one thousand and ninety-seven. Among\\nthese were Major-General Sullivan and Brigadier-Ge-\\nneral Lord Stirling. Brigadier-General Woodhull\\n(then called UduU) is named as having been taken\\nprisoner at the battle. This is howe^^er erroneous,\\nhe not having been engaged in the conflict, and his\\ncapture not having occurred until the following day,\\nat a different part of the island.* The British loss,\\nas stated by General Howe, was twenty-one officers,\\nraqui, or Fort Frontenac, (now Kingston,) an important fortress at\\nthe communication of Lake Ontario wuh the river St. Lawrence.\\nLieut. Col. Bradstreet, with whom the design originated, command-\\ned this enterprise, having a train of eight cannon and three mor-\\ntars, and a body of 3000 men, of whom, about l50 only were re-\\ngulars. The rest of the detachment was composed of provincials,\\nfrom Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, and New York,\\nThose of the latter province amounted to somewhat more than 110\\nmen, of whom, one battalion, of 440 men, was placed under the\\ncommand of Lieut. Col. Charles Clinton, (the grandfather of the\\nlate De Witt Clinton and the second battalion, of 670 men, was\\nconfided to Lieut. Col. Cor.sa and Major Woodhull. On the 27th\\nof August, 1758, a combined operation against the fort was made\\nby land and water; the conduct of the forces in the boats being\\ncommitted to Lieut. Col. Corsa and Major Woodhull, with orders\\nto receive the fire of the fort without returning it, until their troops\\nhadlandedand formed. The resolution with which the operations\\nwere conducted, dispirited the enemy, whose forces were insuffi-\\ncient to the defence of their works, and after a feeble resistance,\\nthe garrison struck their colours, and capitulated. Immense stores\\nof provisions and merchandise, intended for the supply of the\\nFrench forces in America, sixty pieces of cannon, sixteen mortars,\\nand nine armed vessels, some of them carrying eighteen guns, were\\nthe fruits of this surrender.\\nWhether Mr. Woodhull was employed in the campaign of the\\nfollowing year, is not ascertained, most of his papers having been\\naccidentally destroyed by fire, a few years after his death. It is\\nbelieved, however, that he marched either with the force which\\nGen. Prideaux conducted, in 1759, against Niagara, or with that\\nled by Gen. Amherst against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, both\\nof which enterprises had a successful issue. In 1760, he served as\\ncolonel of the third regiment of New York provincials, in the army\\nunder Gen. Amherst, which marched against Montreal, and effect-\\ned the final reduction of Canada. Upon the capitulation of the\\nMarquis of Vaudreuil, Colonel Woodhull, with his troops, returned\\nto New York, and he retired to private life.\\nThe removal of the neighbourhood of French power, so danger-\\nous to the colonists, and the consciousness of the latter that they\\nhad efficiently contributed to its achievement, were calculated to\\nproduce among them a more free inquiry into the relative righis of\\nthe provinces and the mother country, and of their own ability sus-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "248\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nand three hundred and forty-six privates killed,\\nwounded, and taken prisoners.\\nThe British now encamped in front of the Ame-\\nrican lines, and on the succeeding night broke\\ncessfuUy to assert their privileges. The spirit to which this in-\\nquiry gave rise, was stimulated by the pretensions set up at home,\\nwhich, first assuming that America was to be taxed by the British\\nparliament, for the expenses of whatever attacks the wars of inte-\\nterest, or ambition, in which the parent state engaged, should draw\\nupon the colonists, grew into the assertion of a right, to tax them\\nin all cases whatsoever. Acts of parliament rashly passed, and\\nsometimes timidly repealed, only served to spread the existing dis-\\ncontent, and to hasten the impending crisis. Partaking of the ge-\\nneral feeling, the a.ssembly of New York, at the close of December,\\n17G8, unanimously resolved, that no tax could, or ought to be im-\\nposed, or levied, on the persons or estates of his majesty s subjects\\nwithin that colony, but nf their own free gift, by their representa-\\ntives convened in general assembly. The consequence was a dis-\\nsolution of the body on the 2d of January, 1769, by the royal go-\\nvernor. Sir Henry Moore.\\nThe proceedings of the assembly were highly approved by the\\npeople of Suffolk, among whom the primitive manners and repub-\\nlican feelings of their puritan ancestors, were in a remarkable de-\\ngree preserved.\\nAt the election in the spring of 1769, they returned to that body\\nWilliam Nicoll, Esq. who had been one of its former members, and\\nCol. Nathaniel Woodhull. In the instructions drawn for their re-\\npresentatives, the county emphatically expressed their reliance on\\nthe exertions of their newly selected members, to preserve their\\nfreedom, and the command over their own purses. The injunc-\\ntion was faithfully observed by Mr. Woodhull, who, during the six\\nyears that followed of the continuance of the royal government,\\nwas constant in his devotion to the rights of his countrymen, and\\nhis opposition to the party of the court.\\nIn the convention which met in the city of New York, April\\n10th, 1775, to choose delegates to the continental congress, Mr.\\nWoodhull appeared as a delegate from the county of Suffolk. Pur-\\nsuant to a recommendation from the New York local committee, a\\nprovincial congress was soon afterwards deputed by the several\\ncounties of the colony, which met in that city. May 22d, 1775.\\nThis body practically asserted its right to entire sovereignty, su-\\nperseding, in effect, from the time of its organization, and ultimate-\\nly dissolving and expelling the royal authority. Colonel Wood-\\nhull was placed at the head of the delegation from Suffolk county.\\nOn the 22d of August, 1775, the provincial congress re-organized\\nthe militia of the colony into brigades, directing, that a brigadier-\\ngeneral, with a major of brigade, be commissioned to the command\\nof each brigade. The militia of Suffolk and Clueens constituted\\none brigade, of which Mr. Woodhull was subsequently appointed\\nto be the general, and Jonathan Lawrence, Esq., (a member of the\\nprovincial congress from Clueens county,) to be major of brigade.\\nOn the 28lh of August, 1775, Gen. Woodhull was elected presi-\\ndent of the provincial congress, and held the same office in the\\nbody that succeeded it, in 1776. Doubting its powers to conform\\nto the recommendation of the continental congress, by erecting a\\nnew form of government, to the exclusion of all foreign control,\\nthe piovincial congress, on the 3lst of May, 1776, recommended\\nto the electors of the several counties, to vest the necessary powers,\\neither in their present delegates, or in others to be chosen in their\\nstead. The British army having, on the 30th of June, appeared\\noflf the harbour of New York, the provincial congress, on its ad-\\njournment that day, directed that the congress, in which these new\\npowers were vested, and which was to assemble on the 8th of July,\\nshould meet at White Plains. They did not, in fact, as.sembie\\nuntil the 9th day of July, 1776, when General Woodhull was cho-\\nsen president.\\nThe declaration of independence, passed on the 4th instant, had\\nnot received the unanimous approbation of the colonies in conti-\\nnental congress, the delegates from the colony of New York having\\ndeclined to vote, because, although they were personally for the\\nmeasure, and believed their constituents to be so, they were fetlei-\\nground within six hundred yards of a redoubt on\\nthe left. In this critical state of the American army\\non Long Island, in front a numerous and victorious\\nenemy, with a formidable train of artillery, the fleet\\ned by instructions drawn nearly a twelve month before, when the\\nhope of reconciliation was yet cherished. Immediately on their\\nmeeting, the new provincial congress unanimously adopted the de-\\nclaration, (Gen. Woodhull presiding,) on the part of the people ol\\nNew York: thus filling the void occasioned by the want of the ne-\\ncessary powers in their delegates at Philadelphia. On the next\\nday they assumed the title of Ike convention of the represenLatives\\nof the state of New York, and subsequently formed the first consti-\\ntution of the state.\\nThe invading army under Lord Howe, had landed on Staten\\nIsland, and by the command which their naval force secured over\\nthe neighbouring waters, they were enabled to threaten an attack\\nfrom this point, either on Long Island or the island of New York.\\nGen. Washington was therefore obliged to divide the force collect-\\ned to oppose them, a portion of which entrenched themselves at\\nBrooklyn, while the residue were stationed at different parts of\\nYork Island. The New York convention had, on the 20th July,\\nordered one fourth of the militia of Q.ueens and Suffolk to be draft-\\ned, and the two regiments thus obtained had marched under the\\ncommand of Col. Josiah Smith, of Suffolk, and Col. Jeromus Rem-\\nsen, of Clueens, within the lines at Brooklyn, then commanded by\\nGen. Sullivan. On the 10th August, Gen. WoodhuH s concerns\\nrequiring his return home, he obtained leave of temporary absence\\nfrom the convention, whose sittings had been transferred to Har-\\nlaem, and proceeded to his residence at Mastic, about seventy-five\\nmiles from New York. On the 22d of August, the uncertainty that\\nhad prevailed as to the first point of attack on the part of the in-\\nvaders, was dispelled by the landing of a portion of their forces\\nnear New Utrecht. Aware of the increasing want of provisions\\namong the enemy, and that, the American army being now con-\\nfined to their lines, the whole stock and produce of Long Island\\nwould be in the power of the hostile troops, unless means were\\ntaken to prevent it, the convention of New York adopted a policy\\nsince successfully pursued on a larger scale by the Russians. This\\nwas to deprive the invading force of supplies, and thus compel their\\nabandonment of the island, by removing the stock and other pro-\\nvisions in the adjacent country, or if that could not be effected, by\\ndestroying them. Resolutions were accordingly passed on the 24tb\\nAugust, 1776, ordering Gen. Woodhull, or, in his absence. Col\\nPotter, (who had served as a captain of the New York provincials\\nin the campaigns against the French in 1758 and 1759,) to march\\nwithout delay one half of the western regiment of militia of Suf-\\nfolk county, with five days provisions, into the western paits of\\nClueens county and that the officers of the militia of Clueens\\nshould immediately order out the whole militia of that county, to\\neffect the desired objects. An express being sent with these direc-\\ntions to Brigade-Major Lawrence, Col. Potter, and Gen. Woodhull,\\nthe latter reached Jamaica on the next day, (Sunday,) apprised the\\nconvention of his arrival there, and awaited the approa ;h of the\\nforces intended for his command.\\nThe convention were fully aware, that the militia to be collected\\non this emergency, would be wholly insufficient to effect the above\\nobject, and more particularly to enable the general to station a\\nforce, agreeably to their wishes, on the high grounds in the western\\npart of Clueens county, to repel the ravaging parties of the enemy.\\nIn the preceding year it had been necessary to despatch from the\\nmain, some of the troops under the command of Gen. Woosler, to\\nSuffolk county, in order to prevent depredations along its exposed\\ncoast and its armed inhabitants were not now more than compe-\\ntent lo the same purpose. In Clueens county a majority of the in-\\nhabitants were disaffected to the patriotic cause. They had, in the\\nprevious month of December, obtained arms from the Asia man-of-\\nwar, and had prevented, by superior numbers at the polls, an elec-\\ntion, then attempted, of delegates to the provincial congress inso-\\nmuch that a military intervention, under the direction of the conti-\\nnental congress, had been necessary, to deprive the tories of offen-\\nsive weapons, and lo secure to the whigs the freedom of election.\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n249\\nindicating an intention to force a passage into East\\nRiver to make some attempt on New York, the troops\\nlying without shelter from heavy rains, fatigued and\\ndispirited,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 it was determined to withdraw from the\\nA large number of the whigs of that county were already imbodi-\\nf d in the regiment of Col. Remsen, and many of those at home\\nwere overawed by the neighbourhood of the British force, or were\\nemployed in preparations for the flight of their families, if fortime\\nshould be favourable to the British arms.\\nThe convention accordingly deputed a committee to Gen. Wash-\\nington, advising him of their objects; of their apprehension of the\\ninsufficiency of the force they had ordered to join Gen. WoodhuU\\nand of their conviction, that u would be most conducive to the pub-\\nlic welfare, that the regimentsof Colonels Smith and Remsen, should\\nbe added. The committee reported, on the 26lh, that at the con-\\nference with Gen. Washington, he seemed well pleased, but said\\nhe was afraid it was too late. He however expressed his willing-\\nness to afford every assistance to the convention consistent with the\\npublic good, and staled that he would immediately give orders that\\nSmitli s and Remsen s regiments should march into Glueens county,\\nto join Gen. WoodhuU. Notice of this result was forwarded to the\\nlatter, as well as of the expectation of the convention, that by the\\ntime he received their letter, he would have been joined by the pro-\\nmised re-enforcement.\\nOn the same day, the whole militia force that had been collect-\\ned, was assembled at Jamaica, and was found to consist only of\\nabout one hundred men, led by Col. Potter, from Suffolk county,\\nabout forty militia from Q.ueens, and fifty horsemen belonging tr\\nthe troop of Kings and Glueens counties. With this handful of\\nmen, Gen. WoodhuU advanced to the westward of dueens county,\\nagreeably to his orders. Owing probably to the receipt of inform-\\nation, that increased numbers of the British had disembarked on\\nthe preceding day at New Utrecht, the commanding officer at\\nBrooklyn did not detach the two Long Island regiments to join\\nGen. WoodhuU, and by some fatality, the omission was neither\\ncommunicated to the convention, nor e.xplained to the expecting\\ngeni ral. Disappointed in not meeting the additional troops, with-\\nout *hom he could not post any force on the heights, to repel de-\\npredations of the enemy, he nevertheless commenced with vigour\\nthe execution of the rest of his orders, placed guards and sentries\\n10 prevent communication between the tories and the enemy, and\\nscouring, during this and the succeeding day, the country south-\\nward of the hills in Kings, and a considerable part of the towns of\\nNewtown and Jamaica, he sent off an immense quantity of stock,\\ncollected there, towards the Great Plains, and ordered off a further\\nquantity from near flempstead. In the meantime his numbers had\\ndwindled by the anxiety of the militia to reach their homes, and\\nprotect or remove their families, to less than one hundred men,\\nwho, as well as their horses? were worn down with the fatigue of\\nthe duty they had performed. What they had effected demonstra-\\nted, that with the force the convenlion had expected to place under\\nhis command, the object to which they attached so much importance,\\ncould have been readily accomplished. The subsequent disasters\\nto the American arms would, however, have rendered its accom-\\nplish mem useless.\\nEarly on the 27th of August, a pass through the hills m Kings\\ncounty, which had been left unguarded by the American troops,\\nwas taken possession of by the enemy. The American outposts\\nwere .surprised, and the American army driven, after a sanguinary\\nengagement, within their entrenchments at Brooklyn. Numbers\\nof the British troops, during the same day, posted themselves on the\\nhills between Newtown and Jamaica, and parlies of the enemy s\\nhorse made incursions into the country, within a short distance of\\nthe general s force. In this .state of things he retired to Jamaica,\\nsending at different limes two messages to the convention, appri-\\nsing them of his situation, of the absolute necessity of re-enforce-\\nments, and of his conviction, that tlie iwo Long Island regiments\\ncould not join him, n consequence of the interruption of the com-\\nmtmications. Unfortunately, the convention did not sit on that day,\\nand the general receiving no answer, despatched his brigade-ma-\\njor, who was also a member of that body, to repeat his represenia-\\nisland and this difficult movement was effected with\\ngreat skill and judgment, and with complete success.\\nThe defeat of the 27th made a. most unfavourable\\nimpression upon the army. A great proportion of\\ntions, and obtain their ordeis. The convention, al their meeting\\non the 28th, still adhered to their favourite project, believing that\\nby cro.ssing the East River to York Island, and making a detour to\\nFlushing, the two regiments might still reach Jamaica. They ac-\\ncordingly sent Major Lawrence to General Washington, with a\\nletter expressing that opinion, and referring him to the brigade-\\nmajor for explanations as to the means. At the same time they\\ndirected the necessary preparations for the transportation and land-\\ning of the troops, and receiving soon after a reiteration of the call\\nfor an immediate re-enforcement, they deputed two of their body,\\n(John Sloss Hobart and James Townscnd, Esqrs.,) to repair to\\nGen. WoodhuU with instructions and advice. Owing probably to\\nthe intermediate roads being in possession of the enemy, these gen-\\ntlemen, it is believed, never reached him. Whether the express\\ndespatched by Major Lawrence, as soon as he was ordered on the\\nmission to Gen. Washington, was more successful, is not known.\\nOn the same morning, the convention forwarded a circular to the\\ncommittees of the different towns of Connecticut, lying on the\\nSound, requesting their co-operation in removing the stock from\\nLong Island to that state, and an application to the governor of\\nConnecticut for such force as could be speedily obtained. An ap-\\nplication to him had been intermediately made by Gen. Washing-\\nton, to throw over a body of one thousand men upon the island.\\nIn the afternoon. Major Lawrence returned from the American\\ncamp, bringing a letter from the commander in chief, declining the\\nrequest of the convention for the desired re-enforcements, because,\\nin the opinion of himself and his general officers, the men they had\\nwere not more than competent to the defence of their lines. The\\nretreat across the river, which was effected on that night, might\\nhave been suspected and thwarted, if the passage of the two regi-\\nments had been attempted in open day. This no doubt formed an\\nadditional reason for non-compliance.\\nIn the meantime, General WoodhuU, whose notions of mili-\\ntary obedience had been formed in the strictest school, was await-\\ning the expected orders and re-enforcements. His small body of\\ntroops had been directed to proceed eastward in the perl oni]-\\nance of their duties; he remaining with a fev! personal attendants\\nat a house on the road side, about two miles from Jamaica, to re-\\nceive some definitive reply to his messages. Here he was over-\\ntaken by a large detachment of the enemy, accompanied by some\\nof the most active of the tories. After an ineffectual attempt at\\nconcealment, he surrendered himself a prisoner of war, giving up\\nhis sword, as is customary. Elated by the capture of a rebel gene-\\nral, and the president of the rebel convention, they coarsely and in-\\nsultingly required him to cry, God save the King His refusal\\nto obey the degrading command, was rewarded by a repetition if\\nthe insult, and an accompanying cut of a sabre. At each succpei\\ning denial, a blow of the cutla.ss, or a thrust of the bayonet, was\\naimed at the defenceless victim. No compunction of manly lee I-\\ning, nor sensibility to shame, arose among his captors, to arir^-l\\nthis savage butchery, until his head and body were covered \\\\iiili\\nwounds, when the interference of one of the officers averted lie\\ninstant fate that had seemed to await him, and reserved him iur\\nnew indignities and a lingering death.\\nHe was hurried from the scene of this dastardly altack to Ja-\\nmaica on foot, and there confined in the stone church, luimeily\\nstanding in the middle of the road, exposed, in his blood-sinin. d\\ngarments, to the gaze of all whom curiosity, or malignant feelii,-,\\nor concealed svmpalhv, attracted thither. On the following n.r.rn-\\ning he was carried to Gravesend, where, with the late Colonel Ro-\\nbert Troup, and other prisoners, he was thrown on board a filihy\\nprison ship, that had been employed to transport cattle for the use\\nof the British army. From this situation he was subsequently re-\\nleased, and provided with accommodations on shore.\\nThe wounds of the general had assumed a promising state, and\\nhopes were entertained of his recovery, when a mortification of the\\narm ensued, rendering amputation necessary. Believing that this", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "250\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe troops lost their confidence in their officers, and\\nin themselves. Before this unfortunate event, they\\nmet the enemy in the spirit of freemen fighting for\\ntheir highest interests, and under the persuasion that\\ntheir thorough use of arms rendered them equal to\\nthe disciplined battalions which they were to oppose.\\nBut on this occasion, by evolutions which they did\\nnot comprehend, they found themselves encompassed\\nwith difficulties from which their utmost exertions\\ncould not extricate them, and involved in dangers\\nfrom which their bravery could not deliver them\\nand entertaining a high opinion of the adroitness of\\nthe enemy, in every movement they apprehended a\\nfatal snare.* No sooner had the British secured the\\npossession of Long Island, than they made disposi-\\ntions to attack New York. It was a serious question\\nwhether that place was defensible against so formi-\\ndable an enemy and General Washington called a\\ncouncil of general officers, to decide whether it should\\nbe evacuated without delay, or longer defended.\\nThe general officers, in compliance with the views\\nof congress, were very averse from the abandonment\\nof the city and it was resolved, contrary to the indi-\\nvidual opinion of Washington, to endeavour to defend\\nthe city. The army was accordingly arranged into\\nthree divisions, one of which, consisting of five thou-\\nsand men, was to remain in New York another,\\namounting to nine thousand, was to be stationed at\\nKing s Bridge and the residue of the army was to oc-\\ncupy the intermediate space, so as to support either ex-\\noperation would be unavailing, he nevertheless submitted to it,\\nasking leave, at the same time, for his wife to visit him. She ar-\\nrived soon enough to attend him in his dying moments, and was\\npermitted to remove his dead body, which was opened and pre-\\npared for the purpose by the British surgeon. Poignant as her\\nfeelings must have been, while accompanying the mangled corpse\\nof her husband in its slow progress over a distance of seventy miles,\\nshe had yet the melancholy satisfaction of reflecting, that it was out\\nof the hands of the enemy, and of depositing it on his late posses-\\nsions, among the remains of his ancestors. A plain marble stone\\nmarks the spot, with the following inscription\\nIn memory of\\nGEN. NATHANIEL WOODHULL,\\nWho, wounded and a prisoner,\\nDied on the 20th day of September, 1776,\\nIn the 54th year of his age.\\nLamented by all who knew how to value his many private virtues.\\nAnd that pure zeal for the rights of his country,\\nTo which he perished a victim.\\nHoping to negotiate an exchange of General WoodhuU, the con-\\nvention had despatched John Sloss Hobart, Esq., to the camp at\\nKingsbridge, the more readily lo eflfect that object. He had made\\nsome progress m his mission, when he heard of the decease of his\\ncolleague, from an inhabitant of Islip, before whose door the sad\\nprocession passed.\\nThe massacre of this gallant officer and eminent citizen, aroused\\nin every patriotic breast the feelings due to the atrocity of the act,\\nand to the qualities and station of its subject. Nor can its circum-\\nstances ever be recollected without sympathy and admiration for\\ntreme. The unexpected movements of the British\\nsoon evinced the correctness of the opinion of the ge-\\nneral-in-chief and in a second council it was deter-\\nmined, by a large majority, that it had become not only\\nprudent, but necessary, to withdraw the army from\\nNew York. Several English ships of war passed\\nup North River, on the one side of York Island, and\\nEast River on the other side Sir Henry Clinton,\\nembarking at Long Island, at the head of four thou-\\nsand men, proceeded through Newtown Bay, crossed\\nEast River, and landed, under cover of the ships, at\\nKipp s Bay, about three miles above New York.\\nWorks of considerable strength had been thrown up\\nat this place, to oppose the landing of the enemy\\nbut they were immediately abandoned by the troops\\nstationed in them, who, terrified at the fire of the\\nships, fled precipitately toward their main body, and\\ncommunicated their panic to a detachment marching\\nto their support. General Washington, to his ex-\\ntreme mortification, met this whole party retreating\\nin the utmost disorder, and exerted himself to rally\\nthSm but, on the appearance of a small corps of the\\nBritish, they again broke, and fled in confusion.\\nNothing- was now left him but to withdraw the few\\nremaining troops from New York, and to secure the\\nposts on the heights. The retreat from New York\\nwas effected with a very inconsiderable loss of men\\nbut all the heavy artillery, and a large portion of the\\nbaggage, provisions, and military stores, were una-\\nvoidably abandoned.\\nthe lofty spirit whom no extremity of .suflering could bend to dis-\\nhonour nor without disdain and abhorrence of a coward brutality\\nthat vainly seeks for extenuation in the bitter aniuiosiiies of the\\ntimes.\\nGeneral Woodhull had, by his marriage with Miss Floyd, a son,\\nNathaniel, and a daughter, Elizabeth, the former of whom died :n\\nhis infancy. The latter, who still survives, was married tirst to\\nHenry Nicoll, a member of the bar, and after his death to the lale\\nJohn Smith, one of the senators in the congress of the United\\nStates, from the state of New York. Kiuipp s American Biography,\\nThese melancholy facts were thus narrated hy General Wash-\\nington, in his letter to congress: Our situation is truly distress-\\ning. The check otir detachment sustained on the 27lh ultimo, has\\ndispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and filled their minds\\nwith apprehension and despair. The militia, instead of calling\\nforth their utmost eflbrts lo a brave and manly opposition, in order\\nto repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to re-\\nturn. Great numbers of them have gone off; in some instances\\nalmost by whole regiments, by half ones, and by companies, at a\\ntime. This circumstance of itself, independent of others, when\\nfronted by a well-appointed enemy, superior in number lo our\\nwhole collected force, would be sufficiently disagreeable but when\\ntheir example has infected another part of the army, when their\\nwant of discipline, and refusal of almost every kind of restraint and\\ngovernment, have produced a like conduct, but too common to the\\nwhole, and an entire disregard of that order and subordination ne-\\ncessary to the well doing of an army, and which had been inculca-\\nted before, as well as the nature of our military establishment would\\nadmit of, our condition is still more alarming; and with the deep-\\nest concern I am obliged to confess my want of confidence in the\\ngenerality of the troops.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n251\\nThe British, taking possession of New Yorlc, sta-\\ntioned a few troops in the capital but the main\\nbody of their army was on York Island, at no great\\ndistance from the American lines. The day after\\nthe retreat from New York, a considerable body of\\nthe British appearing in the plains between the two\\ncamps, the general ordered Colonel Knowlton, with\\na corps of rangers, and Major Leitch, with three\\ncompanies of a Virginia regiment, to get in their\\nrear, while he amused them by making apparent dis-\\npositions to attack their front. The plan succeeded\\nand a skirmish ensued, in which the Americans\\ncharged the enemy with great intrepidity, and gain-\\ned considerable advantage but the principal benefit\\nof this action was its influence in reviving the de-\\npressed spirits of the whole army. The armies did\\nnot long retain their position on York Island. The\\nBritish frigates having passed up North River under\\na fire from Fort Washington and the post opposite\\nto it on the Jersey shore, General Howe embarked a\\ngreat part of his army in flat-bottomed boats, and,\\npassing through Hell Gate into the Sound, landed\\nat Frog s Neck. The object of the British general\\nwas, either to force Washington out of his present\\nlines, or to enclose him in them. Aware of this de-\\nsign. General Washington moved a part of his troops\\nfrom York Island, to join those at King s Bridge, and\\ndetached some regiments to West Chester. A coun-\\ncil of war was now calleij and the system of evacua-\\nting and retreating was adopted, with the exception\\nof Fort Washington, for the defence of which nearly\\nthree thousand men were assigned. After a halt of\\nsix days, the royal army advanced, not without con-\\nsiderable opposition, along the coast of Long Island\\nSound, by New Rochelle, to White Plains, where\\nthe Americans took a strong position behind entrench-\\nments. This post was maintained for several days,\\ntill the British having received considerable re-en-\\nforcements, General Washington withdrew to the\\nheights of North Castle, about five miles from White\\nPlains, where, whether from the strength of his posi-\\ntion, or from the British general having other objects\\nin view, no attempt at attack was made.\\nImmediately on leaving White Plains, General\\nHowe directed his attention to Fort Washington and\\nFort Lee, as their possession would secure the navi-\\ngation of the Hudson, and facilitate the invasion of\\nNew Jersey. On the 15th of November, General\\nHowe, being in readiness for the assault, summoned\\nthe garrison to surrender. Colonel Magaw, the com-\\nOn the 7th of December, our army marched from Bruns-\\nwick at four o clock in the morning, and about the same hour in\\nthe aftTnoon arrived at Princeton. This place, General Wash ing-\\nmanding officer, in spirited language, replied, that\\nhe should defend his works to extremity. On the\\nsucceeding morning, the British made the assault in\\nfour separate divisions and having, after a brave\\nand obstinate resistance, surmounted the outworks,\\nagain summoned the garrison to surrender. His\\nammunition being nearly expended, and his force\\nincompetent to repel the numbers which were ready\\non every side to assail him. Colonel Magaw surren-\\ndered himself and his garrison, consisting of two\\nthousand men, prisoners of war. The enemy lost\\nin the assault about eight hundred men, mostly Ger-\\nmans. The conquest of Fort Washington made the\\nevacuation of Fort Lee necessary. Orders were\\ntherefore issued to remove the ammunition and\\nstores in it but, before much progress had been\\nmade in this business. Lord Cornwullis crossed the\\nHudson, with a number of battalions, with the in-\\ntention to enclose the garrison between the Hacken-\\nsack and North Rivers. Tliis movement made a\\nprecipitate retreat indispensable, which was happily\\neffected with little loss of men but the greater part\\nof the artillery, stores, and baggage, was left for the\\nenemy. The loss at Fort Washington was heavy.\\nThe regiments captured in it were some of the best\\ntroops in the army. The tents, camp-kettles, and\\nstores, lost at this place, and at Fort Lee. could not,\\nduring the campaign, be replaced, and for the want\\nof them the men suffered extremely. This loss was\\nunnecessarily sustained, as those posts ought, unques-\\ntionably, to have been evacuated before Gen. Howe\\nwas in a situation to invest them and this event\\nwas the more to be deplored, as the American force\\nwas daily diminished by the expiration of the soldiers\\nterm of enlistment, and by the desertion of the militia.\\nThese successes encouraged the British to pursue\\nthe remaining American force, with the prospect of an-\\nnihilating it. Gen. Washington, who had taken post\\nat Newark, on the south side of the Passaic, finding\\nhimself unable to make any real opposition, withdrew\\nfrom that place as the enemy crossed the Passaic,\\nand retreated to Brunswick, on the Rariton and\\nLord Cornwallis, on the same day, entered Newark.\\nThe retreat was still continued from Brunswick to\\nPrinceton from Princeton to Trenton and from\\nTrenton to the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware.\\nThe pursuit was urged with so much rapidity, that\\nthe rear of one army was often within shot of the\\nvan of the other.* The winter being now set in, the\\nBritish army went into quarters, between the Dela-\\nton, in person, with Stirling s brigade, left not one hour before the\\nBritish arrived. At Princeton, the British general waited seven-\\nteen hours, marched at nine o clock in the morning of the 8th, and", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "252\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nware and the Hackensack. Trenton, the most im-\\nportant post and barrier, was occupied by a bris^ade\\nof Hessians, under Colonel Rawle. General Howe\\nnow issued a proclamation, in the name of his brother\\nand himself, in which pardon was offered to all per-\\nsons who, vvitlini the space of sixty days, should take\\nthe oath of allegiance, and submit to the authority\\nof the British government. The effects of this pro-\\nclamation were soon apparent. People from several\\nquartei-s availed themselves of it. and threw down\\ntheir arms. No city or town, indeed, in its corpo-\\nrate capacity, submitted to the British government\\nbut most of the families of fortune and influence dis-\\ncovered an inclination to return to their allegiance.\\nMany of the yeomanry claimed the benefit of the\\ncommissioners proclamation and the great body of\\nthem were too much taken up with the security of\\ntheir families and their property, to make any exer-\\ntion in the public cause. Another source of mortifi-\\ncation to the Americans, was the capture of General\\nLee, who had imprudently ventured to lodge at a\\nhouse three miles distant from his corps.*\\nThis was the most gloomy period of the revolu-\\ntionary war. It was the crisis of the struggle of the\\nUnited States for independence. The American army,\\nreduced in numbers, depressed by defeat, and ex-\\nhausted by fatigue, naked, barefoot, and destitute of\\ntents, and even of utensils with which to dress their\\nscanty provisions, was fleeing before a triumphant\\nenemy, well appointed and abundantly supplied. A\\ngeneral spirit of despondency through New Jersey\\nwas the consequence of this disastrous state of public\\naffairs. But in this worst of times congress stood\\nunmoved their measures exhibited no symptoms of\\nconfusion or dismay the public danger only roused\\nthem to more vigorous exertions, that they might\\ngive a firmer tone to the public mind, and animate\\nthe citizens of United America to a manly defence\\nof their independence. Beneath this cloud of adver-\\nsity, too, General Washington shone with a brighter\\nlustre than m the day of his highest prosperity. Not\\ndismayed by all the difficulties which encompassed\\nhim, he accommodated his measures to his situation,\\nand still made the good of his country the object of\\nhis unwearied pursuit. He ever wore the counte-\\nnance of composure and confidence, by his own ex-\\narrived at Trenton at four o clock in the afternoon, just when the\\nla?t boat of General Washinj.non s embarkation crossed the river,\\nas if he had calculated, it was observed, with great accuracy, the\\nexact time necessary I or his enemy to make his escape. Stead-\\nman s Hisiory of the American War, vol. i. p. 220.\\nGeneral Lee had been a British officer, and had engaged in\\nthe Ameriean service befcjre the acceptance of the resignation of\\nhis commission. Sir William Howe, for this reason, pretended to\\nriew him as a traitor, and at first refused to admit him to his parole,\\nample inspiring his little band with firmness to strug-\\ngle with adverse fortune.\\nWhile Washington was retreating over the Dela-\\nware, the British, under Sir Pelew Parker and Ge-\\nneral Clinton, took possession of Rhode Island, and\\nblocked up Commodore Hopkins s squadron, and a\\nnumber of privateers at Providence but this mea-\\nsure was disadvantageous to the British, as it required\\nthe presence of troops which might have been much\\nmore advantageously employed.\\nThe neighbourhood of Philadelphia now becoming\\nthe seat of war, congress adjourned to Baltimore\\nresolving at the same time, that General Washing-\\nton should be possessed of full powers to order and\\ndirect all things relative to the department and the\\noperations of the war. In this extremity, judicious\\ndeterminations in the cabinet were accompanied with\\nvigorous operations in the field. The united exer-\\ntions of civil and military officers had by this time\\nbrought a considerable body of militia ,into their ranks.\\nGeneral Sullivan, too, on whom the command of Ge-\\nneral Lee s division devolved on his capture, prompt-\\nly obeyed the orders of the commander in chief, and\\nat this period joined him, and General Heath marched\\na detachment from Peekskill.\\nThe army, with these re-enforcements, amounted\\nto seven thousand men, and General Washington de-\\ntermined to commence active and bold operations.\\nHe had noticed the loose fftid uncovered state of the\\nwinter quarters of the British army, and contempla-\\nted the preservation of Philadelphia, and the recovery\\nof New Jersey, by sweeping, at one stroke, all the\\nBritish cantonments upon the Delaware. The pre-\\nsent position of his forces favoured the execution of\\nhis plan. The troops under the immediate command\\nof General Washington, consisting of about two thou-\\nsand four hundred men, were ordered to cross the\\nriver at M Konkey s ferry, nine miles above Trenton,\\nto attack that post. General Irvine was directed to\\ncross with his division at Trenton ferry, to secure the\\nbridge below the town, and prevent the retreat of the\\nenemy that way. General Cadwallader received or-\\nders to pass the river at Bristol ferry, and assault the\\npost at Burlington. The night of the twenty-fifth\\nwas assigned for the execution of this daring scheme.\\nIt proved to be severely cold, and so much ice was\\nor to consider him as a .subject of exchange. Congress directed\\nIlic commander in chief to propose lo Sir William Howe to ex-\\nchange six field officers for General Lee. In case the proposal\\nwas rejected, that body resolved, thai these officers shonld be closely\\nconfined, and in every respect receive the treatment thai General\\nLee did. The proposition not being acceded lo, the resolulion of\\ncongress was carried into eft ecl, by ihe executives of the slates in\\nwhose custody the selected field officers were, with a degree of se-\\nverity which even the treatment of General Lee did not wariant.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n253\\nmade in the river, that General Irvine and General\\nCadwallader, after having strennously exerted them-\\nselves, found it impracticable to pass their divisions,\\nand their part of the plan totally failed. The com-\\nmander in chief was, however, more fortunate, and,\\nthough with much difficulty and considerable loss of\\ntime, succeeded in crossing the river, and reached\\nTrenton by eight o clock in the morning. The brave\\nOoliinel Rawle, the commanding officer, assembled\\nhis forces for the defence of his post but he was\\nmortally wounded by the first fire, and his men, in\\napparent dismay, attempted to file off towards Prince-\\ntou. General Washington, perceiving their inten-\\ntion, moved a part of his troops into this road, in their\\nfront, and defeated the design. Their artillery being\\nseized, and the Americans pressing upon Iheni, they\\nsurrendered. Twenty of the Germans were killed,\\nand a thousand made prisoners. By the failure of\\nGeneral Irvine, a small body of the enemy stationed\\nin the lower part of the town, escaped over the bridge\\nto Bordentown. Of the American troops, two pri-\\nvates were killed, and two frozen to death, and one\\nofficer and three or four privates were wounded.\\nCould the other divisions have crossed the Delaware,\\nGeneral AVashington s plan, in its full extent, would\\nprobably have succeeded. Not thinking it prudent\\nto hazard the fruits of this gallant stroke by more\\ndaring attempts, the general, the same day, recrossed\\nthe Delaware with his prisoners, wfth six pieces of\\nartillery, a thousand stand of arms, and some milita-\\nry stores.\\nThis display of enterprise and vigour on the part\\nof the Americans, astonished and perplexed General\\nHowe, and, though in the depth of winter, he found\\nit necessary to commence active operations. Such\\nwas the reviving influence on the minds of the Ame-\\nrican soldiers, and such the skill which the com-\\nmander in chief exercised, that, after several success-\\nful operations following that of Trenton, he not only\\nsaved Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, but recovered\\nthe greatest part of the Jerseys, in defiance of an\\narmy vastly superior to his, in discipline, resources,\\nand numbers. Of all their recent extensive posses-\\nsions in the Jerseys, the English retained now only\\nthe posts of Brunswick and Amboy. These success-\\nful operations on the part of the Americans were im-\\nmediately followed by a proclamation, in the name\\nor General Washington, absolvinor all those who had\\nbeen induced to take the oaths of allegiance tendered\\nby the British commissioners, and promising them\\nprotection on condition of their subscribing to a form\\nof oath prescribed by congress. The effects of this\\nproclamation were almost instantaneous. The in-\\nhabitants of the Jerseys, who had conceived a violent\\nhatred to the British army, on account of their un-\\nchecked course of plundering, instantly renounced\\ntheir allegiance to Great Britain, and attached them-\\nselves to the cause of America. Several who were\\nresolved to avenge their wrongs, joined the army un-\\nder General Washington, while others rendered equal\\nservice to the side to which they attached themselves,\\nby supplying the American army with provisions and\\nfuel, and by conveying intelligence of the operations\\nof the British army.\\nBefore entering on the campaign of 1777, it will\\nbe proper briefly to notice the state of affairs in Ca-\\nnada. The Americans still possessed Crown Point\\nand Ticonderoga, and were masters of Lake Cham-\\nplain. To dispossess them of these posts was an ar-\\nduous and a difficult task, inasmuch as the British\\nhad not a vessel on Lake Champlain to oppose the\\nAmerican fleet. Difficult, however, as it was. Gene-\\nral Carleton resolved to use every effort to procure\\nan adequate naval force, and at length succeeding in\\nthe attainment of his object, he acquired a decided\\nsuperiority. On the 11th of October, the British\\nfleet discovered that of their opponents very advan-\\ntageously posted off the island Valicour, with an in-\\ntention of defending the passage between that island\\nand the western main. A schooner and some gun-\\nboats, being considerably ahead of the rest of the\\nfleet, began the engagement, which was continued\\nfor some hours on both sides, with great intrepidity.\\nBrigadier-General Waterbury, in the Washington\\ngalley, fouglit with undaunted bravery, until nearly\\nall his* officers were killed or woundeJ, and his vessel\\ngreatly injured, when Arnold ordered the remaining\\nshattered vessels to retire up the lake towards Crown\\nPoint, to refit. Two days afterwards they were\\novertaken by the British, and the action was renew-\\ned. The Washington galley, crippled in the first\\naction, was soon obliged to strike and surrender.\\nGeneral Arnold, having obstinately defended himsel-\\nwith great judgment and gallantry against a superior\\nforce, was at length so closely pressed, that he was\\ncompelled to run on shore his own vessel, the Con-\\ngress galley, which, with five gondolas, was aban-\\ndoned and blown up. Of sixteen American vessels,,\\neleven were taken or destroyed of the British, two\\ngondolas were sunk, and one blown up, with sixty\\nmen. The loss of men on each side was supposed\\nto be nearly equal that of the Americans was esti-\\nmated at about a hundred. The British army and\\nfleet now established themselves at Crown Point, and\\nproceeded to strengthen the old fortifications origi-\\nnally erected at this place by the French in 1756", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "254\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nbut they very soon abandoned this station, and re-\\ntired into Canada.\\nHaving secured the Hessian prisoners on the Penn-\\nsylvania side of the Delaware, Washington recrossed\\nthe river two days after the action, and took posses-\\nsion of Trenton. Generals Mifflin and Cadwallader,\\nwho lay at Bordentown and Crosswix, with three\\nthousand six hundred militia, were ordered to march\\nup in the night of the first of January, to join the\\ncommander in chief, whose whole effective force, in-\\ncluding this accession, did not exceed five thousand\\nmen. The detachments of the British army v/hich\\nhad been distributed over New Jersey, now assem-\\nbled at Princeton, and were joined by the army from\\nBrunswick, under Lord Cornwallis. From this po-\\nsition they advanced toward Trenton in great force,\\non the morning of thS second of January and, after\\nsome slight skirmishing with troops detached to ha-\\nrass and delay their march, the van of their army\\nreached Trenton about four in the afternoon. On\\ntheir approach, General Washington retired across\\nthe Assumpinck, a rivulet that runs through the\\ntown, and by some field pieces, posted on its opposite\\nbanks, compelled them, after attempting to cross in\\nseveral places, to fall back out of the reach of his\\nguns. The two armies, kindling their fires, retained\\ntheir positions on opposite sides of the rivulet, and\\nkept up a cannonade until night. The situation of\\nthe American general was at this moment extremely\\ncritical. Nothing but a stream, in many places forda-\\nble, separated his army from an enemy in every re-\\nspect its superior. If he remained in his present\\nposition, he was certain of being attacked the next\\nmorning, at the hazard of the entire destruction of\\nhis little army. If he should retreat over the Dela-\\nware, the ice in that river not being firm enough to\\nadmit a passage upon it, there was danger of great\\nloss, perhaps of a total defeat the Jerseys would be\\nin full possession of the enemy the public mind\\nwould be depressed recruiting would be discoura-\\nged and Philadelphia would be within the reach of\\nGeneral Howe. In this extremity, he boldly deter-\\nmined to abandon the Delaware, and, by a circuitous\\nmarch along the left flank of the enemy, fall into their\\nrear at^Princeton. When it was dark, the army,\\nleaving its fires lighted, and the sentinels on the\\nmargin of the creek, decamped with perfect secrecy.\\nAbout sunrise two British regiments, that were on\\ntheir march to join the rear of the British army at\\nMaidenhead, fell in with the van of the Americans,\\nconducted by General Mercer, and a very sharp ac-\\ntion ensued. The advanced party of Americans,\\ncomposed chiefly of militia, soon gave way, and the\\nfew regulars attached to them could not maintain\\ntheir ground. General Mercer, while gallantly ex-\\nerting himself to rally his broken troops, received a\\nmortal wound. General Washington, however, who\\nfollowed close in their rear, now led on the main\\nbody of the army, and attacked the enemy with\\ngreat spirit. While he exposed himself to their\\nhottest fire, he was so well supported by the same\\ntroops which had aided him a few days before in the\\nvictory at Trenton, that the British were compelled\\nto give way, and Washington pressed forward to\\nPrinceton. A party of the British that had taken\\nrefuge in the college, after receiving a few discharges\\nfrom the American field-pieces, surrendered them-\\nselves prisoners of war but the principal part of\\nthe regiment that was left there, saved itself by a\\nprecipitate retreat to Brunswick. In this action up-\\nwards of a hundred of the British were killed, and\\nnearly three hundred were taken prisoners. Great\\nwas the surprise of Lord Cornwallis when the report\\nof tlie artillery at Princeton, and the arrival of breath-\\nless messengers, apprised him that the enemy was in\\nhis rear. Alarmed by the danger of his position, he\\ncommenced a retreat and, being harassed by the\\nmilitia and the countrymen who had suffered from\\nthe outrages perpetrated by his troops on their ad-\\nvance, he did not deem himself in safety till he ar-\\nrived at Brunswick, from whence, by means of the\\nRariton, he had communication with New York.\\nThe successes of the American arms at Trenton\\nand at Princeton were followed by important conse-\\nquences. The afiairs of the United States, before\\nthese events, appeared to be desperate. Two thou-\\nsand of the regular troops had a right, on the 1st of\\nJanuary, to demand their discharge. The recruiting\\nservice was at an end, and general despondency pre-\\nvailed. The triumphs of the British through the\\nprevious parts of the campaign produced a common\\napprehension, in the citizens of the middle states,\\nthat any further struggle would be useless, and that\\nAmerica must eventually return to her allegiance to\\nGreat Britain. Many individuals made their peace\\nwith the commissioners, and took protection from the\\noflicers of the crown and more discovered an in-\\nclination to do it, when opportunity should present\\nitself. General Howe supposed New Jersey restored\\nto the British government, and thought the war\\ndrawing to a close. But these successes were con-\\nsidered as great victories, and produced important ef-\\nfects upon the public nrind. The character of the\\ncommander in chief proportionably rijse in the estima-\\ntion of the great mass of American people, who now\\nrespected themselves, and confided in their persever-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n255\\ning efforts to secure the great object of contention\\nthe independence of their country. Other causes liad\\na powerful operation upon the minds of the yeoman-\\nry of New Jersey. The British commanders tolera-\\nted, or at least did not restrain, gross licentiousness\\nin their army. The inhabitants of the state which\\nthey boasted was restored to the bosom of the parent\\ncountry, were treated not as reclaimed friends, but\\nas conquered enemies. The soldiers were guilty of\\nevery species of rapine, and with little discrimination\\nbetween those who had opposed or supported the\\nmeasures of Britain. The abuse was not limited to\\nthe plundering of property. Every indignity was\\noffered to the persons of the inhabitants, not except-\\ning those outrages to the female sex which are felt\\nby ingenuous minds with the keenest anguish, and\\nexcite noble spirits to desperate resistance. These\\naggravated abuses roused the people of New Jersey\\nto repel that army to which they had voluntarily\\nsubmitted, in the expectation of protection and secu-\\nrity. At the dawn of success upon the American\\narms, they rose in small bands to oppose their inva-\\nders. They scoured the country, cut off every sol-\\ndier who straggled from his corps, and in many in-\\nstances repelled the foraging parties of the enemy.\\nEarly in this year also the Americans were gratified\\nby the arrival of a vessel from France at Portsmouth,\\nin New Hampshire, with upwards of eleven thousand\\nstand of arms, and a thousand barrels of powder\\nand about the same time ten thousand stand of arms\\narrived in another part of the United States.\\nThis supply was, however, in some measure coun-\\nterbalanced. In the month of Blarch the British sent\\nout two detachments to destroy the American stores\\nat Peekskill on the North River, and at Danbury,\\nin Connecticut. Both succeeded in their attempt\\nand although the stores destroyed did not equal in\\nquantity the report on which the expeditions were\\nplanned, yet their loss was sensibly felt by the Ameri-\\ncans in the active season of the campaign.\\nSir William Howe, having in vain attempted to\\nentice or provoke General Washington to an engage-\\nment, had, in June, retired with his army from the\\nJerseys to Staten Island. After keeping the Ameri-\\ncan general in long and perplexing suspense concern-\\ning his intended operations, he at length sailed from\\nSandy Hook- with about sixteen thousand men, en-\\ntered Chesapeake Bay, and on the 24th of August ar-\\nrived at the head of Elk river. Generals Grant and\\nKnyphausen having joined him on the 8th of Sep-\\ntember with the troops under their command, the\\nwhole army moved onward in two colunms toward\\nPhiladelphia, the possession of which was now evi-\\n38\\ndently the object of the British commander. Wash-\\nington, who regulated his movements by those of the\\nenemy, had by this time, with the whole American\\narmy excepting the light infantry, which remained\\non the lines, taken a position behind Red Clay Creek,\\non the road leading directly from the enemy s camp\\nto Philadelphia. The British rapidly advanced until\\nthey were within two miles of the Americans while\\nWashington crossed the Brandywine, and took post\\non a height behind that river. At daybreak on the\\nmorning of the 11th it was ascertained that Sir Wil-\\nliam Howe in person had crossed the Brandywine at\\nthe forks, and was rapidly marching down the north\\nside of the river to attack the Americjiii army. The\\ncommander-in-chief now ordered General Sullivan\\nto form the right wing to oppose the column of Sir\\nWilliam. General Wayne was directed to remain\\nat Chadd s Ford with the left wing, to dispute the\\npassage of the river with Knyphausen. General\\nGreene, with his division, was posted as a reserve in\\nthe centre between Sullivan and Wayne, to re-enforce\\neither, as circumstances might require. General\\nSullivan marched up the river, until he found favour-\\nable ground on which to form his men his left was\\nnear the Brandywine, and both flanks were covered\\nwith thick wood. At half-past four o clock, when\\nhis line was scarcely formed, the British, under\\nLord Cornwallis, commenced a spirited attack. The\\naction was for some time severe but the American\\nright, which was not properly in order when the as-\\nsault began, at length gave way, and exposed the\\nflank of the troops that maintained their ground to a\\ndestructive fire, and continuing to break from the\\nright, the whole line finally gave way. As soon as\\nthe firing began. General Washington, with General\\nGreene s division, hastened towards the scene of ac-\\ntion, but before his arrival, Sullivan was routed, and\\nthe commanderinchief could only check the pursuit of\\nthe enemy, and cover the retreat of the beaten troops.\\nDuring these transactions General Knyphausen as-\\nsaulted the works erected for the defence of Chadd s\\nFord, and soon carried them. General Wayne, by\\nthis time learning the fate of the other divisions, drew\\noff his troops. General Washington retreated witli\\nhis whole force that night to Chester. The Ameri-\\ncan loss in this battle was about three hundred killed\\nand six hundred wounded. Four hundred were\\nmade prisoners, but these chiefly of the wounded.\\nPerceiving that the enemy were moving into the\\nLancaster-road, towards the city, General Washing-\\nton took possession of ground near the Warren ta-\\nvern, on the left of the British, and twenty-three\\nmiles from Philadelphia. The protection of his", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "256\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nstores at Reading was one object of this movement.\\nThe next morning he was informed of the approach\\nof the British army. He immediately put his troops\\nin motion to engage the enemy. The advance of the\\ntwo hostile armies met and began to skirmish, when\\na violent storm came on, which prevented a general\\nengagement, and rendered the retreat of the Ameri-\\ncans absolutely necessary. The inferiority of the\\nmuskets in the hands of the American soldiery,\\nwhich had been verified in every action, was stri-\\nkingly illustrated in this retreat. The gun-locks\\nbeing badly made, and the cartridge-boxes imperfectly\\nconstructed, this storm rendered most of the arms\\nunfit for nse and all the ammunition was damasfed.\\nThe army was in consequence extremely exposed,\\nand their danger became the greater, as many of the\\nsoldiers were destitute of bayonets. Fortunately the\\ntempest, which produced such serious mischief to the\\nAmericans, prevented the pursuit of the British.\\nWashington still continued to make every effort to\\nsave the capital but Sir William Howe, having se-\\ncured tire command of the Schuylkill, on the 23d of\\nSeptember, crossed it with his whole army on the\\n26th he advanced to Germantown and on the suc-\\nceeding day Lord Cornwallis, at the head of a strong\\ndetachment, entered Philadelphia in triumph.\\nThe American army, re-enforced to eight thousand\\ncontinental troops and three thousand militia, took\\na position at Shippack Creek, on the east side of the\\nSchuylkill, about twenty miles from Philadelphia,\\nand sixteen from Germantown. At the latter place\\nwas posted the main body of the British army. The\\nfirst object of Sir William Howe was to subdue the\\ndefences, and remove the impediments of the Dela-\\nware, that a communication might be opened with\\nthe British shipping. General Washington made\\nevery effort to prevent the execution of his enemy s\\ndesign, in the hope of forcing General Howe out of\\nPhiladelphia, by preventing supplies of provisions\\nfrom reaching him. Of the attainment of this im-\\nportant object, he had no doubt, could the passage of\\nthe Delaware be rendered impracticable. For this\\npurpose works had been erected on a bank of mud\\nand sand in the river, near the confluence of the\\nSchuylkill, and about seven miles below Philadelphia.\\nThe place, from these works, was denominated Fort\\nIsland, and the works themselves Fort Mifflin. On\\na neck of land on the opposite shore of New Jersey,\\ncalled Red Bank, a fort was constructed and mount-\\ned with heavy artillery, and called Fort Mercer.\\nFort Island and Red Bank were distant from each\\nother half a mile. In the channel of the Delaware,\\nwhich ran between them, two ranges of chevaux-de-\\nfrise were sunk. These consisted of large pieces of\\ntimber, strongly framed together, and pointed Avith\\niron, and they completely obstructed the passage of\\nships. These works were covered by several gal-\\nleys, floating batteries, and armed ships.\\nSir William Howe having detached a considerable\\nforce from Germantown to operate against the works\\non the Delaware, General Washington thought this\\na favourable opportunity to attack the British army\\nin their cantonments. The line of the British en-\\ncampment crossed the village of Germantown at right\\nangles, near its centre, and its flanks were strongly\\ncovered. The army, having moved from its ground\\nabout seven in the afternoon of the 3d of October,\\nbegan an attack about sunrise the next morning.\\nThe advance of the column, led by Sullivan, and ac-\\ncompanied by the commander in chief, encountered\\nand drove in a picket, which presently gave way\\nand his main body, soon following, engaged the light\\ninfantry and other troops encamped near the picket,\\nand forced them from their ground. Though closely\\npursued. Lieutenant-colonel Musgrove, with six com-\\npanies, took post in a strong stone house, which lay\\nin the way of the Americans, and severely galled\\nthem by a fire of musketry from the doors and win-\\ndows. General Washington immediately ordered a\\nbrigade to surround the house but Colonel Musgrove\\nrefused to surrender. Four pieces of cannon were\\nbrought against him, but he sustained the fire of them\\nuntil Major-general Gray, with the third brigade, and\\nBrigadier-general Agnew, with the fourth, came to\\nhis assistance, and attacked the Americans with great\\nspirit. In the mean time General, Greene arrived with\\nhis column, and attacked the right wing of the British.\\nColonel Matthews routed- a party of the British op-\\nposed to him but being enveloped in a most extra-\\nordinary fog, he lost sight of the brigade to Avhich he\\nbelonged, and was taken prisoner, with his \\\\vhole\\nregiment. At length a part of the right wing of the\\nBritish attacked the Americans on the opposite side\\nof the town and the embarrassments among the\\nAmerican troops, occasioned by the darkness, gave\\nthe English time to recover from their consternation.\\nSullivan s division had penetrated far into German-\\ntown but the main body of the American army now\\ncommenced a retreat, and all efforts to rally it proved\\nineffectual. In this battle the loss of the Americans,\\nin killed, wounded, and prisoners, was not less than\\ntwelve hundred men, while that of the British did\\nnot exceed half that number. The American army\\nencamped again on Shippack Creek, bixt soon after\\nadvanced to White Marsh, while the royal army re-\\nmoved from Germantown to Philadelphia.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n257\\nThe works in the Delaware now engaged the at-\\ntention of the British and American generals. Lord\\nHowe, by continued exertion, having overcome the\\nobstructions which the Americans had placed in the\\nriver at Billingsport, a joint attack by sea and land\\nwas planned against Red Bank and Fort Island. The\\nAugusta, a sixty-four gun ship, the Merlin frigate,\\nand several small armed vessels, moved up the Dela-\\nware to assault the works on Fort or Mud Island.\\nCount Donop crossed into New Jersey with twelve\\nhundred Germans, and in the evening of the 22d ap-\\npeared before Fort Mercer, on Red Bank. His as-\\nsault was highly spirited, and the defence intrepid\\nand obstinate. Colonel Green, the commandant,\\nwhose garrison did not exceed five hundred men,\\nwas unable adequately to man the outworks but\\nhe galled the Germans in their advance, and on their\\nnear approach he quitted them, and retired within\\nthe inner intrenchments. They pressed forward with\\nundaunted bravery, and the Americans poured upon\\nthem a deadly fire. Count Donop was himself mor-\\ntally wounded at the head of his gallant corps the\\nsecond in command soon after fell, and the third im-\\nmediately drew off his forces. The assailants had\\nfour hundred men killed and wounded, while the\\ngarrison, fighting under cover, had only thirty. In\\nthe mean time, Fort Mifflin was attacked by the\\nshipping, and by batteries erected on the Pennsylva-\\nnia shore. Incessant volleys of bombs and cannon\\nballs were discharged upon it. But at ebb tide the\\nAitgusta and Merlin grounded, and were burnt. The\\ngarrison supported this tremendous fire without ma-\\nterial injury. The resistance of the forts on the\\nDelaware far exceeding the expectations of the Bri-\\ntish commanders, they adopted measures to overcome\\nit without the hazard of a second assault. They\\nerected batteries upon Providence Island, within five\\nhundred yards of the American fort. They also\\nbrought up tlieir shipping, gun-boats, c., and from\\nthe 10th to the 16th of November, battered the Ame-\\nrican works. By this time the defences were entirely\\nbeaten down, every piece of cannon was dismounted,\\nand one of the ships approached so near Fort Mif-\\nflin as to throw hand-grenades from her tops into it,\\nwhich killed the men upon the platform. The brave\\ngarrison received orders to quit the post. Red Bank\\nbeing no longer useful, its garrison and stores were\\nThaeher s Military Journal, p. 107.\\nt It has ever been a source of reproach against the British, that\\ntiley employed the sanguinary Indians as their allies. The atro-\\ncities they committed might be somewhat exaggerated by General\\nGates and others; but that instances did occur, to the disgrace of\\ntheir civilized associates, cannot be denied. The melancholy case\\nof Miss M Crea will long be remembered. Captain Jones, her\\nalso withdrawn, on the approach of Lord Cornwallis\\nwith five thousand men to invest it.\\nWhile these inauspicious operations were carriea\\non in the south, the northern portion of the country\\nwas a theatre of events ihnt more than countcrbnl\\nanced them. A principal object of the British, in the\\ncampaign of this year, was to open a free communi-\\ncation between New York and Canada. The British\\nministry were sanguine in their hopes, that, by cfl ect-\\ning this object. New England, which they consider-\\ned as the soul of the confederacy, might be severed\\nfrom the neighbouring states, and compelled to sub\\nmission. In prosecution of this design, an army of\\nBritish and German troops, amoiuiting to upwards of\\nseven thousand men, exclitsive of artillery, was put\\nunder the command of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne,\\nan enterprising and able officer. The plan of opera-\\ntions consisted of two parts. General Burgoyne,\\nwith the main body, was to advance by way of Lake\\nChamplain, and force his way to Albany, or, at least,\\nso far as to efl ect a junction with the royal army from\\nNew York; and Lieutenant-Colonel St. Lcgfer, with\\nabout two hundred British, a regiment of New York\\nloyalists, raised and commanded by Sir John John-\\nson, and a large body of Indians, was to ascend the\\nSt. Lawrence to Lake Ontario, and from that quarter\\nto penetrate toward Albany, by the way of the Mo-\\nhawk river. General Burgoyne arrived at Quebec\\nin May. In the latter end of June he advanced with\\nhis army to Crown Point, and from thence proceeded\\nto invest Ticonderoga, which was soon abandoned\\nby the Americans, under General St. Clair, who,\\nafter a distressing march, joined General Schuyler\\nat Fort Edward, on the river Hudson. General\\nBurgoyne, having with incredible labour and fatigue\\nconducted his army tlirough the wilderness from\\nSkenesborough, reached Fort Edward on the 30th\\nof July. As he approached tliat place, General\\nSchuyler, whose forces, even since the junction of\\nSt. Clair, did not exceed four thousand four hundred\\nmen, retired over the Hudson to Saratoga. Early\\nin August, St. Leger invested Fort Schuyler, and at\\nfirst obtained some advantages over the Americans\\nbut, by stratagem,* the Indians were induced to desert\\nhim, and finding himself abandoned by seven or\\neiglit hundred of these important auxiliaries,! he de-\\ncamped in great confusion, and returned to Montreal.\\nlover, an officer in the British army, anxious on her account, en-\\no-agcd some Indians, of two diflerent tribes, to convey her away\\nfrom among the Americans, for the purpose of security; fearing\\nfor her, probably, on account of her father being interested in the\\nroyal cause, and of her attachment to himself Having promised\\nto reward the person who should bring her safe to him with a bar-\\nrel of rum, the two Indians, who had already conveyed her to sorni", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "25S\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nleaving; his tents, witli most of his artillery and stores,\\nin the field. While St. Leger was thus unsuccessful\\nat Fort Schuyler, a detachment under Colonel Baume,\\ndistauce, disputed which of Ihem should pie.^em to Captain Jones\\nthe object of his affection. Each wa^ anxious for the reward\\nand that the other might not receive it, one of them killed her with\\na blow of his tomahawk. Upon the first intelligence of what had\\nhappened, Burgoyue obliged the Indians to deliver up the murder-\\ner, and threatened to put him to death. Many thought the threat\\nwould have been e. iecuted but he was pardoned, upon the Indians\\nagreeing to terms enjoined them by Burgoyne, which the general\\nthought would be more efficacious than an execution, to prevent\\nkiniilar mischiefs. Gordon, vol. ii. p. 514.\\nThe fate of this young woman has excited the sympathies of her\\nfriends, and the whole people of the United States. She was the\\ndaughter of James M Crea, a clergyman of New Jersey, who died\\nbefore the revolution. After her father s death, she resided with\\nher brother, at Albany, who removed to the neighbourhood of Fort\\nEdward. There are several versions of this story of blood; but\\nthe following is drawn from an examination of all of them. Au-\\ngust, 1777, is stated to be the time of her death.\\nShe was a young lady twenty-three years of age, amiable and\\nwell educated. She was related to one of the American officers\\nwho was at Fort Edward, but on the alarm given by the retreat of\\nthe American army from the lakes, she had left her home for a\\n.\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0096\u00a0afe retreat in Fort Miller; but when the American forces thought\\nit prudent to retire from that fortress to Vermont, she did not think\\nproper to go with them, and returned to Sandy Hill, the place of\\nher usual residence. Rumour after rumour soon reached her here\\nof the approach oi* the Indians, and she knew not whither to fly.\\nThe whole country from the lakes was in great consternation, and\\nshe set out for Port Edward, with some other females. Her fears\\nwere increased, fur she felt no confidence in either side. She was\\non American ground, but was betrothed to an American, who had\\ntaken sides with the British, and had gone to Canada, where he\\nwas made captain of a company. The lovers had managed to\\nkeep up a correspondence, and he was informed, when he reached\\nFort Anne, that his inamorata was concealed in a house a few\\nmiles from Sandy Hill. To go there himself would be dangerous\\nto both, as the woods were infe,sted with scouting parties of Ameri-\\ncan troops, and he, as a tory, would have been harshly dealt with,\\nif taken by them but, to make all sure, he engaged a party of con-\\nfidential Indians, to take his horse and go to her place of conceal-\\nment, and bring her to him in safety. The party reached the\\nplace, and she received the letter. He urged her in his letter not\\nto hesitate a moment in putting herself under their protection, but\\nshe had some sad misgivings. The Indians had been a terror to\\nthat part of the country, and the tales she had heard in her child-\\nhood, came thickly upon her distracted mind; but the voice of a\\nlover is law to a confiding woman.\\nShe put herself under their guidance, and they had proceeded\\non their journey, she on horseback and they on foot, to near a small\\nspring, which may now be seen, when they were met by another\\nparty of Indians, who had heard of the reward which her lover\\nliad offered, or were sent by him, in his impatience to see her out\\nof danger. A quarrel aiosc between the parties of Indians, which\\nshould have the reward, or at least how it should be shared, when\\nan American scouting party came in sight, and coiumenced a brisk\\nfire on the Indians, who were thus disputing. They instantly fled\\nbut, unwilling she should be taken by the scouting party, one of the\\nIndians, while the others had fled to the bushes, pulled the girl\\nfrom the horse, struck his tomahawk into her forehead, tore off\\nher scalp, and gashed her breast, and left her under a. huge pine.\\nThe .scouting parly found her there in that situation, and they co-\\nvered her body, and that of an American officer, who had just\\nfallen by the fire of the Indians, as well as they could, with leaves\\nand earth. Some one of the Indians, with their usual regard to\\ntruth, marie her lover acquainted with the facts, and another proved\\nhis assertions by exhibiting the scalp. He knew the long golden\\ntresses of Miss M Crea, and in defiance of all danger, flew to the\\nBpot, to realize the horrid tale. He tore away the thinly .spread\\nleaves and earth, clasped the still bleeding body to his arms, and\\ndespatched to seize a large depot in New Hampshire\\nGrants, was also defeated by a body of militia under\\nGeneral Stark.* Meanwhile, General Burgoyne,\\nwrapping it in his cloak, bore it to the first wagon he could find,\\nand there hid it from the sight of the world, until he could dispose\\nof it according to his affections. The driver was bribed tosilence.\\nThe lover sat by the wagon all night, in a slate but little short of a\\nquiet delirium, new and then rousing himself to a furious determi-\\nnation to immolate the first Indian he could find but they were all\\nin their lairs. The morning sun arose, and the wagon went on, he\\nhaving determined to take the corse on with him to some spot hal-\\nlowed by the graves of others, and there deposit the sacred relics of\\nthe beloved of his soul. But his neglect of duty, and strange de-\\nmeanor, caused him to be watched by his superior officers, who\\nheard something of the rumour, and they discovered the secret,\\nthat the corse of Miss M Crea was in the wagon. They instantly\\nordered the wagon to stop, and the corse to be buried by the way-\\nside, kindly allon ing Captain Jones to stay a few moments, to see\\nher decent limbs composed, and laid in the bosom of the earth, a\\ncoffin having been procured. The grave is about four miles from\\nFort Edward.\\nCaptain Jones, it is said, survived her but a few years; and this\\nmelancholy event is supposed to have brought him to the grave.\\nPerhaps the tragical death of this amiable girl has given a degree\\nof romance to her virtues and personal charms but it is agreed,\\nby all who knew her, that she was amiable, virtuous, and accom-\\nplished. The tomahawk and the scalping knife have nearly be-\\ncome extinct, as weapons of dread to the women and children of\\nour favoured country. To our primitive mothers they were some-\\nthing more than air drawn daggers, creatures of the imagina-\\ntion for on their blade and dudgeon were often real gouts of bluod.\\nAmericnn Editor.\\nThe colonel was furnished with the following curious in-\\nstructions, which fell into the hands of General Stark: To pro-\\nceed to New Hampshire Grants, cross the mountains, scour the\\ncountry, with Peter s corps (tories) and the Indians, from Rock-\\ningham to Otter Creek, to get hoises, carriages, and cattle, and\\nmount Reidesel s regiment of diagoons; to go down Connecticut\\nriver as far as Bratlleborough, and return by the great road to Al-\\nbany, there to meet General Burgoyne; to endeavour to make the\\ncountry believe it was the advanced body of the general s army,\\nwho was to cross Connecticut river and proceed to Boston, and thai\\nat Springfield they were to be joined by the troops from Rhode\\nIsland. All officers, civil and military, acting under the congress,\\nwere to be made prisoners. To lax the towns where they halted,\\nwith such articles as they wanted, and take hostages for the per-\\nformance, c. You are to bring all horses fit to mount the dra-\\ngoons, or to serve as battalion horses for the troops, with as many\\nsaddles and bridles as can be found. The number of horses re-\\nquisite, besides those for the dragoons, ought to be thirteen hundred\\nif you can bring more, so mucli the better. The horses must he\\ntied in strings of ten each, in order that one man may lead ten\\nhorses. This redoubtable commander surely must be one of the\\nhappiest men of the age, to imagine that such prodigious achieve-\\nments were at his command, that such invaluable resources were\\nwithin his grasp. But, alas! the wisest of men are liable to dis-\\nappointment in their sanguine calculations, and to have tlieir fa-\\nvourite projects frustrated by the casualties of war. This is re-\\nmarkably verified in the present instance. Thaeher s Military\\nJournal, p. 109.\\nHinton has dismissed this battle, which deserves a volume, in\\nless than three lines; for it was the prelude to the capture of Bur-\\ngoyne, an incident more important than any that occurred in the\\nmilitary history of our country. It settled the treatment of prison-\\ners, a great event in our warfare, and secured our independence.\\nJohn Stark, the hero of this battle, was born at Londonderry, in the\\nstale of New Hampshire, in the year 1728. When quite a young\\nman, he was taken, while on a hunting excursion, by the St. Fran-\\ncis Indians, and carried to Canada. From this captivity he was\\nreleased by the payment of a ransom obtained from his friends.\\nHe went on hunting expeditions, after his return, in order to re-\\nfund the sum paid for his deliverance. When the five companies", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n259\\nhaving collected about thirty days provision, and\\nthrown a bridge of boats over the Hudson, crossed\\nthat river on the I3th and 14th of September, and\\nof rangers were raised by Major Rogers, in 1755, Stark was ap-\\npoinled a lieulenanl of a com|jany. Disliiiguishing himself in this\\nbody, he was made a captain, and increased his reputation by his\\nprowess in every campaign. The history of the rangers is full of\\ninterest; they were the most hardy and invincible of soldiers en-\\ngaged in a border war the proper school for heroes. Prom the\\npeace of 1763 to 75, Stark was engaged as a farmer; but hearing\\nof the battle of Le.xington, he at once repaired to Cambridge.\\nThere receiving a commission as colonel, he hastened to raise a\\nregiment in his native state, and was marching to join the army at\\nCambridge, when the battle of Bunker Hill was fought. He led\\nhis troops directly on to the hill, and took his position on the left\\nof the breastwork, behind the rail fence. (See battle of Bunker\\nHill, page 225.) His bravery on this occasion was worthy of his\\nformer reputation. In the campaign of 1776, he proceeded from\\nNew York to Canada. At the battle of Trenton, he commanded\\nthe right wing, and was also at Princeton.\\nBeing overlooked, in a promotion of officers, in the spring of\\n1777, he retired from the service of the confederation, to his farm.\\nIn July of that year, he accepted the command of the New Hamp-\\nshire troops, on condition that he should not be obliged to serve\\nunder any continental officer^ and marched to Vermont, to be in\\nreadiness to assist in checking Burgoyne in his progress toward\\nAlbany, where it was supposed the British army expected to\\nwintei His troops were at Bennington when he received in-\\nformation that a German force had been detached by the British\\ncommander in chief to collect cattle and forage. He lost no time\\nin meeting the enemy, and with success. Many accounts of this\\nmemorable alfair have been given by our historians we shall sub-\\njoin an interesting description of that battle, from the pen of one of\\nthe officers under Count Baum. It is true in all its general fea-\\ntures, and is a compliment to the bravery of General Stark and\\nhis array. For this fight. Stark received the thanks of eongre.ss,\\nand was appointed a brigadier-general by that body; and recruit-\\ning a new force, was in season to assist in the capture of Burgoj ne.\\nGeneral Stark continued in the army until the revolutionary con-\\nflict was over, and then retired to his farm again. He enjoyed a\\ngreen old age, living until he was ninety-three years old. He died\\nin 1822, and over his ashes a monument has been erected by his\\nfamily. He was a man of robust constitution, and of great firm-\\nness of character. He was brave, honest, and direct. He spoke\\nwhat he thought, without the fear of any one. His mansion was\\nas hospitable as a free heart and liberal hand could make it. To\\nthe last years of his life he conversed upon the events of the revo-\\nlution with energy and patriotism. He detailed his border fights\\nwith graphic minuteness. He abhorred hypocris} and cowardice,\\nand denounced these vices in no measured terms. This race of\\nsoldier-patriarchs, who led their sons and sent out their grandsons\\nto battle, have now become nearly e.xtincl. American Editor.\\nThe great object which General Burgoyne sought to obtain, was\\nto force his way down the course of the Hudson, and rallying round\\nhim, as he proceeded, as many loyalists as chose to follow his for-\\ntunes, to effect a junction with the army of General Howe, then\\nblockaded in New York. To facilitate this measure, by distract-\\ning the attention of the enemy, a smaller expedition, under the\\norders of Colonel St. Leger, had been organized, which, moving\\nthrough the western part of Chester county, threatened Fort Sian-\\nwix, a rudely fortified station upon the Mohawk. Colonel St. Le-\\nber s force was extremely weak, particularly in troops of the line,\\nof which no more than four hundred, and those composed of de-\\ntachments from different regiments, served under him; and the\\nwhole, including provincials, Canadians, and some hundreds of In-\\ndians, barely came up to twelve hundred men. He pushed forward,\\nhowever, with diligence, and on the third of August invested the\\nfortress, sending intelligence, at the same time, to the general in\\nchief, of his situation and in two days afterwards he had the good\\nfortune to surprise and cut to pieces a body of eight hundred Ame-\\nricans, when on their march to relieve the garrison. So far all\\nthings had succeeded according to our wish but Colonel St. Leger\\nencamped on the heights and plains of Saratoga.\\nGeneral Gates, who had recently taken the chief\\ncommand of the northern department of the Ameri-\\ngradually found, that in the expectations which he had been led lo\\nform respecting the loyally of the inhabitants of the invaded\\ndistrict, the grossest impositions had been practised on him. In-\\nstead of crowds of volunteers, scarcely an individual came to his\\ncamp; and of the few who did come, it was more than suspected,\\nthat by far the greater proportion came with a treacherous in-\\ntention.\\nThat these advantages, trifling as they were, might not be wholly\\nwasted, it became incumbent on Gen. Burgoyne to advance without\\ndelay whilst the deplorable deficiency in the means of transjiort\\nunder which he laboured, seemed to render all attempts at moving\\nthe army fruitless. Though our troops had toiled without rler-\\nmission during three whole weeks, there was in comp no greater\\nstock of provisions than promised lo suffice for four days con-\\nsumption and to move forward with a supply so slender, into a\\ndesert country, appeared lo a leader of the old school little better\\nthan insanity. 1 have called it a desert country, not only with re-\\nference to its natural sterility, and heaven knows it was stfiU\\nenough, but because of the pains which were taken, and unfoi in-\\nnately with too great success, to sweep its few cultivated spots of\\nall articles likely ;o benefit the invaders. In doing this, the eiieniy\\nshowed no clemency either to friend or foe. All the fields of\\nstanding corn were laid waste, the cattle were driven away, and\\nevery particle of grain, as well as morsel of grass, carefully re-\\nmoved so that we could depend for sub.sistence, both for men and\\nhorses, only upon the magazines which we might ourselves establish.\\nBut our draft animals were so inadequate to the conveyance cf\\nstores, that no magazine had as yet been formed farther in advance\\nthan Fort George and Fort George was too much in the rear to be\\nof service as a base of operations, after we should have quitted the\\nposition which we now- occupied.\\nI have said that the American armv retreated as we advanced,\\ncutting up the roads, and devastating the face of the coiinliy over\\nwhich they passed. They were now, according lo the best ac-\\ncounts which we could receive, at Saratoga, a hamlet, or ralhcr\\nfarm, on the left bank of the Hudson, and about halfway helween\\nFort Edward and the Mohawk. It seemed advisable to Gcneiid\\nBurgoyne to threaten them there for if they risked on aclion, ha\\nhad no apprehensions as to the result; if they retired, Colonel St.\\nLeger would be in their rear; and should they succeed in escaping\\nboth divisions, then was the road to Albany thrown open, and the\\nprincipal design of the inroad attained. Increased exertions were\\naccordingly used to bring a flotilla iVom the lakes to the nearest\\nnavigable point in the river; and so unremitiing were they, ihat\\nbefore the close of the first week in August, a considerable iiuniljcr\\nof boats and barges, laden with such stores as could be forwarded,\\nwere launched upon the stream, and ready to accompany the army.\\nWhilst these projects were in conlemplaiion, and the above\\nmeans adopted for bringing them to an i.ssue, a piece of informa-\\ntion was obtained at head-quarters, which promised to bring about\\nthe happiest results, by relieving us at once from all the embarrass-\\nments attendant upon meagre .nipplies and inadequate means of\\ntransport. About twenty miles to the eastwardof theHudson.lies the\\nobscure village of Bennington\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a cluster of poor cottages, situated\\nin a wild country, between the forks of the Hossac. Here the\\nenemy had gathered together a considerable depot of cattle, com,\\nhorses, and wheel carriages, most of which were drawn across lli\\nConnecticut river from the provinces of New England :^and as it\\nwas understood to be guarded by a party of mililia only, an at-\\ntempt to suj-prise it seemed by no means unjustifiable. It is true,\\nthat between Fort Edward and Bennington, the means of commu-\\nnicatinn were exceedingly defective. One prodigious forest, .bot-\\ntomed in swamps and morasses, covered the -nhole face of the\\ncountry; through which, no body of men, unless familiarly accus-\\ntomed to such expeditions, could hope to make their way, at all\\nevents with celerity. But the necessities of the army were press-\\nin the state of the campaign was a critical one; and the risk,\\nthough doubtless great, -was considered by no means to outweigh\\nthe advantages to be derived from success. General Burgoyne", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "260\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncan army, advanced toward the British, and en-\\ncamped three miles above Stillwater. On the night\\nof the 17lli, Burgoyne encamped within four miles\\ndetermined to incur it; and a few hours sufficed for the final ar-\\nrangement of his plan, and drawing up of his instructions.\\nThere were attached to our litlle army, two hundred German\\ndragoons men of tried valour and enterprise, but destitute of\\nhorses. These the general selected as part of the force to be em-\\nployed in the surprise of Bennington not only because he enler-\\nt.ained the most perfect confidence in tlieir steadiness, but because\\nhe conceived, that in the country into which they were about to\\npenetrate, they might he able to pick up a sufficient number of\\nhorses for their own use. In addition to these, the Canadian ran-\\nchers, a detachment of provincials, about one hundred Indians, and\\nCaplain Fraser s marksmen, with two pieces of light cannon, were\\nallotted to this service; and the whole, amounting lo five hundred\\nmen, were placed under the orders of Lieutenant Colonel Baume.\\nThe latter officer received special instructions to proceed with ex-\\ntreme caution. He was particularly enjoined to keep his dragoons\\ntogether, and to feel his way, foot by foot, vi ith his light troops\\nalone and whilst it was broadly insinuated that he might look for\\nrecruits among the well disposed inhabitants, the greatest care was\\ntaken to impress him with the conviction, that they were not to be\\nimplicitly trusted. It would have been well both for himself and\\nhis followers, had these advices been somewhat more carefully re-\\nmembered. But there was a fatality attending all our measures,\\nwhich soon began to develope itself; and perhaps the fate of the\\npresent expedition ought to have been taken as a fair warning of\\n.the destiny which awaited the army at large.\\nThough all these arrangements were completed, and the troops\\ndestined to fulfil them told off so early as the beginning of August,\\nthe middle of the month was approaching ere this attempt, on the\\nsuccess of which so much was supposed to depend, was made.\\nPerhaps there was no great error here, more especially as the co-\\nlumn broke up from its bivouac, and advanced to the point where\\nthe Hudson was fo be crossed. It was a toilsome and a tedious\\nmarch a little, and but a little enlivened, by a harmless skirmish,\\nwhich some straggling Americans chose to maintain with our de-\\ntached Indians. After enduring great privations with a spirit which\\nfailed not to the last, our army at length reached its destined rest-\\ning place, and took up a position on the eastern bank of the Hud-\\nson, immediately opposite to the heights of Saratoga.\\nThis done, and the enemy having withdrawn as far as Still-\\nwater, the general proceeded to carry into execution his project-\\ned design against Bennington. At an early hour in the morning\\nof the I2th, our little band, unincumbered with any quantity of\\nbaggage besides that which each man could conveniently carry\\nupon his back, set ofl^ in the direction of Batten Kill, where it ar-\\nrived, without meeting with any adventure, by four o clock in the\\nafternoon. Here we halted for the night, by which means a com-\\npany of fifty chasseurs overtook us, whom General Burgoyne, dis-\\nirttstful of our strength, sent to re-enforce us but at five next\\nmorning, we were again in motion, and pushed cautiously, though\\nwith a quick pace, in the direction of Cambridge. Our journey\\nthis day proved in many respects more interesting than any which\\nwe had performed since the pursuit from Ticonderoga. The\\ncountry, as we advanced, exhibited greater signs of cultivation, a\\nfield or two interposing here and there amidst the plains, and a few\\ndetached cottages lying by the wayside whilst several of the coun-\\ntry people vol^intarily joined us, and took the oalh of allegiance to\\nllie king. From them we learned that a company of Americans\\nhad been left in Cambridge as a guard over some cattle which were\\non their way to Bennington and as it was deemed of importance\\nto seize such, wherever they could be found, our scouts were com-\\nmanded to quicken their pace, and surprise them.\\nI was not one of the party thus sent forward, that duly having\\nbeen entrusted to thirty provincials and fifty Indians but the latter\\nattained their object after a trifling skirmish, in which one man\\nonly was wounded. Nothing co\\\\ild be finer than the efltct pro-\\nduced by the desultory firing which was kept up on that occasion\\nby the retreating enemy and our pursuers. It so happened that the\\npoint where they first met, though covered with a deep and ex-\\nof the American army and about noon on the 19th\\nadvanced in full force against it. The right wing\\nwas commanded by General Burgoyne, and covered\\ntensive forest, was not incumbered by brush wood or other deafen-\\ning substances and hence each report, as it rolled from tree to\\ntree and glade to glade, sounded as if not one, but fiuy muskels,\\nhad been fired. You will easily believe that the first discharge\\ncaused us to quicken our pace, and to recover our ranks, which\\nhad begun to straggle but no opportunity was afibrded us of join-\\ning. The enemy fought only to escape; and hence, when we\\nreached Cambridge, we found it in full occupation of our advance,\\nwhich had made prizes of no inconsiderable quantity of carls and\\nwagons, as well as of cattle and horses.\\nThe satisfaction arising from this first success was not, however,\\nso great as lo render us indilferent to the nature of the inlelligence\\nwhich met us there. Instead of four or five hundred men, it w.as\\naccurately ascertained that not fewer ihan eighteen hundred were\\nin Bennington; and though some appeared to be of opinion tl.at\\nthey would not wait to receive us, there were others who scrnphd\\nnot to foretel a widely different result. Now, in spile of our lale\\nre-enforcement, our whole strength fell considerably short of six\\nhundred men and uf these, a fnll hundred were Indians, on whom\\nno great reliance could be placed.. Still, Colonel Eaume appeared\\nto consider his situation secure. He spoke, as far as we could un-\\nderstand him, in very contemptuous terms of the Americans, and\\nbusily employed himself in receiving the submission of (lie inhabit-\\nants, who in great numbers flocked to his standard. Unforlunaie-\\nly. Colonel Baume forgot the cautions which had been so strongly\\nimpressed upon him. He considered all persons sincere who pro-\\nfessed attachment to the royal cause alluding in their presence,\\nand without reserve, both to his own numbers and designs; and as\\nby far the greater proportion were in reality traitors lo lis, every\\ncircumstance connected with our dispositions and plans became as\\nwell known to the enemy as lo ourselves.\\nIt was their leader s intention lo march at once upon Benniiig-\\nlon for which purpose his little corps was under arms and in co-\\nlumn, long before sunrise on the 14lh. For some time our pm-\\ngress was, as it had hitherlo been, unimpeded but as we ajiproach-\\ned the northern branch of the Hossac, by the farm and bridge of\\nSankoick, the arrangemenis of the enemy began gradually to de-\\nvelope themselves.\\nA flying party of Americans were discovered in front of the\\nfarm, which, on the approach of our people, spread themselvi.s\\nalong the underwood and they were not dislodged till after a good\\ndeal of firing, which caused us some loss in several of ihe mo.st\\nforward among the savages. At last, however, they retreated,\\nabandoning a mill which they had previously fortified, and break-\\ning down the bridge; and long before the latler could be repaired,\\nthey were safe from further molestation. There was a good deal\\nto excite apprehension even in this unimportant renrontie. The\\nAmericans, though they gave way at last, fought like men con-\\nscious of their own prowess, and confident in the strength of the\\nsupport which was behind them; and this, coupled with the ru-\\nmours which had reached us relative to the amount of tlie gari isi n\\nof Bennington, failed not to startle both Colonel Baume and the\\nboldest of his troops. Besides, much time was lost by the desinic-\\ntion of the bridge. It required a full hour so far lo repair it as lo\\nenable Ihe guns and horses to pass; and when this was done, I he\\nday had declined so far as to render any attempt lo reach Ihe point\\nof our destination before sunset fruitless. We accordingly biv iU-\\nacked at the farm of Walmscott, about four miles from Sankoick,\\nand three from Benninglon where the night was spent, if not in\\na sense of absolute security, at all events without the occurrence\\nof any accident capable of exciting alarm.\\nThe morning of Ihe 15th came in with hea\\\\T rains, and a per-\\nfect hurricane of wind conseqtienlly, Ihe little column, insie.nd of\\npressing forward, was fain to keep under shelter of the farm build-\\ning. But it was not permitted to remain long in a situation so\\ncomfortable. Our early parade had just been dismi.-i.sed, when\\nfew shots in the direction of the advanced sentries gave notice thai\\nthe Americans, instead of waiting to be attacked, were on the\\nmove and in a few minutes afterwards, a general commotion at", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n261\\nby General Fraser and Colonel Breyman, with the\\ngrenadiers and light infantry, who were posted along\\nThe front and\\nsome high grounds on the right\\nIhe outposts, indicated more by the shouts of the Indians than the\\nreport of tlieir arms, warned us to make ready for an immediate\\nattack. Colonel Baume lost no lime in preparing to meet it.\\nForming his dismounted dragoons in close column among the\\nhomestead, he directed the provincials, supported by Fraser s\\nmarksmen, to advance to the assistance of the pickets, with orders\\nto dispute every inch of ground to the utmost, and finally to retire\\nupon the reserve, should all their efforts to maintain themselves\\nprove ineffectual.\\nIn an instant we were in motion, and a few minutes sufficed lo\\nbring us to the scene of action. We found our Indians threatened,\\nrather than seriously as.sailed, by a considerable body of militia\\nmen, before whom they were falling back, leisurely and in order\\nbut Mich was the violence of the storm, that not one out of a dozen\\nmuskets would explode, and hence the skirmish was neither very\\nanimated nor very bloody. On seeing us, our savage allies uttered\\na yell, which seemed to strike panic into the bo.soms of their as-\\nsailants: for the latter instantly paused, hung back as it were ir-\\nresolute, and hnally retired. We followed for a time, briskly and\\nimpetuously but we likewise felt the bad effects of the weather too\\nmuch to seek a general engagement; and as the movements of Ihe\\nenemy seemed to indicate a wish on their parts lo draw us on, we\\nwere of course exlreinely shy in trusting ourselves beyond our own\\nlimits. We accordingly hailed as soon as we had recovered the\\nground which the savages had lost, and, lying down behind the\\ntrees, contented ourselves with watching the result during many\\nhours, and striving, as well as we could, lo keep the priming of our\\nrifles from the rain.\\nWhether the Americans ever entertained any serious intention\\nof attacking this day, 1 cannot pretend to determine; but if they\\ndid, the statue of Ihe weather compelled them lo relinquish it. Yet\\nthey ventured to advance, from time lo time, in considerable num-\\nbers, as if resolved to try how far our position was tenable; and\\non each occasion a little firing look place but no impression was\\nmade upon us, and the rain conlinuing to fall without intermission,\\nIhey at last desislcd from their efforts, and ivithdrew. Their pro-\\nceedings were not, however, of a nature to be disregarded, or held\\nin contempi, hy a force so insignificant as ours. Colonel Baume\\nimmediately despalched a messenger to the rear, for the purpose of\\nbringing up an additional corps wliich General Burgoyne had sta-\\ntioned at Batten Kill to support us; whilst he set sedulously to the\\ntask of fortifying a position in which he might await the coming\\nup of supplies, of which he began now to be conscious that he stood\\nin need.\\nThe farm of Walmscoll lies upon both hanks of the Hossac, and\\nconsisted at this time of some six or eighl log built huts, scattered\\nhere and there over the narrow expanse of cultivated ground.\\nTo the left was a height, which Colonel Baume hastened to occu-\\npy he posted here the dragoons, with a portion of the marksmen\\non their right, in rear of a little zigzag breastwork, composed of\\nlogs and loose earth. Such of ihe detached houses as came within\\nthe compass of his position, he filled with Canadians, supporting\\nthem with detachments of chasseurs and grenadiers, likewi.se en-\\ntrenched behind breastworks and he kept the whole, with the ex-\\nception of about a hundre l men, on the north side of the stream,\\nholding the woods upon his flanks, in his front and rear, by the In-\\ndians.\\nTo complete these arrangements, and throw up the few works\\nwhich were to render them efficient, occupied Ihe entire day, and\\nsome portion of the night of the X5th; and seldom have men un-\\ndergone hardships more severe than our people endured whilst thus\\nemployed. Lei it be borne in mind, that the 15th was a day of\\ncontinued rain not such rain as we are accustomed to witness in\\nthis country, but an absolute torrent, to afford shelter against which\\nhuman ingenuity has yet devised no covering. Under this, the\\nmen toiled on, the earth which they threw up being repeatedly\\nwashed down again, and the holes and ditches which they dug out\\nfilled in a moment, and so rendered worse than useless. But their\\npaliepce equalled the difficulties which it was called tipon to sur-\\nflanks were covered by Indians, provincials, and Cti-\\nnadians. The l^ft wing and artillery were com-\\nmanded by Major-Generals Phillips and Reidesel,\\nmount. Each man fell, too, that he was labouring for his own\\npersonal safety, not less than for the benefit of the whole and all\\nwere, in consequence, inspired with a principle of perfect heroisin\\nand self-devotion. Poor fellows! their spirit and perseverance\\nwere, on the present occasion, of little avail. They sufficed, in-\\ndeed, lo save their possessors from dishonour, and enabled them lo\\nsell their lives dearly; but they were quite inadequate lo secure\\nvictory, or even to ward off defeat.\\nAs soon as darkess fairly set in, our corps, which had kept its\\nstation on Ihe opposite side of Ihe stream, was silenlly willidrawn,\\nand took ground beside Reidesel s dragoons, on Ihe little hill\\nabove alluded to. There we passed the night, not very coniforia-\\nbly, as maybe well supposed, seeing that no fires were lighled,and\\nIhal we were all impressed with a powerful sense of inipen(1ing\\ndanger; but if there was an absence of mirth from amongst u.-.\\nIhere was no approximalion to terror for we held our own valour\\nat the highest, and rated Ihat of our opponents somewhat loo cheap-\\nly. Yet there were few amongst us that slept very soundly. We\\ncould not but remember, that we were cut off, by a wide tract of\\ndesolate country, from all coinmunication with our friends, and\\nexposed to attacks on every side from a numerous enemy and the\\nwhoop which ihe savages raised from lime to time, as well as an\\noccasior-1 musket shot, gave notice, Ihat even now that enemy w os\\nnot inactive. Our anxiety for ihe return of day was greater by far\\nthan perliaps any of us would hjve been willing lo acknowledge,\\neven to his dealest friend; and the feeling of satisfaclion was ge-\\nneral, when the gradual reddening of ihe eastern sky denoted that\\nit was fast approaching.\\nThe morning of the IClh rose beautifully serene. The storm of\\nthe preceding day having expended itself, not a cloud was left lo\\ndarken the face of the heavens; whilst the very leaves hung mo-\\ntionless, and the long grass waved not, under the influence of a\\nperfect calm. Every ohjcct around, too, appeared lo peculiar ad-\\nvanlage for the fields looked green and refreshed, Ihe river wn.s\\nswollen and lumulluous, and ihe branches were all loaded wiih\\ndew-drops, which gliltered in the sun s early rays like so many\\ndiamonds. Nor would it be ea.sy to imagine any scene more rile\\nwith peaceful and even pastoral beauty. Looking down f-om the\\nsummit of the rising ground, I beheld immediately benralh me a\\nwide sweep of stately forest, interrupted at remote intervals by\\ngreen meadows or yellow corn fields; whilst here and there a col-\\nlage, a shed, or some other primitive edifice, reared its modest hend\\nas if for Ihe purpose of reminding the spectator, that man liad be-\\ngun his inroads upon nature, without as yet taking away fiom hei\\nsimplicity and grandeur. I hardly recollect a scene which slrucli\\nme at Ihe moment more forcibly, or which has left a deeper oi\\nmore lasting impression on my memory.\\nI have said ihat the morning of the 16th roce beautifully serene\\nand it is not to the operations of the elements alone that my expics-\\nsion apjilies. All was perfectly quiet at the oulposis, not an entniy\\nhaving been seen, nor an alarming sound heard, for several hours\\nprevious to sunrise. So peaceable, indeed, was the aspect which\\nmailers bore, that our leaders felt w-armly disposed to resume the\\noffensive, without wailing Ihe arrival of Ihe additional corj s fur\\nwhich they had applied and orders were already issued for the\\nmen to eat their breakfasts, preparatory lo more active operations.\\nBut the arms were scarcely piled, and the havresacks iinslung,\\nwhen symptoms of a stale of affairs diflereni from that which had\\nbeen anticipated, began lo show themselves, and our people were\\nrecalled to their ranks in all hasle, almost as soon as they had\\nquilled them. From more than one quarter scouts came in to le-\\nport,that columns of armed men were approaching though whether\\nwith a friendly or hostile inlention, neither their appearance nor\\nactions enabled our informants to ascertain.\\nIt has been slated, Ihat during Ihe last day s march our little\\ncorps was joined by many of the country people most of whom\\ndemanded and obtained arms, as persons friendlj lo the loyalcnuse.\\nHow Colonel Baume became so completely duped as to place leli-\\nanee on these men, I kiiow not but having listened with compla-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "262\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwho proceeded along the great road. Colonel Mor-\\ngan, who was detached to observe their motions, and\\nto harass them as they advanced, soon fell in with\\nccncy to iheir previous assurances, that in Bennington a large ma-\\njority of the populace were our friends, he was somehow or other\\npersuaded to believe, that the armed hands of whose approach he\\nwas warned, were hiyalists on their way to make a tender of their\\nservices to the leader of the king s troops. Filled with this idea,\\nhe despatched positive orders to the outposts, that no molestations\\nshould be offered to the advancing columns; but that the pickets\\nretiring before them should join the main body, where every dispo-\\nsition was made to receive cither friend or foe. Unfortunately for\\nus, these orders were but too failhfully obeyed. About half past\\nnine o clock, I, who was not in the secret, beheld,, to my utier\\namazement, our advanced parties withdraw wiihout firing a shot,\\nfrom thickets which might have been maintained for hours against\\nany superiority of nu)nbers; and the same thickets quickly occu-\\npied by men, whose whole demeanour, as well as their dress and\\nstyle of equipment, plainly and inconiestably pointed them out as\\nAmericans.\\nI cannot pretend to describe the state of excitation and alarm, into\\nwhich our little band was now thrown. With the solitary e.vcep-\\ntion of our leader, there was not a man amonsst us who appeared\\notherwise than satisfied that those to whom he had listened were\\ntraitors; and that unless some prompt and vigorous measures were\\nadopted, their treachery would be crowned with its full reward.\\nCaptain Fraser, in particular, seemed strongly imbued with the\\nconviction, that we were wilfully deceived. He poinjed out, in\\nplain language, the extreme improbability of the story which these\\ndeserters had told, and warmly urged our chief to withdraw his\\nconfidence from them but all his arguments proved fruitless.\\nColonel Bauine remained convinced of their fidelity. He saw no\\nrenson to doubt that the people who.se approach excited so much\\napprehension, were the same of whose arrival he had been fore-\\nwarned and he was prevented from placing himself entirely in\\ntheir power, only by the positive refusal of his followers to obey\\norders given to that etTecl, and the rash impetuosity of the enemy.\\nWe might have stood about half an hour under arm.s, watching\\nthe proceedings of a column of four or five hundred men, who,\\nafler dislodging the pickets, had halted just at the edge of the open\\ncountry, when a sudden trampling of feet in the forest on our right,\\nfollowed by the report of several muskets, attracted our attention.\\nA patrol was instantly sent in the direction of the sound; Inn be-\\nfore the party composing it had proceeded many yards from the\\nlines, a loud shout, followed by a rapid though straggling (ire of\\ninuskelry, warned us to prepare for a meeting the reverse of friend-\\nly. Instantly the Indians came pouring in, carrying dismay and\\nconfusion in their countenance and gestures. We were surrounded\\non all sides; columns were advancing everywhere against us, and\\nthose whom we had hitherto treated as friends, had only waited till\\nthe arrii al of their support might justify them in advancing. There\\nwas no falsehood in these reports, though made by men who spoke\\nrather from their fears than their knowledge. The column in our\\nfront no sooner heard the shout, than they replied cordially and\\nloudly to it; then, firing a volley with deliberate and murderous\\naim, rushed furiously towards us. Now ihen, at length, our leader s\\ndreams of security were dispelled. He found himself attacked in\\nfront and flank by thrice his numbers, who pressed forward with\\nthe confidence which our late proceedings were calculated to pro-\\nduce; whilst the very persons in whom he had iriisled, and to\\nwhom he had given arms, lost no time in turning them against him.\\nThese fellows no sooner heard their comrades cry, than they de-\\nliberately discharged their muskets amongst Reidesel s dragoons;\\nand dispersing before any steps could he taken to seize them, esca-\\nped, with the exception of one or two, to their friends.\\nIf Colonel Baume had permitted himself to be duped into a great\\nerror, it is no more than justice to confess, that he exerted himself\\nmanfully to remedy the evil, and avert its consequences. Our little\\nband, which had hitherto remained in column, was instantly ordered\\nto extend, and the troops lining the breastwork replied to the fire\\nof the Americans with extreme celerity and considerable effect. So\\nclose and destructive, indeed, was our first volley, that the assail-\\ntheir pickets in front of their right wing, attacked\\nthem sharply, and drove them in. A strong corps\\nwas brought up to support them, and, after a severe\\nants recoiled before it, and would have retreated, in all probabilily,\\nwithin the wood but ere we could take advantage of the confu-\\nsion produced, fresh attacks developed themselves, and we ivcre\\nwarmly engaged on every side, and from all quarters. It became\\nevident that each of our detached posts was about to be assailed at\\nthe same instant. Not one of our dispositions had been concealed\\nfrom the enemy, who, on the contrary, seemed to be aware of the\\nexact number of men stationed at each point; and they were one\\nand all threatened by a force perfectly adequate to bear down op-\\nposition, and yet by no means disproportionably large, or such as\\nto render the main body inefficient. All, moreover, was done \u00c2\u00abith\\nthe sagacity and coolness of veterans, who perfectly undcrslooil the\\nnature of the resistance to be expected, and the difficulties to he\\novercome, and who, having well considered and matured their\\nplans, were resolved to carry them into execution at all hazard.s,\\nand at every expense of life.\\nIt as at this moment, when the heads of columns began to show\\nthemselves in rear of our right and left, that the Indians, who had\\nhitherto acted with spirit, and something like order, lost all confi-\\ndence, and f!ed. Alarmed at the prospect of having their retreat\\ncut off, they stole away, after their own fashion, in single files,\\nin .spite of the strenuous remonstrances of Baume, and of their\\nown oflScers, leaving us more than ever exposed, by the abandon-\\nment of that angle of the intrenchments which they had been aj)-\\npointed to maintain. But even this spectacle, distressing as It\\ndoubtless was, failed in affecting our people with a feeling at all\\nakin to despair. The vacancy which the retreat of the savages oc-\\ncasioned, was promptly filled up by one of our two field-pieces,\\nwhilst the other poured destruction among the enemy in front, as\\noften as they showed themselves in the open country, or Ihrealcrcd\\nto advance.\\nIn this state things continued upwards of three quarters of an\\nhour. Though repeatedly assailed in front, flanks, and rear, ve\\nmaintained ourselves with so much obstinacy, as to inspire a hope\\nthat the enemy might even j et be kept at bay till the arrival of\\nEreyman s corps, now momentarily expected when an accident\\noccurred, which at once put an end to this e.xpeciation, and cs\\nposed us, almost defenceless, to our fate. The solitary tumbril\\nwhich contained the whole of our spare ammunition, became igni-\\nted, and blew up with a violence, which shook the very ground\\nunder our feet, and caused a momentary cessation in firing, both\\non our side and that of the enemy. But the cessation was only lov\\na moment. The American officers, gne-^sing the extent of our ca.\\nlamity, cheeied their men on to fresh exertions. They luslicd uf\\nthe ascent with redoubled ardour, in spite of the heavy volley which\\nwe poured in to check them and finding our guns silent, lliey\\nsprang over the parapet, and dashed within our works. For a few-\\nseconds the scene which ensued defies all power of language to He.\\nscribe. The bayonet, the butt of the rifle, the sabre, the pike, v eie\\nin full play; and men fell, as they rarely fall in modern war, under\\nthe direct blows of iheir enemies. But such a struggle coulil not,\\nin the nature of things, be of long continuance. Outnumbered,\\nbroken, and somewhat disheartened by late events, our people wa-\\nvered, and fell back, or fought singly and unconneclcdly, till they\\nwere either cut down at their posts, obstinately defending them-\\nselves, or compelled to surrender. Of Reidesel s dismounted\\ndragoons, few survived to tell how nobly they had behaved Co-\\nlonel Baume, shot through the body by a rifle bail, fell mortally\\nwounded and all order and discipline being lost, flight, or submis-\\nsion, was alone thought of For my own part, whether the feeling\\narose from desperation or accident I cannot tell, but I resolved not\\nto be taken. As yet I had escaped almost unhurt, a slight flesh\\nwound in the left arm having alone fallen to my share; and\\ngathering around me about thirty of my comrades, we made a rush\\nwhere the enemy s ranks appeared weakest, and burst thrcngh\\nThis done, each man made haste to shift for himself, wiihoul\\npausing to consider the fate of his neighbour and losing one lliird\\nof our number from the enemy s fire, the remainder look refuge\\nin groups of two or three, within the forest. Glick.\\nm", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n2f)3\\nencounter, Morgan was compelled to give way but\\n;i regiment was ordered to assist him, and the action\\nbecame more general. The commanders on both\\nsides supported and re-enforced their respective par-\\nties; and about four o clock, Arnold, with nine conti-\\nnental regiments and Morgan s corps, Avas completely\\nengaged with the whole right wing of the British army.\\nThe engagement began at three o clock in the after-\\nnoon, and continued till after sunset, when the Ame-\\nricans thought proper to retire, and leave the British\\nmasters of the field of battle. The loss on each side\\nwas nearly equal, six hundred being killed and\\nwounded on the part of the British, and the same\\nnumber on the side of the Americans. No advan-\\ntages resulted to the British troops from this encoun-\\nter while the conduct of the Americans fully con-\\nvinced everyone, that they were able to sustain an\\nattack in open plains with the intrepidity, the spirit,\\nand the coolness of veterans. For four hours they\\nmaintained a contest hand to hand and when they\\nretired, it was not because they were conquered, but\\nbecause the approach of night made a retreat to their\\ncamp absolutely necessary. Both armies lay some\\ntime in sight of each other, each fortifying its camp\\nin the strongest manner possible. Meanwhile, the\\ndifficulties of the British general were daily increa.s-\\ning his auxiliary Indians deserted him soon after\\nthe battle of Stillwater and his army, reduced to\\nlittle more than five thousand men, was limited to\\nhalf the usual allowance of provisions the stock of\\nforage also was en#rely exhausted, and his horses\\nwere perishing in great numbers the American\\narmy had become so augmented as to render him\\ndiffident of making good his retreat and, to aggra-\\nvate his distress, no intelligence had yet been received\\nof the approach of General Clinton, or of any diver-\\nsion in his favour from New York. In this exigen-\\nSteadman, vol. i. p. 337.\\nBurg oyne had, on his entrance into the territory of New York,\\npublished a manifesto, which did not evince that good taste for\\nwhich the general had been distinguished but probably he mistook\\nthe taste and feelings of those he came to subdue. This manifesto\\nwas answered by Washington in a very forcible manner. This\\nanswer contains satire and argument conveyed in the most elegant\\nlanguage. Its spirit is also fine and bold; the gasconade of the\\nEnglish commander is met with manly defiance, and he was worsted\\nbefore the battle commenced, in a w ay he hardly expected. Bur-\\ngoyne was said lo have been a natural son of Lord Bingley some,\\nhowever, think that he had still more impoitant relations. In 1762,\\nhe had a command in Portugal. After his return to England, he\\nwas chosen a member of parliament, and became a privy counsel-\\nlor. Gallant, gay, learned, eloquent, and in the full sunshine of\\npatronage, he had taken the command of the northern army, and\\nindulged the hope of a brilliant campaign. The fates were against\\nhim, and he was obliged to give up all his splendid visions of glory,\\nand prepare to defend himself before his king and country. In\\nthis he was able; and one would think that he had offered a suf-\\nficient excuse for every thing but his ignorance of the foe he was\\nto meet, and his staying so long on he frontiers after St. Clair s\\n34\\ncy, General Bargoyne resolved to examine the pos-\\nsibility of dislodging the Americans from their posts\\non the left, by which means he would be enabled to\\nretreat to the lakes, p or this purpose he drew out\\nfifteen hundred men, which he headed himself, at-\\ntended by Generals Phillips, Eeidesel, and Fraser.\\nThis detachment had scarcely formed, within less\\nthan half a mile of the American intrenchments,\\nwhen a furious attack was made, which, though\\nbravely resisted, was decidedly to the advantage of\\nthe assailants. General Burgoyne now became con-\\nvinced that it Avas impossible to conduct any further\\noffensive operations, and endeaA-oured to make good\\nhis retreat to Fort George. Artificers Avere accord-\\ningly despatched, under a strong escort, to repair the\\nbridges, and open the roads, but they Avere compelled\\nto make a precipitate retreat. The situation of Ge-\\nneral Burgoyne becoming every hour more hazard-\\nous, he resolved to attempt a retreat by night to\\nFort Edward but even this retrograde movement\\nAvas rendered impracticable. While the army Avas\\npreparing to march, intelligence was received that\\nthe Americans had already possessed themseh^es of\\nthe fort, and that they Avere well provided Avith ar-\\ntillery. No avenue to escape noAV appeared. Inces-\\nsant toil and continual engagements had Avorn doAvn\\nthe British army its provisions Avere nearly ex-\\nhausted, and there Avere no means of procuring a\\nsupply Avhile the American army, Avhich Avas daily\\nincreasing, Ava.s already much greater than the British\\nin point of numbers, and almost encircled them. In\\nthis extremity, the British general called a council\\nof Avar and it AA as unanimously rcsoh ^ed to enter\\ninto a convention Avith General Gates. Prelimina-\\nries Avere soon settled, and the royal army, to the\\nnumber of five thousand seven hundred and fifty,\\nsurrendered prisoners of vvar.t\\nretieat but for this also he had a plausible e.xcuse. The British\\nministry were mortified and disliessed at this unexpected failure\\nand lo turn the popular indignation from themselves, they were\\nobliged to sacrifice their favourite. They ordered him to return\\nforthwith to America as a prisoner but this was not insisted upon\\nyet, he was obliged to resign all his oftices and emoluments, which\\nwere very considerable. He was still returned to parliament, or\\nheld his scat there from a previous election, and joined in the op-\\nposition to the continuance of the war, warmly conteniiing thai\\nAmerica would prevail. From the peace of 17S3, he lived a re-\\ntired life, until the 4th of August, 1792, when he died, as it was\\nstated in the jiapcrs of that day, by a fit of the gout in the stomach.\\nAn American royalist, who was in England, and resided within a\\nfew doors of his dwelling, informed me that he fell by his own hand,\\na prey to disappointment and neglect. There never arose a man\\nin Great Britain, who for a time held so many important offices,\\nand on whom so much reliance was placed, of whom the world\\nknew so little. A mystery hung about him from the cradle to the\\ngrave, and that, loo, in a country where there are but few secrets\\nof any domestic or political nature.\\nThe American army engaged in this enterprise, comaineJ many\\nfine oflicers. Schuyler was a man of great good sense and experi-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "264\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThe capture of an entire army was justly viewed\\nas an event that must essentially aflect the contest\\nbetween Great Britain and America and while it\\nexcited the highest joy among the Americans, it could\\nnot ^ut have a most auspicious influence on their\\naffairs in the cabinet and in the field. The thanks\\nence, having been an officer in the war of 1755 to 1763. He pre-\\nferred lo assist in saving his country, rather than to put it in jeop-\\narily by resentment at losing the honour of commanding the army\\nin the campaign of 1777, after he had prepared the forces for it.\\nGeneral Morgan, the bold and intrepid Virginian, was there, and\\nrao:;t efficient in the discharge of liis duties, as he was throughout\\nthe whole war. Arnold was also (me of the most intrepid soldiers\\nio the campaign. Lincoln was there also; he was one of the most\\nbold and discreet of the revolutionary generals. Brooks, whose\\nshare in this event every historian of the war has celebrated, and\\nwith whose merits the present generation have been made acquaint-\\ned, lived to give us many minute circumstances of the taking of\\nBurgoyne, which otherwise would have been lost; Dearborn and\\nHull had their share in the honours of that day; and many more\\nwho deserve the meed of honour from the future historians, who\\nmay arise to give to distant ages the deeds of the men who fought\\nand bled to achieve the liberties we now enjoy. American Editor.\\nThe following is from a tour of General Hoyt, of iMassachu-\\nsetts, made to the battle ground forty-eight years after the surren-\\nder of Burgoyne. It was given to the American editor in 1825. It is\\nthe best description of the affair extant, in a military point of view.\\nFrom Troy we proceeded up the ?Iudson, in an extra stage,\\nthrough Waterford, Mechanicville, and Stillwater village, to Ketch-\\num s tavern, at Bemis Heights, the position taken up by General\\nGates army, September 12th, 1777, where we found good accom-\\nmodations. At this place there are now several houses, and\\namong others, the handsome residence of Dr. Willard, of Albany,\\n(Standing near the site of Bemis house, which gave name to Gates\\ncamp.\\nResolving to give the battle grounds a thorough reconnoisance,\\nin the morning we set out on foot, and traversed the fields in vari-\\nous directions. My companion, one of the heroes of the battle of\\nthe 7th of October, appeared alive to the many associations con-\\nnected with that important event. We first traced the lines of\\nGates carap, which in some places still furrow the ground, particu-\\nlarly on the extreme left, wliere the curtains and bastions are dis-\\ntinctly to be seen. The old red house, not far from the centre of\\nthe camp, now fast going to decay, where Gates had his head quar-\\nters, was not passed without notice. This my companion well re-\\ncollected, and he pointed to the spot where he had been planted as\\na .sentinel. A small distance east of the house, at the time of the\\nbattles, stood a barn, in which many of the wounded were deposit-\\ned; but the foundation only remains to mark the spot. The fields\\nadjacent, once the scene of bustle and military preparation, now\\npresent a calm and solitary aspect and here the bones of many a\\npatriot, who died of wounds received in the two actions of the 19th\\nof September and 7th of October, rest in obscurity. My companion\\npointed out the spot where twenty-eight of these heroes were inter-\\nred in one grave; and near this spot, the veteran Colonel Breyman\\nand Sir Francis Clark, Burgoyne s aid-de-camp, mortally wounded\\nand taken prisoners in the second action, mixed their remains with\\ntheir brave conquerors.\\nAfter noticing the ground occupied by the different regiments\\nand brigades, and listening to the many anecdotes of my compa-\\nnion, we continued our route across Nelson s farm, on an eminence,\\nin advance of Gates camp, the frequent post of Morgan s riflemen,\\nand passing a ravine and an open field beyond, we reached a wood,\\nwhere his regiment was drawn up, on the right of Gates line,\\nwhere they hove up a slight work of logs, in the battle of the 7th\\nof October. From this point, crossing other fields, westerly, and a\\nbridge over a rill, we rose to higher ground, Burgoyne s poinl of\\nappui in the same battle and a little further north, formed en po-\\ntence, and crowning a height, stood Major Ackland s British grena-\\ndiers, the most sanguinary point of the contest.\\nThe British line extended from this point, westerly, about a third\\nof congress were voted to General Gates and his\\narmy and a medal of gold, in commemoration of\\nthis splendid achievement, was ordered to be struck,\\nto be presented to him by the president, in the name\\nof the United States.*\\nGen. Burgoyne s surrender, is certainly, in a con-\\nof a mile, crossing two open fields and an intervening copse ol\\nwood, to some high grounds within view the right occupied by\\nBrigadier-General Fraser s elite, consisting of the twenty-fourth\\nregiment and Lord Balcarras light-infantry; the centre and left of\\nthe British and German troops of the line, under Generals Phillips\\nand Reidesel. Eight pieces of cannon, two of which were twelve\\npounders, were posted along the line, besides two howitzers, in\\nfront of Fraser s elite. On the south, in front of the line, the\\nground falls off to a rill, then covered with brush, from which the\\nAmerican columns debouched, as they advanced to the attack, un-\\nder heavy fire from the British artillery.\\nThe battle at this place commenced on the British left, by Ge-\\nneral Poor s brigade, and soon after on the right, by Colonel Mor-\\ngan s and Major Dearborn s corps, and the whole line was soon en-\\ngaged. Morgan and Dearborn iiavmg turned and broken the right\\nflank of Balcarras infantry, and Ackland s grenadieis on the left,\\nbeing hard pressed by Poor, Burgoyne despatched orders for Fra-\\nser s elite to retire from the right, and form a second line to sup-\\nport the left. In executing this order, Fraser having arrived in the\\nrear of the left, followed by Morgan, received a mortal wound, and\\nwas carried off the field.\\nMr. Walker, who resides a little distance in the rear of the\\nground occupied by the British line, pointed out to us the site of\\ntwo huts which stood near the centre of the left, and here my com-\\npanion recollected to have seen the ground covered with dead the\\nmorning after the action. Near this spot. Major Williams, of the\\nartillery, and Captain Money, D. d. M. General, and several other\\nofficers, were captured by the Americans, and eight pieces of can-\\nnon were taken.\\nThe ground occupied by the left of the British line, may be\\nknown by a .solitary poplar tree, standing on the side of the road,\\nmarked with the initials of .some person s name, near which iho\\nground falls off to the east.\\nAfter viewing this sanguinary spot, ^d analyzing the move-\\nments of the different corps, we passed along the road, northerly,\\nto the point where General Fraser received his wound. Walker s\\nblacksmith s shop is about twenty rods north of the place, and not\\nfar from the same, Sir Francis Clark, Burgo) ne s aid-de-camp, also\\nreceived his wound, as he was conveying orders from Burgoyne lo\\nPhillips and Reidesel.\\nProceeding northerly, forty or fifty rods, we arrived at the house\\nof the younger Walker, situated on an eminence, which, with se-\\nveral others, extending northerly, were occupied by Fraser s elite\\nduiing most of the battle of the 19th of September.\\nHere General Larnerd s brigade and Marshall s regiment were\\nengaged towards the close of the battle of that day, and near\\nWalker s barn, situated a little east of his house, stood the British\\ngrenadiers opposed to Marshall s regiment, as darkness com-\\nmenced. Near the barn, Walker had just discoveied and disinter-\\nred the skeleton of a man killed in the action, by a ball which per-\\nforated the back of the skull, and a circular piece, cut out by the\\nball, was found, exactly fitting the perforation. The bones indica-\\nted a man of a large size, fiom which, and knowing the ground to\\nhave been the po.sition of the British grenadiers in the first action,\\nwe concluded he must have been one of that corps. Further to\\nthe right, and westward of Walker s house, we noticed the spot\\nwhere the late Governor Brooks, of Massachusetts, then lieutenant-\\ncolonel of Jackson s regiment, sustained his nocturnal attack from\\nBreyman s German grenadiers. [See Gordon, vol. 2, letter 8th.]\\nContinuing our route northerly, along Fraser s heights, we turn-\\ned to the right, across lower ground, and rose a gentle hill, covered\\nwith trees of a recent growth, the fortified position of Colonel Brey-\\nman, in the action of the 7th of October. This fortification was a\\ntemporary work of logs and rails, and has disappeared. Every\\ninch of this ground presents interesting associa ions, and with eager", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n265\\nsiderable degree, to be attributed to the want of co-\\noperation both on the part of General Carleton, in\\nCanada, and of Sir H. Clinton, at New York. The\\nsteps we trai-ersed the hill to find some relick or trace of the gal-\\nlantry of the men who fought on this spot but all marks are ob-\\nliterated. With deep sensations we now surveyed the open field,\\nover which Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks led on Jackson s regiment,\\nunder a heavy fire, in his gallant charge on these works, in the\\nbattle of the 7lh of October, and penetrated them a few moments\\nbefore General Arnold galloped in through a sally port, and re-\\nceived his wound. Other regiments then advancing, the post was\\ncarried at every point, and about two hundred of the enemy made\\nprisoners, while the remainder escaped into the woods in the rear,\\nleaving two pieces of cannon in the hands of the Americans.\\nPassing over the hill, we descended to a beautiful opening on\\nthe east side, the camp of Breyman s German brigade back of\\nwhich is a ravine and rill, where Breyman was found by the vic-\\ntors, monally wounded, taken up and sent to Gates camp, where\\nhe died. This post formed the right fiank of the British fortified\\ncainp, and its capture exposed other points to an attack in the rear.\\nSensible of its importance, Burgoyne, on first hearing that it was\\ncarried, gave orders for its recovery; but though they were posi-\\ntive, they were not obeyed, and Larnerd s brigade held the post\\nunmolested through the night.\\nGeneral Wilkinson states, in his memoirs, that Arnold, during\\nthe attack on Breyman s post, turned its right, at the head of a few\\nriflemen, and threw himself into the rear, where his leg was broken,\\nand his horse killed under him. The genera! was not an eye wit-\\nness to the event, and probably, through misinformation, has given\\nit erroneously. That Arnold was wounded within the works, after\\npassing the sally port, has been repeatedly asserted by Governor\\nBrooks, as well as others, who saw tlie whole.\\nCluilting this interesting spot, we passed on, southerly, over the\\nground where stood the two block houses so gallaiitly stormed by\\ndetachments from Brooks regiment, in the same action, and the\\ncommanders, Lieutenants Wiiey and Goodrich, and many of their\\nmen, killed and turning easterly, through a copse of wood, reach-\\ned a road in the rear of Freeman s field. Along this road, still\\nflanked by woods, Burgoyne formed the 9th, 2lst, 62d, and 20tli re-\\ngimenls, (this was the order from right to left,) and Captain Jones\\nbrigade of grenadiers, previous to the sanguinary contest on the\\n19lh of September, while Major Forbe s, with the British van,\\npressed into the field, was attacked by Morgan, near Freeman s hut,\\nand driven back to the British line in the woods, and Morgan, in\\nturn, broken and forced back into the woods south of the field.\\nContinuing southerly in tlie road, and crossing a small ravine,\\nwe entered Freeman s bloody field, and a few rods south, the house\\nof Mr. Leggett, who now resides on the farm embracing the field\\nof baitle. At the time of the battle, the field was an oblong, of\\nfrom seventy to eighty rods in length, east and west, by about\\nthirty in breadth, inclosed by a worm fence, and surrounded by\\nwoods. Near the centre is an elevation, extending from Leggett s\\nhouse, nearly at right angles, acro.ss the field, upon which a hut\\nand small barn were situated, and near the latter, the elevation\\nterminated, at a narrow ravine, extending parallel to the field.\\nSouth of this ravine are other elevations, sloping oflT gently to level\\nground, south, the Whole then covered with woods, in which the\\nAmericans were drawn up in the first part of the battle of the 19th\\nof September.\\nNo part of the ground we had traversed, presents more interest-\\ning associations than this field. Here British valour and veteran\\nskil were successfully opposed by native bravery and patriotic ar-\\ndour; and here it was, that the proud Briton was compelled to ac-\\nknowledge the fallacy of his boasted declaration, thai the Ameri-\\ncans would fight only undercover of woods and intrenchments, and\\nthat they were incapable of sustaining a fair and equal conflict in\\nthe open field.\\nWhile at Leggett s, we were presented with balls, and several\\nfractured implements of muskets, found on the field, among which\\nwas part of a brass guard, numbered XX, supposed to belong to\\nthat regiment.\\nWe were now upon the ground occupied by the 62d British re-\\nlatter, indeed, performed a service, which, if effected\\na little earlier, might possibly have relieved Burgoyne.\\nWith nearly three thousand men, convoyed by some\\ngiment, commanded by Colonel Anstruther, during most of the bat-\\ntle of the 19th, flanked on the right by the 21st, and on the left by\\nthe 20th regiments, the whole under Brigadier-General Hamilton;\\nthe 9lh of the same brigade being drawn off, and posted in the rear\\nof the field, as a corps dc reserve; and here this brigade, with the\\nartillery under Captain Jones, bore the brunt of the battle for aboul\\nfour hours, hand to hand, willi the Americans, and human life was\\nprofusely expended.\\nA few rods southerly of Leggett s barn, we noticed the ground\\nwhere Morgan and Dearborn attacked the British when under Ma-\\njor Forbes; and here the regiments of Silley and Scammel, of\\nPoor s brigade, a battalion under Major Hull, Morgan s and Dear-\\nborn s corps, renewed the battle on Hamilton s brigade, which was\\nvigorously maintained on both sides, each alternately giving and\\ngaining the ground and here, about three o clock in the afternoon,\\nthe remainder of Poor s brigade, with some other regiments, came\\nup on the left, and pressed into action, and the fire was continued\\nwith alternate advantage on both sides, until the smoke and night-\\nfall rendered objects undiscernible, when the action terminated pre-\\ncisely on the ground where it commenced.\\nAmong the officers who fell at this place, on the part of the\\nAmericans, were Lieutenant-Colonel Colburn, of Silley s, and Lieu-\\ntenant-Colonel Adams, of Hale s New Hampshire regiments. Tlie\\n62d British regiment was literally cut to pieces after the action,\\nit did not exceed sixty men, and five or six oflicers, fit for duly.\\nColonel Ansiruiher, and his major, Harmage, were wounded.\\nDuring the contest, the field presented a scene of horror appalling\\neven to veteran troops; the British officers were constantly falling\\nunder the fatal fire, or carried off the field wounded; the ranks\\nthinned, and the artillery men nearly annihilated. Out of forty-\\neight men stationed at the guns under Captain Jones, who fell,\\nthirty-six were killed or badly wounded and among the officers,\\nonly one lieutenant escaped, and he with a shot through his hat.\\nPassing the small ravine south of Leggett s barn, we rose an\\nelevation, the post wilh another on a knoll a little further west,\\nstrongly fortified, and the woods cleared off by Burgoyne after the\\nbattle of the 19th. These elevations were occupied by Lord Bal-\\ncanas light-infantry, after their retreat from the first position,\\nsouth of the elder Walker s, in the battle of the 7lh of October;\\nand here, towards the close of the day, Arnold, with Poor s and\\nPatterson s brigades, made his desperate attack, and was repulsed,\\nand he, wilh his horse, entangled in the surrounding abattis, from\\nwhich, with the utmost diflicully, he extricated himself, while un-\\nder a heavy fire of grape and cannister from the British batteries.\\nA more determined perseverance, says the British commander,\\nthan the Americans showed in this atlack upon the lines, though\\nthey were finally repulsed by the corps under Lord Balcarras, 1\\nbelieve is not in any officer s experience. Had the assailants been\\nless embarrassed wilh the abattis, probably they would have cover-\\ned the works, though manned with Burgoyne s best troops.\\nFrom this elevation, we had a fair view of the greatest part nf\\nthe battle grounds, and the line of Burgoyne s camp taken up sun-\\nseanenlly to Ihe battle of the 19th, and in which the principal part\\nof the army continued until that of the 7lh of October. North and\\neast of Leggett s house, was the camp of Fraser s elite, flanked on\\nthe left by Hamilton s brigade, and further on the left, extending to\\nthe river hills, that of the German troops, under Reidesel, except-\\ning Breyman s command, which was to the right of Fraser, formed\\nen potence to the main line: the whole covered by temporary works,\\nwhich are now nearly obliterated. ,In the meadow in the rear of\\nthe left of Reidesel s German corps, was the British hospital camp,\\nprelected by several batteries, and three redoubts on the projecting\\npoinls of as many hills, overlooking the meadow.\\nThe grounds adjacent, at the time of the battles, were covered\\nwith woods, but now present, in some parts, fields under cultiva-\\ntion. North of Freeman s field, the woods are still standing, ex-\\nhibiting the exact features of 1777, and the road through them-\\nwhere Burgoyne first formed the four regiments of Hamilton s\\nbrigade, is still distinctly seen.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "266\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nships of war under Commodore Hotham, he conducted\\nan expedition up Hudson s River, in October, against\\nthe forts Montgomery and Clinton. When arrived\\nIn passing over these sang:iiinai v fields, my companion appeared\\nto be highly excited by the many rccullectious which rushed upon\\nhis mind, and the circumstance of our visit happening on the 48ih\\nanniversary of the battle of the 7th of October, presented the vari-\\nous scenes in a most striking point of view. Nor did my own feel-\\nings remain indifferent and unmoved.\\nTo walk with callous indifl erence over ground once the scene\\nof blood and carnage, of occasional fear and triumph, and these\\nheightened by the recollection, that many of our acquaintance\\nshared in tliera, may comport with minils steeled to sensit)ility but\\nthose of a different stamp, in which are included a niajorily of the\\nreflecting part of mankind, will be difl erently affected. Nor are\\nlessons drawn from such scenes destitute of utility. They fix the\\nmind on the characters of the heroes who perished in the cause of\\n,our country stimulate to noble exploits, and fill the mind with\\njust reflections on the value of our dear bought liberties. With a\\nportion of these feelings, we returned to Ketch um s tavern, passing\\nagain over part of Gates camp.\\nOn our route to our quarters, we fell in with a Quaker gentle-\\nman who resides in the vicinity, with wliora we had some conver-\\nsation on the scenes that had been exhibited in these fields; and\\nnotwithstanding his aversion to military exploits, he appearecV to\\nbe interested, on hearing that my companion was one of the men\\nwho have fought for his country. And in traversing over the battle\\ngrounds, we were welcomed to the hospitable mansions of several\\nof these people, who evinced an interest in our researches, and\\ngave us their aid in pointing out the most remarkable places on the\\nbattle fields. An elderly lady remarked, that she resided on a farm\\nin he vicinity of Saratoga Lake, at the tiine of the battle, and heard\\nihe terrible roar of the dreadful cannon and that British reeon-\\nnoitering parlies frequently visited her house, from whom she re-\\nceived very civil treatment, and gave them, in return, such refresh-\\nments as her mansion furnished.\\nBefore we left Ketchum s, we reconnoitered the banks of the\\nHudson, and my companion pointed- out the spot where Gates\\nthrew over a bridge to connect with the left bank, and Ihe ground\\nwhere he recollected to have seen a tribe of American Indians en-\\ncamped.\\nThe freight boats constantly passing along the canal, within a\\nfew yards of our traverse, afforded us a passage about 2 1.2 miles,\\nup to Smith s tavern, the cottage in whicli the unfortunate General\\nFraser died of his wounds, the morning after the battle of the 7lh\\nof October, where we arrived at dark, after making half a dozen\\nvery submissive bows tg the bridges stretching across the canal\\nan embarra,ssinent we had not anticipated, and which requires\\n5ome caution to avoid a broken head. On this route, we passed\\nthe left flank of the British camp, on the west of the eminence, and\\nthe ravme from which the British sharp shooters wounded General\\nLincoln, Ihe day succeeding the last hatlle on the heights.\\nSmith s house, which stood at the foot of the hill, at the period\\nof the battles, and has been drawn forward to the road on Ihe bank\\nof the river, is situated in a handsome meadow, bordering on the\\nHudson, the same embraced by Burgoyne s hospital camp, and\\ntaken up by his whole army, in tlie night succeeding the second\\nbattle. In the morning we traversed over the ground, noticing the\\nplaces most remarkable for interesting events, and among others,\\nthe elevated hill on which General Fraser was buried, under the\\nfire of the American artillery posted in a meadow below, so ele-\\ngantly described by Burgoyne, in his account of his expedition. A\\nfew yards below the great ravine, so called by the British officers,\\nwe noticed the point where Burgoyne s bridge of boats was thrown\\nacro.ss Ifie Hudson, at the head of which, on the left bank, are the\\nremsins of his U-le de ponl. The bed of the great ravine, through\\nwhich a road formerly led from the hospital camp to that on the\\nheight, is now flowed by Ihe water of the canal. South of the ra-\\nvine are the heights on which Balcarras light-infanlry was posted,\\nduring the 8th of October and here several skirmishes took place\\nbetween the British and American sharp shooters, in one of which\\nGeneral Lincoln was wounded, as has been noted. Of the three\\nwithin a mile of the place of destination the troops\\nseparated into two columns the one, consisting of\\nnine hundred men, under Lieutenant Campbell, was\\nredoubts on the hills adjoining the meadow, little or no remains arc\\nto be seen, excepting that in the centre, where Fraser was buried,\\nwhich is still distinct. The remains of anolher work may be tra-\\nced in the meadow, a short distance south of Smith s, near Avhich\\nwas posled the park of artillery. In the bar room of Smith s\\ntavern. General Fraser breathed his last and there, says Madam\\nReidesel, who quartered at the same place, I often heard him ex-\\nclaim with a sigh, Oh, fatal ambition Poor General Burgoyne\\nO, my poor wife\\nSeveral late tourists, through a very natural mistake, have called\\nSmith s house. Sword s hoiise Ihe latter, it appears by Burgoyne s\\nplans, was situated about a mile above, at his camp, taken up on\\nthe 17th of September; the house is now demolished.\\nIn the early part of the day, we left the hospital oamp, and in a\\nstage proceeded up the river six miles, to Schuylerville, at Fi^h\\nCreek, in Saratoga, the scene of Burgoyne s last struggles, passing,\\non the roule, the British camp at Sword s house, and the elevated\\nground on which the British army halted on its retreat, on the morn-\\ning of Ihe 9th of October, at what was then called Davocote, or\\nVan Vcchtin s Creek. This spot is rendered memorable from the\\ninteresting relation Burgoyne has given of Lady Harriet Ackland,\\nwho here embarked in a boat, and descended to Gates camp, at-\\ntended by Mr. Brudenel, chaplain of the artillery. A short dis-\\ntance south of the site of the old church, at Schuylerville, we no-\\nticed the place where the right of Gates camp rested, on the 10th\\nof October.\\nThe retreat of the British army, from the hospital camp, to Fish\\nCreek, was altended with many embarrassments. It commenced\\nabout nine o clock in the evening, and as it was apprehended that\\nthe Americans would pass upon the rear, a strong body of the best\\ntroops, under General Phillips, was ordered to cover the march\\nGeneral Reidesel commanded the van. From the nature of the\\ncountry, and the darkness of the night, the movement was difficult\\nas.well as critical the artillery and such baggage as could not be\\nembarked in boats, were to be dragged along a narrow road, com-\\nposed of argillaceous soil, over which the stoutest horses could with\\ndifficulty draw an ordinary load and with the emaciated and jaded\\nanimals of the army, an empty carriage was a burden almost be-\\nyond their power. Besides, the army was liable to an attack at\\nevery step, from the woods on the left nor were the boats less ex-\\nposed in stemming the river, from the attacks of the militia posted\\nalong the left bank, who were secure daring the darkness, from\\nannoyance fronj the artillery. To add to these difliculties, a heavy\\nrain commenced, which converted the road into perfect quagmire,\\nand rendered the march of the baggage and artillery next to im-\\npossible, and their total loss was apprehended. General Phillips\\nwas ordered to bend his whole attention to the covering of the army,\\nby taking a position that would enable it to form in order of bailie,\\nwithout regarding Ihe column of baggage, and to rely excln.sively\\non the bayonet. Under such embarrassments, the lo.ss of several\\nprovision boats, and baggage wagons, is not surprising.\\nAfter a short respite at the stage house in Schuylerville, we pre-\\npared for a reconnoisance of Burgoyne s camp, which extended\\nalong the heights, from Lemson s, now Bushett s house, Ihe same\\noccupied by Madam Reidesel, (see her narrative,) nearly opposite\\nto the mouth of the Butterhill, to an eminence about three fourths\\nof a mile, southwest of our tavern, and here was Burgoyne s head\\nquarters; the strongest point of his position. On an elevation in\\nthe meadow, northeast of the village, the park of artillery Avas post-\\ned, under the cover of some temporary works. Excepting two or\\nthree open fields, the position of the army was principally covered\\nwith woods but the meadow was open, cultivated ground. At the\\nmouth of Fish Creek, on the north side, are Ihe ruins of Fort\\nHardy, built in the French war, by many erroneously supposed to\\nbe Ihe work of Burgoyne, and through the meadow, now passes\\nthe northern canal, presenting an extensive triangular basin on Ihe\\nnorth of Fish Creek; and over this is an aqueduct. South of the\\ncreek is Schuyler s house, standing nearly on the site of General\\nSchuyler s, burnt by Burgoyne.^ The old church, which stood on", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n267\\ndestined for the attack on Fort Montgomery the\\nother, under the immediate command of Sir Henry-\\nClinton, was to storm tlie stronger post of Fort Chn-\\nIhe height, southwest of this house, in 1777, is demolished, and a\\nhandsome new one is now pleasantly situated in a recess of a grove,\\non tlie height west of the Village.\\nArriving at the works on the elevalion, at the extreme right of\\nBurgoj ne s camp, the lines, encompassing several acres, were easily\\ntraced, presenting salient and recruiting angles, and here weie\\nposted the 9lh, 2Lsl, and 24th regiments, the British grenadiers,\\nBalcarras light-infantry. Captain Eraser s rangers, and the Ameri-\\ncan volunteers. The left of the camp, on a ridge, north of the vil-\\nlage, nearly parallel to the river, was occupied by Reidcsel s Ger-\\nmans and the central ground, by the 20lh, 47th, and 02d British\\nregiments, the German grenadiers, and Barnes corps, partially\\ncovered by intrenchments. Farther west, in the margin of the\\nwoods, were the Yagers and Canadians. Their out-posts extended\\nalong the north side of Fish Creek, from its mouth to the right of\\nthe camp. The position here described is that held at the time of\\nthe convention. The right of Gales camp, was about a mile south\\nof Pish Creek, and the line extended into the woods over elevated\\nground, opposite to Burgoyne s right, and the advanced posts were\\nnear the creek opposite to those of the British.\\nIn passing over the right of the British camp, my companion\\nfound himself on interesting ground, and with hasty steps, we pro-\\nceeded to the spot where his regiment, commanded by Colonel\\nWoodbridge, of Slassachusetls, was drawn up in the woods, within\\na few yards of the British intrenchment, prepared for an assault on\\nthe morning of the 11th October, 1777. To comprehend this\\nmovement, it is necessary to recur to details. On the night of the\\n10th, Gates was led to believe that Burgoyne, leaving his fires\\nburning under the care of a few pickets, had left his camp and re-\\ntreated up the Hudson, on which he gave orders for a forward\\nmovement, to seize the abandoned camp. At day break the next\\nmorning, being very foggy, Patterson s and Larnerd s brigades, with\\nMorgan s corps and Woodbridge s regiment, were pat in motion\\ntowards the British right; and Nivon s and Glover s brigades, at\\nthe same time, moved up the meadow, and the former crossed Fish\\nCreek, and surprised a British picket, in old fort Hardy. The fog\\nat this time dispersing, the British army was found in their posi-\\ntion, ready for an attack, and the park of artillery immediately\\nopened a fire upon the American column, threw it into some dis-\\norder, and compelled it to recro.ss the creek the two brigades then\\nreturned to camp. Finding that Gates had ordered the movement\\nunder a misapprehension of the position of the Britisk army, Adju-\\ntant-General Wilkinson, who had attended the movement of Nixon\\nand Glover, immediately put spurs to his horse, pushed up the creek,\\nand crossing over at a mill, about three quarters of a mile above\\nSchuyler s, found Morgan s, Patterson s, and Larnerd s brigades,\\nwith Woodbridge s regiment, on the right, advancing through the\\nwoods, and approximating the British lines. In front for about\\ntwenty yards, the trees had been felled, and sharpened to a strong\\nabattis, and Woodbridge s regiment had laid down their packs and\\napproached within ten yards of the opening; the British lying close\\nunder the intrenchment, ready to open their fire, as soon as their\\nassailants were uncovered by the woods. At this moment Wilkin-\\nson rode up, and directed the Colonel to fall back, on which the\\nregiment came about, and retired about thirty yards to a depression\\nin the ground, where the men were covered from the direct fire of\\nthe enemy. With a temerity truly characteristic of young troops,\\nindividuals then advanced, and posting themselves behind trees,\\nopened a scattering fire upon the enem) who were now indistinctly\\nseen through the fog, and received theirs in return. My compa-\\nnion pointed me to a large pine, not exceeding thirty yards from\\nthe British wurks, behind which he, with several others, covered\\nthemselves, while eagerly popping at the enemy s heads, seen over\\nthe parapet; while here he barely escaped a shot, aimed at an un-\\ncovered part of his body; and having expended several cartridges,\\nthe party fell back to the regiment, and soon after the whole re-\\ntired to Fish Creek, opposite to the mills, where they were ordered\\nto throw up defensive lines. In the mean time, Patterson s and\\nJiarnerd s brigades, with Morgan s corps on ;he left, approached\\nton. The garrison, when summoned, having refused\\nto surrender, the assault was made on both forts at\\nthe same instant. These ibrtresses, which were se-\\nthe British lines, and were on the point of opening their fire, when\\nWilkinson rode up and informed Larnerd, who commanded in the\\nabsence of Patterson, of the result of the movement in the meadow,\\nand advised an immediate retreat, on which the line came about\\nand retired but belbre they were masked by the woods, the enemy\\nopened a fire of artillery and musketry, and several were killed.\\nThe two brigades continued their retreat to an open field, where\\nthey hove up lines, and remained until Burgoyne surrendered;\\nMorgan at the same time took a position in the woods, in the rear\\nof the British right.\\nAs a striking illustration of the indifference -with which soldiers\\nregard danger, and soon become callous to the tender feelings, com-\\nmon to a life of domestic tranquillity, I cannot omit to notice a fact\\ngiven Ijy my companion. The men composing the regiment, had\\nbeen in service but a few months, but in general tliey had been\\nhabituated to hardships, and were strangers to the delicacies of af-\\nfluent life. When the regiment had retired the short distance of\\nsixty yards from the British intrenchments, to lower ground, where\\nthe men were covered from the fire of the enemy, they sat down at\\ntheir ease, and entered into familiar conversation in one instance,\\nhe noticed a soldier leisurely combing the head of his messmate,\\nwhile the bullets of the enemy were whistling over their heads, and\\ncutting the limbs of the trees.\\nPassing from the British right, to the mill on Fish Creek, my\\ncompanion noticed the spot where one of their advanced sentinels\\nshot a woman, who had left the British camp to procure water from\\na brook, winding through a little ravine, on the bank of which the\\nsentinel was posted. She had been challenged but refused to com-\\nply with the strict orders of the sentinel, on which he fired, and\\ngave her afatal shot.\\nReaching the creek, we passed it on floating timber, resting\\nagainst the mill dam, and my companion remembered that his regi-\\nment passed the mill pond in the same manner, and at the same\\nplace, as they advanced to i^ttack the British lines, as has been re-\\nlated and continuing our route along a road on the right bank of\\nthe creek, we came to the salient point of a hill near Schuyler s\\nhouse, where a picket, of which he was one, was attacked by a\\nparty of the British, in the night of the 10th of October but altei\\na little random firing, and a few discharges of a field piece, which\\nadvanced to the spot, the enemy fell back.\\nProceeding thence to the meadow, near fort Hardy, and looking\\nover the ground where Burgoyne piled his arms on the 17th of\\nOctober, we returned to our quarters, where we were shown several\\ncannon balls, taken from the ground, in excavating the canal.\\nBusbelt s house, near the left of the German camp, in which\\nMadam Reidesel had her quarters while the British army lay at\\nthis place, has been repaired by its present owner; and he inform-\\ned me that the marks of the cannon balls, mentioned in the narra-\\ntive of that lady, were to be seen when fiisi occupied by him. The\\nAmerican batteiy from which the house was cannonaded, was\\nplanted on the opposite bank of the Hudson, above the mouth ol\\nthe Butterhill. It is justly due to the officer who directed the fire,\\nthe Honourable Major-General Ebenezer Mattoon, and since Adju-\\ntant-General of the militia of Massachusetts, then a lieutenant in\\nthe artillery, to stale, that the unfortunate condition of the peopie\\nin the house was unknown and that it was supposed to be the\\nquarters of some of the enemy s general officers.\\nThe eoimtry embracing the operation of the armies under Gene-\\nrals Gates and Buigoyne, is daily becoming more interesting to\\ntravellers, and many resort there ioc the gratification of a laudable\\ncuriosity. As lime elapses, it will be sought with more avidity,\\nand future generations may in vain seek for the scenes of these im-\\nportant events, unless they are marked by some durable memorial.\\nAs a taste for monuments is now increasing in our country, it is to\\nbe hoped that the events connected with the capture of the British\\narmy, the pivot on which onr rexolutionary struggle turned, will not\\nbe neglected.\\nThe elevation on the Freeman farm, presents a favourable site for\\na monument, on which should be engraven the names of the princi-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "268\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nparated from each other by a creek only, were com-\\nmanded by Governor CHnton, a brave and intelligent\\nofficer, who made a gallant resistance from fonr in\\nthe afternoon, when the attack began, until dark\\nbut, the post having been designed principally to\\nprevent the passing of ships, the works on the land\\nside were incomplete and mitenable, and the assail-\\nants entered them with fixed bayonets. Most of the\\ngarrison, however, effected their escape, under cover\\nof the thick smoke and darkness.\\nHaving noticed the most important features of the\\nmilitary operations of the year 1777, it will be proper,\\nbefore entering on those of the following years, to\\nafford the reader some information on two very im-\\nportant points the progress made by the Americans\\nin their foreign relations, and the steps which had\\nbeen taken to consolidate the general government.\\nIn both cases it will be necessary, in order to give a\\nclear and comprehensive view of the subject, slightly\\nto deviate from strict chronological order.\\nThe contest between Great Britain and her colo-\\nnies had not long- commenced, before cong-ress direct-\\ned their attention to the possibility of attaining\\nforeign assistance. Towards the close of the year\\n1775, a committee was appointed to hold secret cor-\\nrespondence with the friends of America, both in\\nEurope and other parts of the world.* Early in the\\nyear 1776, the committee, seeing little prospect of an\\naccommodation, and well aware that France would\\nbe disposed to make great sacrifices to reduce the\\npower of Great Britain by the separation of her North\\nAmerican colonies, sent Silas Deane, as a commercial\\nand political agent, to the French court.t Mr. Deane\\narrived in Paris about the 1st of July, and was inde-\\nfatigable in pursuing the objects of his mission and\\nthrough Dr. Dubourg, a friend to America, was in a\\nfew days introduced to Vergennes. His arrival at\\nParis was immediately known in London, and Lord\\nStormont was sent express to Paris to watch his\\nmovements. Mr. Deane stated to the French minis-\\nter the objects of his mission, agreeably to his in-\\npal patriots, who fell in llie two actions, with an appropriate in-\\nscription. Another to mark the ground of surrender at Schuyler-\\nville, would be higlily gratifying to future generations. Should\\nthese be erected, let theiu be moderate in size, of no extravagant\\nexpense, but of the most durable materials.\\nThe committee consisted of Mr. Harrieon, Dr. Franklin, Mr.\\nJohnson, Mr. Dickinson, and Mr. Jay.\\nt He was to appear in the character of a merchant, and was\\ndirected, among other things, immediately after his arrival at Paris^\\nto solicit an interview with the Count De Vergennes, the French\\nminister, and to inform him, that congress, being unable to obtain\\nfor America the quantity of arms and ammunition necessary for\\nits defence, had despatched him to apply to some of the European\\npowers for a supply. That he was instructed to make his first ap-\\nplication to France, from an opinion that, in case of a total separa-\\ntion of America from Great Britain, which every circumstance\\nstructions, and in his first conference he touched\\nupon the subject of forming treaties with the Ameri-\\ncans in case of their declaring themselves independ-\\nent. The American agent was favourably received\\nby the French minister, and was asked many ques-\\ntions in relation to American affairs. Vergeimes\\ninformed Mr. Deane, that though the French court\\nestimated highly the importance of American com-\\nmerce, yet, considering the good luiderstanding be-\\ntween the courts of Versailles and London, they\\ncould not openly encourage the shipping of warlike\\nstores but no obstructions of any kind, he said,\\nwould be given. On the snliject of independence,\\nhe observed, tl\u00c2\u00abit was an event in the womb of time,\\nand it would be highly improper for him to say any\\nthing on that point until it had actually taken place.\\nTills first conference with the French minister ended\\nmuch to the satisfaction of the American agent.\\nAs soon as the question of independence was deci-\\nded in the affirmative, congress toolc the subject of\\nforeign affairs into their own hands and, on the\\n11th of June, appointed a committee to prepare a\\nplan of treaties with foreign powers.! In the month\\nof September, congress appointed Dr. Franklin, Mr.\\nDeane, and Mr. Jefferson, commissioners to proceed\\nto France.? Dr. Franklin and Mr. Lee arrived at\\nParis in December, and the objects of their mission\\nwere soon made known to the French court. The\\ncourt was not yet prepared to acknowledge the in-\\ndependence of the United States, to form treaties with\\nthem, or openly to espouse the cause of the Americans;\\nto prove, however, his good wishes towards the Uni-\\nted States, the king ordered two millions of livres to\\nbe paid to fliem by quarterly payments, which should\\nbe augmented as the state of his finances would\\npermit. The most profound secresy, in relation to\\nthis donation, was enjoined. The course of policy\\nFrance intended to pursue, in the contest between\\nGreat Britain and her colonies, was now obvious\\nand with her views of the subject, was perhaps, as it\\nregarded herself at least, a very natural as Avell as\\nseemed to indicate, it would be most proper to obtain and cultivate\\nher friendship. That in such case, the commercial advantages\\nformerly enjoyed by Great Britain, .would be transt erred to France.\\nThat the Americans were in want of clothing and arms for twenty-\\nfive thousand men, with a suitable quantity of amnninition, and c\\nhundred field pieces. Mr. Deane was also directed to sound the\\nFrench minister with regard to forming an alliance with the colo-\\nnies, in case they should be forced to declare themselves independ-\\nent. Pitkin, vol. i. p. 38/. The instructions will be found at\\nlength in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolu-\\ntion, edited by S. Sparks, vol. i. p. 5 9.\\nt This important committee consisted of Mr. Dickinson, Dr.\\nFranklin, Jcihn Adams, Mr. Harrison, and Robert Morris.\\nMr. Jefferson, on account of the situation of his family, being\\nunable to accept the appointment, Arthur Lee, then in London, was\\nsubstituted.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n269\\nwise course, as she evidently entertained serious\\ndoubts whether the States would be able to form a\\nlasting union among themselves, or to persevere in\\nmaintaining their independence. Although the court\\nwere thus undecided, the cause of the United States\\nwas extremely popular in France, both among the\\npeople and the army, and many French officers\\nsought an opportunity of enfragins: in their service.\\nAmong these, the young Marquis de la Fayette was\\nmost conspicuous for his rank, and most distinguish-\\ned for his ardour and enthusiasm. At an early\\nperiod he communicated to the American agents his\\nwish to join the republican armies. At first they en-\\ncouraged his zeal, but learning the disasters which\\npreceded the victory at Trenton, they, with honour-\\nable frankness, communicated the information to him,\\nand added, that they were so destitute of funds, that\\nthey could not even provide for his passage across\\nthe ocean. If your country, replied the gallant\\nyouth, is indeed reduced to this extremity, it is at\\nthis moment that my departure to join her armies\\nwill render her the most essential- service. He im-\\nmediately hired a vessel to convey him to America,\\nwhere he arrived in the spring of 1777. He was\\nreceived with coitiial affection by the people, became\\nthe bosom friend of Washington, solicited permission\\nto serve without pay, and was appointed major-ge-\\nneral in the army.\\nThe disastrous state of American affairs at the\\nclose of the year 1776, induced congress to attend\\nmore seriously to the subject of securing foreign aid\\nand a new committee was appointed. Some of the\\nmembers of this committee were disposed to make\\ngreat sacrifices to obtain the aid of France, and were\\nalmost prepared to offer her the same monopoly of\\nAmerican commerce as had been enjoyed by Great\\nBritain.* On the 30th of December, congress came\\nto the resolution of sending commissioners to the\\ncourts of Vienna, Madrid, and Berlin, and to the\\ngrand duke of Tuscany. t These commissioners\\nwere instructed to assure the courts to which they\\nwere sent, that the Americans were determined to\\nTo induce France lo embark in the war, the American en-\\nvoys were authorized to stipulate, that all the trade between the\\nUnited Slates and the West India islands, should be carried on\\neither in French or American vessels and were specially instruct-\\ned to assure the French king, that if, by their joint efforts, the Bri-\\ntish should be excluded from any share in the cod-fishery of Ame-\\nrica, by the reduction of the islands of Newfoundland and Cape\\nBreton, and ships of war should be furnished, at the expense of the\\nUnited States, to reduce Nova Scotia, that the fishery should be\\nenjoyed equally between them, to the exclusion of all otiier nations\\nand that one half of Newfoundland should belong to France, and\\nthe other half, with Cape Breton and Nova Scotia, to the United\\nStates. Should these proposals be insufficient to induce France lo\\njoin in the war, and the commissioners were convinced that the\\nmaintain their independence, notwithstanding the\\nsuggestions of the British to the contrary.\\nThe success of the arms of the United States by\\nthe capture of the army of General Burgoyne, gave\\na new aspect to their affairs in France, and indeed\\nthroughout Europe. The American commissioners\\nat Paris now stood on commanding ground. The\\nFrench court, aware of the views of the British minis-\\ntry in relation to the colonies, no longer hesitated about\\naccepting the propositions of the American envoys.\\nM. Gerard informed the American commissioners, on\\nthe 16th of December, that after a long and mature\\ndeliberation upon their propositions, his majesty had\\ndetermined to recognise the independence of, and to\\nenter into a treaty of commerce and alliance with,\\nthe United States of America and that he would\\nnot only acknowledge their independence, but actual-\\nly support it with all the means in his power that\\nperhaps he was about to engage himself in an expen-\\nsive war upon this account, but that he did not ex-\\npect to be reimbursed by them in fine, the Americans\\nwere not to think that he had entered into this reso-\\nlution solely with a view of serving them, since, in-\\ndependently of his real attachment to them and their\\ncause, it was evidently the interest of France to di-\\nminish the power of England, by severing her colo-\\nnies from her. t On the 6th of February, 1778, a\\ntreaty of commerce was signed by Franklin, Deane.\\nand Lee, on the part of the United States, and by M.\\nGerard on the part of France, together with a treaty\\nof defensive alliance, in case war should be the con-\\nsequence of this commercial connexion. The essen-\\ntial and direct end of this alliance was, to maintain\\nthe liberty, sovereignty, and independence, absolute\\nand unlimited, of the United States, as well in matters\\nof government as of commerce.\\nBefore leaving this subject, it is necessary to state,\\nthat as, previous to the recognition of independence\\nby the court of France, it was imperative that the\\nintercourse with the American agents should be con-\\nducted indirectly and with the utmost secrecy, the\\nFrench ffovernment rendered their secret assistance\\nopen co-operation of France could not otherwise be obtained, they\\nwere directed lo assure his most Christian Majesty, Ihat such of the\\nWest India islands as might, in the course of the war, be reduced,\\nshould be yielded to him in absolute properly. Pitkin, vol. i.\\np. 392.\\nt William Lee was appointed commissioner lo the courts of Vi-\\nenna and Berlin, Ralph Izard to the Duke of Tuscany, and Dr.\\nFranklin lo Spain. Arthur Lee was afterwards appointed, in the\\nroom of Dr. Franklin, to the Spanish court. While Mr. Lee was\\nat Berlin, his papers were stolen from his lodgings in a most extra-\\nordinary manner, and the British envoy at the Prussian court was\\nimplicated in this transaction.\\nt Franklin s Works, vol. i. p. 382.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "270\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthrough the agency of M. Beaumarchais, who appears\\nlo have been more desirous of serving himself than\\nthe Americans. The mode in which he converted\\nthe gratuitous aid of the French court into articles\\nof charge in his accounts with the congress, and es-\\npecially his retaining in his hands a million of livres\\nout of the subsidy granted by the French king, are\\ncircumstances too extraordinary to be entirely passed\\nover, but our limits compel us to refer the reader for\\nthe details to that very able work, Pitkin s Civil and\\nPolitical Historj and to the volumes of Diplomatic\\nCorrespondence already alluded to.\\nDuring the first stages of the revolution, the uni-\\nversal enthusiasm of the people, directed to one com-\\nmon object, in some measure supplied the place of a\\ngeneral legislative and executive power. The con-\\ngress had hitherto possessed no powers but such as\\nwere conferred by the instructions given by the state\\nlegislatures to their respective delegates but on the\\n11th of June, 1776, the day following that in which\\nthe resolution in favour of independence had been\\nadopted, congress determined to appoint a committee\\nto prepare and digest the form of a confederation.\\nThis committee, on the 12th of July following, re-\\nported a plan of confederacy, consisting of twenty\\narticles, and on the 22d of the same month it was\\nVol. i. p. 403\u00e2\u0080\u0094422.\\nt The following is a summary of the points embraced in the\\narticles of confederation Each slate to retain its sovereignty and\\nindependence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which\\nis not e.xpressly delegated hy this confederation to the United States\\nin congress assembled. The stales enter into a firm league of\\nfriendship with each other for their common defence, the security\\nof their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare binding\\nthemselves lo assist each other against all force offered to or attacks\\nmade upon them or any of them on account of religion, sovereignty,\\ntrade, or any other pretence whatever. The free inhabitants of\\nthe different states in this union to be entitled to all privileges and\\nimmunities of free citizens in the several states; and the people of\\neach state to have free ingress and regress to and from any other\\n.state, and to enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce,\\nsubject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions, as the in-\\nhabitants thereof respectively. Any person guilty of or charged\\nwith treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor in any state, flee-\\ning from justice, and found in any of the United Slates, upon de-\\nmand nf the governor or executive power of the state from which\\nhe fled, to be delivered up and removed to the stale having juris-\\ndiction of his offence. For the more convenient management of\\nthe general interests of the United States, delegates to be annually\\nappointed, in such manner as the legislature of each state shall\\ndirect, to meet in congress on the first Monday in November in\\nevery year, with a power reserved to each stale to recall its dele-\\ngales, or any of them, and to send others in their stead. No state\\nto be represented in congress by less than two nor by more than\\nseven members; and no person to be capable of being a delegate\\nfor more than three years in any term of six years nor is any\\nperson, being a delegate, to be capable of holding any office under\\nthe United Stales, for which he, or any other for his benefit, receives\\nany salary, fees, or emolument of any kind. In determining ques-\\ntions in congress, each state to have one vote. No state, without\\nthe consent of the United Stales in congress, to send an embassy\\nto, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference,\\nagreement, alliance, or treaty, with any king, prince, or state. The\\ndiscussed in committee of the whole house, and was\\nunder consideration until the 20th of August, when\\nan amended draft was reported. The difficulty in\\nagreeing upon the details of the system, as well as\\nthe gloomy aspect of American affairs at this period,\\nprevented congress from resuming this subject until\\nApril, 1777, when they resolved that two days in\\neach week should be employed upon it, until it\\nshall be wholly discussed. The amended draft was\\nconsidered and debated accordingly until the 26th of\\nJune, when it was again postponed to the 2d of Oc-\\ntober, and was not finally adopted by congress until\\nthe 15th of November. The outlines of the system\\nwere, that the thirteen states formed a confederacy,\\nunder the style and name of the United States of\\nAmerica by which they entered into a firm league\\nof friendship with each other, for their defence, the\\nsecurity of their liberties, and their mutual and gene-\\nral welfare, binding themselves to assist each other\\nagainst all force offered to or attacks made upon them,\\nor any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty,\\ntrade, or any other pretence whatever. t This plan\\nof union was to be proposed to the legislatures of all\\nthe states, and, if approved, they were advised to\\nauthorize their delegates in congress to ratify the\\nsame this being done, it was to be conclusivc.t\\nUnited States in congress assembled to have the sole and exclusive\\nright and power of determining on peace and war, except in cases\\nof actual or threatened invasion of sending and receiving ambas-\\nsadors entering into treaties and alliances; of establishing rules\\nfor deciding, in all cases, what captures on laud or water shall be\\nlegal; of granting letters of marque and reprisal; appointing courts\\nfor the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas.\\nThe United Stales in congress to be the last resort on appeal in all\\ndisputes and differences between two or more states concerning\\nboundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; also to have\\nthe sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and\\nvalue of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the re-\\n.speclive slates of fixing the standard of weights and measures\\nthroughout all the United States; regulating the trade, and mana-\\nging all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the stales;\\nestablishing and regulating post-offices from one state to another\\nthroughout all the United States; appointing all the officers of thp\\nnaval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service\\nof the United States making rules for the government and regula-\\ntion of the land and naval forces, and directing their operations.\\nBy the last article of the Confederation, every state to abide by the\\ndetermination of the United Slates in congress assembled, on all\\nquestions which by this confederation are submitted to them. And\\nthe articles of this confederation to be inviolably observed by every\\nslate, and the union to be perpetual no alteration at any lime here-\\nafter to be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed\\nlo in a congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed\\nby the legislatures of every state.\\nt The following circular letter to the slates accompanied thi.s\\nsystem\\nCongress having agreed upon a plan of confederacy for securing\\nthe freedom, sovereignty, and independence of the United States,\\nauthentic copies are now transmitted for the consideration of the\\nrespective legislatures. The business, equally intricate and im-\\nportant, has in its progress been attended with uncommon embar-\\nrassments and delay, which the most anxious solicitude and perse-\\nvering diligence could not prevent.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n271\\nThe plan was considered by the legislatures of the\\nseveral states in the winter of 1777-8, and by some\\nwas adopted without amendments, by others various\\namendments were proposed.\\nThe effect produced on the British cabinet, and\\non the nation at large, by the intelligence of the sur-\\nrender of General Burgoyne and his army, can\\nscarcely be described. The most brilliant success\\nhad been anticipated the most ignominious result\\nhad occurred. The pride of the nation was humbled,\\nand those who had disapproved of the war poured\\nupon the ministry a torrent of invective while the\\nembarrassments of the ministry were increased by\\nthe intelligence of the course which the hereditary\\nenemy and rival of Great Britain had resolved to\\npursue. Under these circumstances, it v/as determin-\\ned in the cabinet to grant to America all that she had\\ndemanded in the beginning of the contest. An act\\nwas passed, declaring that parliament would not, in\\nfuture, impose any tax upon the colonies and com-\\nmissioners were sent over, authorized to proclaim a\\nrepeal of all the offensive statutes, and to treat with\\nthe constituted authorities of America. The com-\\nmissioners, arriving at Philadelphia in the spring,\\nTo form a permanent imion, accomraodaled to the opinion and\\nwishes of (he delegates of so many states, differing in habits, pro-\\nduce, commerce, and internal police, was found to be a work which\\nnothing but lime and reflection, conspiring with a disposition to\\nconciliate, could mature and accomplish. Hardly is it to be ex-\\npected that any plan, in the variety of provisions essential to our\\nunion, should exactly correspond with the maxims and political\\nviews of every particular slate. Let it be remarked, that, after the\\nmost careful inquiry and the fullest information, this is proposed\\nas the best which could be adapted to the circumstances of all, and\\nas that alone which affords any tolerable prospect of general ratifi-\\ncation. Permit us, then, earnestly to recommend these articles to\\nthe immedilite and dispassionate attention of the legislatures of the\\nrespective states. Let them be candidly reviewed under a sense of\\nthe difficulty of combining in one general system the various senti-\\nments and interests of a continent divided into so many sovereign\\nand independent communities, under a conviction of the absolute\\nnecessily of uniting all our councils and all our strength to main-\\ntain and defend our common liberties. Let them be examined\\nwith a liberality becoming brethren and fellow-citizens sur-\\nrounded by the same imminent dangers, contending for the same\\nillustrious prize, and deeply interested in being for ever bound\\nand connected together bj ties the most intimate and indisso-\\nluble.\\nAnd finally, let them be adjusted with the temper and magna-\\nnimity of wise and patriotic legislators, who, while they are con-\\ncerned for the prosperity of their own more immediate circle, are\\ncapable of rising superior to local attachments, when they may be\\nincompatible with the safety, happiness, and glory of the general\\nconfederacy.\\nWe have reason to regret the time which has elapsed in pre-\\nparing this plan for consideration. With additional .solicitude, we\\nlook forward to that which must be necessarily spent before it can\\nbe ratified. Every motive loudly calls upon us to hasten its con-\\nclusion.\\nMore than any other consideration, it will confound our foreign\\nenemies, defeat the flagitious practices of the disafl^ected, strengthen\\nand confirm our friends, support our public credit, restore the va-\\nlue of our money, enable us to maintain our fleets and armies, and\\n35\\ncommunicated to congress the terms offered by\\nGreat Britain, which were, however, unanimously\\nrejected.*\\nIn consequence of the treaties concluded with her\\nrevolted colonies, Great Britain declared war against\\nFrance and the ministry, presuming that assistance\\nwould be sent to the Americans, transmitted orders\\nby the commissioners, that Philadelphia should be\\nevacuated, and the royal troops concentrated at New\\nYork. The execution of these orders devolved upon\\nSir Henry Clinton, who had been appointed comman-\\nder in chief on the resignation of General Howe.\\nOn the ISth of June the enemy quitted the city, and\\nmarched slowly eastward. Washington, leaving his\\nhuts in the forest, hung upon the rear of the British\\narmy, watching for a favourable opportunity to offer\\nbattle. On arriving at Monmouth, in New Jersey,\\nGeneral Lee, who had lately been exchanged, was\\nordered to take the command of five thousand men,\\nand, early in the morning of the 28th, to commence\\nan attack, being assured that he should be supported\\nby the whole army. Lee made dispositions to attack\\naccordingly, but perceiving the main body of the\\nEnglish returning to meet him, he began to retreat.\\nadd weight and respect to our councils at home, and to our treaties\\nabroad.\\nIn short, this salutary measure can no longer be deferred. It\\nseems essential to our very e.xistence as a free people and without\\nit, we may soon be constrained to bid adieu to independence, to\\nliberty, and safety blessings which, from the justice of our cause,\\nand the favour of our Almighty Creator, visibly manifested in our\\nprotection, we have reason to expect, if, in an humble dependance\\non his divine providence, we strenuously exert the means which\\nare placed in our power. To conclude, if the legislature of any\\nstate shall not be assembled, congress recommend to the executive\\nauthority to convene it without delay and to each respective legis-\\nlature it is recommended to invest its delegates with competent\\npowers ultimately, in the name and behalf of the state, to subscribe\\narticles of confederation and perpetual union of the United States,\\nand to attend congress for that purpose on or before the lOlh day\\nof March, 1778.\\nThe letter communicating the refusal was signed b} the presi-\\ndent and it illustrates the character of congress, and the history\\nof this year. 1 have received the letter from your excellencies,\\ndated the 9th instant, with the enclosures, and laid them before\\ncongress. Nothing but an earnest desire to spare the further effu-\\nsion of human blood could have induced them to read a paper con-\\ntaining expressions so disrespectful to his most Christian Majesty,\\nthe good and great ally of these states, or to consider propositions\\nso derogatory to the honour of an independent nation. The ads\\nof the British parliament, the commission from your sovereign, and\\nyour letter, suppose the people of these stales to be subjects of the\\ncrown of Great Britain, and are founded on the idea of dependance,\\nwhich is utterly inadmissible. I am further directed to inform\\nyour excellencies, that congressare inclined to peace, notwithstand-\\ning the unjust claims from which this war originated, and the sa-\\nvage manner in which it hath been conducted. They will there-\\nfore he ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace\\nand commerce, not inconsistent with treaties already subsisting,\\nwhen the king of Great Briiain shall demonstrate a sincere disposi-\\ntion for that purpose. The only solid proof of this disposition will\\nbe an e.tplicit acknowledgment of these stales, or the withdrawing\\nhis fleets and armies. Journals of Congress, vol. iv. p. 353,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "272\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nWashington, advancing to render the promised sup-\\nport, saw him retiring, rode forward, and addressed\\nhim in language implying disapprobation of his con-\\nduct.* He then directed liim to form his men on\\nj^round which he pointed out, and there oppose the\\nprogress of the enemy. A warm engagement ensued,\\nand Washington, arriving with the main body of his\\narmy, compelled the British to fall back. The day\\nhad been intensely hot, and the troops were greatly\\nfatigued, t yet General Washington resolved to renew\\nthe engagement but there were so many impedi-\\nments to be overcome, that before the attack could\\nbe commenced it was nearly dark. It was therefore\\nthought most advisable to postpone further operations\\nuntil morning, and the troops lay on their arms in\\nthe field of battle. t General Washington-, who had\\nbeen exceedingly active through the day, and entire-\\nly regardless of personal danger, reposed himself at\\nnight in his cloak, under a tree, in the midst of his\\nsoldiers. His intention of renewing the battle was,\\nhowever, frustrated the British troops marched away\\nabout midnight in such profound silence, that the\\nmost advanced posts knew nothing of their departure\\nuntil morning. The American general, declining\\nall further pursuit of the royal army, detached some\\nlight troops to attend its motions, and drew ofi his\\nsoldiers to the borders of the North River. Sir\\nHenry Clinton, after remaining a few days on the high\\ngrounds of Middletown, proceeded to Sandy Hook,\\nwhence he passed his army over to New York.\\nThe British having entered New York, Washing-\\nton conducted his army to White Plains. Congress\\nreturned to Philadelphia and in July received, with\\ninexpressible joy, a letter from the Count D Estaiog,\\nannouncing his arrival on the coast of Virginia, with\\ntwelve sail of the line and six frigates, with about\\nfour thousand troops on board. The count had in-\\ntended to surprise Admiral Howe in the Delaware, but\\nadverse winds detained him on the passage, until the\\nBritish fleet had sailed for New York. He appeared\\nbefore that harbour, but on sounding, found that his\\nlargest ships could not pass the bar. By the advice of\\nWashington, a combined attack upon the British forces\\nat Newport, in Rhode Island, was resolved on. Gen.\\nLee, irritable and proud, could not forget the manner in which\\nWashington had addressed him, and in two passionate letters de-\\nmanded reparation. A court-martial was instituted he was found\\nguilty of misconduct on the day of battle, and of disrespect to the\\ncommander in chiet, and was suspended from command for one\\nyear. He never afterwards joined the army, but died in seclusion\\njust before the close of rhe war.\\nt In consequence of heal and fatigue, fifty-nine British soldiers\\nperished wilhoiit a wound and several of the American soldiers\\ndied through the same cause.\\nt The loss of the American.s in this battle was eight oflBcers and\\nSullivan, who had been appointed to command the\\ntroops, called upon the militia of New England to\\naid him in the enterprise. His army soon amounted\\nto ten thousand men, and, as he was supported by\\nthe fleet, he felt confident of success. On the 9th of\\nAugust, he took a position on the north end of Rhode\\nIsland, and afterwards moved nearer to Newport.\\nAdmiral Howe having received a re -enforcement, now\\nappeared before the harbour, and the count instantly\\nput to sea to attack him. A furious storm, however,\\ncame on, which damaged and dispersed both fleets.\\nAs soon as the weather permitted, each commander\\nsought the port from which he had sailed but great\\nwas the disappointment of the Americans when D Ks-\\ntaing announced his intention of proceeding to Bos-\\nton to refit they earnestly remonstrated, but the\\ncount was inflexible. Deserted by the fleet, the army\\ncould remain no longer with safety on the island.\\nGeneral Sullivan, therefore, immediately retreated to\\nhis first position. He was pursued and attacked by\\nthe enemy but they Avere gallantly resisted and re-\\npulsed with loss. The next day the two armies\\ncannonaded each other, and the succeeding night\\nthe American general, deceiving the enemy by a\\nshow of resistance to the last, made a skilful retreat\\nto the continent. It was a remarkable escape. The\\ndelay of a single day would probably have been fatal\\nto the Americans for Sir Henry Clinton, who had\\nbeen impeded by adverse winds, arrived with a re-\\nenforcement of four thousand men the very next day,\\nwhen a retreat, it is presumed, would have been im-\\npracticable.\\nAt this period of the war, hostilities were carried\\non with more than usual acrimony. In several in-\\nstances the British troops, and their allies, the Ameri-\\ncan tories and native Indians, exhibited a barbarity\\ndeeply to be lamented, wantonly destroying the\\nproperty and injuring the persons of peaceful un-\\narmed inhabitants. While asleep in a barn at Tap-\\npan, Colonel Baylor s troop of light dragoons were\\nsurprised by General Grey, who commanded his\\nsoldiers to use the bayonet only, and to give the\\nrebels no quarter. Incapable of defence, they sued\\nfor mercy but the most pathetic supplications were\\nsixty-one privates killed, and about a hundred and sixty wounded.\\nAmong the slain, and much regretted, were Lieutenant-Colonel\\nBonner, of Pennsylvania, and Major Dickenson, of Virginia. The\\nloss of ihe British army, in killed, wounded, and missing, is staled\\nto have been three hundred and lifly-eighi men, including officers\\nAmong their slain was Lieutenant-Colonel Moncklon, who was\\ngreatly and deservedly lamented. About a hundred were taken\\nprisoners; and nearly a thousand soldiers, principally foreigners,\\nmany of whom had married in Philadelphia, deserted the British\\nstandard during the march.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UJNITED STATES,\\n273\\nlieard without awakening compassion nearly one\\nhalf of the troop were killed. To many, repeated\\nthrusts were barbarously given as long as signs of\\nlife remained while some, who had nearly a dozen\\nstabs through the body, and were left for dead, after-\\nwards recovered. A few escaped, and forty were\\nsaved by the humanity of a British captain, who\\ndared to disobey the orders of his general. With\\nfeelings of revenge yet more barbarous, Wyoming, a\\nhappy and flourishing settlement, on the eastern\\nbranch of the Susquehannah, in Pennsylvania, was\\nattacked by a band of tories and Indians. The con-\\nditions of the capitulation were entirely disregarded\\nby the British and savage forces, and after the fort\\nwas delivered up, all kinds of barbarities were com-\\nmitted by them. The village of Wilkesbarre, con-\\nsisting of twenty-three houses, was burnt men and\\ntheir wives were separated from each other and car-\\nried into captivity their property was plundered,\\nand the settlement laid waste. The remainder of\\nthe inhabitants were driven from the valley, and\\ncompelled to proceed on foot sixty miles through the\\ngreat swamp, almost without food or clothing. A\\nnumber perished in the journey, principally women\\nand children some died of their wounds, others\\nwandered from the path in search of food and were\\nlost, and those who survived called the wilderness\\nthrough which they passed The Shades of Death,\\nan appellation which it has since retained. Many\\nother instances might be adduced but it is better to\\nsufl er the record of them to perish.*\\nIn the campaign of 1778, little on either side was\\naccomplished. The alliance with France gave birth\\nto expectations which events did not fulfil but the\\npresence of her fleets on the coast deranged the plans\\nof the British induced them to relinquish a part of\\ntheir conquests and prevented their making any\\nprogress in the accomplishment of their designs.\\nWe insert the following as an anlidote to the feelings with\\nwhich the glory of war is apt to inspire the breasts even of the\\ngenerous and noble A short distance below the battle ground,\\nthere is a large island in the river, called Monockonock Island.\\nSeveral of the settlers, while the battle and pursuit continued, suc-\\nceeded in swimming to this island, where they concealed them-\\nselves among the logs and brushwood upon it. Their arms had\\nbeen thrown away in their flight, previous to their entering the\\nriver, so that they were in a manner defenceless. Two of them,\\nin particular, were concealed near and in sight of each other.\\nWhile m this situation, they observed several of the enemy, who\\nhad pursued and fired at them while they were swimming the river,\\npreparing to follow them to the island wilh their guns. On reach-\\ning the island they immediately wiped their guns and loaded them.\\nOne of them, wilh his loaded gun, soon passed close by one of these\\nmen, who lay concealed from his view, and was immediately re-\\ncognised by him to be the brother of his companion who was con-\\ncealed near him, but who, being a tory, had joined the enemy. He\\npassed slowly along, carefully examining every covert, and directly\\nperteived his brother in his place of concealment. He suddenly\\nThe close of this year was distinguished by a\\nchange of the theatre of war from the northern to\\nthe southern section of the confederacy. The coun-\\ntry, weak by its scattered population, the multitude\\nof slaves, and the number of tories, presented a pros-\\npect of easy victory. In the end of November,\\nLieutenant-Colonel Campbell, witli two thousand five\\nhundred men, sailed from New York to the coast of\\nGeorgia. Having landed his troops, he marched to-\\nwards Savannah, the capital and defeating a snnill\\nliody of Americans whom he met on his route, he\\nimmediately took possession of the city. After the\\nfall of the capital, Sunbury surrendered at dis-\\ncretion and these were the only military posts in\\nGeorgia.\\nThe campaign of 1779 was opened by General\\nLincoln, who had been appointed to the command of\\nthe American troops in the southern department. In\\nApril, leaving South Carolina, he marched into the\\ninterior of Georgia upon which the British army,\\nentering the state he had left, invested Charles-\\nton, the capital. Lincoln hastened back to its de-\\nfence and on his approach, the British retired to\\nStono ferry, where an action was fought, and a few\\ndays afterwards they continued their retreat to Sa-\\nvannah. The heat of the season suspended further\\noperations until September when Count D Estaing,\\nwith a fleet carrying six thousand troops, arrived on\\nthe coast. The two armies, in concert, laid siege to\\nSavannah. At the expiration of a month, the count,\\nimpatient of delay, insisted that the siege should be\\nabandoned, or that a combined assault upon the ene-\\nmy s works should immediately be made. General\\nLincoln determined upon the latter course. Great\\ngallantry was displayed by the French and American\\ntroops, but the British repulsed the assailants, killing\\nand wounding nearly a thousand men.t while on\\ntheir part the loss weIs small. The next day the\\nstopped and said, So it is you, is it V His brother, finding that\\nhe was discovered, immediately came forward a few steps, and,,\\nfalling on his knees, begged him to .spare his life, promising to live\\nwith him and serve him, and even to be his slave as long as he\\nlived, if he would only spare his life. All this is mighty good,\\nreplied the savage-hearted brother of the supplicating man but\\nyou are a d d rebel; and, deliberately presenting his rifle, shot\\nhim dead upon the spot. The other settler made his escape from\\nthe island, and having related this fact, the tory brother thought\\nit prudent to accompany the British troops on their return to Ca-\\nnada. History of Wyoming, p. 127.\\nt Count Pulaski was mortally wounded in this assault; and con-\\ngress resolved that a monument should be erected to his memory.\\nHe was a Polander of high birth, who, with a few men, had car-\\nried off King Stanislaus from the middle of his capital. The king,\\nafter being some time a prisoner, made his escape, and soon after\\ndeclared Pulaski an outlaw. Thus proscribed, he came to Ameri-\\nca, and offered his service to congress, which honoured him wilh\\nthe rank of brigadier-general.\\nId September, 1779, the French fleet, under Cuunt D Estaing,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "274\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsiege \\\\^as raised, the French returning home, and\\nthe Americans to South Carolina.\\nThe operations of the British in the more northern\\nparts of America were predatory rather than mihtary.\\nIn May, a naval and land force, commanded by Sir\\nGeorge Collier and General Matthews, made a de-\\nscent on Virginia. On their arrival, they took pos-\\nsession of Portsmouth and of Norfolk destroyed the\\nhouses, vessels, naval stores, and a large magazine\\nof provisions, at Suifolk made a similar destruction\\nut Kemp s Landing, Shepherd s, Gosport, Tanner s\\nCreek, and other places in the vicinity and, after\\nsetting fire to the houses and other public buildings\\nin the dockyard at Gosport, embarked with their\\nbooty for New York. A similar expedition was soon\\nafter undertaken from New York against Connecticut,\\narrived on our coast, and General Lincoln marched to the relief of\\nSavannah. The Georgia and South Carolina militia had orders\\nto rendezvous in the neighbourhood. Before the arrival of Gene-\\nral Lincoln, Count D Eslaing summoned the garrison at Savannah\\nto surrender; but the British protracted the time, and with grea.t\\nexertions strengthened their works, under that accomplished engi-\\nneer. Major Moncrieff; and at length bid the count defiance. Lin-\\ncoln now arrived, and on the 4th of October the place was regular-\\nly besieged. Nine mortars and thirty-seven cannon from the land\\nside, and fifteen pieces on the water side, were opened upon the\\ncity. But the French were impatient. The officers of D Esiaing s\\nfleet insisted upon raising the siege, and taking the place by storm.\\nNo step could be more unadvisable. A short lime, with the power\\nbrought to bear upon the besieged, would have forced a surrender\\nat discretion. Lincoln remonstrated with the count, but the hot-\\nheaded young marine officers in the navy, many of them belong-\\ning to distinguished families, had great influence over the admi-\\nral, and brought him to decide on an attack.\\nOn the 9th of October, at the dawn of the day, while two feints\\nwere made with the militia, a real attack was made by a gallant\\nforce of French and American troops. The French force consist-\\ned of three thousand five hundred, and the Americans of six hun-\\ndred continentals, and three hundred and fifty citizens of Charles-\\nton. The gallant Frenchman at the head of his column, marched\\nup to the lines, and Lincoln at the head of his troops, went pari\\npassu. A tremendous fire froin the British galleys threw the front\\nof the column into confusion not from fear, but from the difficulty\\nof disposing of the dead and wounded, in order to fill up their\\nplaces. The places being supplied, with desperate energy, the co-\\nlumn marched on to a redoubt, vvhefc a conflict took place as fierce\\nand close as ever M as fought before the invention of gunpow-\\nder. The gate of the redoubt was most gallantly defended by\\nCaptain Fawse, who fell in the gate-way with his sword in the\\nbody of an assailant. They were lying side by side. This was\\nthe third the brave defender of the works had slain with his own\\nhand. For an instant the French and American standards were\\nseen in the smoke, floating en the parapet: but it was for a few\\nmoments only. The air was rent with acclamations but the\\nenemy s fire was too desiructive a retreat was ordered, after the\\ncombined armies had stood their ground for nearly an hour. The\\nground was heaped with the dead and the wounded. In this short\\nlime, nearly nine hundred of the allied armies were killed and\\nwounded. The contest seemed to be, who would most readily dare\\nto die. Six hundred and thirty-seven Frenchmen, and two hun-\\ndred and forty-one Americans, were slain or wounded. The gal-\\nlant D Estaing was severely wounded and mortified at the result,\\nand at the loss of so many brave young officers, he embarked for\\nsome more fortunate shore. The militia soon scattered themselves\\nwithout the consent of the general they had seen too much of\\nwar. The Americans felt their losses most deeply, for among the\\n3lain fell the Polish count, Pulaski. He had about two hundred\\nby Governor Tryon, with two thousand six hundred\\nland forces, supported by Brigadier-General Garth,\\nand accompanied by Sir George Collier with armed\\nvessels to cover the transports. Though checked in\\ntheir march, they entered New Haven about one in\\nthe afternoon, from which time until eight in the\\nevening the town was subjected to almost indiscrimi-\\nnate ravage and plunder. The royal army also\\nplundered and burned the town of Fairfield, and the\\ngreatest part of the neighbouring village of Green\\nFarms. A few days afterward they laid the town\\nof Norwalk in ashes.\\nEarly in the season, Colonel Clarke, of Virginia,\\nwho was stationed at Kaskaskia, on the Mississippi,\\nachieved an enterprise conspicuous for boldness of\\ndesio;n, and evincing- uncommon hardihood in its\\nhorse in the battle. He saw that desperation was the order of the\\nday, and he started at full gallop to pass between the redoubts, and\\nto charge the enemy in the rear, the most judicious movement of\\nthe day but in executing it, he fell, mortally wounded, at the\\nhead of his column. The melancholy evenl spread a gloom over\\nthe whole army.\\nJoseph Pulaski Storasto, of Warka, was descended from a long\\nline of illustrious ancestors. He received a first rate education in\\nhis own country, which was improved by foreign travel. He had\\nprepared himself to serve his country as a judge, by making him-\\nself acquainted with the Justinian code as a soldier, by making\\nhimself master of ancient and modern military tactics as a slates-\\nman, by a free intercourse with the liberal of all countries, and by\\nacquiring a deep knowledge of the laws of nations. Elevated by\\nall that was noble in man, he mourned over the degraded state of\\nhis country, and resolved to see her free, if freedom was to be gain-\\ned by any sacrifice that a patriot could make, of fortune, children,\\nhome, and life. He was a lover of his country s ancient fame, and\\ndeeply read in her history. He could not bear the thought of seeing\\nher throne filled by a minion of the Semiramis of the North, a\\nwolf prowling for prey among surrounding nations, and making\\nthem feel her power from the Caspian to the Baltic, and from\\nKamschatka to Constantinople.\\nSlung by his country s wrongs, he flew to arms, and for several\\nyears, by the weight of his character, and the energies of his mind,\\nhe stemmed the torrent of corruption, and thus checked the pro-\\ngress of the arms of Russia, from 1768 to 1771. With a small\\narmy, he contended with a large one with a few patriotic follow-\\ners, he hewed down myriads of the instruments of despotic power.\\nHe revived, after a defeat, with almost miraculous suddenness;\\nand when his enemies thought him for ever subdued, he came upon\\nthem like a boll of lightning He dispersed the wicked with a\\nlook, and brought logelher the virtuous by a smile. Avarice stood\\nabashed at his sacrifices of property, and selfishness could not reach\\nthe elevation and purity of his motives. There were men who\\nthought him ambitious, and that he aspired to the direction of the\\naffairs o^ Poland but they could not fathom the depth of his mind,\\nnor measure the expansion of his soul! A weak and timid mo-\\nnarch charged him with attempts on his life, when his only object\\nwas to secure his person for a season, in order to make belter terms\\nfor those who had incurred the royal displeasure. He formed him-\\nself on no recent models the heroes of antiquity filled his mind^\\nThe justice of Aristides, the patriotism and martial character of\\nEjiaminondas, were for ever before him. Born to affluence, he\\nonly used his riches ibr the purpose of doing good and he valued\\npower, hereditary and acquired, only as an instrument of making\\nothers happy. The cause of liberty was his cause, wherever\\nfound he was ordained, in early life, as a priest at her altar; and\\nit was the decree of heaven that he should die a martyr in her\\ncause AmeHcan Editor.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n276\\nexecution. With only one hundred and thirty men,\\nhe penetrated through the wilderness to St. Vincent s,\\na British post on the Wabash, in the heart of the In-\\ndian country. His route lay across deep swamps\\nand morasses and in one instance the party waded\\nthrough water, often as high as the breast, foi nearly\\nfive miles. After a march of sixteen days, they\\nreached the town, wliich, having no intimation of\\ntheir approach, surrendered without resistance and\\na short time after, the fort capitulated. This fortu-\\nnate achievement arrested an expedition which the\\nenemy had projected against the frontiers of Virginia,\\nand detached several tribes of Indians from the\\nBritish interest.\\nCongress, though its measures toward the Indians\\nwere conciliatory, could not secure the western fron-\\ntiers. The Six Nations had been advised by that\\nbody, and had promised, to observe a neutrality in\\nthe war but, excepting the Oneidas, and a few\\nothers who were friendly to the Americans, those In-\\ndians took a decided part against them. The pre-\\nsents and promises of Sir John Johnson and other\\nBritish agents, with the desire of plunder, induced\\nthem to invade the frontiers and wherever they\\nwent, they carried slaughter and devastation. An\\nexpedition was therefore ordered against them, and\\nGeneral Sullivan, to whom the conduct of it was in-\\ntrusted, marched into their country. The Indians,\\non hearing of the projected expedition, collected their\\nstrength, took possession of proper ground, and forti-\\nfied it with judgment. General Sullivan attacked\\nthem in their works, and they sustained a cannonade\\nmore than two hours but they then gave way, and,\\nafter their trenches were forced, they fled with pre-\\ncipitation. The victorious army, penetrating into\\ntlie heart of their country, laid it desolate. Their\\nvillages, their detached habitations, their corn fields,\\ntheir fruit trees and gardens, were indiscriminately\\ndestroyed.\\nThe campaign of this year, though barren in im-\\nportant events, was distinguished by one gallant en-\\nterprise, which reflected much honour on the Ame-\\nrican arms. Stony Point, a fortress on the North\\nRiver, had been taken from the Americans and\\nstrongly fortified by the British. It was at this time\\ngarrisoned by about six hundred men, under the\\ncommand of Lieutenant-Colonel Johnson. General\\nWashington, having obtained precise information of\\nthe condition of the works, the nature of the ground\\nin their vicinity, the strength and arrangements of\\nthe garrison, and the disposition of the guards, and\\nhaving in person reconnoitred the post, resolved to\\nattempt the surprise of it. The execution of the\\nplan was intrusted to General Wayne, and the troops\\nemployed on this service were chiefly from New\\nEngland. At half past eleven on the night of the\\n15th of July, the columns moved on to the charge at\\nopposite points of the works, the van of each with\\nunloaded muskets and fixed bayonets and at twenty\\nminutes after twelve, both columns rushed forward\\nunder a tremendous fire of musketry and grape-shot,\\nentered the works at the point of the bayonet, and,\\narriving in the centre of them at nearly the same\\ninstant, compelled the garrison to surrender at dis-\\ncretion. A more gallant exploit has seldom been\\nperformed, and the humanity of the victors was equal\\nto their valour. Notwithstanding the devastations\\nin Connecticut, and the butchery of Baylor s troop,\\nthe scene of which was near, not an individual suf-\\nfered after resistance had ceased.\\nOn the approach of the inclement season, the\\nAmerican army built themselves huts for winter\\nquarters. Positions were chosen most favourable\\nfor the defence of the most important posts, and for\\ncovering the country. The army was formed into\\ntwo divisions one of these erected huts near West\\nPoint, and the other at Morristown, in New Jersey.\\nThe head quarters of the commander in chief were\\nwith the last division. Great distress was felt this\\nwinter on account of the deranged state of the Ame-\\nrican finances. General Greene and Colonel Wads-\\nworth, gentlemen in every respect qualified for the\\nduties of their respective stations, were yet at the\\nhead of the quarter-master and commissary depart-\\nments, but the credit of the country was fallen they\\nhad not the means to make prompt payment for ar-\\nticles of supply and they found it impossible to lay\\nup large magazines of provisions, and extremely dif-\\nficult to obtain supplies to satisfy the temporary wants\\nof the army. Large sums had been annually raised\\nand expended, and the ability of the people to pay\\ntaxes had progressively decreased. To supply de-\\nficiences, paper money, to the amount of about a\\nhundred and fifty millions of dollars, had been issu-\\ned but this was depreciated, and at the close of\\n1779, thirty dollars in paper were of no more value\\nthan one in specie. To purchase provisions with\\nthis money was therefore first difficult, and then im-\\npossible, and congress now found their funds and\\ntheir credit exhausted. Before the month of Janua-\\nry expired, the soldiers were put upon allowance,\\nand before its close the whole stock of provision in\\nstore was exhausted, and there was neither meat nor\\nflour to be distributed to the troops. To prevent the\\ndissolution of the army, the commander in chief was\\nreluctantly driven to very vigorous measures he ap.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "276\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nportioned to each county in the state of New Jersey\\na quantity of meat and flour, according to the abihty\\nof each, to be brought into camp in the course of six\\ndays. At the same time he wrote to the magistrates,\\nstating the absolute necessity of the measure, and in-\\nforming them, that unless the inhabitants voluntarily\\ncomplied with the requisition, the exigency of the\\nca\u00c2\u00abe would force him to obtain it by military exaction.\\nTo the honour of the inhabitants of New Jersey, ha-\\nrassed as their country had been, the full quantity\\nof provisions required was cheerfully and seasonably\\nafforded.\\nCHAPTER II.\\nFROM THE CAMPAIGN OP 1780 TO THE TERMINATION\\nOP THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION.\\nDuring the year 1780, the contest between Great\\nBritain and her ancient colonies was carried on chiefly\\nin tlie southern states. As soon as Sir Henry Clin-\\nton ascertained that Count D Estaing had left the\\nAmerican coast, he hastened to despatch an expedi-\\ntion against South Carolina, leaving the garrison at\\nNew York under the command of General Knyphau-\\nben. Early in February the troops landed within\\nthirty miles of the capital. Governor Rutledge, to\\nwhom the assembly of South Carolina had recently\\ngiven extraordinary powers, ordered the militia to\\nrendezvous, but the repulse at Savannah, at the close\\nof the preceding campaign, h;id produced such a dis-\\npiriting effect, that but few complied. The defences\\nof Charleston consisted of a chain of redoubts, lines,\\nand batteries, extending from Ashley to Cooper river,\\non which were mounted upwards of eighty pieces of\\nartillery, and on all sides of the town where a land-\\ning was practicable, batteries were erected and co-\\nvered with artillery. General Lincoln, trusting to\\nthese defences, and expecting large re-enforcements,,\\nremained in Charleston at the earnest request of the\\ninhabitants, and, with the force under his command,\\nresolved to defend the place. On the 21st of March\\nthe British fleet crossed the bar, and anchored in Five\\nFathom Hole. Commodore Whipple, who command-\\ned the American vessels, finding it impracticable to\\nprevent the enemy from passing over the bar, fell\\nback to Fort Moultrie, and afterwards to Charleston.\\nIn a few days the town was invested by sea and land,\\nBy the articles of capitulation, the garrison were to march out\\nof the town, and to deposit their arms in front of the works but\\nthe drums were not to beat a British march, nor the colours to be\\nuncased. The continental troops and seamen were to keep their\\njsggage, and remain prisoners of war until exchanged. The mili-\\nand the British commanders summoned General Lin-\\ncoln to surrender the demand was, however, met\\nwith a firm refusal. The batteries of the first pa-\\nrallel were now opened upon the town, and soon\\nmade a visible impression and to prevent the recep-\\ntion of the re-enforcements which General Lincoln\\nexpected. Sir H. Clinton detached Lieutenant-colonel\\nWebster, with fourteen hundred men, by- the advan-\\nced guard of which detachment, the American caval-\\nry, with the militia attached to them, were surprised\\nin the night of the 14th of Tipril, and completely\\nrouted and dispersed. The British now extended\\nthemselves to the eastward of Cooper river and\\nabout this time Sir Henry Clinton received a re-en-\\nforcement of three thousand men from New York.\\nThe garrison having no reasonable hope of effecting\\na retreat, an offer was made of surrendering the\\ntown but the proposed conditions were rejected by\\nthe British commanders. The besiegers in the mean\\ntime were daily advancing their works, and had now\\ncompleted their third parallel the garrison of Fort\\nMoultrie surrendered and the broken remains of the-\\nAmerican cavalry under Colonel White were again\\nsurprised by Colonel Tarleton, and the whole either\\nkilled, taken, or dispersed. Sir Henry Clinton, thus\\nsuccessful in every operation, renewed his former of-\\nfers to the ffarrison in case of their surrender but\\nthe terms, so far as they respected the citizens, not\\nbeing satisfactory, hostilities recommenced. The bat-\\nteries of the third parallel now opened on the town,\\nand did great execution several houses were burned\\nnumbers of the besieged were killed at their guns\\nand the British prepared to make a general assault\\nby land and water. At length a great number of\\ncitizens of Charleston addressed General Lincoln in\\na petition, requesting his acceptance of the terms\\nwhich had been previously oflered. A capitulation\\nwas consequently signed on the 12th of May, and\\nthe next day Major-General Leslie took possession of\\nthe town.*\\nThe capital having surrendered, measures were\\nadopted to overawe the inhabitants of the country,\\nand induce them to return to their allegiance to the\\nking. Garrisons were placed in different parts of the\\nstate, and two thousand men were despatched to-\\nwards North Carolina, to repel several parties of\\nmilitia, who were hastening to the relief of Charles-\\nton. Colonel Tarleton, making a rapid march of a\\nhundred and five miles in fifty-four hours, met, at\\nlia were to be permitted to return home as prisoners on parole;\\nand, while they should adhere to their parole, were not to be no-\\nlested by the British troops, in person or property. The inhabit-\\nants of all conditions were to be considered as prisoners on parole.,\\nand to hold their property on the same terras with the militia.\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n277\\nthe Waxhaws, and attacked one of these parties, com-\\nmanded by Colonel Buford. The Americans, being\\ndefeated by his superior forces, implored quarter\\nbut nearly the whole of them were either killed or\\ntoo badly wounded to be removed from the field.\\nThis sanguinary conduct spread dismay throughout\\nthe country, and imparted a similar character to fu-\\nture conflicts.\\nIndignant at the treatment they received, great\\nnumbers of the inhabitants seized their arms, and re-\\nsolved on a vindictive war with their invaders. A\\nparty who had taken refuge in North Carolina, chose\\nColonel Sumpter their leader. At the head of these\\nhe returned to his own state, attacked and defeated\\nseveral scattered detachments from the British army\\nand by a succession of gallant enterprises he kept\\nalive a spirit of determined hostility to Great Britain\\nin every part of the state. His exertions were ren-\\ndered the more effective by the approach of four\\nthousand men, principally continentals, under the\\ncommand of General Gates. Lord Cornwallis, whom\\nSir Henry Clinton, on his return to New York, had\\nleft chief in command, hastened to oppose the con-\\nquei-or of Burgoyne. On the night of the 15th of\\nAugust, he marched, with his whole force, to attack\\nthe Americans in their camp at Clermont. They at\\nthe same hour began to move towards Camden,\\nwhere Lord Cornwallis had his head-quarters. As\\nthe two armies were marching on the same road, in\\nopposite directions, their advanced guards met and\\nfired on each other about half-past two in the\\nmorning. From some prisoners made on both sides,\\nthe commanders learned each other s movements.\\nBoth armies halted, and were formed, and the firing\\nsoon ceased, as if by mutual consent. The ground\\non which the two armies thus accidentally met,\\nwas exceedingly favourable to Lord Cornwallis. A\\nswamp on each side secured his flanks, and narrow-\\ned the ground in front, so as to render the superiority\\nof the Americans in numbers of less consequence.\\nIn the morning a severe and general action was\\nfought. The charge of the British was made with\\nsuch vigour, that the Virginia militia threw down\\ntheir arms, and fled with the utmost precipitation\\nand the greatest part of the North Carolina militia\\nsoon followed their example. The American reserve\\nwas now brought into action, and General Gates, in\\nconjunction with General Caswell, endeavoured to\\nrally the militia at advantageous passes in the rear\\nof the field of action, but in vain. On the left and\\nin the centre the contest was more obstinately main-\\ntained by the Americans, whose artillery did consi-\\nderable execution but by the ffight of the militia\\ntheir left flank was exposed, and the continentals\\nafter a brave resistance of nearly three quarters of an\\nhour, were thrown into confusion, and forced to give\\nway. The Americans lost the whole of their artille-\\nry, the greatest part of their baggage, several hundred\\nmen, and some very valuable officers the loss of the\\nBritish was also severe.\\nSumpter, who had lately been victorious in a skir-\\nmish, retreated precipitately on hearing of the defeat\\nof Gates but supposing he was beyond danger, he\\nhalted at the Catawba ford to refresh his troops.\\nHere his sentinels unhappily slept at their posts, and\\nTarleton s legion rode into his camp before prepara-\\ntions could be made for defence. Between tliree and\\nfour hundred were killed or wounded. The remain-\\nder were dispersed in the woods, three hundred Britisii\\nprisoners were released, and all the baggage and\\nstores fell into the power of the victors.\\nApprehending the state to be subdued, Cornwallis\\nadopted measures of extreme severity to suppress\\nevery latent inclination to revolt. He directed that\\nall who, having once submitted, had lately given aid\\nto the armies of congress, should be deprived of their\\nproperty and imprisoned and that all who had once\\nborne arms with the British, and afterwards joined\\nthe Americans, should suffer death. In consequence\\nof these orders, several were executed, and many were\\nreduced to poverty and wretchedness. In these\\ntimes of cojjfusion and distress, the mischievous\\neffects of slavery in facilitating the conquest of the\\ncountry became apparent. As the slaves had no in-\\nterest at stake, the subjugation of the state was a\\nmatter of no consequence to them. Instead of aiding\\nin its defence, they, by a variety of means, threw\\nthe weight of their influence into the opposite scale.\\nAlthough his corps had been dispersed. General\\nSumpter speedily re-collected a band of volunteers,\\nand kept the field in South Carolina for three months,\\nwhen there was no continental army in the state.\\nVarying his position along the Evoree, Broad, and\\nTyger rivers, he had frequent skirmishes with the\\nenemy, whom he incessantly harassed. In Novem-\\nber he was attacked at Broad river by Major Wemys,\\ncommanding a corps of infantry and dragoons, but\\nthe British were defeated, and their commanding\\nofiicer taken prisoner and in a few days afterward\\nhe was attacked near Tyger river by Colonel Tarle-\\nton, who finding himself unable to dislodge the\\nAmericans, retreated with considerable loss, and left\\nSumpter in possession of the field. The zeal, acti-\\nvity, and bravery of this ofiicer, at that trying period,\\nprocured him the thanks of congress and the applause\\nof his country.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "278\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0While the affairs of the south were in a state by-\\nno means encouraging to the cause of independence,\\ntiie general army under the command of Washington\\nwas in a state of insufferable destitution, and of con-\\nsequent mutiny. Two hundred millions of dollars\\nin paper currency were at this time in circulation\\nupon the credit of the United States. Congress had\\ntlie preceding year solemnly pledged the faith of\\ngovernment not to issue more than this sum, and\\nthe national treasury was now empty. Congress,\\nthe head of the nation, had, therefore, no further\\ncommand of the resources of the country. The\\npower of taxation, and of every coercive measure of\\ngovernment, was vested in the state sovereignties,\\nand a system which in its execution required the\\nconjoint agency of thirteen sovereignties, was too\\ncomplex for the prompt operations of a military body.\\nIn the course of the winter forage had failed, and\\nDestitute of arms and ammunition, without a single ship of\\nwar, and without tlie means of procuring them, no resource was\\nleft, to enable them to resist the mighty force brought against them,\\nhut a paper medium.\\nDuring the year 1775, bills of credit, to the amount of three\\nmillions of dollars, were issued by congress, in addition to those\\nissued by some of the individual states. By new emissions, at dif-\\nferent times, this sum was increased at the close of the year 1778,\\nto more than one hundred millions.\\nFrom the peculiar situation of the United States, without com-\\nmerce, the union incomplete, the state governments imperfectly or-\\ngrinizcd, congress deemed it imprudent to call for taxes, until No-\\nvember, 1777. At this time, they recommended to the several\\nstates, to raise by taxes, the sum of five millions of dollars, for the\\nsucceeding year. This sum was apportioned among the state:\\nhnving reference, generally, to the supposed number of inhabitants\\nIn each. [To New Hampshire, 200,000 Massachusetts, 820,000\\nRhode Island, 100,000 Connecticut, 600,000; New York, 200,000\\nNew Jersey, 270,000; Penn.sylvania, 620,000 Delaware, 60,000\\nMaryland, 520,000; Virginia, 800,000 North Carolina, 250,000\\nSouth Carolina, 500,000 Georgia, 60,000.] The sums so appor-\\ntioned, however, were not to be considered as the final quota of\\nany slate but the amount paid by each, was to be placed to its\\ncredit, bearing an interest of six per cent, from the time of pay-\\nment, until the quotas should be finally adjusted, agreeably to the\\nconfederation, to be adopted and ratified by the states. If, on such\\nadjustment, any state had paid more than its quota, it was to re-\\nceive interest on the surplus; if less, then to pay interest on the\\ndeficiency, until, by a future tax, such surplus or deficiency should\\nbe adjusted.\\nDepreciation of this paper was the natural consequence of such\\nlarse emissions. This was seriously felt, in the beginning of 1777\\nand to provide a remedy, congress, in January of that year, made\\nit a tender in payment of all public and private debts; and a refu-\\nsal to receive it, was declared to be an extinguishment of the debt\\nitself. And they thought proper to declare, that whoever should\\nrefuse to receive it, in exchange for any property, as gold and sil-\\nver, should be deemed an enemy to his country. They, at the same\\ntime, resorted to the extraordinary expedient of regulating the\\nprices of ail articles necessary for the army and if any persons re-\\nfused to sell the surplus of what was wanted for the annual support\\nof their families, the purchasing comtnissaries were authorized to\\ntake such surplus at the prices so fixed.\\nThese extraordinary measures tended to increase rather than\\ndimmish the evil. The bills still continued to depreciate rapidly,\\nand some more elTectual remedy than tender and regulating laws,\\nwas necessary. In 1779, congress attempted to establish a fund\\nfor sinking the bills then in circulation, by calling on the states to\\nmany of the horses attached to the army had died,\\nor were rendered unfit for use. General Washington\\ntherefore struggled with almost insuperable difficulties\\nin supplying the army. The pay of the officers also\\nhad now scarcely more than a nominal value and\\nthe officers of whole lines belonging to some of the\\nstates, in a body, gave notice, that on a certain day\\nthey should resign their commissions, unless provi-\\nsion was made for their honourable support. Con-\\ngress possessed not the means to apply adequate re\\nmedies to these threatening evils. They passed a\\nresolution, indeed, That congress will make good\\nto the line of the army, and to the independent corps\\nthereof, the deficiencies of their original pay, which\\nhad been occasioned by the depreciation of the con-\\ntinental currency but the promise of future com-\\npensation from a country whose neglect was conceiv-\\ned to be the source of all their sufferings, they deem-\\npay their quotas of fifteen millions of dollars for that year, and six\\nmillions annually for the eighteen succeeding years.\\nThese calls upon the states were made in vain; little was paid\\ninto the public treasury; and new bills were issued, which swelled\\nthe amount in September, 1779, to one hundred and sixty million.?.\\nAt this time, congress thought it necessary to declare, that the is-\\nsues, on no account, should exceed two hundred millions. Nor\\ndid they then despair of their ultimate redemption at par. In a\\ncircular address to their constituents, they, with apparent sincerity\\nand zeal, endeavoured to prove, that the United Slates had the\\nability, as well as disposition, eventually to redeem their bills.\\nAfter stating the probable future resources of the country, from an\\nincrease of population, a vast increase of agricultural productions,\\nthe avails of the western lands, c., they say, whoever examines\\nthe force of these and similar observations, must smile at the igno-\\nrance of those, who doubt the ability of the United Stales to redeem\\nthe bills. They indignantly repelled the idea of a violation of\\nthe plighted faith of the nation.\\nThe pride of America, they observed, revolts at the idea\\nher citizens know for what purpose these emissions were made,\\nand have repeatedly plighted their faith for the redemption of\\nthem; they are to be found in every man s possession, and every\\nman is interested in their being redeemed^ they must therefore en-\\ntertain a high opinion of American credulity, who suppose the peo-\\nple capable of believing, on due reflection, that all America will,\\nagainst the faith, the honour, and the interest of all America, be\\never prevailed upon to countenance, support, or permit so ruinous,\\nso disgraceful a measure.\\nWhile every one must applaud the spirit of these observations,\\nfew, we believe, will not regret to find in the same address, remarks\\non the supposed advantages of paper money, calculated to make\\nthem doubt, at least, whether congress were not trifling with the\\npublic, on so interesting and important a subject.\\nLet it be remembered, they remarked, that paper money is\\nthe only kind of money which cannot make imto itself wings and\\nfly away. It remains with us, it will not forsake us, it is always\\nready and at hand for the purpose of commerce or taxes, and every\\nindustrious man can find it.\\nThe continued failures of the states to comply with the requisi-\\ntions made upon them, and the increasing wants of the country, in-\\ncreased the issues (notwithstanding the resolution of congress to\\nthe contrary) to more than three hundred millions; and the idea\\nof redeeming the bills at their nominal value, was at length aban-\\ndoned. In March, 1780, the states were required to bring them\\nin at forty for one. The bills, when brought in, were to be can-\\ncelled, and new ones to issue in lieu of them, not exceeding one\\ntwentieth part of their npminal amount. The new bills were to be\\nredeemable in six years, to bear an interest of five per cent., to be", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n279\\ned a feeble basis of dependance, at the moment they\\nwere severely pressed by privations of every kind.\\nMurmurs at length broke out into actual mutiny.\\nTwo of the Connecticut regiments paraded under\\narms, announcing their intention to return home, or\\nby their arms to obtain subsistence but by the\\nspirited and prudent exertions of the oiEcers, the\\nringleaders Avere secured, and the regiments brought\\nback to their duty.\\nThis disaffection was reported to New York, with\\nthe customary exaggerations of rumour. General\\nKnyphausen, the commanding officer at that post,\\nsupposing the American citizens and soldiers ripe for\\nrevolt, passed over into New Jersey with five thou-\\nsand men, to avail himself of favourable events but\\nthe behaviour of the Americans soon convinced him\\nhe had been deceived in the report of their disaffect;\\ned disposition. The troops detached from the army\\nto oppose his progress fought with obstinate bravery;\\nand the inhabitants, seizing their arms with alacrity,\\nemulated the spirit and persevering courage of the\\nregular soldier. The general, finding he must en-\\ncounter serious opposition, retreated to Elizabeth\\nPoint, opposite to Staten Island. In the mean time.\\nSir Henry Clinton, returning with his victorious\\ntroops from Charleston, ordered a re-enforcement to\\nKnyphausen, who, with the whole body, advanced\\na second time towards Springfield. The British\\nwere now opposed by General Greene with a consi-\\nderable body of continental troops, and a severe ac-\\ntion was fought, but the Americans were forced, by\\nsuperior numbers, to retire. General Greene took\\npost with his troops on a range of hills, in the hope\\nof being attacked but the British, having burned\\nthe town, retreated, and the next day set out on their\\nreturn to New York.\\nLate in the spring the Marquis La Fayette return-\\ned from France with the pleasing intelligence that\\nissued on the credit of the individual states, and their payment\\nguarantied by the United Stales.\\nThe new system of finance was equally unavailing. The old\\nbills were not brought in, and of course few new ones issued. The\\ngeneral treasury was empty, the army without pay or clothing, and\\noften without provisions. The states were called upon for supplies\\nin specific articles. To keep the army together, congress were\\nobliged to raise money, by drawing bills on their ministers in Eu-\\nrope, without any assurance of their payment.\\nThe continental bills, at last, became of so little value, that they\\nceased to circulate; and in the course of the year 1780, quietly\\ndied in the hands of the possessors.\\nIn addition to this, the campaign of 1780 was unfortunate for\\nAmerica. The cities of Charleston and Savannah were taken,\\nand the states of South Carolina and Georgia were in possession\\nof the enemy. In this situation, congress had no other msans of\\nproviding for the next campaign, but foreign loans. To obtain\\nthese, they, on the 22d of November, addressed a letter to their\\nally, the king of France, stating their embarrassments, and de-\\nclaring that a foreign loan of at least twpntv-five millions of livres,\\n36\\nhis government had resolved to assist the United\\nStates, by employing this year a respectable land and\\nnaval force in America. This grateful information\\nreanimated the public mind, and gave a new stimu-\\nlus to the activity of congress, and of the governments\\nof the several states, that preparation might be made\\nto co-operate with the French armament on its arrival.\\nVigorous measures were in consequence adopted by\\ncongress and by the states to recruit the army, to lay\\nup magazines, and to enable their general to comply\\nwith the reasonable expectations of their allies but\\nthe agency of difterent bodies was necessary to carry\\nthese public measures into effect, and their operation\\nwas dilatory.\\nEarly in July the first division of French troops\\nreached the American shore, consisting of between\\nfive and six thousand men, with a large train of bat-\\ntering and field artillery. These forces were com-\\nmanded by Count de Rochambeau, whose government\\nhad placed him under the command of General\\nWashington. The count brought information that a\\nsecond division would follow him as soon as trans-\\nports could be fitted out to bring them. The princi-\\npal French and American officers assiduously culti-\\nvated a mutual affection between the two armies\\nand the commander in chief recommended to the\\nofficers of the United States to engraft on the Ameri-\\ncan cockade a white relief, as an emblem of the\\nalliance of the two powers. On the arrival of the\\nFrench, the Americans were unprepared to act with\\nthem, nor did the American general know what force\\nwould ultimately be brought into the field and\\nbefore any thing could be effected, information was\\nbrought that the second armament destined for\\nAmerica was_^ blocked up in the harbour of Brest,\\nand would not this season reach the American con-\\ntinent. The flattering prospect of terminating the\\nwar by the conquest of the British posts in a moment\\nwas indispensably necessary for a vigorous prosecution of the war.\\nDr. Franklin was specially instructed, to employ his unremitted\\nand utmost abilities to procure the aids required. At no time\\nsince the campaign of 1776, had the affairs of the United States\\nworn so gloomy an aspect, as at the close of this year. General\\nWasliington, in a circular letter to the governors of the stales, in\\nOctober, says, our finances are in an alarming state of derange-\\nment. The public credit is almost arrived at its last stage. The\\npeople begin to be dissatisfied with the feeble mode of conducting\\nthe war, and with the ineffectual burdens imposed on them, which,\\nthough light in comparison with what other nations feel, are, from\\ntheir novelty, heavy to them. They lose their confidence in go-\\nvernment apace.\\nThe absolute necessity of obtaining foreign loans, induced con-\\ngress, in December, 1780, to send a special minister to France.\\nColonel John Laurens, one of the aids of General Washington, and\\nson of Henry Laurens, then a prisoner in the lower of London, was\\nselected for this important mission. Pjtkin s Political and Civil\\nHi-slory, vol. ii. p. 154\u00e2\u0080\u0094158.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "280\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nvanished, and elevated views of brilliant success were\\nsucceeded by grievous disappointment.\\nIn this season of difficulty, of embarrassment, and\\nof gloom, a circumstance occurred which excited the\\ndeepest interest throughout both armies, and indeed\\nin the breast of the inhabitants of all the states.\\nThe American army was stationed in the strongliolds\\nof the high lands on both sides of the North River\\nand for the defence of this position, and to keep com-\\nmand of the river, a fortress had been built at West\\nPoint, which was deemed impregnable, and had ac-\\nquired the appellation of the Gibraltar of America.\\nOf this post General Arnold solicited the command,\\nand General Washington, far from suspecting any\\nsinister views in an officer who had been so zealous\\nand active in the cause of his country, complied with\\nthe solicitation. Arnold had, however, no sooner\\nbecome invested with the command, than he carried\\non a negotiation with Sir Henry Clinton, by which\\nit was agreed, that he should make such a disposition\\nof liis forces, as would enable the British general\\neffectually to surprise West Point. The agent em-\\nployed in this negotiation was Major Andre, adjutant-\\ngeneral of the British army and to favour the com-\\nmunications, the Vulture, a British sloop of war, had\\nbeen previously stationed in North River, as near\\nArnold s posts as could be without exciting suspicion.\\nOn the night of the 21st of September, a boat was\\nsent from the shore to fetch Major Andre, and Arnold\\nmet him at the beach, without the posts of both\\narmies. Their business not being finished until it\\nwas too near morning for Andre to return to the\\nVulture, Arnold, telling him he must be concealed\\nuntil the next ni^-ht, conducted him within one of\\nthe American posts, where he continued with him\\nthe following day. The Vulture having in the mean\\nGeneral Arnold early and warmly embraced the American\\ncause. His enterprising spirit, his invincible forlitude, his heroic\\nand persevering ardour in battle, had exalted his military charac-\\nter in his own country and in Europe. Being incapacitated for the\\nduties of the field by the wounds he received before Q.uebec and at\\nSaratoga, he was appointed commandant in Philadelphia when the\\nBritish evacuated that city. In (his flattering command, he adopt-\\ned a style of living above his means, and soon found himself loaded\\nwith debt. To relieve himself he entered into various schemes of\\nspeculation, and was unsuccessful in all. Hollow at heart, he had\\nrecourse to fraud and peculation. These practices rendered him\\nodious to the citizens, and gave offence to government. At length,\\nformal complaints were lodged against him, and congress ordered\\nhis trial bv a court-martial. By this court he was found guilty,\\nand sentenced to be reprimanded by the commander in chief. The\\nsentence was approved by congress, and carried into execution by\\nGeneral Washington. In the gold that was to reward his treason,\\nArnold expected relief from his pecuniary embarrassments and\\nhis implacable spirit sought its revenge of tiis country by betraying\\ninto the hand of her enemy the Gibraltar of America. Upon his\\nestablishment in the army of Great Britain, he found it nece.ssary\\nto make some exertions to secure the attachment of his new friends.\\nWith the hope of alluring many of the discontented to his standard,\\ntime been compelled to alter her position, Andre\\ncould return to New York in no other way than by\\nland changing his uniform, therefore, which he had\\nworn under a surtout, for a plain dress, he set out on\\nhorseback, under the name of John Anderson, with\\na passport, signed by Arnold, to go to the lines of\\nWhite Plains, or lower if he thought proper, he be-\\ning on public business. When advanced a great\\npart of the way, he was stopped by three of the New\\nYork militia, and several papers, containing exact\\nreturns of the state of the forces, ordnance, and de-\\nfences at West Point, were found in his boots. The\\ncaptors, disdaining a proflered bribe of a purse of gold,\\nand permanent provision and promotion, on condition\\nof their conveying and accompanying him to New\\nYork, delivered him a prisoner to Lieutenant-Colonel\\nJameson, who commanded the out-posts. Andre,\\nwith the incautious permission of Jameson, procured\\na letter to be sent to Arnold, informing him of hia\\ndetention, which gave the traitor opportunity to es-\\ncape on board the Vulture,* in which he reached\\nNew York in safety. At this very hour Washington\\narrived, on his return from a conference with the\\nFrench general at Hartford. He repaired, without\\ndelay, to the fort of West Point, where, however, he\\ncould learn nothing of a decisive import. But some\\norders, issued by Arnold the day before, redoubled\\nhis suspicions he returned to the quarters of the\\ngeneral, and at this instant Jameson s messenger\\npresented himself, and delivered the packet with\\nwhich he was charged. Washington seemed for\\nthe moment overwhelmed by the discovery of a crime\\nwhich ruined the fame of an American general, and\\nwounded the honour of the American army. Those\\nwho were near him anxiously interrogated his looks\\nin silence, which he broke by saying, I thought\\nhe published an address to the inhabitants of America, in which he\\nendeavoured to justify his conduct. This was followed by a pro-\\nclamation, addressed to the officers and soldiers of the continental\\narmy, who have the real intere.^^t of their country at heart, and who\\nare determined to be no longer the tools and dupes of congress and\\nof France. These proclamations did not piofluce the effect de-\\nsigned and in all the hardships, sufferings, and irritations of the\\nwar, Arnold remains the solitary instance of an American officer\\nwho abandoned the side first embraced in the contest, and turned\\nhis sword upon his former companions in arms. He survived the\\nwar but to drag on, in perpetual banishment from his native coun-\\ntry, a dishonourable life. He transmitted to his children a name\\nof hateful celebrity. He obtained only a part of the debasing sti-\\npend of an abortive treason, and his complaints soon caused it to\\nbe known, that all the promises by which he had been inveigled\\nwere not fulfilled. He enjoyed, liowever, the rank of brigadier-\\ngeneral, but the officers of tiie British army manifested a strong\\nrepugnance to serve with him. He possessed their esteem while\\nhe fought against them they loaded him with contempt when trea-\\nson brought him over to iheii side. He resided principally in\\nEngland after the conclusion of the war, and died on the 14ih of\\nJune, 1801.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n281\\nthat an officer of courage and ability, who had often\\nshed his blood for his country, was entitled to con-\\nfidence, and I gave him mine. I am convinced now,\\nand for the rest of my life, that we should never\\ntrust those who are wanting in probity, whatever\\nabilities they may possess. Arnold has betrayed us.\\nMeanwhile, the precautions required by the occasion\\nwere every where taken. General Heath, a faithful\\nand vigilant officer, was substituted for Arnold at\\nWest Point the commanders of the other posts were\\nadmonished to be on their guard Greene, who had\\nbeen invested with the command of the army during\\nthe absence of Washington, recalled .within the forts\\nthe garrisons which the traitor had dispersed, and\\nmarched a strong division near to the lines. General\\nWashington referred the case of Andre to the examina-\\ntion and decision of a board, consisting of fourteen offi-\\ncers, who founded their report on his own statements\\nthey reported it as their unanimous opinion, that\\nMajor Andre ought to be considered as a spy, arid\\nthat, agreeably to the laws and usages of nations, he\\nshould suffer death and he was, in accordance with\\ntheir sentence, hung as a spy.*\\nWhen the winter of 17S0 commenced, the troops\\nof the northern army retired to the quarters which\\nthey had last occupied. Again they endured distress\\nat which patriotism feels indignant and humanity\\nweeps. The harvest had been abundant plenty\\nreigned in the land, while want was still felt in the\\ncamp of its defenders. Lassitude had succeeded en-\\nthusiasm, in the breasts of the people, and congress\\nexerted its powers with too little vigour to draw forth\\nthe resources of the country. The soldiers of the\\nPennsylvania line stationed at Morristown, New Jer-\\nsey, complained that, in addition to sustaining suffer-\\nings common to all, they were retained in service\\ncontrary to the terms of their enlistments. In the\\nnight of the 1st of January, thirteen hundred, on a\\nconcerted signal, paraded under arms, and declared\\ntheir intention of marching to Philadelphia, and de-\\nmanding of congress a redress of their grievances.\\nThe officers strove to compel them to relinquish their\\nThe general officers who reported his case lamented the ne-\\ncessity they were under to advise that as a spy he should be hung,\\nand the heart of General Washington was wrung with anguish\\nwhen he signed his death warrant. But the fatal wound that would\\nhave been inflicted on the country had Arnold s treason succeeded,\\nmade the sacrifice necessary for the public safety. The American\\nofficers universally discovered a sympathy for tlie unfortunate suf-\\nferer, and the sensibility of the public was greatly e.xcited on the\\noccasion. His character is thus beautifully painted by the late\\nGeneral Hamilton, who without envy might have contemplated his\\neminent qualities, for tliey were not equal to his own. There\\nwas something singularly interesting in the character of Andre.\\nTo an excellent understanding, well improved by education and\\ntravel, he united a peculiar elegance of mind and manners, and\\nthe advantages of a pleasing person. It is said that he possessed a\\npurpose. In the attempt, one was killed, and several\\nwere wounded. General Wayne presented his pistols,\\nas if intending to fire. They held their bayonets to\\nhis breast We love and respect you, faid they\\nbut if you fire you are a dead man. We are not\\ngoing to the enemy. On the contrary, if they were\\nnow to come out, you should see us fight under youi\\norders with as much alacrity as ever. But we will\\nbe amused no longer we are determmed to obtain\\nwhat is our just due. The^ elected temporary\\nofficers, and moved off in a body towards Princeton.\\nGeneral Wayne, to prevent them from plundering\\nthe inhabitants, forwarded provisions for their use.\\nThe next day he followed, and requested them to\\nappoint a man from each regiment, to state to him\\ntheir complaints a conference was accordingly held,\\nbut he refused to comply with their demands. They\\nthen proceeded in good order to Princeton, where\\nthree emissaries from Sir Henry Clinton met them,\\nand made liberal offers to entice them from the ser-\\nvice of congress. The offers were indignantly re-\\njected, and the emissaries seized and executed as\\nspies. Here they were also met by a committee of\\ncongress, and a deputation from the state of Pennsyl-\\nvania and the latter, granting a part of their de-\\nmands, succeeded in persuading them to return to\\ntheir duty. This mutiny, and another in the Jersey\\nline, which was instantly suppressed, aroused the\\nattention of the states to the miserable condition of\\ntheir troops. The amount of three months pay was\\nraised and forwarded to them in specie it was re-\\nceived with joy, as affording an evidence that their\\ncountry was not unmindful of their sufferings.\\nThe year on which we now enter decided the\\nimportant contest, which engaged the attention of\\nEurope and of all the civilized world, in favour of\\nliberty, and, we must add, of justice. The boon of\\nindependence was not, however, gained without\\nadding to the long list of widows and orphans, noi\\nwithout augmenting the catalogue of cruelties more\\nhorrid than those of the Indian tribes, because per-\\npetrated by those who had no accumulated antipathy\\npretty taste for the fine arts, and had himself attained some pro-\\nficiency in poetry, music, and painting. His knowledge appeared\\nwithout ostentation, and embellished by a diffidence that larely ac-\\ncompanies so many talents and accomplishments, which left you to\\nsuppose more than appeared. His sentiments were elevated, and\\ninspired esteem, they had a suflness that conciliated affection.\\nHis elocution was handsome, his address easy, polite, and insinua-\\nting. By his merit he had acquired the unlimited confidence of\\nhis general, and was making rapid progre.ss in military rank and\\nreputa ion. But in the height of his career, flushed with new hopes\\nfrom the execution of a project the most beneficial to his party that\\ncould be devised, he is at once precipitated from the summit of\\nprosperity, sees all the expectations of his ambition blasted, and\\nhimself ruined. A handsome monument is erected of his memory\\nin Westminster Abbey.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "282\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nof ages to palliate their hostility, but wlio only yes-\\nterday were friends and brothers. The inhabitants\\nof the Garolinas endured calamity and distress from\\nwhich humanity revolts. About equally divided in\\npolitical sentiments, village was opposed to village,\\nand neighbour to neighbour and their hostility be-\\ncame embittered by attack and reprisal, until pillage,\\nburning, and murder, became familiar to all.* Each\\nparty aimed at the extirpation of the other, and the\\nwhole country presented a scene of slaughter and of\\nblood. Justice compels the record that the American\\ngenerals seized every occasion to discountenance such\\nvindictive and barbarous conduct, while, with few\\nexceptions, the British permitted and even accelerated\\ntheir perpetration.\\nThe reduction of Savannah and Charleston, en-\\ncouraged the British to a vigorous invasion of North\\nCarolina. The whole army of General Greene,\\nwhich had at the close of last year advanced from\\nHillsborough to Charlottetown, consisted of about\\ntwo thousand men, more than half of whom were\\nmilitia. With this inconsiderable body of troops,\\nmiserably provided. General Greene took the field\\nagainst a superior regular force, which had already\\ninarched in triumph two hundred miles from the\\npoint of its debarkation. Soon after Greene took the\\ncommand, he divided his force, and sent General\\nMorgan with a respectable detachment to the western\\nextremity of South Carolina, where the tories were\\ndestroying the whigs without mercy, and without\\nrestraint, and marched with the main body to Hick s\\nCreek, on the north side of the Pedee. On the en-\\ntrance of General Morgan into the district of Ninety-\\nSix, Lord Cornwallis, who was preparing for the in-\\nvasion of North Carolina, that he might not leave an\\nThe following instance will illustrate the horrible spirit of\\nthese times: In the hour of festivity, one Brown had indulged\\nliimself in indiscreet censure of the revolutionary party. He had\\ndone worse, he had committed a fault less easily forgiven, he\\nhad ridiculed them. Being apprised that their resentment was ex-\\ncited, he attempted to escape; but he was closely pursued, brought\\nback to Augusta, tried before a committee of surveillance, and\\nsentenced to be tarred and feathered and carted, unless he recanted,\\nand look the oath of allegiance prescribed by the administration of\\nGeorgia. Brown was a firm man, and resisted with a pertinacity\\nthat should have commanded the respect of his persecutors. But\\nthe motions of a mob are too precipitate to admit of the intrusion\\nof generous feeling. After undergoing the painful and mortifying\\npenance prescribed by the committee without yielding, it is loo tiue\\nthat he was doomed to have his naked feet exposed to a large fire,\\nto subdue his stubborn spirit: but in vain; and he was at length\\nturned loose by a group of men who never once dreamed that the\\nsimple Indian trader would soon reappear an armed and implaca-\\nble enemy. He first visited the loyalists of Ninety Six, concerted\\nhis measures with ihein, then made his way to St. Augustine, re-\\nceived a colonel s commission, placed himself at the head of a band\\nof desperate refugees, and accompanied Provost in his irruption\\ninto Georgia. His thirst for revenge appeared afterward insatiable,\\nand besides wantonly hanging many of his prisoners, he subjected\\nenemy in his rear, ordered Colonel Tarleton to pro-\\nceed with about eleven hundred men, and drive him\\nfrom his position. Tarleton had two field pieces,\\nand a superiority both of infantry and cavalry. With\\nthese advantages, he engaged Morgan at the Cowpens,\\nnear Pacolet river, on the 17th of January. The\\nBritish, led to the attack by Tarleton himself, advan-\\nced with a shout, and poured in an incessant fire of\\nmusketry. The American militia, though they recei-\\nved the charge with firmness, were soon compelled to\\nfall back in the rear of their second line and this\\nline, m its turn, after an obstinate conflict, Avas com-\\npelled to retreat to the cavalry. At this juncture\\nLieutenant-Colonel Washington made a successful\\ncharge on Captain Ogilvie, who, with about forty\\ndragoons, was cutting down the retreating militia\\nLieutenant-Colonel Howard almost at the same mo-\\nment rallied the continental troops and charged with\\nfixed bayonets, and the militia instantly followed the\\nexample. By these sudden and unexpected chnrTes,\\nthe British, who had considered the fate of the day\\ndecided, were thrown into confusion, and driven from\\nthe ground with great slaughter. Howard and\\nWashington pressed the advantage which they had\\nrespectively gained, until the artillery and a great\\npart of the infantry had surrendered.! Seldom has a\\nvictory, achieved by so small a number, been so im-\\nportant in its consequences. It deprived Cornwallis\\nof one fifth of his force, and disconcerted his plans\\nfor the reduction of Nortli Carolina. He sought,\\nhowever, to repair, by active exertions, the loss which\\nhe had suffered, and determined, if possible, to inter-\\ncept Morgan, and compel him to restore the trophies\\nof his victory. This resolution led to a military\\nrace, which may be, without exaggeration, termed\\nthe families of the whigs who were out in service to accumulated\\nsufferiLgs and distress. It was not long after he was left in com-\\nmand at Augusta by the British general, that Colonel Clarke, with\\na determined party of the militia, whose families he had persecuted,\\naimed a well-directed blow at his post. But Brown proved himself\\na man of bravery and conduct, and he well knew that at all times\\nhe was fighting for his life. After a severe and partially successful\\ncontest, the approach of a party of Indians obliged Clarke to re-\\ntreat, and leave his wounded behind him, with a letter addressed\\nto Brown, requesting (hat he would parole them to their planta-\\ntions. But Brown s thirst for revsnge knew no bounds. It had\\nbeen irritated in tliis instance by a wound which confined him to\\nhis bed. The unhappy prisoners, twenty-eight in number, were all\\nhung thirteen of them were suspended to the railing of the stair-\\ncase, that he might feast his eyes with their dying agonies. John-\\nson s Life of General Greene.\\nUpwards of three hundred of the British were killed or wound-\\ned, and above five hundred taken prisoners; eight hundred muskets,\\ntwo field pieces, two standards, thirty-five baggage wagons, and\\none hundred dragoon horses, fell into the hanr s of the conquerors.\\nOf the Americans, twelve men only were killed, and sixty wound-\\ned. Congress, in honour of the good conduct of General Morgan,\\npresented him a gold medal; to Lieutenant-Colonels Washington\\nand Howard, medals of silver and to Colonel Pickens, a sword.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,\\n283\\none of the most celebrated in history. Each army\\nstrove to precede the other at the fords of the Catawba,\\nfrom wliich both were equally distant. The Ameri-\\ncan troops endured almost incredible hardships,\\nbeing sometimes without meat, often without flour,\\nand entirely destitute of spirituous liquors. A large\\nportion of the troops were without shoes, and, march-\\ning over frozen ground, marked with blood every\\nstep of their progress. On the twelfth day after the\\nengagement, Morgan reached the fords and crossed\\nthe Catawba and two hours afterwards Cornwallis\\narrived, and, it being then dark, encamped on the\\nbank. During the night, a heavy fall of rain made\\nthe river impassable, which gave Morgan an oppor-\\ntunity to remove the prisoners beyond the reach of\\nhis pursuer.\\nThe movements of the royal army induced Gene-\\nral Greene immediately to retreat from Hick s Creek\\nand, leaving the main army under the command of\\nGeneral Huger, he rode a hundred and fifty miles\\nthrough the country to join the detachment under\\nGeneral Morgan, that he might be in front of Lord\\nCornwallis, and so direct both divisions of his army\\nas to form a speedy junction between them. Lord\\nCornwallis, after three days delay, effected the pas-\\nsage of the Catawba, and recoimnenced the pursuit.\\nThe Americans, continuing their expeditious move-\\nments, crossed the Yadkin on the 3d of February,\\nand secured their boats on the north side but the\\nBritish, though close in their rear, were incapable of\\ncrossing it through the rapid rising of the river from\\npreceding rains, and the want of boats. This second\\nremarkable escape confirmed the impression on the\\nminds of the Americans, that their cause was favour-\\ned by Divine Providence. After a junction of the\\ntwo divisions of the American army at Guilford\\ncourt-house, it was concluded, in a council of officers\\ncalled by General Greene, that he ought to retire\\nover the Dan, and to avoid an engagement until he\\nshould be re-enforced. Lord Cornwallis kept the\\nupper countries, where only the rivers are fordable,\\nand attempted to get between General Greene and\\nVirginia, to cut off his retreat, and oblige him to fight\\nunder many disadvantages but the American gene-\\nral completely eluded him. So urgent was the pur-\\nsuit of the British, that, on the 14th of February,\\nthe American light troops were compelled to retire\\nabove forty miles and on that day General Greene,\\nby indefatigable exertions, transported his army over\\nthe Dan into Virginia. Here again the pursuit was\\nso close, that the van of the British just arrived as\\nthe rear of the Americans had crossed. The conti-\\nnental army being now driven out of North Carolina,\\nEarl Cornwallis left the Dan, and proceeded to Hills-\\nborough, where he set up the royal standard. Greene,\\nperceiving the necessity of some spirited measure to\\ncounteract his lordship s influence on the inhabitants\\nof the country, concluded, at every hazard, to recross\\nthe Dan. After manoeuvring in a very masterly\\nmanner to avoid an action with Cornwallis three\\nweeks, his army was joined by two brigades of mili-\\ntia from North Carolina, and one from Virginia, and\\nalso by four hundred regulars. .This re-enforcemeni\\ngiving him a superiority of numbers, he determined\\nno longer to avoid an engagement, and, on the 15th\\nof March, he accepted battle but at the first fire the\\nNorth Carolina militia, who were in the front line,\\nfled the second line was also I outed. The conti-\\nnentals, who composed the third, fought with their\\nusual bravery, and for an hour and a half maintained\\nthe conflict with great firmness. They at length gave\\n\\\\vay, but retreated in good order, the slaughter they\\nhad made in the enemy s ranks preventing pursuit.\\nThe victory, won by a far inferior force, was more\\nglorious than advantageous to the British army.\\nSoon after the action, Lord Cornwallis began a march\\ntoward Wilmington. General Greene, on receiving\\nintelligence of this movement, put his army in mo-\\ntion to follow him, and continued the pursuit to\\nRamsay s Mill, on Deep River. Cornwallis, having\\nhalted and refreshed his men about three weeks at\\nWilmington, marched across the country to Peters-\\nburgh, in Virginia.\\nBefore General Greene was aware that Lord Corn-\\nwallis intended to enter Virginia, he had formed the\\nbold resolution of returning into South Carolina.\\nMarching towards Camden, where nine hundred\\nmen, under the command of Lord Rawdon, were\\nposted, he took a position on Hobkirk s-hill, about a\\nmile from the British entrenchments. Here the\\nAmericans were attacked on 25th of April. In the\\nbeginning of the action their bravery gained advan-\\ntages which, in its. progress, were lost by the prema-\\nture retreat of two companies, occasioned by the\\ndeath of their officers. At this reverse of fortune,\\nGreene retired a few miles from the field, both armies\\nhaving sustained nearly an equal loss.\\nSeveral British posts in South Carolina speedily\\nfell into the power of the brave and active partisans,\\nwho, with small bodies of troops, were ever present\\nwhere oppression was to be resisted or glory won.\\nMarion and Lee invested and took Fort Watson.\\nOrangeburgh and Fort Motte surrendered to Sumpter.\\nLee captured Fort Granby, and Marion drove from\\nGeorgetown the troops stationed to defend it. Im-\\nmediately after the surrender of Fort Granby, Lieu-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "284\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ntenant-Colonel Lee marched to Augusta, and joined\\nBrigadier-General Pickens, who, with a body of mi-\\nlitia, had some time before taken post in the vicinity\\nand these two able officers jointly carried on their\\napproaches against Fort Cornwallis. Two batteries\\nwere erected within thirty yards of the parapet which\\noverlooked the fort and from them the American\\nriflemen shot into the inside of the works with effect.\\nThe garrison almost entirely burying themselves\\nunderground, obstii-iately refused to capitulate until\\nresistance became useless, and then the fort, with\\nabout three hundred men, surrendered on honourable\\nterms of capitulation. The Americans, during the\\nsiege, had about forty men killed and wounded. On\\nthe 22d of May, General Greene laid siege to Ninety-\\nSix, which was defended by Lieutenant-Colonel Cru-\\nger with upwards of five hundred men. The works\\nof the besiegers were carried forward with indefati-\\ngable industry and success until the 18th of June\\nwhen, on intelligence of the approach of Lord Raw-\\ndon for the relief of the place, it was concluded to\\nattempt its reduction by assault. The assailants\\ndisplayed great resolution but, failing of success.\\nGeneral Greene raised the siege, and retreated over\\nthe Saluda.\\nLord Rawdon having returned to England, the\\ncommand of the British tioops in South Carolina\\ndevolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart who, in\\nthe beginning of September, took post at Eutaw\\nSprings. General Greene marched against him from\\nthe hills of Santee. The rival forces were equal,\\namounting on each side to two thousand men. On\\nCongress passed a vote of thanks to every corps in the army,\\nand a resolution for presenting to Major-General Greene, as an\\nhonourable testimony of his merit, a British standard, and a golden\\nmedal emblematic of the battle and of his victory.\\nMost votaries of fame earn their honours by long and painful\\nlabours, in whatever walk of life they select to seek them. The\\norator has no permanent reputation, until he has secured it by ap-\\npearing frequently before his fellow-citizens, and proving his claims\\nto distinction by many vigorous efforts of intellectual superiority.\\nNor does a judge on the bench obtain a character for wisdom\\nuntil he has trimmed the midnight lamp for many years; and even\\nmost warriors do not gain distinction and promotion, until gray\\nnairs peer from under their helmets, in contrast to their sun-burnt\\nfaces. But there are e.tcepiions to this rule, for sometimes a hero\\nstarts into life at once. The subject of this memoir was one of these\\nbrilliant exceptions. He was hardly known twenty miles from his\\nnative slate, when he was seen marching into Cambridge, on the\\nsixth of June, 1775, at the head of the Rhode Island troops, with\\nthe rank of major-general. He had under him three regiments of\\nbrave and effective men, and several excellent officers. The first\\nimpression of every one in camp, was favourable to the unknown\\nRhode Island general; and when AVashinglon arrived, the next\\nmonth, to take command of the army, the sagacious citizen-soldiers\\nunited the names of Washington and Greene together, as fit lead-\\ners of the brave, and they are never to be separated. Washington\\nliad been known as a warrior; he had gained imperishable laurels\\nwhen Braddock fell at Monongahela; but Greene had never set\\na squadron in the field nor had his name been heard of in the\\nhalls of congress but the sagacious statesmen of Rhode Island did\\nthe 8th an attack was made by the Americans a\\npart of the British line, consisting of new troops,\\nbroke, and fled but the veteran corps received the\\ncharge of the assailants on the points of their bayon-\\nets. The hostile ranks were for a time intermingled,\\nand the officers fought hand to hand but Lieuten-\\nant-Colonel Lee, who had turned the British left\\nflank, charging them at this instant in the rear, their\\nline was soon completely broken, and driven ofi the\\nfield. They were vigorously pursued by the Ameri-\\ncans, who took upwards of five hundred of them\\nprisoners. The British, on their retreat, took post\\nin a large three-story brick house, and in a picketed\\ngarden and from these advantageous positions re-\\nnewed the action. Four six-pounders were ordered\\nup before the house but the Americans were com-\\npelled to leave these pieces and retire. They formed\\nagain at a small distance in the woods but General\\nGreene, thinking it inexpedient to renew the despe-\\nrate attempt, left a strong picket on the field of battle,\\nand retired with his prisoners to the ground from\\nwhich he had marched in the morning. In the\\nevening of the next day, Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart,\\nleaving seventy of his wounded men, and one thou-\\nsand stand of arms, moved from Eutaw towards\\nCharleston. The loss of the British, inclusive of\\nprisoners, was supposed to be not loss than eleven\\nhundred men. The loss of the Americans, in killed,\\nI wounded, and missing, was about half that number.\\nThis battle was attended by consequences very ad-\\nvantageous to the Americans, and may be considered\\nas closing the revolutionary war in South Carolina.\\nknow him. They had watched him from the cradle, and to in-\\nquiries made at the time, who is General Greene t were ready with\\nan answer: He is the son of one of the society of Friends; was\\nborn at Warwick, on the 22d day of May, 1742 his father was a\\nblacksmith, engaged in making anchors and heavy iron work for\\nships, forges, c. his education was scanty in childhood, but he\\nwas well instructed in moral duties; he early felt his want of in^\\nformation, and set about self-instruction he had a strong mind,\\nand soon made rapid acquisitions in the fields of .science and letters.\\nHe was particularly fond of military history, and the biography of\\nheroes; his military ardour was kindled up in poring over the\\npages of Plutarch, and, Q.uaker as he was, he loved to dwell upon\\nthe deeds of the great men of antiquity, more than npon those\\naround him. He saw that the winds were up, and that the storm\\nof revolutionary war was gathering, and he sat about preparing\\nhimself to be useful. He read constitutional and common law\\nsufficiently to understand the great principles of the rights of man,\\nand the duties of nations. His own state had been vexed with\\nfewer restraints than other colonies under Great Britain. The\\nsoul of Roger Williams, the founder of it, had not departed from\\namong his sons; they were brave, but had not much military skill\\nto aid them. Greene studied military science, and this he found\\neasy, as he had made considerable progress in mathematics an\\ngeometry; and, at the same time, the manual exercise became fa-\\nmiliar to him by frequent practice. In 1770, he was sent to the\\nlegislature of the state, and soon became distinguished in that body\\nfor his good sense and intrepid spirit. The Boston massacre had\\ntaken place, and every soul was roused with a spirit of resentment.\\nIn no bosom did it burn with more intensity thtm in the heart of\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n285\\nBrilliant as were the successes of General Greene\\nin the Carolinas, it was in Virginia that the last great\\nstroke in favour of American independence was to be\\nGreene. In spite of the pacific sentiments of the religious order to\\nwhich he belonged, in opposition to parental influence, he came\\nforward and enrolled himself as a private in a miliiniy corps, call-\\ned the Kentish Guards. In this tody he was a model of obedience\\nto orders, and atleniion to duties; all eyes were turned nn him,\\nand his fellow-citizens marked him out for some high calling, and\\ntheir affection for him was not diminished, but perhaps increased,\\nwhen they knew he was read out of the pale of his order for taking\\nup arms.\\nAfter the battle of Lexinglon, on the 19th of April, 1775, Rhode\\nIsland raised three regiments of soldiers, and by common consent\\nput Greene at their head, and sent them to the general camp at Cam-\\nbridge, in the vicinity of Boston.\\nWhile with Washington, in the an.Kious summer, autumn, and\\nwinter of 1775-6, when the American army were besieging the\\nBritish in Boston, the merits of General Greene became known to\\nthe commander in chief, and he persuaded Greene to accept of a\\nbrigadier-general s commission in the continental army, the high-\\nest grade he could at that time offer him, but with a promise of pro-\\nmotion as soon as possible this was accepted, and lie was made a\\nmajor-general on the 26lh of August, 1776.\\nWhen the American army followed the enemy to New York,\\nafter the evacuation of Boston, the forces encamped partly in New\\nYork and partly on Long Island. The division upon the island\\nwas under the command of Greene, but he was severely ill when\\nthe unfortunate battle was fought there, and the command had de-\\nvolved on the brave Sullivan.\\nGreene was with Washington when he crossed the Delaware,\\non the night of the 26th of December, 1776, and made an attack\\non the Hessians at Trenton, on the morning of that day. With\\nsignal success, Greene commanded the left wing of the army, and\\nwas the first to enter the town. He was with Washington at\\nPrinceton, and shared in the honours of that day. This was a\\nbold and masterly manoeuvre, which raised the sinking spirits of\\nthe nation, and stamped our commanders with the reputation of\\nconsummate soldiers abroad, and made Britain think that our\\nleaders were not merely rebel bravoes, but sagacious generals.\\nGreene was also at the battle of Brandywine, and covered the\\nretreat. The next month he commanded the left wing at the\\nbattle of Germantown, and his were the only troops who did all\\nthat was expected of them, in that battle. His reputation was\\nraised by that day s conduct. He was ne.xt sent to prevent Corn-\\nwallis from getting supplies in the Jerseys; but Washington, find-\\ning that the enemy had received re-enforcements, recalled him.\\nThe next spring, Greene was induced to accept the appointment\\nof quarter-master-general of the army, as the whole commissariat\\nwas out of joint for want of resources, and from the irregularity\\nof the aids afforded. His acceptance was on condition of having\\ntwo assistants, and of retaining his rank in the line, and the right\\nto resume his command in time of action.\\nIn the month of June, 1777, he led the right wing at the battle\\nof Monmouth, and mainly contributed to the partial success of the\\nAmerican army on that day.\\nFrom this battle ground he was sent to join General Sullivan at\\nNewport, Rhode Island, who, with Count D Estaing, was preparing\\nto attack the English, then in possession of that place. The enter-\\nprise failed, but not for the want of American bravery, for that\\nwas sufBciently conspicuous. Greene covered the retreat of the\\narmy with a much smaller number than he had to oppose. The\\nnext place of his command was at Springfield, in the Jerseys, when\\nhe was attacked by Sir Henry Clinton, one of the greatest captains\\nof the day. The Americans behaved with great bravery, and the\\nenemy was repulsed.\\nAfter the defection of Arnold, Greene was appointed to the\\ncommand of West Point but he was there but a few days, when\\nhe was ordered to the command of the southern army. He was\\nnow the master of his own actions, in a great measure or, at least,\\nwas chiefly to depend upon his own resources, and was personally\\nresponsible for all he did. Here the great powers of his indomitar\\neffected. The army under the commander in chief\\nhad passed another distressing winter, and symptoms\\nof mutiny had again manifested themselves, but were\\nble soul w ere developed here he displayed the talents of a con-\\nsummate general. He arrived at Charlotte on the 2d of Decem-\\nber, 1780. with the gallant Morgan, who had greatly distinguished\\nhimself in the battles which led to the capture of Bnrgfiyne, and\\nwhich gave the death blow to British power in llie noiih. The\\nsouthern army was a mere skeleton, with only skin and sinews\\nsufficient to hold it together. The men were without suj plies, and\\nthere was no chance of immediate relief. The British army was\\nwell equipped and well fed but their ofiicers committed a great\\nerror in supposing the southern country prostrated and conquered,\\nbecause they could not find any foices to meet them. The fires of\\npatriotism seemed quenched, when they weie only concealed and\\nthey found them, to their cost, bursting out in every quarier.\\nCornwallis at length saw that the influence of royally was waning,\\nwhile that of patriotism was increasing, and he was determined on\\nstriking a blow, and crushing the American forces at once for this\\npurpose he sent his gallant master of the horse, Tarleton, to deslii^y\\nthat part of the American army under General Morgan. Tarleton\\nhad a thousand men, of the flower of the British troops, when he\\nwas sent to give an account of Morgan and his men. The attack\\nwas made on the American forces at the Cowpens, on the 17lh\\nof January, 1781. The battle was severe, and the British were\\nbeaten, with considerable loss of lives. Five hundred of the enemy\\nlaid down their arms, and were made prisoners; eight hundred\\nstand of arms, tw o field pieces, and thirty-five baggage wagons,\\nwere the spoils from the enemy to the victors; while the loss on\\nthe part of the Americans was very trifling, only twelve killed,\\nand sixty wounded. This brilliant affair raised the drooping spi-\\nrits of the south, and disconcerted all the magnificent plans of Corn-\\nwallis. He followed Morgan w-ilh great .spirit, to cover and re-\\ndeem Tarlelon s defeat but Morgan was too rapid for him, having\\nformed a junction with the main army before Cornwallis could\\novertake him. The southern army was still inferior to the British,\\nand was obliged to make a northward movement.\\nIn the beginning of March, Greene efiected a junction with a\\ncontinental regiment, and two bodies of Virginia and Carolina\\nmilitia. He was now determined to give the enemy a proof of his\\nspirit, knowing that, if fortune should prove kind, the enemy\\nwould be injured but if he was beaten, that he should recover, as\\nhe was gaining strength every day. In this battle, a part of the\\nmilitia fled as cowards, while other portions of them behaved well\\nso it will happen in every army. The victory was in favour of\\nthe British; but it was a dear one to them, they having lost more\\nmen than the American army. This battle crippled Coinwallis,\\nand he was obliged to return to Wilmington, two hundred miles\\nfrom the scene of action.\\nSoon after this battle of Guilford court-house. General Greene\\nresolved to return to South Carolina, and to expel, if possible, the\\nBritish from that state. His first object was to attempt the reduc-\\ntion of Camden, where Lord Rawdon was posted, with nine hun-\\ndred men. With the small force Greene had, he did not think it\\nprudent to attack Lord Rawdon, but encamped near him, and en-\\ndeavoured to cut off his supplies. Rawdon bravely sallied out, and\\nattacked Greene, and .so vigorously as to compel him to retreat; but\\nhe lost more men in the attack than Greene did in the defence,\\nand reaped no substantial advantage by his success, for he was\\nsoon obliged to retreat in turn, leaving behind him a number of the\\nsick and wounded. The British ascendency was now very rapidly\\ndeclining, and most of their forts fell into the hands of the Ame-\\nricans.\\nOn the 22d of May, General Greene set down before Ninety-Six,\\nwith the main part of his small army, and carried on the siege\\nso spiritedly, that Rawdon was on the point of surrendering, when\\na re-enforcement relieved the post, but not before the American\\neneral had attempted to carry it by storm. This did not dis-\\ncourage Greene, who declared, at this gloomy moment, that he\\nwould recover the country, or die in the attempt. In the follow-\\ning months of July and August, there was some skirmishing be-\\ntween the two armies but in September following, General Greene,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "286\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nhappily suppressed. Deplorably deficient of provi-\\nsions and supplies, and promised re-enforcements\\nbeing- grievously delayed, Washington still remained\\nundiscouraged, and determined, in conjunction with\\nthe French fleet, to resume vigorous operations.\\nNew York was the destined point of the combined\\nattack but tlie large re-enforcements which had re-\\ncently arrived there, and other unfavourable circum-\\nstances, induced the commander in chief, so late as\\nAugust, entirely to change the plan of the campaign,\\nand to resolve to attempt the capture of the army of\\nLord Cornwallis, which had now taken up a position\\nat Yorktown, in Virginia. The defence of West\\nPoint, and of the other posts on the Hudson, was\\ncommitted to General Heath, and a large portion of\\nthe troops raised in the northern states was for this\\nservice left under his command.\\nGeneral Washington resolved in person to conduct\\nthe Virginia expedition. The troops under Count\\nRochambeau, and strong detachments from the Ameri-\\ncan army, amounting to more than two thousand\\nmen, and consisting of the light infantry, Lamb s ar-\\nHi\\nbeing about two thousand strong, proceeded to attack Colonel\\nStewart, at Eutaw Springs. This battle was, on the whole, admi-\\nrably fought, and the result was unequivocally in favour of our\\narmy. This broke the power of Cornwallis in the south, and dis-\\nappointed all the calculations of British statesmen. They were\\ndreaming that, having conquered the south, their forces would\\nsoon be able to proceed to the north, and beard the lion in his den.\\nThis batile of Eutaw Springs was indeed memorable. According\\nto Greene s account and who ever doubled his veracity t he had\\nthree hundred men without arms, and a still greater number stark\\nnaked, who pushed their bayonets into the bodies of their enemies,\\nas fearlessly as if they themselves had been covered with a coat of\\nmail. No man, of ancient or modern days, ever had greater diffi-\\nculties to contend with, than General Greene in this campaign\\nand no one ever met them wilh greater heroism. We have (says\\nhe) three hundred men without arms, and more than one thousand\\nso naked, that ihey can be put on duly only in cases of a desperate\\nnature. We have been all winter in want of arms and clothing.\\nThe .subsistence of the army is wretched, and we are without rum,\\nor any kind of spirits. And at another time he declares, 1 have\\nbeen .seven months in the field, without taking off my clothes.\\nGreene himself was astonished at his own situation, and looked\\nforward to contemplate what posterity would say in considering it.\\nAt the battle of Eutaw Springs, (says he,) himdreds of my men\\nwere as naked as they were born. Posterity will scarcely believe\\nthat the bare loins of many brave men, who carried death into the\\nenemy s ranks at the Eutaw, were galled by their cartouch boxes,\\nwhile a folded rag, or a tuft of moss, protected the shoulders from\\nsustaining the same injury from the musket. Men of other times\\nwill inquire, by what magic was this army kept together 1 By\\nwhat supernatural power was it made to fight 1\\nWhile amidst these ditficulties of the southern campaign, when\\ndestitute of every article of subsistence, or nearly so, some mur-\\nmurings were heard in the camp, and trea.son was suspected and\\nthe enemy had made their calculations to end the whole campaign\\nat a blow, assisted by treason among the American ranks. Greene\\n(Struck at the root of the evil, by an energy that astonished both\\nfriends and foes. He put his forces in battle-array, brought the\\naccused to a court-martial, e-tecuted the offender in face of the\\narmy, and quelled the treason at a breath. No one murmured\\nall were full of admiration at his energetic course; and even the\\nculprit who suffered did not complain but, in his dying speech,\\ntillery, and several other corps, were destined for it.\\nBy the 25th of August the whole body, Americar.\\nand French, had crossed the North River. An in-\\ntercepted letter of General Washington s, in which\\nhe communicated, as the result of a consultation with\\nthe French commanders, the design to attack New\\nYork, had excited the apprehensions of the British\\ngeneral for the safety of that city. This apprehen-\\nsion was kept alive, and the real object of the Ameri-\\ncans concealed, by preparations for an encampment\\nin New Jersey, opposite to Staten Island, by the route\\nof the American army, and other appearances, indi-\\ncating an intention to besiege New York and the\\ntroops had passed the Delaware, out of reach of an-\\nnoyance, before Sir Henry suspected their destination.\\nGeneral Washington pressed forward v/ith the utmost\\nexpedition, and at Chester he received the important\\nintelligence that Count de Grasse had arrived with\\nhis fleet in the Chesapeake, and that the Marquis St.\\nSimon had, with a body of three thousand land\\nforces, joined the Marquis de la Fayette. Having\\ndirected the route of his army from the head of the\\nurged them all to obey. What energy of character what admi-\\nrable decision\\nColonel Whigglesworth, one of the most accomplished of the\\ngreat men of that age, a scholar, factor, sea-captain, merchant, and\\nsoldier, to \\\\vhom was familiar the history of ancient and modern\\ntimes, often observed, that General Greene was the most extraor-\\ndinary man in the American army, or that he had ever met wilh\\nin his travels, and he had seen much of the world. He had,\\nsaid that shrewd observer of man, the caution of Fabius, and the\\nenergy of Julius Cesar. He rose from disaster as fresh as if he\\nhad gained a victory, always coo), scientific, and prompt no oflicer\\never said Greene has made a mistake, but every one gave him\\ncredit for almost supernatural sagacity, precisely when it was\\nwanted.\\nThis great commander had fought all his battles, and filled up\\nthe measure of his military glory, before he had finished his forti-\\neth year younger than Nelson, when he fell at Trafalgar, in the\\narms of victory; or Sir John Moore, when he was left alone in\\nhis glory, in the ramparts of Corunna. He combined the physical\\ncourage of the former, and his prescience of events, with the high\\nfeelings and moral daring of the latter, and his labours were more\\ndiflicult than those of either.\\nHistorians of no ordinary renown in tne literary world, have\\narisen to narrate his deeds, and praise his virtues; but this is not\\nall there is a feeling of admiration and gratitude in the hearts oi\\nhis countrymen, at the mention of his name, which is beyond the\\npen of the biographer, or the muse of the epic bard. It is a lam-\\nbent flame of the heart, which was kindled up in those days of\\nlofty feeling and patriotic ardour, which has descended to us as an\\nheir-loom of the affections, from our father s bosoms, and will go\\ndown, in all its purity, to the remotest posterity. Not to us and our\\nposterity only, will his name be dear, but to the general reader of\\nhistory, who will as intimately connect this warrior s name with\\nprudence, bravery, decision of character, and every soldierly allribvle\\nand marily virtue, as justice now is with the name of AnisTinEs.\\nOh who shall lightly saythat Fame\\nIs nothing but an empty name\\nWhen memory of the mighty dead.\\nTo earth-worn pilgrim s wistful eye\\nThe brightest rays of cheering shed,\\nThat point to immortality. American Editor.\\n03\\nC5J", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n287\\nElk, he, accompanied by Rochambeau, Chatelleux,\\nDii Portail, and Knox, proceeded to Virginia. The3\\nreached Williamsburs; on the llth of September, and\\nimmediately repaired on board the Ville de Paris, to\\nsettle with Count de Grasse the plan of operations.\\nThe v/hole body of American and French troops\\nreached Williamsburg by the 25th of September. At\\nthis place the allied forces were joined by a detach-\\nment of the militia of Virginia, under the command\\nof Governor Nelson, and preparations were soon\\nmade to attack the intrenchments of Lord Cornwallis.\\nYorktown, the head-quarters of Lord Cornwallis,\\nis a village on the south side of York River, the\\nsouthern banks of which are high, and where ships\\nof the line may ride in safety. Gloucester Point is\\na piece of land on the opposite shore, projecting con-\\nsiderably into the river. Both these posts were oc-\\ncupied by the British and a communication between\\nthem was commanded by their batteries, and by\\nseveral ships of war. The main body of Lord Corn-\\nwallis s army was encamped on the open grounds\\nabout Yorktown, within a range of outer redoubts\\nand field-works and Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton,\\nwith a detachment of six or seven hundred men,\\nheld the post at Gloucester Point.\\nThe legion of the Duke de Lauzun, and a brigade\\nof militia under General Weedon, the whole com-\\nmanded by the French general De Choise, were di-\\nrected to watch and restrain the enemy on the side\\nof Gloucester and the grand combined army, on\\nthe 30th of September, moved down to the investiture\\nof Yorktown. On the night of the 6th of October,\\nadvancing to within six hundred yards of the English\\nlines, they began their first parallel, and laboured\\nwith such silence and diligence, that they were not\\ndiscovered until morning, when the works they had\\nraised were sufficient to protect them. On the 9th,\\nseveral batteries being completed, a heavy cannonade\\nWas begun. Many of the British guns were dismount-\\ned, and portions of their fortifications laid level with\\nthe ground. On the night of the 11th, the besiegers\\ncommenced their second parallel, three hundred\\nyards in advance of the first. This approach was\\nmade so much sooner than was expected, that the\\nmen were not discovered at their labour until they\\nhad rendered themselves secure from all molestation\\nin front. The fire from the new batteries was still\\nmore furious and destructive. From two British re-\\ndoubts, in advance of their main works, and flanking\\nthose of the besiegers, the men in the trenches were\\n\u00c2\u00a70 severely annoyed, that Washington resolved to\\nstorm them. The enterprise against one was com-\\nmitted to an American force under the Marquis de la\\n37\\nFayette, that against the other to a French detach-\\nment. Colonel Hamilton, who led the van of the\\nformer, made such an impetuous attack, that posses-\\nsion was soon obtained, with little slaughter. The\\nFrench detachment was equally brave and successful,\\nbut sustained greater loss. On the I6th, a sortie was\\nmade from the garrison by a party of three hundred\\nand fifty, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Aber-\\ncrombie, who forced two batteries, and spiked eleven\\npieces of cannon but the guards from the trenches\\nimmediately advancing on them, they retreated, and\\nthe pieces which they had hastily spiked were soon\\nrendered fit for service. In the afternoon of the\\nsame day the besiegers opened several batteries in\\ntheir second parallel and in the whole line of batte-\\nries nearly one hundred pieces of heavy ordnance\\nwere now njounted. The works of the besieged\\nwere so universally in ruins as to be in no condition\\nto sustain the fire which might be expected the next\\nday. In this extremity. Lord Cornwallis boldly re-\\nsolved to attempt an escape by land with the greater\\npart of his army. His plan was to cross over, in the\\nnight, to Gloucester Point, and forcing his way\\nthrough the troops under De Choise, to pass through\\nMaryland, Pennsylvania, and Jersey, and form a\\njunction with the royal army at New York. In pro-\\nsecution of this desperate design, one embarkation of\\nhis troops crossed over to the opposite point but a\\nviolent storm of wind and rain dispersed the boats,\\nand frustrated the scheme.\\nOn the morning of the 17th the fire of the Ameri-\\ncan batteries rendered the British post untenable.\\nLord Cornwallis, perceiving further resistance to be\\nunavailing, about ten o clock beat a parley, and pro-\\nposed a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours,\\nthat commissioners might meet to settle the terms on\\nwhich the posts of York and Gloucester should be\\nsurrendered. General Washington, in his answer,\\ndeclared his ardent desire to spare the effusion of\\nblood, and his readiness to listen to such terms as\\nwere admissible but to prevent loss of time, he de-\\nsired that, previous to the meeting of the commis-\\nsioners, the proposals of his lordship might be trans-\\nmitted in writing, for which purpose a suspension of\\nhostilities for two hours should be granted. The\\nterms proposed by his lordship were such as led the\\ngeneral to suppose that articles of capitulation might\\neasily be adjusted, and he continued the cessation of\\nhostilities until the next day. To expedite the busi-\\nness, he summarily stated the terms he was willing\\nto grant, and informed Earl Cornwallis, that if he\\nadmitted these as the basis of a treaty, commissioners\\nmight meet to put them into form. Accordingly,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "288\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nViscount de Noailles and Lieutenant-Colonel Lau-\\nrens, on the part of the allies, and Colonel Dundas\\nand Major Ross, on the part of the English, met the\\nnext day, and adjusted articles of capitulation, v/hich\\nwere to be submitted to the consideration of the\\nBritish general. Resolving not to expose himself to\\nany accident that might be the consequence of un-\\nnecessary delay. General Washington ordered the\\n/ough draft of the commissioners to be fairly tran-\\nscribed, and sent to Lord Cornwallis early next\\nmorning, with a letter expressing his expectation\\nthat the garrison would march out by two o clock in\\nthe afternoon. Hopeless of more favourable terms,\\nhis lordship signed the capitulation, and surrendered\\nthe posts of York and Gloucester, with their garri-\\nsons, to General Washington and the shipping in\\nthe harbour, with the seamen, to Count de GrQ,sse.\\nThe prisoners, exclusive of seamen, amounted to more\\nthan seven thousand, of which between four and five\\nthousand only were fit for duty. The garrison lost,\\ndurinof the siesfe, six officers and five hundred and\\nforty-eight privates in killed and wounded. The\\nprivates, with a competent number of officers, were\\nto remain in Virginia, Maryland, or Pennsylvania.\\nThe officers not required for this service were per-\\nmitted on parole to return to Europe, or to any of\\nthe maritime posts of the English on the American\\ncontinent. The terms granted to Earl Cornwallis\\nwere, in general, the terms which had been granted\\nto the Americans at the surrender of Charleston\\nand General Lincoln, who on that occasion resigned\\nhis sword to Lord Cornwallis, was appointed to re-\\nceive the submission of the royal army. The allied\\narmy, to which Lord Cornwallis surrendered, amount-\\ned to sixteen thousand seven thousand French, five\\nthousand five hundred continental troops, and three\\nthousand five hundred militia. In the course of the\\nsiege they lost, in killed and wounded, about three\\nhundred. The siege was prosecuted with so much\\nmilitary judgment and ardour, that the treaty was\\nopened on the eleventh, and the capitulation signed\\non the thirteenth day after ground was broken before\\nthe British lines.*\\nThe capture of so large a British army excited\\nuniversal joy, and on no occasion during the war did\\nthe Americans manifest greater exultation. From\\nthe nature and duration of the contest, the affections\\nof many had been so concentrated upon their coun-\\ntry, and so intense was their interest in its fate, that\\nCongress, on receiving intelligence of this important victory,\\npassed resolutions, returning the thanks of the United States to the\\ncommander in chief, to the Count De Rochambeau, to Ihe Count\\nEe Grasse, and to the officers of the different corps, and the men\\nthe news of this brilliant success produced the most\\nrapturous emotions, under the operations of which,\\nit is said, some were even deprived of their reason,\\nand one aged patriot in Philadelphia expired. The\\nday after the capitulation. General Washington order-\\ned, that those who were under arrest should be\\npardoned and set at liberty and announced, that\\nDivine service shall be performed to-morrow in the\\ndifferent brigades and divisions. The commander\\nin chief recommends, that all the troops that are not\\nupon duty do assist at it with a serious deportment,\\nand that sensibility of heart which the recollection\\nof the surprising and particular interposition of\\nProvidence in our favour claims. Congress, as\\nsoon as they received General Washington s official\\nletter giving information of the event, resolved to go\\nin procession to the Dutch LiUheran church, and re-\\nturn thanks to Almighty God for the signal success\\nof the American arms and they issued a proclama-\\ntion, recommending to the citizens of the United\\nStates to observe the 13th of December as a dtiy of\\npublic thanksgiving and prayer.\\nWhile these successful operations had been carry,\\ning on in Virginia, Sir Henry Clinton endeavoured,\\nif possible, to recall Washington, or at least to divert\\nhis attention, by some daring enterprise in the north.\\nGiving to the traitor Arnold, who had just returned\\nfrom his destructive expedition to Virginia, the com-\\nmand of a strong detachment, he sent him against\\nNew London, a flourishing city situated upon the\\nriver Thames, in his native state. Nearly opposite,\\non a hill in Groton, stood Fort Griswold, which was\\nthen garrisoned by militia, hastily summoned from\\ntheir labours in the field. Against this foxt Arnold\\ndespatched a part of his troops. It was assaulted on\\nthree sides at the same moment. The garrison,\\nfighting in view of their property and their homes,\\nmade a brave and obstinate resistance. By their\\nsteady and well-directed fire many of the assailants\\nwere killed. Pressing forward with persevering ar-\\ndour, the British entered the fort through the embra-\\nsures. Immediately all resistance ceased. Irritated\\nby gallantry which should have caused admiration,\\na British officer inquired who commanded the fort.\\nI did, said Colonel Ledyard, but you do now\\nand presented him his sword. He seized it, and,\\nwith savage cruelty, plunged it into his bosom. This\\nwas the signal for an indiscriminate massacre. Of\\na hundred and sixty men, composing the garrison,\\nunder them. It was also resolved, that a marble column should be.\\nerected at Yorktown, with emblems of the alliance between the\\nUnited Sfdtes and his most Christian Majesty, and insciibed with\\na succinct narrative of the surrender of Earl Cornwallis.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n289\\nall but forty were killed or wounded, and most of\\nthem after resistance had ceased. Seldom has the\\nglory of victory been tarnished by such detestable\\nbarbarity. The British then entered New London,\\nwhich was set on fire and consumed. The property\\ndestroyed was of immense value. Perceiving no\\nother object within the reach of his force, Arnold led\\nback his troops to New York.\\nA circumstance which evidently exercised a very\\nfavourable influence on American affairs during this\\nperiod should not be omitted the institution of a\\nnational bank. The plan of it was projected by\\nRobert Morris, one of the delegates of Pennsylvania,\\na man of high reputation, and well versed in affairs\\nof commerce and finance, whom congress had ap-\\npointed treasurer. He assigned to this bank a capital\\nof four hundred thousand dollars, divided in shares\\nof four hundred dollars each, in money of gold or\\nsilver, to be procured by subscriptions. Twelve di-\\nrectors were to manage the bank, which was denomi-\\nnated by congress, The President, Directors, and\\nCompany of the Bank of North America. To the\\nfinancial skill and indefatigable efforts of Mr. Morris\\nin the treasury department, it has been thought his\\ncountry was scarcely less indebted, than to the valour\\nof her soldiers, and the wisdom of her statesmen.\\nUnder his auspices, public credit revived the army\\nwas pacified and a new impulse given to every\\noperation in the field and the cabinet.\\nDuring this fortunate year also the compact of the\\nconfederation was rendered complete. Much diffi-\\nculty had been experienced in obtaining its ratifica-\\ntion. Various and sometimes conflicting amendments\\nhad been proposed by the states respectively but\\nthey had successively yielded to the opinion that a\\nfederal compact would be of vast importance in the\\nprosecution of the war. One of the greatest impedi-\\nments had hitherto been, that within the chartered\\nlimits of several states there were immense tracts of\\nvacant territory, which, it was supposed, would con-\\nstitute a large fund of future wealth and the stales\\nnot possessed of this advantage insisted on consider-\\ning this territory as a joint acquisition, to be applied\\nto the conmion benefit. The cession made by Vir-\\nginia, the preceding year, of its north-west territory,\\nwas now accepted by congress, and, to the great joy\\nof America, the confederation was completed.*\\nThe result of the last campaign convinced the\\nBritish nation that America could not be subdued by\\nforce and led to a change of administration and\\npacific overtures. Parliament met on the 27th of\\nMarshall s Life of Washington, b. iv. chap. 8.\\nNovember, 1781 and though the speech from tlie\\nthrone still breathed a spirit of hostility, and answers\\nfrom both houses were procured in accordance with\\nit, yet not long after the recess, the ministers found\\nthemselves in a minority in the house of commons.\\nOn the 22d of February, 1782, General Conway\\nmoved an address to the king, praying, that the\\nwar on the continent of North America might no\\nlonger be pursued for the impracticable purpose of\\nreducing that country to obedience by force and\\nexpressing their hope, that the earnest desire and\\ndiligent exertion to restore the public tranquillity, of\\nwhich they had received his majesty s most gracious\\nassurances, might, by a happy reconciliation with the\\nrevolted colonies, be forwarded and made eflectual\\nto which great end his majesty s faithful commons\\nwould be ready to give their utmost assistance.\\nThis motion being lost by n single vote only, was, five\\ndays after, renewed, by the same gentleman, in u\\nform somewhat different, and was carried and an\\naddress in pursuance of it presented to the king.\\nNot yet satisfied with the triumph obtained over the\\nministry, and considering the answer of the king not\\nsufficiently explicit, the house of commons, on the\\n4th of March, on the motion of General Conway,\\ndeclared, that all those who should advise, or by any\\nmeans attempt, the farther prosecution of offensive\\nwar in America, should be considered as enemies to\\ntheir king and country. In this state of things it\\nwas impossible for the ministry longer to continue in\\npower, and on the 19th they relinquished their places.\\nA new administration was soon after formed the\\nMarquis of Rockingham was placed at the head of\\nthe treasury, and the Earl of Shelburne and Mr. Fox\\nheld the important places of secretaries of state.\\nSoon after their appointment, the new ministers\\nsent a Mr. Oswald to France, to sound the French\\ncourt, as well as Dr. Franklin, on the subject of\\npeace. In a conference with the Count de Vergen-\\nnes, Mr. Oswald was informed that the French court\\nwere disposed to treat for peace, but could do nothing\\nwithout the consent of their allies and the count\\nexpressed a wish that Paris might be the place of\\nmeeting for entering upon this important business.\\nAbout the 18th of April-the British agent went back\\nto London, and on the 4th of May returned to France\\nwith the assent of the British cabinet to treat of a\\ngeneral peace, and for that purpose to meet at Paris.\\nOne of the first measures of the new administra-\\ntion, was to appoint Sir Guy Carlton commander in\\nchief in America, in the room of Sir Henry Clinton,\\nand to authorize Admiral Digby and himself to treat\\nfor peace. One object of conferring this power was", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "290\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nto induce congress to agree to a separate treaty. Sir\\nGuy Carlion arrived in America on the 5th of May,\\nand two days afterwards informed General Washing-\\nton that he and Admiral Digby were authorized to\\ntreat for peace, and requested a passport for their se-\\ncretary, as the bearer of despatches to congress on\\nthe subject. A copy of this letter was forwarded by\\nthe general to that body but the members being de-\\ntermined not to negotiate without their allies, refused\\nthe passport. The same commissioners, on tlie 2d of\\nAugust following, sent a second letter to the Ameri-\\ncan commander, informing him that negotiations for\\na general peace had commenced at Paris, and that\\nMr. Grenville had full powers to treat with all the\\nparties at war, and that, by his instructions, the in-\\ndependency of the thirteen provinces was to be pro-\\nOne of the reasons assigned by Mr. Fox for his resignation,\\nwas, that the cabinet, under the influence of Lord Shelburne, had\\ndeparted from the principles adopted bj the preceding adniinistra:-\\ntion, on the great question of American independence. In vin-\\ndication of himself. Lord Shelburne, early in July, declared in par-\\nliament, that he had been, and yet was of opinion, Ihat whenever\\nparliament should acknowledge the independence of America, the\\nsun of England s glory was set for ever. Such, he said, were the\\nsentiments he possessed on a former day, and such were the senti-\\nments he still held. That other noble lords thought differently\\nand as the majority of the cabinet supported them, he acquiesced\\nin the measure, dissenting from the idea; and the point v/as settled\\nto bring the matter before parliament. That if independence were\\nto be granted, he foresaw, in his own mind, that England was un-\\ndone. He wished to God, he declared, that he had been deputed\\nto the congress, that he might plead Ihe cause of that cotmlry, as\\nwell as of this and that he might exercise whatever powers he\\npossessed, as an orator, to save both from ruin, by bringing the\\ncongress to a conviction, that, if their independence was signed,\\ntheir liberties were gone for ever. This declaration of the prime\\nminister, after the statements made by Mr. Grenville and Sir Guy\\nCarlton on the subject of American independence, as before men-\\ntioned, excited no little astonishment in France, as well as in\\nAmerica.\\nIt was supposed, that, with a view of attempting some arrange-\\nment agreeably to his wishes. Lord Shelburne contemplated send-\\ning Mr. Jones, afterwards Sir William .Tones, to America. Cer-\\ntain il is, that about the last of June, Mr. Jones, in company with\\na gentleman by the name of Paradise, went to Paris and it was\\npublicly given out, they were on their way to America, on busi-\\nness of a private nature; Mr. Paradise, to recover an estate be-\\nlonging to him, and Mr. Jones as his counsel. While at Paris, the\\nlatter frequently saw and conversed with Dr. Franklin and Mr.\\nJay, and as a matter of curiosity, presented to the former, with\\nwhom he had been acqnainled in England, what he called a frag-\\nment of Polybius, from his treatise on the Athenian government.\\nHe took this singular mode, no doubt, of sounding the American\\ncommissioners, on the great question of peace: and no one can\\nread this supposed fragment of a celebrated ancient historian, pur-\\nporting to give a brief account of a contest between Athens and her\\ncolonies, without being satisfied as to its real object.\\nAthens, says this fragment, had long been an object of uni-\\nversal admiration, and consequently of envy her navy was invin-\\ncible, her commerce extensive Europe and Asia supplied her with\\nwealth; of her citizens, alt were intrepid, many virtuous; but some\\ntoo much infected with principles unfavourable to freedom. Hence\\nun oligarchy was, in a great measure, established crooked coun-\\nsels wer; thought supreme wisdom and the Athenians having lost\\ntlip.ir tru; relish for their own freedom, began to attack that of their\\ncolonies, and of the states which they had before protected I Their\\narrogant claims of unlimited dominion, had compelled the Chians,\\nposed by him, in the first instance, instead of being\\nmade a condition of a general treaty.\\nA majority of the new British cabinet very early\\ndetermined to offer America unlimited unconditional\\nindependence, as the basis of a negotiation for peace,\\nand so instructed their minister, Mr. Grenville. This\\nwas a favourite measure with the Marquis of Kock-\\ningham on this point, however, the cabinet was\\ndivided. The Earl of Shelburne, though he acqui-\\nesced, was still opposed, and it was one of the last\\nmeasures to which the king- would assent. The ill-\\nness of the Marquis of Rockingham, and his death,\\nwhich happened on the 1st of July, produced no little\\ndelay and diificulty in the negotiations. The ap-\\npointment of Lord Shelburne as first lord of the\\ntreasury produced an open rupture in the cabinet.*\\nCoans, Rhodians, Lesbians, to join with nine other small commu-\\nnities in the social war, which they began with inconceivable ar-\\ndour, and continued with industry surpassing all e.xample, and al-\\nmost surpassing belief.\\nThey were openly assisted by Mausoleus, king of Caria, to\\nwhose metropolis the united islands had sent a pkilosopher named\\nEleutherion, eminent for the deepest knowledge of nature, the most\\nsolid judgment, most approved virtue, and most ardent zeal for the\\ncause of general liberty. The war had been supported for three\\nyears with infinite exertions and valour on both sides, with delilje-\\nrate firmness on the part of the allies, and with unabated violence\\non the part of the Athenians, who had, neverthele. ^s, despatched\\ncommissioners to Rliodes, with intent to propose terms of accom-\\nmodation; but the states (perhaps too pertinaciously) refused to\\nhear any proposal whatever, without a previous recognition of their\\ntotal independence, by the magistrates and people of Athens. It\\nwas not long after this that an Athenian, who had been a pupil of\\nIsaeus, together with Demosthenes, and began to be known in his\\ncountry as a pleader of causes, was led, by some affair of his clients,\\n10 the capital of Caria. He was a man, unauthorized, unemploy-\\ned, ttnconnected, independent in his circumstances as much as in\\nhis principles admitting no governor, under providence, but the\\nlaws; and no laws, but which justice and virtue had dictated,\\nwhich wisdom approved, which his cotmtry had freely enacted.\\nHe had been known at Athens to the sage Eleutherion, and their\\nacquaintance being renewed, he sometimes took occasion, in their\\nconversations, to lament the calamities of war, and to expre.ss his\\neager desire of making a general peace on such lerms as iroitld\\nprodiice the greatest good from the greatest evil for this, said he,\\nwould be a work not unworthy the divine attributes, and if mor-\\ntals could effect it, they would act like those beneficent beings,\\nwhom Socrates believed to be the constant friends and attendants\\nof our species.\\nThe Athenian, in these conversations, is also represented as en-\\ndeavouring to persuade Eleutherion not to insist on such terms of\\npeace, as would wound the pride of Athens, without any substan-\\ntia] beiiefit to the colonies, and particularly not to insist en an ex-\\npress acknowledgment of Iheir independence. Let Ihe confede-\\nrates, he said, be contented with the substance of that inde-\\npendence which they have asserted, and llie word will necessarily\\nfollow.\\nLet them not hurt the natural, and, perhaps, not reprehensible\\npride of Athens, nor demand any concession, that may .sirk in the\\neyes of Greece a nation to whom they are and must be united in\\nlanguage, in blood, in manners, in interest, in principles. Glory\\nis lo a nation, what reputation is to an individual; it is not an\\nempty sound, but important and essential. It will be glorious in\\nAthens to acknowledge her error in attempting to reduce the isl-\\nands but an acknowledgment of her inability to reduce them (if\\nshe be unable) will be too public a confession of weakness, and her\\nrank among the slates of Greece will instantly be lowered.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n291\\nLord John Cavendish, Mr. Fox, and some others, re-\\nsigned their places. In consequence of this, William\\nPitt was made chancellor of the exchequer, and\\nThomas Townshend and Lord Grantham secretaries\\nof state. There can be little doubt that the ing, as\\nwell as Lord Shelburne, still entertained a distant\\nThe Athenian declared, that whatever his own advice might be,\\nhe knew and positively pronounced, that Athens would never cx-\\npressli/ lecogmse the independence of the islands; that an express\\nacknowledgment of it was mere\\\\y forvial with respect to the alies;\\nbut the prejudices of mankind had made it subslantial with respect\\nto Athens.\\nThere is a natural union, he said, hetween Athens and the\\nislands which the gods had made, and w hich the powers of hell\\ncould not dissolve. Men, speaking the same idiom, educated in\\nthe same manner, perhaps in the same place professing the same\\nprinciples sprung from the same ancestors in no very remote de-\\ngree and related to each other in a thousand modes of consan-\\nguinity, affinity, and friendship; such men (whatever they may say\\nthrough a temporary resentment) can never in their hearts consider\\none another as aliens.\\nThe Athenian then proposed the general ground work and\\nplan of a treaty, the substance of which was, that the Carians\\nshould be included in the pacification on advantageous terms, that\\nthe archon, senate, and magistrates of Athens, should make a com-\\nplete recognition of rights of all the Athenian citizens, of all orders\\nwhatever, and all laws for that purpose be combined in one there\\nshould not be one slav: in Atlica. That there should be a perfect\\nco-ordination hetween Athens and the thirteen United Islands they\\nconsidering her not as a parent, whom they must obcij, but as an\\nelder sister, whom they could not help loving, and to whom they\\nshould give pre-eminence of honour and co-equulity of power. The\\nnew co?istitiUions of the confederate islands to remain. On every\\noccasion requiring acts for the general good, there was to he an\\nassembly of deputies fi om the senate of Athens and the congress of\\nthe islands, who should fairly adjust the whole business, and settle\\nthe ratio on both sides; this committee to consist of fifty islanders\\nand fifty Athenians, or of a smaller number chosen by them. A\\nproportionable number of Athenian citizens, if thought necessary,\\nwere to have seats, and the power of debating and voting on ques-\\ntions of common concern, in the great assembly of the islands, and\\na proportionable number of the islanders to sit, with like power, in\\nthe assembly at Athens. No obligation to make war, but for the\\ncommon interest commerce to flow in a free course, for the gene-\\nral advantages of the united powers, and a universal unlimited\\namnesty to be proclaimed, in every part of Greece and Asia.\\nThis, said the ingenious Athenian, is the rough sketch of a\\ntreaty founded on virtue and liberty.\\nThe idea of it still fills and expands my soul and if it cannot\\nbe realized, I shall not think it le.ss glorious, but shall only grieve\\nmore and mo/e at the perverseness of mankind.\\n!\\\\Iay the Eternal Being, whom the wise and virtuous adore,\\nand whose attribute it is to convert into good, that evil, which his\\nnnsearchable wisdom permits, inspire all ranks of men to promote\\nthis or a similar plan If this be impracticable, O human nature\\nBiU I am fully confident that if more at large happiness\\nof all.\\nNo more is extant, Mr. Jones added, of this interesting piece,\\nupon which the commentary of the sage Polybius would have been\\nparticularly valuable in these times.\\nThe allusions in this singular and ingenious communication, were\\ntoo obvious to be misunderstood, and left little doubt on the minds\\nof the American commissioners, that the real object of Mr. Jones,\\nm his visit at Paris, as well as his intended voyage to America,\\nwas, if possible, to effect a reconciliation on terms short of an ex-\\npress and open acknowledgment of the independence of America.\\nMr. .Tay was the more confirmed in this, by seeing in a pamphlet\\nput it. to his hands by Mr. Jones, containing an account of the pro-\\nceedings of the Society for constitutional information, a commu-\\nnication made to the society by Mr. Jones himsalf, in which he an-\\nhope that some arrangement might be made with the\\nAmericans short of an open and express acknow-\\nledgment of their independence and the views of\\nthe latter on this point, probably, had no little in-\\nfluence in placing him at the head of the administra-\\ntion.* Parliament adjourned on the 11th of July,\\nnounced his intention of leaving England speedily, on a mission\\ncoimected with the interest and welfare of his country.\\nThese suspicions were communicated to congress both y Dr.\\nFranklin ami Mr. Jay. In a letter to the .secretary of foreign af-\\nfairs, the latter particularly stated his suspicions with respect to\\nMr. Jones and on the 28th of June, Dr. Franklin, in a letter to the\\nsame, says, It looks as if, since their late success in the West\\nIndies, they a little repented of the advances they had made in their\\ndeclarations respecting the acknowledgment of o-ur iiidependena\\nand we have good information, \\\\\\\\\\\\ai some of the ministry still flatter\\nthe king with the hope of recovering his sovereignly over us, on\\nthe same terms as are now making w-ith Ireland. However will-\\ning we might have been, at the commencement of this contest, to\\nhave accepted such conditions, be assured that we can have no\\nsafety in them at present.\\nThere are, he added, as reported, great divisions in the mi-\\nnistry on other points, as well as this; and those who aim at en-\\ngrossing the power, flatter the king with this project of re-vnion\\nand it is said, have much reliance on the operations of private\\nagents sent into America to dispose minds in favour of it, and to\\nbring about a separate treaty there, with General Carleton.\\nThe noble biographer of Sir William Jones, however, declares,\\nthat the object of his rnteiided journey to America was profession-\\nal, and that the surmises and insinuations circulated to the\\ncontrary, were without foundation.\\nYet the situation of the British cabinet at that time, the opinion\\nof the Earl of Shelburne on the question of American independence,\\nas declared in parliament, the circumstance thai Mr. Junes was his\\nparticular friend, and above all, the internal evidence arising from\\nthe extraordinary communication made to Dr. Franklin a commu-\\nnication, novel, indeed, m the annals of diploinccy, hut certainly,\\nin its style and manner, well calculated to disclose his supposed ob-\\nject, leave little doubt but that this eminent scholar was requested,\\nby high authority, to sound Dr. Franklin, in a secret manner, as to\\nterms of peace and reconciliation with America, the least wound-\\ning to British pride. Nor is it impossible, that Mr. Jones himself\\nalluded to this transaction, in a familiar letter to Lord Allhrop, of\\nthe 5th of October, 1782, mentioned by his biographer, in which he\\nsays, I know not what thinks: but this I know,\\nthat the sturdy irans-atlantic yeomanry will neither be dragooned\\nor bamboozled out of iheir liberty. Whatever might have been\\nthe real or ultimate views of Mr. Jones, he returned to England\\nwithout visiting America. The French court again apprehended\\nthat the Americans might be induced to m.ake a separate peace, and\\non terms short of absolute independence. These apprehensions be-\\ning coinmunicated to the members of congress, in October, 1782,\\nthey resolved to adhere to the treaty of alliance, to conclude neither\\na separate peace nor truce with Great Britain and that they would\\nprosecute the war with vigour, until by the blessing of God on the\\nunited arms, a peace should be happily accomplished by which\\nthe Aill and absolnte .sovereignty and independence of the United\\nStates having been duly assured, their lights and interests, as well\\nas those of their allies, should be eifectuaily provided for and se-\\ncured and that they would not enter upon the discussion of any\\novertures of pacification, but in confidence and in concert with his\\nmost Christian Majesty.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pitkin s Political and Civil History, vol.\\nii. p. 126\u00e2\u0080\u0094132.\\nAmong the papers of Dr. Franklin was found the following\\nmemorandum Immediately after the death of Lord Rockingham,\\nthe king sai d to Lord Shelburne, 1 will be plain with you; the\\npoint next my heart, and which I am determined, be the consequence\\nwhat it may, never to relinquish but with my crown and life, is, lo\\nprevent a total unequivocal recognition of the independence of\\nAmerica. Promise to support me on this ground, and I will leave", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "?92\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES\\nhating passed an act at the close of the session, au-\\nthorizing- the king to conclude a peace or truce with\\nthe Americans.\\nThe instructions of congress to the American com-\\nmissioners not to conclude peace without the consent\\nof France, rendered their situation complicated and\\nembarrassing. There were several questions which\\nthe Americans deemed of the first importance, in\\nwhicji the French court either felt no interest, or\\nwere opposed to the American claims. The princi-\\npal of these points referred to the right of fishery on\\nthe grand bank, and the western boundary of the\\nUnited States.* On the latter point, Spain, who was\\nalso a party to the negotiations, was extremely desi-\\nrous of limiting as much as possible the extent of\\nthe American territory. These circumstances occa-\\nsioned much difficulty and considerable delay. At\\nlength the American commissioners determined to\\nagree to a provisional treaty without the concurrence\\nof the French court. Mr. Oswald, who had succeed-\\ned Mr. Grenville, on the part of the British govern-\\nment, strongly urged the propriety of the American\\nloyalists being compensated for tlie losses they had\\nincurred during the struggle for independence but\\nthis proposition was met by a counter one from Dr.\\nFranklin, that a similar arrangement should be made\\nby Great Britain in favour of the Americans who\\nhad suffered in their property from the destruction\\ncarried on by the British troops. This point was\\ntherefore ultimately waived, and other difficulties be-\\ning overcome, a provisional treaty was agreed to on\\nthe 30th of November and after great delay, occa-\\nsioned by tlie strenuous endeavours of the court of\\nMadrid to procure the cession of Gibraltar by Great\\nBritain, preliminary treaties of peace were signed on\\nyou unmolested on every other ground, and with full power as the\\nprime minister of this kingdom. The bargain was struck.\\nFranklin s Works, vol. v. p. 326.\\nThe suspicions of the American ministers as to the views of\\nthe French court, concerning the fisheries and boundaries, were\\nconfirmed by a letter from Barbe de Marbois, charge des affairs in\\nAmerica, a copy of which (the original having been intercepted)\\nwas, about this time, put into their hands. The policy, as well as\\nindention of France, as disclosed by this letter, evidently was, that\\nihe fisheries and western country should be relinquished by the\\nUnited Stales as the price of peace and Monsieur Marbois hints\\nto Vergennes the propriety of taking early measures to prevent\\nany discontents in Amei ica in consequence of such relinquishment.\\nAfter speaking of the different parties in the United States on these\\nsubjects, he says, There are some judicious persons to whom one\\nmay speak of giving up the fisheries and the [boundaries] of the\\nwest, for the sake of peace but there are enthusiasts who fly out\\nat this idea, and their numbers cannot fail of increasing when, after\\nthe English are e.xpelled this comment, the burden of the war will\\nscarce be felt. In conclusion, he says, But it is best to be pre-\\npared for any discontent, although it should be temporary. It is\\nremarked by some, that as England has other fisheries besides\\nNewfoundland, she may, perhaps, endeavour that the Americans\\nshould partake in that of the grand bank, in order to conciliate their\\nthe 20th of January, 1783, between France, Spain,\\nand Great Britain. t\\nOn the 24th of March, intelligence of a general\\npeace reached America by a letter from the Marquis\\nde la Fayette and orders were immediately issued\\nrecalling all armed vessels cruising under the autho-\\nrity of the United States. Congress soon after re-\\nceived official information of the agreement between\\nthe ministers of the United States and Great Britain,\\nand of the exchange of ratifications of the prelimi-\\nnary articles between Great Britain and France\\nand, on the Uth of April, they issued a proclamation,\\ndeclaring the cessation of arms, as well by sea as by\\nland, agreed upon between the United States and\\nhis Britannic majesty, and enjoining its strict observ-\\nance. On the 19th of April, peace was proclaimed\\nin the American army by tlie commander in chief,\\nprecisely eight years from the day of the first efiusion\\nof blood at Lexington.\\nThe independence of the United States was ac-\\nknowledged by Sweden, on the 5th of February by\\nDenmark, on the 25th of February by Spain, on\\nthe 24th of March and by Russia, in July treaties\\nof amity and commerce were also concluded with\\neach of those powers. On the 8th of June, Gen-\\neral Washinston addressed a letter to each of the\\ngovernors of the several states in the union, on\\nthe present situation, and what appeared to him\\nthe wisest policy, of the United States. In this\\npaternal and affectionate letter he stated four things\\nwhich he conceived to be essential to their well-\\nbeing, and even to their existence, as an indepen-\\ndent power An indissoluble union of the states\\nunder one general head a sacred regard to pub-\\nlic justice the adoption of a proper peace establish-\\naffections, or procure some compensation, or create a jealousy be-\\ntween them and us. But it does not seem likely that she will act\\nso contrary to her interest; and were she to do it, it will be better\\nto have declared at an early period to the Americans, that their\\npretension is not founded, and that his majesty does not intend to\\nsupport it. Franklin s Works. Pitkin, vol. ii. p. 141.\\nt When these, with the provisional treaty wilh America, were\\nlaid before parliament in February following, they became the\\nsubject of violent debates and severe animadversion. The ministry\\nwere accused of sacrificing the interests of their country, by making\\nunnecessary concessions to their enemies. One of the resolutions\\nintroduced into the house of commons on the subject, by Lord John\\nCavendish, was, That the concessions made to the adversaries of\\nGreat Britain, by the provisional treaty and preliminary articles,\\nwere greater than they were entitled to, eitlier from the actual\\nsituation of their respective possessions, or from their comparative\\nstrength. This resolution was carried against the ministry by\\ntwo hundred and seven to one hundred and ninety. The great\\nobject of the majorily was, to compel Lord Shelburne and some of\\nhis adherents to resign their places. This was efl^ecled by the ex-\\ntraordinary coalition of Lord North and Mr. Fo.x, and their friends.\\nOn the 2d of April a new administration was formed, at the head\\nof which was placed the Duke of Portland, and Lord North and\\nMr. Fox were made secretaries of state.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n293\\nment and the prevalence of that pacific and friend-\\nly disposition, among the people of the United States,\\nwhich will induce them to forget their local preju-\\ndices and politics, to malve those mutual concessions\\nwhich are requisite to the general prosperity, and, in\\nsome instances, to sacrifice their individual advanta-\\nges to the interest of the community. These, he\\nadded, are the pillars on which the glorious fabric\\nof our independency and national character must be\\nsupported. Having requested that each governor\\nwould communicate these sentiments to his legislature\\nat their next meeting, and that they might be con-\\nsidered as the legacy of one who has ardently\\nwished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country,\\nand who, even in the shade of retirement, will not\\nfail to implore the Divine benediction upon it he\\nconcluded his letter in language becoming a Chris-\\ntian patriot, and worthy of perpetual remembrance\\nI now make it my earnest prayer that God would\\nhave you, and the state over which you preside, in\\nhis holy protection, that he would incline the hearts\\nof the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination\\nand obedience to government to entertain a bro-\\ntherly affection and love for one another, for their\\nAn abstract of this memorable document will not be deemed\\nunncces.^ary in a work like the present. By the first article of this\\ntreaty, his Britannic Majesty acknowledges the United States, viz.\\nNew Hampshire, Massachusells Bay, Rhode Island and Providence\\nPlantations, Conneciicul, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,\\nDelaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,\\nand Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent stales; thai\\nhe treats with them as such, and for himself, his heirs, and suc-\\ncessors, relinquishes all claims to the governmeni, propriety, and\\nterritorial rights of the same, and every part thereof. By the se-\\ncond article, the boundaries of the United States are declared and\\ndescribed from St. Croi-t, in Nova Scotia, to Canada, by the lakes\\nand the river Mississippi, to East Florida. By the third article, it is\\nagreed, ihal the people of the United Stales shall continue to enjoy\\nunmolested the right to take fish of every kind on the grand bank,\\nand on all the other banks of Newfoundland, also in the gulf of St.\\nLawrence, and at all other places in the sea where the inhabitants\\nof both countries used at any time heretofore to fish; and also that\\nthe inhabitants of the United Slates shall have liberty to take fish\\nof every kind on such part of the coast of Newfoundland as British\\nCshermen shall use, (but not to dry or cure the same on thai island\\nand also on the coasts, bays, and creeks, of all other of his Britan-\\nnic Majesty s dominions in America; and that the American fish-\\nermen shall have liberty to dry and cure fish in any of the unsettled\\nbays, harbours, and creeks of Nova Scotia, Magdalen islands, and\\nLabrador, so long as the same shall remain unsettled but so soon\\nas the same or either of them shall be settled, it shall not be lawful\\nfor the said fishermen to dry or cure fish at such settlement without\\na previous agreement for that purpose of the inhabitants, proprie-\\ntors, or possessors of the ground. By the fourth article, it is agreed,\\nthat creditors on cither side shall meet with no lawful impediment\\nto the recovery of the full value, in sterling money, of all bona fide\\ndebts heretofore contracted. By the fifth article, il is agreed, that\\nthe congress shall earnestly recommend it to the legislatures of the\\nrespective stales, to provide for the restitution of all estates, rights,\\nand properties, which have been confiscated, belonging to real British\\nsubjects, and also of the estates, rights, and properties, of persons\\nresident in districts in the possession of his majesty s arms, and who\\ncave not borne arms against the United States and that persons\\nfellow-citizens of the United States at large, and par-\\nticularly for their brethren who have served in the\\nfield and, finally, that he would most graciously be\\npleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy,\\nand to demean ourselves with that charity, humility,\\nand pacific temper of mind, which were the charac-\\nteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed religion,\\nwithout an humble imitation of whose example in\\nthese things we can never hope to be a happy nation.\\nThe definitive treaty of peace between Great Bri-\\ntain and the United States of America was signed at\\nParis on the 3d of September, by David Hartley, Esq.,\\non the part of his Britannic majesty, and by John\\nAdams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, on the\\npart of the United States. The provisions of the\\ntreaty attest the zeal and ability of the American ne-\\ngotiators, as well as the liberal feelings which actua-\\nted the British ministry. The independence of the\\nUnited States was fully acknowledged. The right\\nof fishing on the banks of Newfoundland, and certain\\nfacilities in the enjoyment of that right, were secured\\nto them for ever and territory was ceded to them\\nmore extensive than the most sanguine had dared *o\\nanticipate or to hope.*\\nof any other description shall have free liberty to go to any part of\\nparts of any of the thirteen United Slates, and therein to remain\\ntwelve months, unmolested in their endeavours to obtain the restitu-\\ntion of such of their estates, rights, and properties, as may have been\\nconfiscated; and that congress shall also earnestly recommend to the\\nseveral states a reconsideration and revision of all acts or laws re-\\ngarding the premises, so as to render the s.tid laws or acts perfectly\\nccnsislent rot only with justice and equity, but with that spirit of\\nconciliation which, on the return of the blessings of peace, should\\nuniversally prevail. And that congress shall also recommend to\\nthe several states, that ihe estates, rights, and properties of such\\nlast mentioned persons shall be restored to them, they refunding to\\nany i ersons who may be now in possession the bona fide price\\n(where any has been given) which such persons may have paid on\\npurchasing any of the said lands, rights, or properlies, since the\\nconfiscation. And it is agreed that all persons who have any in-\\nterest in confiscated lands, either by debis, marriage scltlemenis, or\\notherwise, shall meet with no lawful impediment in the prosecuiion\\nof their just rights. By the si.xih article, jc is agreed, ihat there\\nshall be no future confiscations made, nor any prosecutions com-\\nmenced against any person or persons, for or by reason of the part\\nwhich he or they may have taken in the present war; and thai no\\nperson shall on that account suffer any future loss or damage, either\\nin his person, liberty, or properly; and that tho.se who may be in\\nconfinement on such charges, at the lime of the ratification of the\\ntreaty in America, shall be immediately set at liberty, and the\\nprosecution so commenced be discontinued. By the seventh arti-\\ncle, it is agreed, that there shall be a firm and perpetual peace be-\\ntween his Britannic Majesty and the said states, and between the\\nsubjects of the one and the citizens of the other: wherefore, all\\nhostilities, both by sea and land, shall from henceforth cease; all\\nprisoners on both sides siiall be set at liberty; and his Britannic\\nMajesty shall, wilh all convenient .speed, and without causing any\\ndestruction, or carrying away any negroes or other properly of the\\nAmerican inhabitants, withdraw all his armies, garrisons, and\\nfleets, from the said United States, ard from every post, place, and\\nharbour, within the same, leaving in all fortifications the American\\nartillery lhat may be therein and shall also order and cause all\\narchives, records, deeds, and papers, belonging to any of the said", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "294\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nWhile the negotiations were pending, the Ameri-\\ncan troops were retained in service, but remained\\nunemployed at their various stations. They saw\\nwith pleasure the end of their toils approaching, but\\napprehended that their country, when she no longer\\nneeded their services, would forget with what zeal\\nand fidelity they had been rendered. The officers,\\nespecially, dreaded that, after having, for want of pay,\\nexpended their private fortunes, and after having\\nexhausted their strength in the performance of ar-\\nduous and protracted services, they should be dis-\\nmissed in poverty, without any secure provision for\\ntheir future support. In the course of the war, a\\nresolution had been adopted by congress, stipulating\\nthat the officers, after being disbanded, should receive\\nhalf-pay for life. This resolution had never been\\nratified by the requisite number of states, and no safe\\nreliance coflld therefore be placed upon it. In De-\\ncember, 17S2, the officers forwarded to congress a\\npetition, praying that all arrears which were due to\\nthem might be discharged, and that, instead of half-\\npay for life, a siun equal to five years full pay should\\nbe paid or secured to them when disbanded. The\\ndelay of congress to comply with this request pro-\\nduced an alarming agitation in that portion of the\\narmy stationed at Newburgh. An address to the\\nofficers was privately circulated, written with great\\nability, and admirably well fitted to work upon those\\npassions which recent sufferings and gloomy fore-\\nbodings had excited in every bosom. The writer\\nboldly recommended that, as all the applications to\\nthe sympathy and justice of congress had failed of\\nsuccess, an appeal should be made to their fears.\\nFortunately, the commander in chief was in the\\nstales or their citizens, which in the course of the war may have\\nfallen into tlie hands of his officers, to be forthwith restored and\\ndelivered to the proper slates and persons lo whom they belong.\\nBy the eighth article, the navigation of the river iVIississippi, from\\nits source to the ocean, shall for ever remain free and open to the\\nsubjects of Great Britain and the citizens of the United Slates. By\\nthe ninth arlicle, in case it should so happen that any place or ter-\\nritory belonging to Great Britain, or to the United Stales, should\\nhave been conquered by the arms of either from the other, before\\nthe arrival of the said provisional articles in America, it is agreed,\\nthat the same sliall be restored without difficulty, and without re-\\nquiring any compensation. By the tenth article, the solemn ratifi-\\ncations of the present treaty exhibited in good and due form, shall\\nbe exchanged between the conlracling parties in the space of six\\nmonths, or sooner, if possible, lo be computed from the day of the\\nsignature of the [iresent treaty.\\nIn America, the approach of peace, combined with other causes,\\nproduced a state of things alike interesting and critical. The\\noflicers who had wasted their fortunes and their prime of life in\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0unrewarded service, fearing, with reason, that congress possessed\\nneither the power nor the inclination to comply with its engage-\\nments to the army, could not look with unconcern at the prospect\\nwhich was opening to them. In December, soon after going into\\nwinter quarters, they presented a petition to congress, respecling\\nthe money actually due to them, and proposing a cominutation of\\nthe half-pay .stipulated by the resolutions of October, 1780, for a\\ncamp. Though conscious that the officers had just\\ncause of complaint, he was aware that duty to liis\\ncountry, and even friendship for them, required that\\nhe should prevent the adoption of rash and disorderly\\nexpedients to obtain redress. Calling them together,\\nhe, by a calm and sensible address, persuaded them\\nto rely still longer upon the disposition of congress\\nto perform for them whatever the limited means of\\nthe nation would permit. In a letter to that body,\\ngiving an account of these occurrences, he maintain-\\ned and enforced the claims of the officers with such\\npathos and strength of reasoning, that their request\\nwas granted.\\nOn the 18th of October, congress issued a procla-\\nmation for disbanding the army. This document\\nstates, That, in the progress of an arduous and\\ndifficult war, the armies of the United States of\\nAmerica have displayed every military and patriotic\\nvirtue, and are not less to be applauded for their for-\\ntitude and magnanimity in the most trying scenes of\\ndistress, than for a series of heroic and illustrious\\nachievements, which exalt them to high rank among\\nthe most zealous and successful defenders of the\\nrights and liberties of mankind and that, by the\\nblessing of Divine Providence on our cause and our\\narms, the glorious period is arrived when our na-\\ntional independence and sovereignty are established,\\nand we enjoy the prospect of permanent and honour-\\nable peace. The United States, in congress assem-\\nbled, thus impressed with a lively sense of the dis-\\ntinguished merit, and good conduct of the said\\narmies, do give them the thanks of their country for\\ntheir long, eminent, and faithful services.* And it is\\nour will and pleasure, that such part of the- federal\\nsum in gross, which, they flattered themselves, would encounter\\nfewer prejudices ihan the half-pay establishment. Some serurity\\nthat the engagements of the government would he complied with\\nwas also requested. A committee of officers was deputed to solicit\\nthe attention of congress to this memorial, and to attend its progress\\nthrough the house.\\nAmong the most distinguished members of the federal govern-\\nment, were persons sincerely disposed to do ample justice to the\\npublic creditors generally, and to that class of them particularly\\nwhose claims were founded in military service. But many viewed\\nthe army with jealous eyes, acknowledged its merit with unwilling-\\nness, and betrayed, involuntarily, their repugnance to a faithful\\nobservance of the public engagements. With this question, another\\nof equal importance was connected, on which congress was divided\\nalmost in the same manner. One party was attached lo a state,\\nthe other to a continental system. The latter laboured to fund the\\npublic debts on solid continental security, while the former opposed\\ntheir whole weight to measures calculated to eflect that object.\\nIn cimsequence of these divisions on points of the deepest inter-\\nest, the business of the army advanced slowly, and the important\\nquestion respecting the commutation of their half-pay remained\\nundecided, when intelligence was received of the signature of the\\npreliminary and eventual articles of peace, between the United\\nStales and Great Britain.\\nThe officers, soured by their past sufferings, their present wants,\\nand their gloomy prospects exasperated bv the neglect which they", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n295\\narmies as stand engaged to serve during the war,\\nand as by our acts of the 2Gth of May, the 1 1th of\\nexperienced, and the injustice which they apprehended, manifested\\nan irritable and uneasy temper, -nhich required only a slight im-\\npulse to give it activity. To render this temper the more danger-\\nous, an opinion had been insinuated that the comninnder in chief\\nwas restrained, by extreme delicacy, from supporting heir interests\\nwith that zeal which his feelings and knowledge of their situation\\nhad inspired. Early in March, a letter was receivtd from their\\ncommittee in Philadelphia, showing thai the objects they solicited\\nhad not been obtained. On the 10th of that month, an anonymous\\npaper was circulaled, requiring a meeting of the general and field\\nofficers at the public building on the succeeding day at eleven in\\nthe morning; and announcing the e.\\\\ peclation that an officer from\\neach company, and a delegate from the medical staff, would attend.\\nThe object of the meeting was avowed lo be, to consider the late\\nletter from their representatives in Philadelphia, and what mea-\\nsures (if any) should be adopted to obtain that redress of griev-\\nances which they seemed to have solicited in vain.\\nOn the same day an address to the army was privately circulated,\\nwhich was admirably well calculated to work on the passions of\\nthe moment, and to lead to the most desperate resolutions. Full\\njustice can not be done to this eloquent paper without inserting it\\nentire.\\nTo the officers of the army.\\nGentlemen,\\nA fellow soldier, whose interests and affections bend him strong-\\nly to you, whose past sulTerings have been as great, and whose fu-\\nture fortune may be as desperate as yours, would beg leave lo ad-\\ndress you.\\nAge has its claims, and rank is not without its pretensions, lo\\nadvise but though unsupported by both, he flalters himself that the\\nplain language of sincerily and experience will neither be unheard\\nnor unregarded.\\nLike many of you, he loved private life, and left it with regret.\\nHe left it, determined lo retire from Ihe Jield with the necessity\\nthat called him to it, and not until then not until the enemies of\\nhis country, the slaves of power, and the hirelings of injustice, were\\ncompelled to abandon their schemes, and acknowledge America as\\nterrible in arms as she had been humble in remonstrance. With\\nthis object in view, he has long shared in your toils, and mingled\\nin your dangers. He has felt the cold hand of poverty without a\\nmurmur, and has seen the insolence of wealth without a sigh. But\\ntoo much under the direclion of his wishes, and sometimes weak\\nenough to mistake desire for opinion, he has until lately very\\nlatel) believed in the justice of his country. He hoped that, as\\nthe clouds of adversity scattered, and as the sunshine of peace and\\nbetter fortune broke in upon us, the coldness and severity of go-\\nvernment would relax, and that more than justice, Ihat gratitude\\nwould blaze forth upon those hands which had upheld her in Ihe\\ndarkest stages of her passage from impending servitude lo acknow-\\nledged independence. But faith has ils limits, as well as temper,\\nand there are points beyond which neither can be stretched without\\nsinking into cowardice, or plunging into credulity. This, my\\nfriends, I conceive lo be your situation. Hurried to the very verge\\nof both, another step would ruin you for ever. To be tame and\\nunprovoked when injuries press hard upon yon, is more than weak-\\nness but lo look up for kinder usage without one manly effort of\\nyour own, would fix your character, and show the world how richly\\nyott deserve those chains you broke. To guard against this evil,\\nlet us lake a review of the ground upon which we now stand, and\\nfrom thence carry our thoughts forward for a moment into the un-\\nexplored field of expedient.\\nAfter a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which we\\nset out is at length brought within our reach. Yes, my friends,\\nlhat suffering courage of yours was active once. It has conducted\\nIhe United Slates of America through a doubtful and a bloody\\nwar. It has placed her in Ihe chair of independency; and peace\\nreturns again to bless whom 1 A country willing to redress your\\nwrongs, cherish your worth, and reward your services 1 A coun-\\ntry courting your return to private life with tears of gratiiude and\\nsmiles of admiration longing to divide with you that independency\\n38\\nJune, the 9th of August, and the 26th of September\\nlast, were furloughed, shall, from and after the 3d\\nwhich your gallantry has given, and those riches which youi\\nwounds have preserved Is this Ihe case 1 Or is it rather a coun-\\ntry lhat tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries, and insults\\nyour distresses l Have you not more than once suggested your\\nwishes and made known your wants to congress Wants and\\nwishes which gratitude and policy would have anticipated rather\\nthan evaded; and have you not lately, in the meek language of\\nentreating memorials, begged from their justice what you could no\\nlonger expect from iheir favour 1 How have you been answered\\nLet the letter which you are called to consider to-morrow reply.\\nIf this then be your trealmeni while the swords you wear are\\nnecessary for the defence of America, what have you lo expect\\nfrom peace, when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate\\nby division 1 When those very swords, the instruments and com-\\npanions of your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no re-\\nmaining mark of military dislinclion left but your wants, infirmi-\\nties, and scars Can you then consent lo be the only sufl^rers by\\nthis revolution, and, retiring from the field, grow old in poverty,\\nwretchedness, and conlemjit Can you consent lo wade through\\nthe vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of lhat\\nlife lo charily which has hitherto been spent in honour 1 If you\\ncan go and carry wilh you the jest of lories, and the scorn of\\nwhigs the ridicule, and, what is worse, the. pity of the world.\\nGo,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 starve and be forgotten. But if your spirit should-revolt at\\nthis; if you have sense enough lo discover, and spirit enough to\\noppose, tyranny, under whatever garb it may assume whether il\\nbe the plain coat of republicanism, or the splendid robe of royalty;\\nif you have yet learned to discriminate between a people and a\\ncause, between men and principles, awake attend to your situa-\\ntion, and redre-ss yourselves. If the present moment be lost, every\\nfuture effort is in vain and your threats then will be as empty as\\nyour entreaties now.\\nI would advise you therefore lo come to some final opinion\\nupon what you can bear, and what you will sufl^er. If your deter-\\nmination be in any proportion to your wrongs, carry your apfcal\\nfrom the justice lo the fears of the government. Change the milk-\\nand-water style of your last memorial. Assume a holder tone,\\ndecent, bul lively, spirited, and determined and suspect the man\\nwho would advise lo more moderation and longer forbeaiance.\\nLet two or three men, who can feel as well as wrile, be appointed\\nlo draw up your last revwvsirance for I would no longer give it\\nthe sueing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of memorial. Let it be repre-\\nsented in language that will neither dishonour you by its rudeness,\\nnor betray you by its fears, what has been promised by congress,\\nand what has been performed how long and how patiently you\\nhave suffered how little you have asked, and how much of that\\nlittle has-been denied. Tell them that, though you were the first,\\nand would wish to be the last to encounter danger though despair\\nitself can never drive you into dishonour, il may drive you from Ihe\\nfield;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 lhat Ihe wound often irritated and never healed, may at\\nlength become incurable and that the slightest mark of indignity\\nfrom congress now musl operate like the grave, and part you for-\\never; lhat in any political event, the army has its alternative. If\\npeace, thai nothing shall separate you from your arms but death;\\nif war, that courti ng Ihe auspices, and inviting the directions of\\nyour illustrious leader, you will retire to some unsettled country,\\nsmile in your turn, and mock when their fear comelh on. But\\nlet it represent also thai, should Ihcy comply wilh the request of\\nyour late memorial, it would make you more happy and ihcm more\\nrespectable. That while war should continue you would follow\\ntheir standard into the field and when it came to an end, you\\nwould withdraw into the shade of private life, and give ihe world\\nanother subject of wonder and applause an army victorious over\\nits enemies, victorious over itself\\nPersuaded as the officers in general were of the indisposition of\\ngovernment to remunerate their services, this eloquent and impas-\\nsioned address, diclaled by genius and by feeling, found in almost\\nevery bosom a kindred though latent senliment prepared to receive\\nits impression. Q.uick as the train to which a torch is applied, the\\npassions caught its flame, and nothing seemed to be required but", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "296\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nday of November next, be absolutely discharged, by\\nvirtue of this our proclamation, from the said ser-\\nvice.\\nthe assemblage proposed for the succeeding day, to communicate\\nthe conflagration to the combustible mass, and to produce an explo-\\nsion ruinous to the army, and to the nation.\\nFortunately, the commander in chief was in camp. His charac-\\nteristic firmness and decision (lid not forsake him in this crisis.\\nThe occasion required that his measures should he firm, but pru-\\ndent and conciliatory, evincive of his fixed determination to oppose\\nany rash proceedings, but calculated to assuage the irritation which\\nwas excited, and to restore confidence in government.\\nKnowing well that it was much easier to avoid intemperate\\nmeasures than to correct them, he thought it of essential importance\\n10 prevent the immediate meeting of the officers but, knowing also\\nthat a sense of injury and a fear of injustice had made a deep im-\\npression on them, and that their sensibilities were all alive to the\\nproceedings of congress on their memorial, he thought it more ad-\\n\\\\isable to guide their deliberations on that interesting subject, than\\n10 discountenance them.\\nWith these views, he noticed in his orders, the anonymous paper\\njiruposing a meeting of the officers, and expressed his conviction that\\niheir good sense would secure them from paying any attention to\\nsuch an irregular invitation but his own duty, he conceived, as\\nwell as the reputation and true interest of the army, required his\\ndisapprobation of such disorde.-ly proceedings. At the same time,\\nhe requested the general and field officers, with one officer from\\neach company, and a proper representation from the staff of the\\narmy, to assemble at twelve on Saturday, the 15th, at the new build-\\ning, to hear the report of the committee deputed by the army to\\ncongress. After mature deliberation they will devise what farther\\nmeasures ought to be adopted as most rational and best calculated\\nId obtain the just and important object in view. The senior officer\\nIn rank present was directed to preside, and repoit the result of the\\ndeliberations to the commander in chief.\\nThe day succeeding that on which these orders were published,\\na second anonymous address appeared, from the same pen wliicli\\nhad written the first. Its author, acquainted with the discontents\\nof the army, did not seem to despair of impelling the officers to the\\ndesired point. He aflecled to consider the orders in a light favour-\\nable to his views: as giving system to their proceedings, and\\nslability to their resolves.\\nBut AVashington would not permit himself to be misunderstood.\\nThe interval between his orders and the general meeting they in-\\nvited, was employed in impressing on those officers individually\\nwho possessed the greatest share of the general confidence, a just\\nsense of the true interests of the army and the whole weight of\\nhis influence was exerted to calm the agitations of the moment,\\nand conduct them to a happy termination. This was a work of no\\ninconsiderable difficulty. So convinced were many that govern-\\nment designed to deal unfairly by them, that only the reliance they\\nplaced on their general, and their attachment to his person and\\ncharacter, could have moderated their resentments so far as to in-\\nduce them to adopt the measures he recommended.\\nOn the 15lh, the convention of officers assembled, and General\\nGales took the chair. The commander in chief then addressed\\nthem in the following terms.\\nGentlemen,\\nBy an anonymous summons, an attempt has been made to\\nconvene you together. How inconsistent with the rules of pro-\\npriety, how unmilitary, and how subversive of all order and disci-\\npline, let the good sense of the army decide.\\nIn the moment of this summons, another anonymous production\\nwas sent into circulation, addressed more to the feelings and pas-\\nsions than to the judgment of the army. The author of the piece\\nis entitled to much credit for the goodness of his pen and I could\\nwish he had as much credit for the rectitude of his heart for as\\nmen see through difltrent optics, and are induced by the reflecting\\nfaculties of the mind, to use different means to attain the same end,\\nthe author of the address should have had more charity than to\\nmark for suspicion the man who should recommend moderation\\nand longer forbearance or, in other words, who should not think\\nNew York was evacuated by the British on the\\n25th of November, and the Americans took posses\\nsion of the city the same day and a short time after\\nas he thinks, and act as he advises. But he had another filan in\\nview, in which candour and liberality of sentiment, regaid to jus-\\ntice, and love of country, have no part; and he was right to insinu-\\nate the darkest suspicion to effect the blackest design. That the\\naddress was drawn with great art, and is designed to answer the\\nmost insidious purposes that it is calculated to impress the mind\\nwith an idea of premeditated injustice in the sovereign power of\\nthe United States, and rouse all those resentments which must un-\\navoidably flow from such a belief; that the sfecret mover of this\\nscheme, whoever he may be, intended to take advantage of the\\npa,ssions, while Ihey were warmed by the recollection of past dis-\\ntresses, without giving time for cool deliberate thinking, and thai\\ncomposure of mind which is so necessary to give dignity and sla-\\nbility to measures, is rendered too obvious by the mode of conduct-\\ning the business to need other proof than a reference to the pro-\\nceedings.\\nThus much, gentlemen, 1 have thought it incumbent on me to\\nobserve to you, to show upon what principles I opposed the irregu-\\nlar and hasty meeting which was proposed to have been held on\\nTuesday last, and not because I wanted a disposition to give yoo\\nevery opportunity consistent with your own honour, and the dignity\\nof the army, to make known your grievances. If my conduct here-\\ntofore has not evinced to you, that I have been a faithful friend to\\nthe army, my declaration of it at this time would be equally un-\\navailing and improper. But as I was among the first whoemlaik-\\ned in the cause of our common country; as I have never lelt your\\nside one moment but when called from you on public duly a;- I\\nhave been the constant companion and witness of your distresses,\\nand not among the last to feel and acknowledge your merits as I\\nhave ever considered my own military reputation as insejiiinlly\\nconnected with that of llie army; as my heart has ever exp.in tei\\nwith joy when I have heard its praises, and my indignation has\\narisen when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it;\\nit can scarcely be supposed, at this last stage of the war, thai I nni\\nindiflierent to its interests. But how are they to be promoted The\\nway is plain, says the anonymoBS addresser. If war continues, le-\\nmove into the unsettled country there establish yourselves, ard\\nleave an ungrateful country to defend itself I But who are thry to\\ndefend? Our wives, our children, our farms and other propeti^\\nwhich we leave behind us^ Or, in this slate of hostile separaticn-,\\nare we to take Ihe two first (the latter can not be removed) to periih\\nin a wilderness with hunger, cold, and nakedness 1\\nIf peace takes place, never Sheath your swords, sa) s he, until\\nyou have obtained full and ample justice. This dreadful alterna-\\ntive of either deserting our country in the exlremest hour of her\\ndistress, or lurning our arms against.it, which is the apparent ob-\\nject, unless congress can be compelled into instant compliance, has\\nsomething so shocking in it, that humanity revolts at the idea. My\\nGod what can this writer have in view by recommending .such\\nmeasures. Can he be a friend to Ihe army Can he be a ft lend tr\\nthis country 1 Rather is he not an insidious foe some emissaiy,\\nperhaps, from New York, plotting Ihe ruin of both, by sowing the\\n.seeds of discord and separation between Ihe civil and military pow-\\ners of the continent 1 And what a compliment does he pay to out\\nunderstandings, when he recommends measures, in either alterna-\\ntive, impracticable in their nature 1 But here, gentlemen, I will\\ndrop the curtain, because it would be as imprudent in me to assign\\nmy reasons for this opinion, as it would be insulting to j our con-\\nception to suppose you stood in need of them. A moment s reflec-\\ntion will convince every dispassionate mind of the physical impos-\\nsibility of carrying either proposal into execution. There might,\\ngentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice, in this address\\nto you, of an anonymous production, but the manner in which thai\\nperformance has been introduced to the army, together with some\\nother circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the ten-\\ndency of that writing.\\nWith respect to the ndvice given by the author, to suspect Ihe\\nman who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbear-\\nance, I spurn it, as every man who regards that liberty, and revcrea", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n297\\nthe army was disbanded, and again mingled with\\ntheir fellow citizens.*\\nGeneral Washington, taking an affectionate leave\\nthat justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must for if men\\nare to be precluded from offering their sentiments on a matter which\\nmay involve the most serious and alarming consequences that can\\ninvite the consideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us. The\\nfreedom of speech may be taken away, and, dumb and silent, we\\nmay be led like sheep to the slaughter. I can not in justice to my\\nown belief, and what I have great reason to conceive is the inten-\\ntion of congress, conclude this address, without giving it as my de-\\ncided opinion, that that honourable body entertain exalted senti-\\nments of the services of the army, and, from a full conviction of its\\nmerits and sufferings, will do it complete justice. That their en-\\ndeavours to di.scover and establish funds for this purpose have been\\nunwearied, and will not cea.se until they have succeeded, I have not\\na doubt.\\nBut, like all other large bodies, where there is a variety of\\ndiiferent interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. Why\\nthen should we distrust them And, in consequence of Ihat distrust,\\nadopt measures which may cast a shade over that glory which has\\nbeen so justly acquired, and tarnish the reimlalion of an army\\nwhich is celebrated through all Europe for its fortitude and patriot-\\nism 1 And for what is tfiis done 1 To bring the object we seek\\nnearer 1 No: most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a\\ngreater distance. For myself, (and I lake no merit in giving the\\nassurance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude, veracity,\\nand justice, and a grateful sense of the confidence you have ever\\nplaced in me,) a recollection of ihe cheerful assistance, and prompt\\nobedience I have experienced from you, under every vicissitude of\\nfortune, and the sincere affection I feel for an army I have so long\\nbad the honour to command, will oblige me to declare in this public\\nand solemn manner, that in the attainment of complete justice for\\nall your toils and dangers, and in the gratification of every wish,\\nso far as may be done consistently with the great duty I owe my\\ncountry, and those powers we are bound to respect, you may freely\\ncommand my services (o the utmost extent of my abilities.\\nWhile I give these assurances, and pledge myself in the most\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2unequivocal manner to exert whatever abilities I am possessed of\\nin your favour, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to\\ntake any measures which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will\\nlessen the dignity, and sully the glory you have hitherto maintain-\\ned. Let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your coun-\\ntry, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of\\ncongress; that, previous to your dissolution as an army, they\\nwill cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in\\nthe resolutions which were published to you two days ago and\\nthat they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power to\\nrender ample justice to you for your faithful and meritorious ser-\\nvices. And let me conjure you, in the name of our common coun-\\ntry, as you value your own honour, as you respect the rights of\\nhumanity, and as you regard the mililary and national character\\nof America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the\\nman who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overlurn the\\nliberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the\\nflood gales of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood.\\nBy thus determining, and thus acting, you will pursue the plain\\nand direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat\\nthe insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to refort\\nfrom open force to secret artifice. You will give one more distin-\\nguished proof of unexampled palriolism and patient virtue, rising\\nsuperior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and\\nyou will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posteri-\\nty to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited\\nto mankind, had this day been wanting, the world had never seen\\nthe last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of\\nattaining.\\nThese sentiments from a person whom the army had been ac-\\ncustomed to love, to revere, and to obey the solidity of whose\\njudgment, and the sincerity of v/hose zeal for their interests, were\\nalike unquestioned, could not fail to be irresistible. No person was\\nhar^^ enough to oppose the advice be had given and the general\\nof his officers, repaired to Annapolis, where congress\\nwas sitting, and there, at a public audience, with\\ndignity and sensibility, resigned his commission as\\nimpression was apparent. A resolution moved by General Knox,\\nand seconded by Brigadier-General Pulnam, assuring him that\\nthe officers reciprocated his affectionate expressions with the great-\\nest sincerily of which the human heart is capable, was unani-\\nmously voied. On the motion of General Fulnam, a committee,\\nconsisting ol General Knox, Colonel Brooks, and Captain Howard,\\nwas then appointed, to prepare resolutions on the busine.ss before\\nthem, and to report in half an hour. The report of the committee\\nbeing brought in and considered, the following resolutions weit\\npassed.\\nResolved unanimously, that at the commencement of the presenl\\nwar, the officers of the American army engaged in the service ol\\ntheir country from the purest love and attachment to the right;\\nand privileges of human nature which motives still exist in iht\\nhighest degree and that no circumstances of distress or dangei\\nshall induce a conduct that may tend to sully the reputation and\\nglory which they have acquired at the price of their blood, and\\neight years faithful services.\\nResolved unanimously, that Ihe army continue to have an un-\\nshaken confidence in the justice of congress and Iheir country, and\\nare fully convinced lhat the representatives of America will not\\ndisband or disperse Ihe army until their accounts are liquidated, the\\nbalances accurately ascertained, and adequate funds established for\\npayment; and in this arrangement, the officers expect lhat the half-\\npay, or a coinmutation for it, shall be efficaciously comprehended.\\nResolved unanimously, that his excellency the commander in\\nchief, be requested to write to his excellency the president of con-\\ngress, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of lhat honour-\\nable body upon the subject of our late address, which was forwarded\\nby a committee of the army, some of whom are waiting upon con-\\ngress for the result. In Ihe alternative of peace or war, this event\\nwould be highly satisfactory, and would produce immediate tran-\\nquillity in the minds of the army, and prevent any further machi-\\nnations of designing men, to sow discord between the civil and\\nmilitary powers of the United Stales.\\nOn motion, resolved unanimouslj that the officers of Ihe\\nAmerican army view with abhorrence and reject with disdain, the\\ninfamous propositions contained in a lale anonymous address to\\nIhe officers of the army, and resent with indignation the secret at-\\ntempts of some unknown person to collect the officers together in a\\nmanr*r totally subversive of all discipline and good order.\\nResolved unanimously, lhat Ihe thanks of the officers of the\\narmy be given to the commillee who presented to congress the lale\\naddress of Ihe army for Ihe wisdom and prudence with which they\\nhave conducted that business; and lhat a copy of the proceedings\\nof this day be iransmilted by the president to Major-General M Dou-\\ngal and lhat he be requested to continue his solicilalions at con-\\ngress, until the objects of his mission are accomplished.\\nThe storm which had been raised so suddenly and unexpectedly\\nbeing thus happily dissipaled, the commander in chief exerted all\\nhis influence in support of the applicalion the officers had made to\\ncongress. Marshall s Life of IVatMiipton, vol. 2, p. 41 50.\\nThe following eulogium from the lips of an eloquent In iug-\\nstatesman, when pleading ibr the relief of ihe illustrious survivors,\\nconveys a just idea of the honourable conduct of this bond of pa-\\nirjois: The army was to be disbanded; but it was unpaid. It\\nwas to lay down its own power but there was no government with\\nadequate power to perform what had been promised to il. In ihis\\ncrilical moment, what is its conduct 1 Does il disgrace its high\\ncharacter 1 Is temptation able to seduce it 1 Does it speak of\\nrighting itself! Does it underiake to redress its own wrongs by\\nits own sword Does it lose ils p.-vtriotism in ils deep sense of in-\\njury and injustice 1 Does mililary ambiiion cause ils integrity lo\\nswerve 1 Far, far otherwise. Il had faithfully served and saved\\nthe country, and to lhat counliy it now referred, with unhesitating\\nconfidence, ils claim and its complaints. It laid down iis aims\\nwith alacriiy il mingled itself with the mass of Ihe community!\\nand il waited till, in better times, and under a new government, its\\nservices might be rewarded, and the promises made to it fulfilled.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "298\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncommander in chief of the American armies. Then,\\nwilli a character ilhistrious throughout the world, he\\nreturned to his residence at Mount Vernon, possess-\\ning the sincere love and profound veneration of his\\ncountrymen.\\nTh-^ momentous contest, the liistory of which has\\noccupied the preceding chapters, suggests a train of\\nreflections wjiich, were we to indulge them, would\\nlead us to an extent inconsistent with the character\\nof the work. This struggle between despotism and\\nliberty possesses, indeed, some features that are com-\\nmon to all enterprises of a similar character but\\nthere are others which are peculiar to itself, and\\nwhich plare it in happy contrast with instances botli\\nof an earlier and of a more recent date. The great\\ncontest when England liberated herself for a season\\nfrom the iron rule of the Stuarts, resembles in its\\nprogress, perhaps more than any other, the American\\nrevolution but how different were its results In\\nthe former case a military despotism succeeded, which\\nrendered the people desirous of the return even of a\\nprofligate prince, and facilitated the establishment of\\nan oligarchy, from whose oppression the nation is\\nWe can hardly recur to this example too often, or dwell on it too\\nmuch, for the honour of our country, and of its defenders. The\\nSpeeches and Forensic Arsjuments of Daniel Webster, p. 356, 357.\\nThe acquirements of the men who achieved our independence\\nhave been greatly underrated. To prove this, we have only to ex-\\namine the letters written by the officers of the army and the mem-\\nbers of congress, from 1774 to the close of the conflict. The litera-\\nture of the revolution is scattered throughout the history of all the\\ntransactions of that eventful period; but in no instance does it\\nshine more conspicuously than in the productions of Washington\\nhe was not a scliolar by education or profession his information\\nwas miscellaneous, and by no means extensive, when his early\\npublic services began. He knew something of history and*iatbe-\\nmatics, and sometliing of the military tactics of the day. He, from\\nhis youth, saw things, at all times, through a clear inedium, and ex-\\npressed his thoughts with clearness, force, and honesty. His his-\\ntory of hi.s journey to the Ohio, undertaken by the order of Dinwid-\\ndie, proves that his judgment was the master trait of his mind.\\nThe object of his mission is not a moment forgotten he looked\\nwith a single eye to that object, and be never, for a moment, turned\\nhimself, to think of his dangers or his sufferings. At every step\\nsuch a mind improves. His first address to his army in July, 1775,\\nis full of excellent military rules, but is wanting in that felicitous\\nelegance which he afterwaids acquired. He never suffered a sen-\\ntiment to come from his pen negligently written all was worked\\ninto ease and dignity. No commander that ever lived had so much\\nneed of this talent. Others have had to issue orders and to give an\\naccount of proceedings Washington had not only to do these, but\\nother things besides. He had, at times, to perform every duty inci-\\ndent to war, and more, from a pioneer to a field marshal and from\\na sutler to a chancellor of the exchequer, at least with his pen not\\nonly this, he had to use every argument to collect troops, and to\\nkeep them together, even for the shortest time apathy was to be\\naroused vaulting ambition to be struck down individual bicker-\\nings to be silenced sectional irritations to be soothed the quarrel-\\nsome and high mettled to be controlled, that the service should not\\nsuffer the faint and despairing to be encouraged the living to be\\nsupported, and heaven, sometimes, only knew how; and the dead\\nwere to be duly honoured, according to military usages, when the\\narmy had hardly powder enough to fire a volley at the enemy. In\\nall this, the address of Washington was conspicuous, but the pro-\\nonly now making an effort to escape in the latter,\\nthe principles of liberty have been matured, and the\\ngrand spectacle exhibited of the existence of lawful\\nand powerful authority, as remote from despotism as\\nthe freedom it protects is from licentiousness. If,\\nagain, we compare the American revolution to that\\nof which it has the reputation of being a principal,\\nif not the chief cause, how must infidel France blush\\nat the sight of her garments dyed deep in the blood\\nof her sons, to make way, first for a splendid but de-\\nceitful military imperialism, and then for the restora-\\ntion of a priest-ridden dynasty, to purify herself from\\nwhich she has required a second sacrifice on the altar\\nof liberty Whence, then, did the efforts we have\\nbeen narrating derive their superiority, both as to\\nth.eir character and their results While many have\\nurged the difference of national temperament and\\nexternal circumstances, which, doubtless, possessed\\nsome influence, we feel no hesitation in affirming,\\nthat the distinction is mainly to be attributed to the\\npresence of enlightened religious principle, and intel-\\nlectual argument.* To enter into the arguments\\nwhich substantiate this assertion would be foreign to\\nductions of his pen were more so. He wrote to all, he reasoned\\nwith all, and he conquered all. Congress was not at all times in a\\nproper temper to render him the most efKcient aid he was obliged\\nto come upon them in all forms of entreaty alarming them, at times,\\nby his intimations of leaving the army, using every suggestion which\\ncould reach their pride, li.eir patriotism, their honour, courage, or\\nany other faculty, property, of sympathy, about them. There is not\\na form of reasoning tfiat he was not obliged to assume; still, every\\nform was pure English, good common sense, in his mother tongue.\\nCesar wrote his commentaries in the camp, and they area fine mo-\\ndel of chaste and elegant writing but it must be remembered, that\\nCesar was a high bred Roman scholar. He was as proud of his\\neloquence and fine writing, as he was of his fame as a great leader\\nof armies. Wolfe made his addresses and wrote his despatches in\\nthe toils and distresses in,cident to a camp; but these productions\\nare but few, compaieil with those of Washington. Burgoyne s\\nletters, written in the field, are said to surpass those written in the\\ncloset; Nelson s account of the battle of the Nile is sublime; and\\nBonaparte s address to his soldiers under the pyramids, is full of\\nepic grandeur. But these are momentary bursts of chivalrous feel-\\nings; while Washington s addresses, despatches, and letters, to\\nevery one, in every part of the country, was a continued exertion\\nof reason, to save his country. When the memory of individual\\nexertion shall be lost, and history shall only speak, in general\\nterms, of the revolutionary conflict, these letters and addres. es of\\nWashington will preserve the particular scenes of that day, and\\nbring them at once to the understanding of men. In looking care-\\nfully over his productions already published, I cannot find in them\\none word that is not pure, legitimate English good Saxon Eng-\\nlish, through which runs the best currents of true liberty in, thinlt-\\ning and acting, of any language that can be found, at any time or\\nplace.\\nThe close of the war of independence, when the people fondly\\nthought that they were about to be rewarded for all iNeir sacrifices,\\nwas the most painful period of our history. At that time, from\\n1783 10 1789, almost every one found his affairs in a deranged slate.\\nThe slate debts which had been made in hopes of prosperous times,\\nthen operated severely on all classes in the community. To pay\\ntheir debts with promptness was impossible, and every relief-act\\nonly made the matter worse. It was then that the people found\\nthat the great work of independence, as contemplated at the begin-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n299\\nthe purpose of historic narrative. Any reader who\\nhas given impartial attention to the tone of piety\\nwhicli pervades the public acts of the congress of\\nning of ihe conflict, was only half done a form of government was\\nto be fixed upon, to give energy to national power, and success to\\nindividual and national enterprise. This portentous crisis formed\\nanother epoch for the display of the literary and political atiaia-\\nments of the active and patriotic minds in our country. New men\\nappeared on the important discussion of the adoption of the federal\\nconstitution in the several state conventions; and it was found that\\nthe quantity of talent and information in the country had greatly\\nincreased during tlie war and that its standard quality was equally\\ngood and precious as that which had been assayed at the commence-\\nment of the difficulties. A thousand intellectual lamps were light-\\ned up along our shores, to show the people in what darkness they\\nere groping, and to what a precipice they were hastening. A\\nbaleful meteor now and then led the people for a moment astray,\\nbut at length the right path \u00c2\u00ab-as found, and the nation commenced\\nits march onward to prosperity and honour.\\nPerhaps it were well to pause a moment and name a few of\\nthose who displayed their literature and eloquence at this important\\nperiod. They lelt unexplored no portion of history. They passed\\nhy no lesson of experience; all were faithfully examined and tho-\\nroughly sifted, and the people had the benefits of the results. That\\nnation cannot be long in danger that can, on any great event, com-\\nmand her physical and mental powers for her safety and guide.\\nIt was felt by all thinking men, in every part of the country, that\\nthe old confederation was no longer a sufficient bond of union.\\nThe great pressure of common danger, which had kept all secure,\\nhad in a great measure ceased, and the people were hurrying fast\\non to anarchy, for want of a government that could enforce its re-\\nquisitions.\\nFrom these conventions much of the nature of our people, their\\nhabits of thinking, and reasoning, and leeling, mayte gathered.\\nIn looking over the debates in the several conventions in the difler-\\nent states, we find a great deal of talent displayed, from New\\nHampshire to Georgia and we may also see that the education of\\neach state had been nearly on the same model for in reading the\\nspeeches of all, a foreigner would at once pronounce that the ora-\\ntors were trained ii5 the same school. The style of eloquence may\\nvary a little, but the language used in the debates is all in the good\\nold English books. They had the same jealousies, the same hopes\\nand fears, and the same determinations. These jealousies had\\ntaken rank hold of common minds in every portion of the country;\\nbut it is not too much to say, that those in favour of adopting the\\nconstitution were generally of the higher classes of intellect, and\\nthose who had most at stake, although it must be conceded that\\nthere were many exceptions to this remark. The speakers in fa-\\nvour of adopting the constitution far outnumbered those opposed to\\nit, in proportion to the majority obtained for the iinal vote.\\nIn the convention of Massachusetts, there were, out of three hun-\\ndred and fifty-five members, sixty-seven speakers, and not more\\nthan eight or ten ventured to oppose the constitution in debate;\\nand yet there were, after every exertion, but a majority of nineteen\\nin favour of the adoption of it. In the convention of New York,\\nwhich consisted of about sixty members, there was only a majority\\nof two in favour of the adoption and among the thirteen speakers,\\nthere were only two or three in the negative. The talents were\\ncertainly on the side of the adoption; the impressions of the people\\nwere at first decidedly against it, from the fear that they were\\ngiving up too much of their hard earned liberty, and not from any\\nwish to live in a slate of anarchy. It must, however, be taken\\ninto consideration, that forty years have elapsed since these debates\\nwere reported and at that time the art of reporting speeches was\\nbut little known and it cannot be supposed that in cases where the\\nspeakers did not assist the reporters, that we have any thing more\\nthan the skeletons of the speeches delivered. The convention of\\nMassachusetts were together from the 9th of January, 1788, to\\nFebruary 7th, twenty-nine days, at which time there were nearly\\ntwo hundred speeches made and among the orators some of the\\nfirst men New England ever produced Parsons, Ames, Cabot,\\nQore, King, Dana, Jarvis, Strong, Brooks, Dawes, and others, who\\nAmerica, and of her principal leaders, especially those\\nof the commander in chief, as well as the spirit of\\nthe people at large, with some exceptions, will not\\nexhausted every subject they discussed. The whole of these\\nspeeches is comprised in one hundred and fifty octavo pages; and\\nfrom a comparison of their difierent styles of speaking on other\\nsubjects, I find that the reporter s, not the speaker s style, is to be\\nseen still, however, much credit is due to him for getting these\\ndebates up so well as he did at that lime. The New York orators\\nwere fortunate, for they undertook to assist the reporter, and of\\ncourse posterity will have a fair view of their arguments. It must\\nbe granted that the New York convention was a highly intellectual\\nbody.\\nVirginia, always true to her native talents, had an experienced\\nreporter in the convention to take down the debates; and fortu-\\nnately for us, he extended them to three volumes, amounting to six\\nhundred and twelve closely printed pages; and although that body\\nwas in session but twenty-six days, and only thirteen or fourleen\\nmembers attempted to speak, yet we have more matter from these\\nspeeches than from the Massachusetts and New York reports to-\\ngether. Those in the Virginia convention, in favour of adopting\\nthe proposed constitution, who distinguished themselves by their\\nspeeches, were Messrs. Nicholas, Randolph, Madison, Pendleton,\\nMarshall, and Tyler. Those opposed to its adoption, were Patiick\\nHenry, Mason, Monroe, Grayson, and Dawson. Mr. Madison took\\na very active part, and spoke more than any other member in the\\nconvention, all hough all those mentioned were deeply engaged.\\nIt will not be denied, at this day, that throughout the thirteen Uni-\\nted States, in these debates on establishing a form of government,\\na majority of the talents was on the side of the constitution yet\\nthere were able men opposed to it. When the main question vas\\ntaken, the plurality in Virginia was only ten eighty-nine voting in\\nthe affirmative, and seventy-nine in the negative. The question\\nwas ably argued on both sides, and the objections very honestly\\ngiven. Patrick Henry, and those who acted with him, were fear-\\nful of the loss of slate influence. They were alarmed at the ex-\\npression, we, the people. They saw in this phrase a consolida-\\ntion of interests which was not consistent with state piide while,\\nin many states, the people were afraid that individual rights would\\nbe lost. These difl eient jealousies were shown at every movement\\nof the stales but at last were happily overcome by the perseverance\\nof the friends of the conslitution. A victory was obtained more\\ndifficult to achieve than any; yea, than all iliose of arms which\\nhad been gained in the revolutionary struggle. These jealousies\\nwere natural, but the conquest over liiem was glorious.\\nIt is to be regretted, that so many of the speeches of the mem-\\nbers of the different conventions, are irrevocably lost for the want\\nof a proper reporter at the time, and from inattention since. It is\\na mortifying truth that more of our history, or more of the minute\\nfacts of which our history has been composed, have been preserved\\nby other nations than by ourselves. The nations of Europe con-\\nsidered our case a new one in the annals of the world and some\\nof their curious sneculators on the progiess of events, took infinite\\npains to procure all the information to be had in respe^ i to us and\\nour proceedings. The Italian historian, Bona, not only procured\\nall the infoiraalion he could, but set down and wrote the hisloiy of\\nour revolution with great fairness, and with Kjlerahle accuracy.\\nProfessor Eheling, of Germany, had the inteniion, it is said, of\\nwriting out our whole history, and collected a great mass of ma-\\nterials for that purpose. The history he did not write; but we\\nhave, through the medium of an individual, the benefit of his col-\\nlections thev having been purchased and brought to this country.\\nThere is one work which deserves our notice, and which ought\\nto be lepu-blished, as there are but few copies of it in this country:\\nThe Remembrancer, or an Impartial Repository of Public Events.\\nThis work was begun by J. Alnion, and published in monthly num-\\nbers, in London. It extends over the whole time of the revolution,\\nfrom 1775 to 1783, and amounts to fourteen volumes, as collected\\nand bound. The work was friendly to the cause of America, and\\nwas supported by the friends of this countr} at that time, and is\\nremarkable for its candour, truth, and fideli One already pos-\\nsessed of the general outlines of the great contest between the colo-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "300\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfor one moment deny that religious principle, and\\nsue cess in the arduous conflict, and well-ordered\\nnies an. I the mother country, will find in this work more valuable\\ndocuments, of a particular and circumstantial nature, to aid him in\\ngetting a minute history of his country at thai period, than he can\\nin any other work extant. Every one who has read history with\\nattention, and with a desire to gain knowledge, will frequently find\\nthat there are a thousand little chinks left by the general writer,\\nthat he could wish to see filled up but knows not where to seek\\nfor the facts he is anxious to find. As to the history of our revo-\\nlution, these volumes will greatly assist him. It has been a fruit-\\nful source for the historians theinselves. The Remembrancer is\\nsomething like Niles Register, and is now what that will be to the\\nfuture historians of our country. We are deeply indebted to the\\nfriends of our cause, at that period, in every part of the World, for\\ntheir lielping hand and good wishes without wliich we might have\\nfainted in reaching the goal and obtaining the prize gratitude\\nshould remember what benevolence has forgotten.\\nAfter these great exertions for the adoption of the federal consti-\\ntution had been made in the state conventions, and indeed while\\nthey were making, and the question was under discussion, a great\\ndeal was written by men of enlightened minds, and given to the\\npulilic, to clear up the diflicullies which had been suggested by those\\nopposed to the form of government provided for in the constitution.\\nMr. Jay, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Hamilton, brought all the powers of\\ntheir mighty minds, to satisfy the people that they were doing wisely\\nto support the constitution, not only in convention, but by a series\\nof letters in the public prints. The.se periodicals, now acknow-\\nledged as their productions, unite the soundest maxims of good go-\\nvernment, with the clearest and best illustrations of the best forms\\nin which it could appear. These productions may be said lo have\\nfixed the public mind. The relations and bearings of the provi-\\nsions of the constitution, were so distinctly pointed out in them, that\\niill could understand and such was the correctness and beauty of\\nthe style of these numbers, that by them the taste of the country\\nwas refined, as well as the views of the citizens enlarged, and their\\nunderstandings enlightened. 1 shall not stop, at this moment, to\\npoint out the part each one took in this great labour; but simply\\nmake this passing remark, that the Federalist stands foremost among\\nAmerican literary productions, whether we consider the subject, the\\nmatter, or style of the work, or its usefulness in explaining the\\nviews of those learned statesmen who achieved the second part of\\nour independence. The effect of this work was such, that in a few\\nyears after it gained general circulation, there was scarcely a man\\nto be found who questioned the propriety of the adoption of the\\nconstitution.\\nThe valour which fought out the battles of the revolutionary war,\\nand finally drove the enemy from our shore, and the wisdom which\\nsuggested our excellent form of government, and the address and\\nperseverance which led lo its adoption, were more than equalled\\nby the wisdom and prudence with which the machinery was set in\\nmotion. The first congress under the constitution, was composed\\nof great men most of them had been reared in the school of expe-\\nrience, and had been employed previously in considering thai in-\\nslrumenl; in order to assist in forwarding its adoption, they came\\nlo their congressional duties with a spirit of forbearance, ready to\\nsacrifice all local prejudices on the altar of their country s good.\\nWhat the knowledge and experience of one did not reach, the in-\\ngenuity of the other suggested, and all went on harmoniously and\\nsuccessfully. There was a delicacy shown to each other in that\\nbody, generally speaking, which has never been felt or exhibited\\nsince and perhaps it has never since been so necessary as at that\\nlime. The eyes of the community were turned towards congress\\nas towards the trying of an experiment, of which there were nearly\\nas inany fears as hopes. To use a phrase from the laws of the\\nsolar system, its polarity was inclined towards democracy, as being\\nmore congenial to the feelings of the people, and more consistent\\nwith the elements of our society, than a stronger government would\\nhave been. The people reasoned from expanded views of human\\nnature, and a thoroiigh acquaintance with history. They saw that\\ndesj.otic power destroys the oak of liberty, by cutting up root and\\nbranch, and by striking the soil on which it grows with dead ste-\\nliberty as the result, are here closely associated and\\nif there be any bold enough we had almost said\\nrilily while anarchy, if it comes at all, comes in a whirlwind with\\na hundred hands, and scatters the leaves and breaks the branches;\\nbut the root is not always left sapless; and the acorn, trodden un-\\nder foot, may burst its germ and spring into life, and flourish in a\\nnew generation. Violent political discussions often pass away, and\\nleave the lessons of experience to be felt and regarded but nations\\nrarely recover from the paralysis of despotism. Our ancestors saw\\nthe mother country, even in all the disasters and horrors of civil\\nwars, advance in power and influence, while Spain, in the quiet of\\narbitrary power, was fast sinking into a secondary importance. In\\nEngland the most useful institutions, and many of her learned men,\\ngrew up immediately after a civil war, or in it while with all the\\ninflux of gold from the new world, learning and the arts declined\\nI at the same time, in the calm of Spanish despotism.\\nI The literature of nations may be seen, in some measure, in the\\nstyle in which their laws are written, and by their state papers.\\nWe judge of the stale of the Romans by the style of the Justinian\\ncode, as well as by the poets of the Augustan age. In fact, the\\nstyle of the laws is a better proof of the general advancement of\\nknowledge, than that of the works of a few poets. The laws reflect\\nthe general intelligence, while poetry is perhaps only the reflected\\nimagery of a few individual minds. The laws of the United States\\nshow a gieat extent of knowledge in the civil and commercial re-\\nlations of society and nations. No country ever produced so many\\nlaws in so short a period of time. These laws and regulations are,\\nin general, clear and explicit; .sometimes they are marked with\\nthe peculiar phraseology of a particular slate, as borrowed from\\nthe statute book of that state but this is not perceptible to any one\\nbut those deeply read in these state laws. Every day s business is\\ngiving a more entire national stamp to the slatuie book of ihe Uni-\\nted States; and the numerous and lucid decisions of the supreme\\neourt have produced uniform constructions in the laws which were\\nin some degree differently construed in different sections of this ex-\\ntended country, at the commencement of our national career.\\nThe style of our state papers has been of a high older, in point\\nof clearness and correctness, the great requisites in communications\\nof a public nature. The first secretaries were men of industry\\nand learning, and they spared no pains to leave on record proofs of\\ntheir abilities as makers of precedents. A responsible situation,\\nindeed several of these men were prime scholars, and felt that\\nthey were making njodels for future ages. It is a subject of con-\\ngratulation to us, that so many patient, industrious, and learned\\nmen, were, at that period, found for the discharge of such important\\nduties. The anxiety of the first president to have every thing well\\nmatured, and clearly expre. sed, was favourable for the commence-\\nment of such an ortler of things. The duties of high political of-\\nficers are always laborious and painful but when there were but,\\nfew or no landmarks to guide them, it must have been diflicult in-\\ndeed lo have steered so correctly.\\nMuch debating talent had been shown in congress in every stage\\nof organizing and making these laws, the passage of which circum-\\nslances imperiously demanded but there was no particular di.splay\\nof eloquence from any side of the house, until the British treaty\\ncalled it forth and perhaps, at no time since, have higher powers\\nbeen developed in our national assembly, than on that subject. The\\nchampions, for and against, came forward and fought valiantly. It\\nwas a new question and there might have been some honest dif-\\nferences; but it was debated upon party grounds, and so decided,\\nWho were right or who were wrong it matters not it is mention-\\ned as an era in our eloquence, so memorable, that American talent,\\nin speaking, is never mentioned without some allusion to the de-\\nbate on Jay s treaty.\\nLiterature and science are near in their relationship, and seldom\\nknown to be far separated. Literature has generally received\\nmore attention in the early ages of nations than science. The\\nsweet influences of Orion and Pleiades had been sung for ages in\\npoetr} belore science had marked their courses or weighed them\\nin her balance; and science, after all the discoveries she has made,\\nhas adopted the terms used by taste and imagination, long before\\nthese discovsries were thought of. Every profession, to be respecta-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n301\\nprofane enough to gainsay the relation of cause and\\neffect in this case, we scarcely know which to deem\\nmost at fauh, his understanding or his heart.\\nCHAPTER III.\\nWashington s administration.\\nIn every department of nature violent efforts are\\nsucceeded by a corresponding exhaustion and the\\nble, must unite both in some degree. Witlioiit bolli, tliey are only\\ntrades, possessing neither dignity, nor refinement, nor interest.\\nBacon was the first among the lawyers who brought taste into llie\\nscience of the profession. For this, he was derided by Colce as\\nun.sonnd and fanciful. Bacon could do nothing without leaving\\nthe impressions of mind, taste, and elegant novelty, upon it. He\\nlaid hold of all llie fabulous history of gods, and demigods, and he-\\nroes, and laid bare its hidden meaning, and, by his explanations,\\ngave utility, point, and beamy, to that which before seemed useless,\\ndull, and extravagant. It is the pride of the present day, that his\\nfame has been defended, and his honesty proved, by one of our own\\ncountrymen, after it had been surrounded by falsehood and preju-\\ndice, for more than a cent\u00c2\u00abry and a half. A writer of the first\\ntalents, in the North American Review, a few years since, had the\\nhonour of showing the world, that Bacon deserved the cpithels,\\nbrightest, wisest of mankind but that meanest was added at first\\ni y wickedness, and perpetuated by one who cared but little whether\\nthe epithet was just or unjust, if he could make the libel point a\\nmoral, or adorn a. talc. Bacon treated the law as a science capa-\\nble of employing the graces of literature. After a considerable in-\\nterval, Blackslone wrote his commentaries, which proved that the\\nfundamental principles of law might be conveyed, even in a choice\\nand clear style, without any quainlness, abruptness, or tedious re-\\npetition and, like other subjects of less gravity, Lord Mansfield\\ndelivered his opinions in the best phraseology the English language\\nwould permit of in argument or illustration. The lawyeTs of our\\nown country were men of learning before the revolution, but the\\nmanner of arguing at the bar, to the court or jury, was not re-\\nmarkable for refinement or delicacy. Coarse attacks and sharp\\nretorts were common between members of the bar; and the court\\neither maintained a hard-featured silence, or broke in upon their\\nsparrings with surly dignity. That gentlemanly courtesy, which\\nreigns from one part of our country to another, among judges and\\nadvocates, was, for many years, unknown, or thought improper for\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0.tribunal of justice. Not only the arguments of counsel, but the\\nopinions of the bench, are now siven with some regard to literary\\ntaste and one noi acquainted with law terms, may read the re-\\nports without being offt-nded with a parade of technical terms or\\ninvolved sentence^-. This branch of science is rapidly increasing;\\nalready we have more than three hundred volumes of American\\nreports in law and equity; and, as the present generation of law-\\nyers must go through such a mass of American law decisions, it is\\nfortunate that some regard has been paid to the style in which these\\ncases are made up. Some of these opinions might be selected,\\nwhich have the freshness and spirit of animated truth conveyed in\\nexquisite taste. Facts are not the less forcible, because they are\\nhapjiily arranged, nor reasonings less convincing, because Ihey are\\nwell expressed. The professional men are trying to diffuse as\\nmuch intelligence and taste in the community as possible, in order\\nthat a day of purer literature should succeed. Much has been\\ndone, and much more has been planned to be effected hereafter\\nthe numerous agents are busy, and in concert and harmony, in the\\ngreat work of spreading the sciences and literature throughout the\\nland.\\nThe literature of theology, in this country, suffered, as well as\\nthe literature and science of other professions, during the revolu-\\ntion. The pulpit rang with patriotism and politics, and harangues\\nStruggles of a nation for liberty and independence\\nafford no exception to this universal law. From tlie\\nevils inseparable from such contests, the pusillani-\\nmous and the sordid may urge arguments in favour\\nof what they deem a prudent and profitable submis-\\nsiveness to arbitrary sway but the lover of freedom,\\nwhile he will not deny that there are evils in na-\\ntional convulsion, even when necessitated by the\\nmost justifiable causes, will still scorn to evade them\\nby a base servility; and ill does it become those who\\nhave rendered such evils inevitable, to attempt to\\nupon the good and sound christian duty of lighting for fieedom;\\nail very excellent lessons for the times, and which certainly had\\ntheir uses. After the warning appeals to the brave defenders of\\nthe country, it was dull to go back to detailing the enormities of\\npapal power, or .speaking of the great beast of seven, heads and ten\\nhorns therefore his holiness was left quite alone, except now and\\nthen in some good man s form of prayer, from which the epithets ot\\nabhorrence for Babylon never had been expunged. Dissertations on\\nAniinomians, Pelagians, and all the host of sectarians, had begun\\nto grow stale, and the doctrines of eternal decrees and predestina-\\ntion were not so attractive to the new generations as they had been\\nto their fathers. From all appearances, the timid began to fear\\nthat the pulpit had lost its legitimate, jirimilive influences. Under\\nthis impression, many were turned fiom the study of this profe.s-\\nsion, who were intended for it by their parents, and engaged in\\nmedicine or law. At this weak moment, if the defenders of the\\nfaith will allow that there ever were such moments, infidelity rear-\\ned its monstrou.? head, and stalked through our part of Christendom\\nwith gigantic strides but, as it has often happened, that which\\nthreatened destruction to the altar and the priest, was the cause of\\ngiving new and lasting honour to both. Infidelity had for years\\nbeen disseminated by the philosophers into inquisitive minds, but\\nhad never come upon us in the form of popular eloquence, and had\\nnot reached common minds engaged in ordinary pursuits, until\\nabout the time of the French revolution it now came under the\\npotential form of superior wisdom, free from the thraldom of error.\\nIt dealt out a strong denial of the great truths of the gospel, and\\nmade impudence, with now and then a flash of witty scurrility, pa.ss\\nfor common sense and true reasoning uiion the revelations of God\\nto man, through nature and her laws, and by the inspirations of\\nholy writ. At first, great shipwreck was made of the faith of\\nthousands; the ^^eakwere bewildered, and the unlearned entan-\\ngled. The truly pious still believed that the church was Iniill upon\\na rock, and that the gales of hell should not, finally, prevail against\\nit; yet Ihey were discouraged at ihe progress of infidelity, and\\nwere cut to the heart at hearing the authenticity of ihe scriptures\\ndoubted, and the ministers of our holy religion ridiculed in every\\npossible form of ccntempt called by opprobrious cpithels charged\\nwith ignorance and hypocrisy; and Iheir downfall prophesied with\\nconfidence and joy. For a while there was some confusion m the\\nchurch, but the purest men soon roused themselves from idleness,\\nor rather from idle disputes about trifles, or non-essentials, and\\nmany of them plunged into the depths of learning, to answer the,\\nfalsehoods and sneers of the scofl^ers, who laid pretensions to having\\npenetrated into the recesses of oriental literature, and having de-\\nlected the errors of Christianity. The contest was animated, and\\nthe ministers of light struggled hard with the ministers of darkness.\\nGreat minds entered the contest, and, after a while, the dreams of\\nCondorcet and the scurrilities of Paine, were swept away together,\\nand infidelity was first scouted by learning, piety, and tasle, and,\\nat length, proscribed by the irresistible power of fashion. The\\nworks of Watson and Tytler, and, towards the close of the strug-\\ngle, of many others, were found, not only in the hands uf the po-\\nlemic, or in the library of the speculative, but on Ihe toilets of the\\nfair, with the last work of the imagination from feouthey orCamp-\\nbell for the ecclesiastical writers had added to the science of\\ntheology the most sublime of all contemplations, the charms of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "502\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncast tlie odium of them on the noble and self-denying\\nefforts of the patriot.\\nThe exhausting effect of their exertions was felt\\nby the people of the United States for a considerable\\nperiod after peace, as well as independence, had been\\nsecured. The enthusiasm of a popular contest ter-\\nminating in victory, began to subside, and the sacri-\\nfices of the revolution soon became known and felt.\\nThe claims of those who toiled, and fought, and suf-\\nfered in the arduous struggle, were strongly urged,\\nand the government had neither resources nor power\\nto satisfy or to silence them. The federal head had\\nno separate or exclusive fund. The members of con-\\ngress depended on the states which they respectively\\nrepresented, even for their own maintenance, and\\nmoney for national purposes could only be obtained\\nby requisitions on the different members of the con-\\nfederacy. On them it became necessary immedi-\\nately to call for funds to discharge the arrears of\\npay due to the soldiers of the revolution, and the\\ninterest on the debt which the government had been\\ncompelled to contract. The legislatures of the differ-\\nent states received tliese requisitions with respect,\\nlistened to the monitory warnings of congress with\\ndeference, and with silent and inactive acquiescence.\\nTheir own situation, indeed, was full of embarrass-\\nment. The wealth of the country had been totally\\nexhausted during the revolution. Taxes could not\\nbe collected; because there was no money to represent\\nthe value of the little personal property which had\\nnot been, and the land which could not be, destroyed\\nand commerce, though preparing to burst from its\\nthraldom, had not yet had time to restore to the\\nannual produce of the country its exchangeable\\nvalue. The states owed each a heavy debt for local\\nservices rendered during the revolution, for which it\\nwas bound to provide, and each had its own domestic\\ngovernment to support. Under these circumstances,\\nit is not surprising that each state was anxious to\\nretain for its own benefit the small but rising revenue\\nderived from foreign commerce and that the cus-\\ntom-houses in each commercial city were considered\\nas the most valuable sources of income which the\\nstates possessed. Each state, therefore, made its\\nown regulations, its tariff, and tonnage duties, and,\\nas a natural consequence, the different states clashed\\nwith each other one nation became more favoured\\nliterature and tasle. The reading and thinking part of the com-\\nmunity were delighted to witness the commencement of a new era\\nin the rhetoric, eloquence, and logic of the pulpit; useless divisions\\nand subdivisions, and their scholastic divinity, with loose and\\nspongy declamation, gave place to fair inductions, correct illustra-\\ntions, and philanthropic views. The ways of God to man were\\nsatisfactorily justified to the understandings of the mighty in in-\\nthan another under the same circumstances and\\none state pursued a system injurious to the interests\\nof another. Hence the confidence of foreign coun-\\ntries was destroyed and they v/oidd not enter into\\ntreaties of commerce with the confederated govern-\\nment, while they were not likely to be carried into\\neffect. A general decay of trade, the rise of import-\\ned merchandise, the fall of produce, and an uncom-\\nmon decrease of the value of lands, ensued.\\nThe distress of the inhabitants was continually\\non the increase and in Massachusetts, where it was\\nmost felt, an insurrection of a serious character was\\nthe consequence. Near the close of the year 1786,\\nthe populace assembled to the number of two thou-\\nsand, in the north-western part of the state, and,\\nchoosing Daniel Shays their leader, demanded that\\nthe collection of debts should be suspended, and that\\nthe legislature should authorize the emission of paper\\nmoney for general circulation. Two bodies of militia,\\ndrawn from those parts of the state Mdiere disaffection\\ndid not prevail, were immediately despatched against\\nthem, one under the command of General Lincoln,\\nthe other of General Shepard. The disaffected were\\ndispersed with less difficulty than had been apprehend-\\ned, and, abandoning their seditious purposes, accept-\\ned the proffered indemnity of the government.\\nThe time at length came when the public mind\\ngave tokens of being prepared for a change in the\\nconstitution of the general government an occur-\\nrence the necessity of which had long been foreseen\\nby Washington, and most of the distinguished patriots\\nof that period. Evil had accumulated upon evil, till\\nthe mass became too oppressive to be endured, and\\nthe voice of the nation cried out for relief. The first\\ndecisive measures proceeded from the merchants, who\\ncame forward almost simultaneously in all parts of\\nthe country, with representations of the utter prostra-\\ntion of the mercantile interests, and petitions for a\\nspeedy and efficient remedy. It was shown, that the\\nadvantages of this most important source of national\\nprosperity were flowing into the hands of foreigners,\\nand that the native merchants were suffering lor the\\nwant of a just protection and a uniform system of trade.\\nThe wise and reflecting were convinced that some de\\ncided efforts were necessary to strengthen the general\\ngovernment, or that a dissolution of the union, and\\nperhaps a devastating anarchy, would be inevitable.\\ntellcct, and to the humble and lowly seekers of the truth. Religion\\nwore the smile of innocence and the rube of purity, as she was\\ndestined to do from the beginning. The charms of a delicate and\\nfinished literature now came from the pulpit, and the lemple oi\\nGod became, as it ought ever to be, a place of instruction for the\\nmind and for the affections, as well as for iearnine Ihf great doc\\ntrines of salvation. American Bdilor.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n303\\nThe first step towar.ds a general reformation was\\nrather accidental than premeditated. Certain citi-\\nzens of Virginia and Maryland had formed a scheme\\nfor promoting the navigation of the Potomac and\\nChesapeake Bay, and commissioners were appointed\\nby those two states to meet at Alexandria, and de-\\nvise some plan of operation. These persons made\\na visit to Mount Vernon, and while there, it was\\nproposed among themselves that more important ob-\\njects should be connected with the purpose at first\\nin view, and that the state governments should be\\nsolicited to appoint other commissioners, with enlar-\\nged powers, instructed to form a plan for maintaining\\na naval force in the Chesapeake, and also to fix upon\\nsome system of duties on exports and imports in\\nwhich both states should agree, and that in the end\\ncongress should be petitioned to allow these privileges.\\nThis project was approved by the legislature of Vir-\\nginia, and commissioners were accordingly appointed.\\nThe same legislature passed a resolution recommend-\\ning the design to other states, and inviting them to\\nunite, by their commissioners, in an attempt to esta-\\nblish such a system of commercial relations as would\\npromote general harmony and prosperity. Five states\\nonly, in addition to Virginia, acceded to this proposi-\\ntion, namely, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania,\\nNew Jersey, and New York. From these states\\ncommissioners assembled at Annapolis, but they had\\nhardly entered into a discussion of the topics which\\nnaturally forced themselves into view, before they\\ndiscovered the powers with which they were intrust-\\ned to be so limited, as to tie up their hands from\\neffecting any purpose that could be of essential utility.\\nOn this account, as well as from the circumstance\\nthat so few states were represented, they wisely de-\\nclined deciding on any important measures in refer-\\nence to the particular subject for which they had\\ncome together. This convention is memorable, how-\\never, as having been the prelude to the one which\\nfollowed. Before the commissioners adjourned, a\\nreport was agreed upon, in which the necessity of a\\nrevision and reform of the articles of the old federal\\ncompact was strongly iirged, and which contained a\\nrecommendation to all the state legislatures for the\\nappointment of deputies, to meet at Philadelphia, with\\nmore ample powers and instructions. This proposal\\nWas eventually carried into effect, and, in conformi-\\nty with it, a convention of delegates from the several\\nstates met at Philadelphia in May, 1787. Of this\\nbody of eminent statesmen, George Washington was\\nunanimously elected president. They deliberated\\nwith closed doors during a period of four months.\\nOne party in the convention was anxious to enlarge,\\n39\\nanother to abridge, the authority delegated to the\\ngeneral government. This was the first germ of\\nparties in the United States not that materials were\\nwanting, for the dissensions of the revolution had\\nleft behind some bitterness of spirit, and feelings that\\nonly awaited an opportunity for their disclosure.\\nThe divisions in the convention proved the founda-\\ntion of many a subsequent struggle. At length a\\nconstitution was agreed on, which, after being re-\\nported to congress, was submitted for ratification to\\nconventions held in the respective states. This con-\\nstitution differs, in many important particulars, from\\nthe articles of confederation and, by its regulations,\\nconnects the states more closely together, under a\\ngeneral and supreme government, composed of three\\ndepartments, legislative, executive, and judicial and\\ninvested with powers essential to its being respected,\\nboth by foreign nations and the states whose interest\\nit was designed to secure. The provisions and\\ncharacteristics of this interesting and important poli-\\ntical code, will receive the consideration to which they\\nare so justly entitled in another department of our work.\\nAs that party which was desirous to extend the\\npowers of the constitution, had been the most anxious\\nfor the formation of this system, and the most zealous\\nadvocates for its adoption, it almost naturally follow-\\ned that the administration of it was committed to\\ntheir hands. This party, which might, from their\\nopinions, have been denominated nationalists, or, in\\nmore modern phraseology, centralists, acquired the\\nname of federalists, while the appellation of anti-\\nfederalists was given to their antagonists. The latter,\\nardently attached to freedom, imagined that rulers,\\npos.sessing such extensive sway, such abundant pa-\\ntronage, and such independent tenure of ofllce, would\\nbecome fond of the exercise of power, and in the end\\narrogant and tyrannical. The former, equally devo-\\nted to the cause of national liberty, contended that\\nto preserve it an energetic government was necessary.\\nThey described, with powerful eflTect, the evils ac-\\ntually endured from the inefficiency of the confede-\\nration, and demanded that a trial at least should be\\nmade of the remedy proposed.\\nIn eleven states, a majority, though in some in-\\nstances a small one, decided in favour of the ratifi-\\ncation of the constitution. Provision was then made\\nfor the election of the officers to compose the executive\\nand legislative departments. In the highest station,\\nthe electors, by a unanimous vote, placed the illustrious\\nWashington and to the office of vice-president, by a\\nvote nearly unanimous, they elevated John Adams,\\nwho, in stations less conspicuous, had, with equal patri-\\notism, rendered important services to his country. On", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "304\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe 23d of April the president elect arrived at New\\nYork, where he was received by the governor of the\\nstate, and conducted, with military honours, through\\nan immense concourse of people, to the apartments\\nprovided for him. Here he received the salutations\\nof foreign ministers, public bodies, political characters,\\nand private citizens of distinction, who pressed around\\nhim to offer their congratulations, and to express\\ntheir joy at seeing the man who had the confidence\\nof all, at the head of the American republic. On\\nthe 30th of April the president was inaugurated.\\nHaving taken the oath of office in an open gallery\\nadjoining the senate chamber, in the A iew of an im-\\nmense concourse of people, who attested their joy by\\nloud and repeated acclamations, he returned to the\\nsenate chamber, where he delivered the following\\nappropriate address\\nFellow-citizens of the Senate,\\nand of the House of Representatives:\\nAmong the vicissitudes incident to life, no event\\ncould have filled me with greater anxieties, than that\\nof which the notification was transmitted by your\\norder, and received on the 14th day of the present\\nmonth. On the one hand, I was summoned by my\\ncountry, whose voice I can never hear but with ve-\\nneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen\\nwith the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering\\nhopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of\\nmy declining years a retreat which was rendered\\nevery day more necessary as well as more dear to\\nme, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of\\nfrequent interruptions in my health to the gradual\\nwaste committed on it by time. On the other hand,\\nthe magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which\\nthe voice of my country called me, being sufficient\\nto awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her\\ncitizens, a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications,\\ncould not but overwhelm with despondence, one,\\nwho, inheriting inferior endowments from natiire,\\nand unpractised in the duties of civil administration,\\nought to be peculiarly conscious of his own defi-\\nciencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver\\nis, that it has been my faithful study to collect my\\nduty from a just appreciation of every circumstance\\nby which it might be affected. All I dare hope, is,\\nthat, if in accepting this task, I have been too much\\nswayed by a grateful remembrance of former instan-\\nces, or by an afi ectionate sensibility to this transcen-\\ndent proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens,\\nand have thence too little consulted my incapacity\\nas well as disinclination, for the weighty and untried\\ncares before me, my error will be palliated by\\nthe motives which misled me, and its consequen-\\nces be judged by my country,, with some share of\\nthe partiality in which they originated.\\nSuch being the impressions under which I have\\nin obedience to the public summons, repaired to the\\npresent station, it will be peculiarly improper to\\nomit, in this first official act, my fervent supplica-\\ntions to that Almighty Being, who rules over the\\nuniverse, who presides in the councils of nations,\\nand whose providential aids can supply every human\\ndefect, that his benediction may consecrate to the\\nliberties and happiness of the people of the United\\nStates, a government instituted by themselves for\\nthese essential purposes, and may enable every instru-\\nment employed in its administration, to execute with\\nsuccess the functions allotted to his charge. In ten-\\ndering this homage to the great Author of every\\npublic and private good, I assure myself that it ex-\\npresses your sentiments not less than my own nor\\nthose of my fellow citizens at large less than either.\\nNo people can be bound to acknowledge and adore\\nthe invisible hand, which conducts the affairs oi\\nmen, more than the people of the United States.\\nEvery step, by which they have advanced to the\\ncharacter of an independent nation, seems to have been\\ndistinguished by some token of providential agency.\\nAnd in the important revolution just accomplished\\nin the system of their united government, the tran-\\nquil deliberations, and voluntary consent of so many\\ndistinct communities, from which the event has re-\\nsulted, cannot be compared with the means by which\\nmost governments have been established, without\\nsome return of pious gratitude, along Avith an humble\\nanticipation of the future blessings which the past\\nseem to presage. These reflections, arising out of\\nthe present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly\\non my mind to be suppressed. You will join with\\nme, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the\\ninfluence of which the proceedings of a new and\\nfree government can more auspiciously commence.\\nBy the article establishing the executive depart-\\nment, it is made the duty of the President, to re-\\ncommend to your consideration such measures as he\\nshall judge necessary and expedient. The circum-\\nstances under which I now meet you, will acquit me\\nfrom entering into that subject, further than to refer\\nto the great constitutional charter under which you\\nare assembled, and which, in defining your powers, de-\\nsignates the objects to which your attention is to be\\ngiven. It will be more consistent with those circum-\\nstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which\\nactuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommenda-\\ntion of particular measures, the tribute that is due to\\nthe talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n305\\nadorn the characters selected to devise and adopt\\nthem. In these honourable qualifications, I behold\\nthe surest pledges, that, as on one side no local preju-\\ndices or attachments, no separate views nor party-\\nanimosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and\\nequal eye which ought to watch over this great as-\\nsemblage of communities and interests so, on an-\\nother, that the foundations of our national policy will\\nbe laid in the pure and immutable principles of pri-\\nvate morality and the pre-eminence of free govern-\\nment be exemplified by all the attributes wnich can\\nwin the affections of its citizens, and command the\\nrespect of the world.\\nI dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction\\nwhich an ardent love for my country can inspire.\\nSince there is no truth more thoroughly established,\\nthan that there exists in the economy and course of\\nnature, an indissoluble union between virtue and\\nhappiness between duty and advantage between\\nthe genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous\\npolicy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity\\nand felicity since we ought to be no less persua-\\nded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never\\nbe expected on a nation that disregards the eternal\\nrules of order and right which heaven itself has or-\\ndained and since the preservation of the sacred fire\\nof liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of\\ngovernment, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps\\nas finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the\\nhands of the American people.\\nBesides the ordinary objects submitted to your\\ncare, it will remain with your judgment to decide,\\nhow far an exercise of the occasional power delega-\\nted by the fifth article of the constitution, is rendered\\nexpedient at the present juncture by the nature of\\nobjections which have been urged against the system,\\nor by the degree of inquietude which has given birth\\nto them. Instead of undertaking particular recom-\\nmendations on this subject, in which I could be\\nguided by no lights derived from official opportuni-\\nties, I shall again give way to my entire confidence\\nin your discernment and pursuit of the public good.\\nFor I assure myself, that whilst you carefully avoid\\nevery alteration which might endanger the benefits\\nof a united and effective government, or which\\nought to await the future lessons of experience a\\nreverence for the characteristic rights of freemen,\\nand a regard for the public harmony, will sufliciently\\ninfluence your deliberations on the question, how\\nfar the former can be more impregnably fortified, or\\nthe latter be safely and advantageously promoted.\\nTo the preceding observations I have one to\\nadd, which will be most properly addressed to the\\nHouse of Representatives. It concerns myself, and\\nwill therefore be as brief as possible. When I was\\nfirst honoured with a call into the service of my\\ncountry, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for\\nits liberties, the light in which I contemplated my\\nduty required that I should renounce every pecu-\\nniary compensation. From this resolution I have\\nin no instance departed. And being still under the\\nimpressions which produced it, I must decline, as in-\\napplicable to myself, any share in the personal emo-\\nluments, which may be indispensably included in a\\npermanent provision for the executive department\\nand must accordingly pray, that the pecuniary esti-\\nmates for the station in which I am placed, may,\\nduring my continuance in it, be limited to such\\nactual expenditures as the public good may be\\nthought to require.\\nHaving thus imparted to you my sentiments, as\\nthey have been awakened by the occasion which\\nbrings us together, I shall take my present leave\\nbut not without resorting once more to the benign\\nParent of the human race, in humble supplication,\\nthat since he has been pleased to favour the Ameri-\\ncan people with opportunities for deliberating in\\nperfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with\\nunparalleled unanimity on a form of government,\\nfor the security of their union, and the advancement\\nof their happiness so his divine blessing may be\\nequally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the tem-\\nperate consultations, and the wise measures on which\\nthe success of this government must depend.\\nIn their answer to this speech, the senate say,\\nThe unanimous suffrage of the elective body in\\nyour favour, is peculiarly expressive of the gratitude,\\nconfidence, and affection of the citizens of America,\\nand is the highest testimonial at once of your merit,\\nand their esteem. We are sensible, sir, that nothing\\nbut the voice of your fellow citizens could have call-\\ned you from a retreat, chosen with the fondest predi-\\nlection, endeared by habit, and consecrated to thf\\nrepose of declining years. We rejoice, and with us\\nall America, that, in obedience to the call of our\\ncommon country, you have returned once more to\\npublic life. In you all parties confide in you all\\ninterests unite and we have no doubt that your past\\nservices, great as they have been, will be equalled\\nby your future exertions and that your prudence\\nand sagacity, as a statesman, will tend to avert the\\ndangers to which we were exposed, to give stability\\nto tiie present government, and dignity and splendour\\nto that country, which your skill and valour, as a\\nsoldier, so eminently contributed to raise to indepen-\\ndence and to empire.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "306\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThe affectiou for the person and character of the\\npresident with which the answer of the house of\\nrepresentatives glowed, promised that between tiiis\\nbranch of the legislature also and the executive, the\\nmost harmonious co-operation in the public service\\nmight be expected.\\nThe representatives of the people of the United\\nStates, says this address, present their congratula-\\ntions on the event by which your fellow citizens\\nhave attested the pre-eminence of your merit. You\\nhave long held the first place in their esteem. You\\nhave often received tokens of their affection. You\\nnow possess the only proof that remained of their\\ngratitude for your services, of their reverence for your\\nwisdom, and of their confidence in your virtues.\\nYou enjoy the highest, because the truest honour, of\\nbeing the first magistrate, by the unanimous choice\\nof the freest people on the face of the earth.\\nAfter noticing the several conununications made in\\nthe speech, intense of deep felt respect and affection,\\nthe answer concludes thus\\nSuch are the sentiments with which we have\\nthought fit to address you. They flow from our own\\nhearts, and we verily believe that among the millions\\nwe represent, there is not a virtuous citizen whose\\nheart M ill disown them.\\nAll that remains is, that we join in your fervent\\nsupplications for the blessing of heaven on our coun-\\ntry and that we add our own for the choicest of\\nthese blessings on the most beloved of her citizens.\\nThe government being now completely organized,\\nand a system of revenue established, the president\\nproceeded to make appointments of suitable persons\\nto fill the offices which had been created.* After a\\nlaborious and important session, in which perfect\\nharmony subsisted between the executive and the\\nlegislature, congress adjourned on the 29th of Sep-\\ntember to the first Monday in the succeeding .January.\\nAt the next session of congress, which commenced\\nin January, 1790, Mr. Hamilton, the secretary of the\\ntreasury, made his celebrated report upon the public\\ndebts contracted during the revolutionary war. Ta-\\nking an able and enlarged view of the advantages of\\npublic credit, he recommended that not only the debts\\nof the continental congress, but those of the states\\narising from their exertions in the common cause,\\nshould be funded or assumed by the general govern-\\nment and that provision should be made for paying\\nthe interest, by imposing taxes on certain articles of\\nAt the head of the Jepartnienl of stale he placed Mr. Jeffer-\\nson at the liead of the treasury, Colonel Hamilton at the head of\\n(he war department, General Knox; in the office of attorney-gene-\\nral, Edmund Randolph at the head of the judicial department,\\nluxury, and on spirits distilled within the country.\\nThe report of the secretary was largely discussed,\\nand with great force of argument and eloquence. In\\nconclusion, congress passed an act for the assumption\\nof the state debts, and for funding the national debt.\\nBy the provisions of this act, 21,500,000 dollars of\\nthe state debts were assumed in specific proportions\\nand it was particularly enacted, that no certificate\\nsliould be received from a state creditor which could\\nbe ascertained to have been issued for any purpose\\nother tlian compensations and expenditures for ser-\\nvices or supplies towards the prosecution of the late\\nwar, and the defence of the United States, or of some\\npart thereof, during the same. Thus was the na-\\ntional debt funded upon principles which considerably\\nlessened the weight of the public burdens, and gave\\nmuch satisfaction to the public creditors. The pro-\\nduce of the sales of the lands lying in the western\\nterritory, and the surplus product of the revenue,\\nafter satisfying the appropriations which Were charg-\\ned upon it, with the addition of two millions which\\nthe president was authorized to borrow at five per\\ncent., constituted a sinking fund to be applied to the\\nreduction of the debt. The effect of these measures\\nwas great and rapid. The permanent value thus\\ngiven to the debt produced a result equal to the most\\nfavourable anticipations. The sudden increase of\\nmonied capital derived from it invigorated commerce,\\nand consequently gave a new stimulus to agriculture.\\nIt has already been stated, that when the new\\ngovernment was first organized, but eleven states\\nhad ratified the constitution. Afterwards North\\nCarolina and Rhode Island, the two dissenting states,\\nadopted it the former in November, 1 789, the lat-\\nter in May, 1790. In 1791, Vermont adopted it, and\\napplied to congress to be admitted into the union.\\nAn act was also passed, declaring that the district of\\nKentucky, then part of Virginia, should be admitted\\ninto the union on the 1st day of June in the suc-\\nceeding year.\\nDuring the year 1790, a termination was put to\\nthe war which, for several years, had raged between\\nthe Creek Indians and the state of Georgia. Pacific\\novertures were also made to the hostile tribes in-\\nhabiting the banks of the Sciota and the Wabash.\\nThese being rejected, an army of fourteen hundred\\nmen, commanded by General Harmer, was despatch-\\ned against them. Two battles were fought near\\nChillicothe, in Ohio, between successive detach-\\nMr. Jay. The associate justices were John Rutledge, of South\\nCarolina, James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, William Cashing, ol\\nMassachusetts, Robert Harrison, of Maryland, and John Blair, ol\\nVirginia.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n307\\nments from this army and the Indians, in which tlie\\nlatter were victorious. Emboldened by these suc-\\ncesses, they continued to make more vigorous attacks\\nupon the frontier settlements, which suffered all the\\ndistressin? calamities of an Indian war. Additional\\ntroops were raised, and the command of the whole,\\namounting to nearly two thousand men, was given\\nto General St. Clair. By desertion and detach-\\nments, this force was, however, reduced to fourteen\\nhundred, when, on the 3d of November, 1791, they\\nencamped a few miles from the villages on the Miami.\\nBut before sunrise the next morning, just after the\\ntroops were dismissed from the parade, they were\\nattacked unexpectedly by the Indians. The new\\nlevies, who were in front, rushed back in confusion\\nupon the regulars. The latter, however, with great\\nintrepidity, advanced into the midst of the enemy,\\nwho retired from covert to covert, keeping always\\nbeyond reach, and again returning as soon as the\\ntroops were recalled from pursuit. At length, after\\na contest of three or four hours, St. Clair, whose ill-\\nhealth disabled him from performing the active du-\\nties of commander, determined to withdraw from the\\nfield the remnant of his troops fortunately, the\\nvictorious Indians jireferred the plunder of the camp\\nto pursuit, and the vanquished continued their re-\\ntreat unmolested to the frontier settlements. In this\\nbattle, the numbers engaged on each side were sup-\\nposed to be equal. Of the whites, the slaughter was\\nalmost beyond example. Six hundred and thirty\\nwere killed and missing, and two hundred and sixty\\nwere wounded a loss which proves at once the ob-\\nstinacy of the defence, and the bravery of the assail-\\nants. On receiving information of this disaster, con-\\ngress, resolving to prosecute the war with increased\\nvigour, made provision for augmenting, by enlistment,\\nthe military force of the nation to five thousand men.\\nIn the course of this year was completed the first\\ncensus or enumeration of the inhabitants of the\\nUnited States. They amounted to 3,921,326, of\\nwhich number 695,655 were slaves. The revenue,\\naccording to the report of the secretary of the trea-\\nsury, amounted to 4,771,000 dollars, the exports to\\nabout nineteen, and the imports to about twenty mil-\\nlions. A great improvement in the circumstances of\\nthe people began at this period to be visible. The\\nestablishment of a firm and regular government, and\\nconfidence in the men whom they had chosen to\\nadminister it, gave an impulse to their exertions\\nwhich bore them rapidly forward in the career of\\nprosperity.\\nPursuant to the authority contained in the several\\nacts on the subject of a permanent seat of the govern-\\nment of the United States, a district of ten miles\\nsquare for this purpose was fixed on, comprehending\\nlands on both sides of the River Potomac, and the\\ntowns of Alexandria and Georgetown. A city was\\nlaid out, and the sales which took place produced\\nfunds for carrying on the necessary public build-\\nings.\\nThe war in Europe had embraced those powers\\nwith whom the United States had the most extensive\\nrelations. The French people regarded the Ameri-\\ncans as their brethren, bound to them by the ties of\\ngratitude and when the kings of Europe, dreading\\nthe establishment of republicanism in her borders,\\nassembled in arms to restore monarchy to France,\\nthey looked across the Atlantic for sympathy and\\nassistance. The new government, recalling the\\nminister whom the king had appointed, despatched\\nthe citizen Genet, of ardent temper and a zealous re-\\npublican, to supply his place. In April, 1793, he\\narrived at Charleston, in South Carolina, where he\\nwas received by the governor and tlie citizens, in a\\nmanner expressive of their warm attachment to his\\ncountry, and their cordial approbation of the change\\nof her institutions. Flattered by his reception, and\\npresuming that the nation and the government were\\nactuated by similar feelings, he undertook to author-\\nize the fitting and arming of vessels in that port,\\nenlisting men, and giving commissions to cruise and\\ncommit hostilities on nations with whom the United\\nStates were at peace captured vessels were brought\\ninto port, and the consuls of France assumed, under\\nthe authority of M. Genet, to hold courts of admiralty\\non them, to try, condemn, ajid authorize their sale.\\nThe declaration of war made by France against\\nGreat Britain and Holland reached the United States\\nearly in the same month. The president,* regarding\\nthe situation of these states, issued his proclamation\\nof neutrality on the 9th of May. In July, he re-\\nquested the recall of M. Genet, who was soon after-\\nwards recalled, and succeeded by M. Fauchet.\\nAfter the defeat of St. Clair by the Indians, in\\n1791, General Wayne was appointed to command\\nthe American forces. Taking post near the country\\nof the enemy, he made assiduous and long protract-\\ned endeavours to negotiate a peace. Failing in\\nthese, he marched against them at the head of three\\nthousand men. On the 20th of August, 1794, an\\naction took place in the vicinity of one of the Bri-\\ntish garrisons, on the banks of the Miami. A rapid\\nand vigorous charge roused the savages from their,\\ncoverts, and they were driven more than two miles\\nWashinglon and Adams had been re-elecled to their respective\\noffices).", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "808\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nat the point of the bayonet. Broken and dismayed,\\ntliey fled without renewing the combat. In tliis\\ndecisive battle, the loss of the Americans in killed\\nand wounded, including officers, was one hundred\\nand seven. Among the slain were Captain Campbell\\nand Lieutenant Fowles, both of whom fell in the\\nfirst charge. The American troops engaged in the\\nbattle did not amount to nine hundred the number\\nof Indians was two thousand. After remaining on\\nthe banks of the Miami three days, during which\\ntime the houses and cornfields above and below the\\nfort were burnt. General Wayne, on the 28th, re-\\nturned with the army to Au Glaize, having destroy-\\ned all the villages and corn within fifty miles of the\\nriver. The Indians still continuing hostilities, their\\nwhole country was laid waste, and forts were erect-\\ned in the heart of their settlements. The effect of\\nthe battle of the 20th of August was instantly and\\nextensively felt. To the victory gained by the\\nAmericans is ascribed the rescue of the United States\\nfrom a general war with the Indians north-west of\\nthe Ohio and its influence is believed to have ex-\\ntended to the Indians in Georgia. In 1795, a treaty\\nwas concluded at Grenville, which, long and faith-\\nfully observed, gave peace and security to the fron-\\ntier inhabitants, permitting the superabundant po-\\npulation of the eastern states to spread with aston-\\nishing rapidity over the fertile region northwest of\\nthe Ohio.\\nThe year 1794 is distinguished by an insurrection\\nin Pennsylvania. In 1791, congress had enacted\\nlaws, laying duties upon spirits distilled within the\\nUnited States, and tipon stills. From the com-\\nmencement of the operation of these laws, combina-\\ntions were formed in the four western counties of\\nPennsylvania to defeat them, and violence was re-\\npeatedly committed. In July of the present year,\\nabout one hundred persons, armed with guns and\\nother weapons, attacked the house of an inspector of\\nthe revenue, and wounded some persons within it.\\nThey seized the marshal of the district of Pennsyl-\\nvania, who had been previously fired on while in\\nthe execution of his duty by a party of armed men,\\nand compelled him to enter into stipulations to for-\\nbear the execution of his office. Both the inspector\\nand the marshal were obliged to fly from that part\\nof the country to the seat of government. These\\nand many other outrages induced President Wash-\\nington, on the 7th of August, to issue a proclama-\\ntion, commanding the insurgents to disperse, and\\nwarning all persons against aiding, abetting, or com-\\nforting the perpetrators of these treasonable acts,\\nand requiring all officers, and other citizens, accord-\\ning to their respective duties and the laws of the\\nland, to exert their utmost endeavours to prevent\\nand suppress such dangerous proceedings. On the\\n25th of September the president issued a second proc-\\nlamation, admonishing the insurgents forcibly descri-\\nbing the obstinate and perverse spirit with which the\\nlenient propositions of the government had been re-\\nceived and declaring his fixed determination, in\\nobedience to the duty assigned to him by the con-\\nstitution, to take care that the laws be faithfully\\nexecuted, and to reduce the refractory to obedience.\\nFifteen thousand men, placed under the command of\\nGovernor Lee, of Virginia, were marched into the\\ndisaffected counties. The strength of this army\\nrendering resistance desperate, none was offered, and\\nno blood was shed. A few of the most active lead-\\ners were seized and detained for legal prosecution.\\nThe great body of the insurgents, on submission,\\nwere pardoned, as were also the leaders, after trial\\nand conviction of treason. The government acqui-\\nred the respect of the people by this exertion of its\\nforce and their affection by this display of its lenity.\\nGreat Britain and the United States had each\\nbeen incessantly complaining that the other had vi-\\nolated the stipulations contained in the treaty of\\npeace. The former was accused of having carried\\naway negroes at the close of the revolutionary war\\nand of retaining in her possession certain military\\nposts situated ki the western wilderness, and within\\nthe limits of the United States. The latter were\\naccused of preventing the loyalists from regaining\\npossession of their estates, and British subjects from\\nrecovering debts contracted before the commence-\\nment of hostilities. For the purpose of adjusting\\nthese mutual complaints, and also for concluding a\\ncommercial treaty, Mr. Adams had been appointed,\\nin 1785, minister to the court of St. James the\\nBritish ministry then declined negotiating on the\\nsubject but alter the constitution of 1789 was rati-\\nfied, ministers were interchanged, and the discussion\\nwas prosecuted with no little zeal. In 1794, Mr.\\nJay being then minister from the United States, a\\ntreaty was concluded, which, in the spring of the\\nnext year, was laid before the senate. That body\\nadvised the president to ratify it, on condition that\\nan alteration should be made in one of the articles.\\nThe democratic party, however, exclaimed in intem-\\nperate language against most of the stipulations it\\ncontained and the partisans of France swelled the\\ncry of condemnation. Public meetings were held\\nin various parts of the union, at which resolutions\\nwere passed expressing warm disapprobation of the\\ntreaty, and an earnest wish that the president would", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n309\\nwithhold his ratification. General Washington, be-\\nlieving that an adjustment of differences would con-\\nduce to the prosperity of the republic, and that the\\ntreaty before him was the best that could, at that\\ntime, be obtained, gave it his assent, in defiance of po-\\npular clamour, and issued his proclamation stating its\\nratification, and declaring it to be the law of the\\nland. The predominant party in the house of repre-\\nsentatives expressed surprise that this proclamation\\nshould be issued before the sense of the house was\\ntaken on the subject, as they denied tlie power of\\nthe president and senate to complete a treaty without\\ntheir sanction. In March, a resolution passed, re-\\nquesting the president to lay before the house a\\ncopy of the instructions to the minister of the United\\nStates, who negotiated the treaty with the king of\\nGreat Britain communicated by his message of the\\n1st of March, together with the correspondence and\\nother documents relative to the said treaty, excepting\\nsuch of the said papers as any existing negotiation\\nmay render improper to be disclosed. This resolve\\nplaced the president in a situation of high responsi-\\nbility. He knew that the majority of the house en-\\ntertained the opinion that a treaty was not valid\\nuntil they had acted upon it. To oppose, in a go-\\nvernment constituted like that of the United States,\\nthe popular branch of the legislature, would be at-\\ntended with hazard, and subject him to much cen-\\nsure and abuse but considerations of this nature\\nmake but weak impressions on a mind supremely\\nsolicitous to promote the public interest. Upon the\\nmost mature deliberation, the president conceived\\nthat to grant this request of the house would estab-\\nlish a false and dangerous principle in the diplomatic\\ntransactions of the nation, and he gave a denial to\\ntheir request in an answer eminent for mildness,\\nfirmness, and perspicuity, which concluded with the\\nfollowing brief recapitulation of the argument\\nAs, therefore, it is perfectly clear to my under-\\nstanding that the assent of the house of representa-\\ntives IS not necessary to the validity of a treaty as\\nthe treaty with Great Britain exhibits in itself all\\nthe objects requiring legislative provision, and on\\nthese the papers called for can throw no light and\\nas it is essential to the due administration of the go-\\nvernment, that the boundaries fixed by the constitu-\\ntion between the different departments should be\\npreserved a just regard to the constitution, and to\\nthe duty of my office, under all the circumstances\\nof this case, forbid a compliance with your re-\\nquest.\\nA resolution moved in the house to make the ne-\\ncessary appropriations to carry the British treaty into\\neffect, excited among the members the stroi gest\\nemotions, and gave rise to speeches highly argumen-\\ntative, eloquent, and animated. The debate was\\nprotracted until the people took up the subject; In\\ntheir respective corporations meetings were held, the\\nstrength of parties was fully tried, and it clearly ap-\\npeared that the great majority were disposed to rally\\naround the executive. Innumerable petitions were\\npresented to congress, praying them to make the re-\\nquisite appropriations. Unwilling to take upon them-\\nselve the consequeiices of resisting the public will,\\nthey yielded to this call.\\nThe conduct of Spain towards the United States\\nhad always been cold and unfriendly. She feared\\nlest the principles of liberty and the desire of inde-\\npendence should find their way into her contiguous\\nAmerican provinces. At length, becoming involved\\nin a war with France, embarrassed at home, and in-\\ntimidated by the unauthorized preparations which,\\nunder the auspices of Genet, were making in Ken-\\ntucky to invade Louisiana, she intimated her readi-\\nness to conclude a satisfactory treaty, should- an envoy\\nextraordinary be sent to Madrid for that purpose.\\nThomas Pinckney was accordingly appointed. In\\nOctober, 1795, a treaty was signed, securing to the\\ncitizens of the United States the free navigation of\\nthe Mississippi to the ocean, and the privilege of\\nlanding and depositing cargoes at New Orleans.\\nDuring this year also a treaty was concluded with\\nthe regency of Algiers, with which the republic was\\npreviously at war. It stipulated that the United\\nStates, in conformity with the practice of other na-\\ntions, should, as the price of peace, pay an annual\\ntribute to the sovereign of that country.\\nThe last two or three years had witnessed several\\nchanges in the important offices of the nation. On\\nthe first day of the year 1794, Mr. Jefferson resigned\\nthe office of secretary of state, and was succeeded by\\nMr. Randolph. He had performed the duties of that\\noffice with extraordinary ability, and to the entire\\nsatisfaction of the president. He was considered the\\nleader of the republican party, enjoying their highest\\nconfidence and warmest attachment. On the last\\nday of January, 1795, Mr. Hamilton retired from the\\noflice of secretary of the treasury. He possessed dis\\ntinguished talents, and had exerted those talents to\\nestablish order where all was confusion, and to raise\\nfrom the lowest depression the credit of the country.\\nHis complete success greatly exalted his reputation,\\nand to him the federalists felt a sincerity of attach-\\nment equalled only by that entertained for Washing-\\nton. He was peculiarly obnoxious to the republican\\nparty, and was accused by them jf partiality to", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "310\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nEngland, and of misconduct in office. After the\\nclosest scrutiny, his official character was acknow-\\nledged, by his enemies, to be without stain. He was\\nsucceeded by Oliver Wolcott. At the close of the\\nyear 1794, General Knox resigned the office of secre-\\ntary of war, and Colonel Pickering, of Massachusetts,\\nwas appointed in his place. In August Mr. Randolph,\\nhaving lost the confidence of the president, and\\nhaving in consequence retired from the adminis-\\ntration, Mr. Pickering was appointed his successor\\nin the department of state, and James M Henry, of\\nMaryland, was made secretary of war. No republi-\\ncan being now at the head of any of the departments,\\nmany of the leaders of that party withdrew their sup-\\nport from the administration but the confidence of\\nthe people in the integrity and patriotism of the\\npresident experienced not the slightest abatement.\\nThe conduct adopted by France towards the Ameri-\\ncan republic continued to be a source of vexation.\\nM. Fauchet charged the administration with senti-\\nments of hostility to the allies of the United States,\\nwith partiality for their former foes, and urged the\\nadoption of a course more favourable to the cause of\\nliberty. Mr. Morris, the minister to Paris, having\\nincurred the displeasure of those in power, was re-\\ncalled at their request, and his place supplied by Mr.\\nMonroe. Being an ardent republican, he was re-\\nceived in the most respectful manner by the conven-\\ntion, who decreed that the flags of the two republics,\\nentwined together, should be suspended in the legis-\\nlative hall, as a mark of their eternal union and\\nfriendship. M. Adet was appointed soon after to suc-\\nceed M. Fauchet. He brought with him the colours\\nFriends and (ellow-cilizens,\\nThe period for a new election of a citizen to administer the\\nexecutive government of the United Slates, being not far distant,\\nand the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employ-\\ned in designating the person who is to be clothed with that ijnport-\\nant trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a\\nmore distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now ap-\\nprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being consi-\\ndered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be\\nmade.\\nI beg you, at the same tirne, to do me the justice to be assured,\\nthat this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all\\nthe considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a duti-\\nful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of\\nservice, which silence, in my situation, might imply, I am influ-\\nenced by no diininuijon of zeal for your future interest no defi-\\nciency of grateful respect for your past kindness but am support-\\n.ed by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.\\nThe acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to\\nwhich your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform\\nsacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference\\nfor what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it\\nwould have been much earlier in my power, consistently with mo-\\ntives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that re-\\ntirement from which 1 had been reluctantly drawn. The strength\\nof my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even\\nled tc the preparation of an address to declare it to you but ma-\\nof France, which he was instructed by the conven-\\ntion to present to the congress of the United States.\\nThey were received by the president with extraordi-\\nnary ceremonies, transmitted to congress, and after-\\nwards deposited in the national archives. But France\\nrequired of the United States more than professions\\nand hopes, and more than by treaty she was entitled\\nto claim. She wished to make them a party in the\\nwar she was waging with the despots of Europe.\\nFailing in this, and jealous of the more intimate re-\\nlations contracted with her principal enemy, F^ngland,\\nshe adopted regulations highly injurious to American\\ncommerce, directing her cruisers to capture in certain\\ncases the vessels of the United States. In conse-\\nquence of these regulations, several hundred vessels\\nloaded with valuable cargoes, were taken while pro-\\nsecuting a lawful trade, and the whole confiscated.\\nBelievino- that the ritrhts of the nation were not as-\\nserted and vindicated with sufficient spirit by Mr.\\nMonroe, the president recalled him, and Charles C.\\nPinckney, of South Carolina, was appointed in his\\nstead. In the sunmier of 1796, he left the United\\nStates, instructed to use every effort compatible with\\nnational honour, to restore- the amicable relations\\nwhich had once subsisted between the sister republics.\\nAs the period for a new election of a president of\\nthe United States approached, after plain indications\\nthat the public voice would be in his favour, and\\nwhen he probably would have been chosen for the\\nthird time unanimously, Washington determined ir-\\nrevocably to withdraw to the seclusion of private life.\\nHe published, in September, 1796, a farewell ad-\\ndress* to the people of the United States, which\\nture reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our af-\\nfairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons\\nentitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.\\nI rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as in-\\nternal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible\\nwith the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, what-\\never partiality may be retained for ray services, that, in the prcsen\\ncircumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determi-\\nnation to retire.\\nThe impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust,\\nwere explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this\\ntrust, I will only say, th.at I have with good intentions contributed\\ntowards the organization and administration of the governmeni,\\nthe best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable.\\nNot unconscious in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifica-\\ntions, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of\\nothers, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and\\nevery day the increasing weight of years, admonishes me more and\\nmore, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will\\nbe welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given pecu-\\nliar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consola-\\ntion to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the\\npolitical scene, patriotism does not forbid it.\\nIn looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate\\nthe career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to sus-\\npend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which 1\\nowe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n311\\nought to be engraven upon the hearts of his country-\\nmen. In the most earnest and affectionate manner\\nhe called upon them to cherish an inmioveable attach-\\nopon me still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has\\nsupported me and for the opporlunities I have thence enjoyed, of\\nmanifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and per-\\nsevering, though in usel iilness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have\\nresulted to our country from these services, let it always be remem-\\nbered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals,\\nthat, under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every\\ndirection, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes\\ndubious, vicissitudes of fortune, often discouraging, in situations in\\nwhich, not unfrequcntly, want of success has countenanced the spi-\\nrit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop\\nof the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were ef-\\nfected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with\\nme to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows, that\\nHeaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence;\\nthat your union and brotherly aflection may be perpetual; that the\\nflee constitution, which is the work of your liands, may be sa-\\ncredly maintained that its administration, in every department,\\nmay be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happi-\\nness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may\\nbe made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a\\nuse of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recom-\\nmending it to the applause, the aflection, and the adoption of every\\nnation which is yet a stranger to it.\\nHere, perhaps, I ought to stop; but a solicitude for your welfare,\\nwhich can not end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger\\nnatural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present,\\nlo offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your\\nfrequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much\\nreflection of no inconsiderable observation and which appear to\\nme all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people.\\nThese will be afforded to you with the more freedom, as you can\\nonly see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend,\\nwho can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel nor\\ncan I forget, as an encouragement lo it, your indulgent reception\\nof my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.\\nInterwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your\\nhearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or con-\\nfirm the attachment.\\nThe unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is\\nalso now dear to you. It is justly so for it is a main pillar in the\\nedifice of your real independence the support of your tranquillity\\nat home, your peace abroad of your safely of your prosperity\\nof that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy lo\\nforesee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much\\npains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken, in your\\nminds, the conviction of this truth as this is the point in your po-\\nlitical fortress against which the batteries of internal and external\\nenemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertl}\\nand insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should\\nproperly estimate the immense value of your national union, to\\nyour collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish\\na cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment to it accustom-\\ning yourselves lo think and .speak of it as of the palladium of your\\npolitical safety and prosperity watching for its preservation with\\njealous anxiety discountenancing whatever may suggest even a\\nsuspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned and indignantly\\nfrowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any\\nportion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties\\nwhich now link together the various parts.\\nFor this you have every inducement of S}Tiipathy and interest.\\nCitizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has\\na right to concentrate your affections. The name of American,\\nwhich belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt\\nthe just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived\\nfrom local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you\\nhave the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles.\\nYou have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together the\\nindependence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint coun-\\n40\\nment to the national union, to watch for its preserva-\\ntion with jealous anxiety, to discountenance even the\\nsuggestion that it could in any event be abandoned,\\ncils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and suc-\\ncesses.\\nBut these considerations, however powerfully they address them-\\nselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which\\napply more immediately to your interest here every portion of our\\ncountry finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding\\nand preserving the union of the whole.\\nThe North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, pro-\\ntected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the\\nproductions of the latter, gieal additional resources of maritime\\nand commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing\\nindustry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the\\nsame agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its com-\\nmerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen\\nof the North, it finds its parlicular navigation invigorated: and\\nwhile it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the\\ngeneral mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the\\nprotection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally\\nadapted. The East, in like intercourse with the We*t, already\\nfinds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communica-\\ntion, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent\\nfor the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures\\nat home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to\\nits growth and comfort and what is perhaps of still greater con-\\nsequence, it must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoyment of indis-\\npensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence,\\nand the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the union,\\ndirected by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation.\\nAny other tenure by which the West can hold this essential ad-\\nvantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from\\nan apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must\\nbe intrinsically precarious.\\nWhile, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate\\nand parlicular interest in union, all the parts combined can not fail\\nto find, in the united ma.ss of means and efforts, greater strength,\\ngreater resource, proporlionably greater security from external\\ndanger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign na-\\ntions: and what is of- inestimable value, they musl derive fiom\\nunion an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves,\\nwhich so frequently afflict neighbouring countries, not tied together\\nby the same government; which their own rivalships alone would\\nbe sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, at-\\ntachments., and intrigues, would stimulate and imbitler. Hence,\\nlikewise, they w ill avoid the necessity of (hose overgrown military\\nestablishments, which, unde r any form of government, are inau-\\nspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly\\nhostile to republican liberty; in this sense it is, that your union\\nought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the\\nlove of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.\\nThese considerations speak a persuasive language to every re-\\nflecting and virluotis mind, and exhibit the continuance of the\\nunion as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt,\\nwhether a common government can embrace so large a sphere 1\\nLet experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a\\ncase, were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper\\norganization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of govern-\\nments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to\\nIhe experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment.\\nWith such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all\\nparts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated\\nits impracticabiliiyi there will always be reason to distrust the pa-\\ntriotism of those who, in any quarier, may endeavour to weaken\\nits bands.\\nIn contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it oc-\\ncuis as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have\\nbeen furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discrimi-\\nnations Northern and Southern: Atlantic and Western whence\\ndesigning men may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real\\ndifference of local interests and news. One of the expedients of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "312\\nHISTORY OF I HE UNITED STATES.\\nand indignantly to frown upon the first dawning of\\neveiy attempt to alienate any portion of the country\\nfrom the rest. Overgrown mihtary estabhshments\\nparty to acquire influence within particular districts is, to misre-\\npresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot\\nshield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burn-\\nings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to\\nrender alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by\\nfraernal afl eclion. The inhabitants of our western countr) have\\nlately had a useful lesson on this head they have seen in the ne-\\ngotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the\\nsenate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction\\nat that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how\\nunfounded were the suspicions propagated among them, of a policy\\nin the general government, and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly\\nto theij interests, in regard to the Mississippi they have been\\nwitnesses to the formation of two treaties that with Great Britain,\\nand that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could\\ndesire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their\\nprosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preserva-\\ntion of these advantages on the union by which they were pro-\\ncured 1 Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such\\nthere are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect\\nthem with aliens 1\\nTo the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government\\nfor the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict be-\\ntween the parts, can be an adequate substitute; they must inevita-\\nbly experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances,\\nin all times, have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth,\\nyou have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a con-\\nstitution of government belter calculated than your former, for an\\nintimate union, and for the efficacious management of your com-\\nmon concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice,\\nuninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and ma\\nlure deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribu\\nlion of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing\\nwithin itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim\\nto your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority,\\ncompliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties\\nenjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis\\nof cur political systems is, the right of the people to make and to\\nalter their constitutions of government: but the constitution which\\nat any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of\\nthe whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea\\nof the power and the right of the people to establish government,\\npre-supposes the duty of every individual to obey the established\\ngovernment.\\nAll obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations\\nand associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real\\ndesign to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular delibera-\\ntion and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of\\nthis fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to\\norganize faction, to give it an arlificial and extraordinary force, to\\nput in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a\\nparty, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the com-\\nmunity: and, according lo the alternate triumphs of different par-\\nties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concert-\\ned and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of\\nconsistent and wholesome .plans, digested by common councils, and\\nmodified by mutual interests.\\nHowever combinations or associations of the above description\\nmay now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the\\ncourse of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cun-\\nning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert\\nthe power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of\\ngovernment; destroying, afterwards, the very engines which had\\nlifted them to unjust dominion.\\nTowards the preservation of your government, and the perma-\\nnency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you\\nsteadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged\\nauthority, but also, that you resist with care the spirit of innova-\\ntion upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method\\nhe represented as particularly hostile to republican\\nliberty. While he recommended the most implicit\\nobedience to the acts of the established government,\\nof assault may be to eflfect, in the forms of the constitution, altera-\\ntions which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to un-\\ndermine what can not be directly overthrown. In all the changes\\nto which you may be invited, remember, that time and habit are at\\nleast as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of\\nother human institutions that experience is the surest standard by\\nwhich lo test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a coun-\\ntry that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and\\nopinion, exposes lo perpetual change, from the endle.ss variety of hy-\\npotheses and opinion and remember, especially, that for Ihe efficient\\nmanagement of your common interests, in a country so extensive\\nas ours, a government of as much vigour as is consistent with the\\nperfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself vill find\\nin such a government, with powers properly disiribuled and ad-\\njusled, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name,\\nwhere the government is too feeble lo withstand the enlerjirises of\\nfaction, to confine each member of the society within the limits pre-\\nscribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil\\nenjoyment of the rights of person and property.\\nI have already intimated lo you the danger of parties in the Mate,\\nwith particular reference to the founding of them on geographical\\ndiscriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view,\\nand warn you, in the most solemn manner, against the baneful ef-\\nfects of the spirit of party generally.\\nThe spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having\\nits root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists,\\nunder different shapes, in all governments, more or less stifled, con-\\ntrolled, or repressed but in those of the popular form it is seen in\\nits greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.\\nThe alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened\\nby the spirit of revenge, natural to parly dissension, which, in dif-\\nferent ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormi-\\nties, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads, at length, to a\\nmore formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and mise-\\nries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek secu-\\nrity and repose in the absolute power of an individual, and, sooner\\nor later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more\\nfortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes\\nof his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.\\nAVilhout looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which,\\nnevertheless, ought not lo be entirely out of sight,) the common and\\ncontinual mischiefs of the spirit of parly are sufficient lo make it\\nthe interest and duty of a wise people lo discourage and restrain it.\\nIt serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble Ihe\\npublic administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded\\njealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part\\nagainst another; foments, occasionally, riot and insurrection. It\\nopens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a\\nfaciliialed access lo the government itself, through the channels of\\nparly passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are\\nsubjected to Ihe policy and will of another.\\nThere is an opinion, that parlies, in free countries, are useful\\nchecks npon the administration of the government, and- serve to\\nkeep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is pro-\\nbably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patrioti.sm\\nmay look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of\\nparty. But in those of the popular character, in governments pure-\\nly elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural\\ntendency, it is cerlain there will always be enough of that spirit\\nfor every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of\\nexcess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate\\nand assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform\\nvigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warm-\\ning, it should consume.\\nIt is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free\\ncountry, should ins]iire caution in those entrusted with its adminis-\\ntration, to confine themselves within Iheir respective constilulional\\nspheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department,\\nto encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends lo", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n313\\nand reprobated all obstructions to the execution of\\nthe laws, all combinations and associations, under\\nwhatever plausible character, with the real design to\\nconsolidate the powers of all the deparlments in one, and thus to\\ncreate, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just\\nestimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which\\npredominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the\\ntruth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checlis in the\\nexercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into dif-\\nferent depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the pub-\\nlic weal, against invasions by the others, has been evinced by ex-\\nperiments ancient and modern some of them in our own country,\\n\u00c2\u00bb,nd under our own eyes. To preserve thera must be as necessary\\nas to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribu-\\nlion or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any par-\\nticular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way\\nwhich the constitution designates. But let there be no change by\\nusurpation; for though this, in one instance, maybe the instru-\\nment of good, it is the customary weapon by which free govern-\\nments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbal-\\nance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the\\nuse can, at any lime, yield.\\nOf all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperi-\\nty, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would\\nthat man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to sub-\\nvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of\\nthe duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with\\nthe pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume\\ncould not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity.\\nLet il simply be asked, where is the security for property, for re-\\nputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths,\\nwhich are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice 1\\nAnd let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can\\nbe maintained without religion. Whalevet may be conceded to\\nthe influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure,\\nreason and experience both forbid us to expect that national mo-\\nrality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles.\\nIt is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary\\nspring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more\\nor less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a\\nsincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to\\nshake the foundation of the fabric.\\nPromote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions\\nfor the general difl^usion of knowledge. In proportion as the struc-\\nture of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential\\nthat public opinion should be enlightened.\\nAs a very important source of strength and security, cherish\\npublic credit. One method of preserving il is to use il as sparing-\\nly as possible: avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace,\\nbut reinembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for\\ndanger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it;\\navoiding, likewise, the accumulalicm of debt, not only by shunning\\noccasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace,\\nto discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occa-\\nsioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which\\nwe ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims be-\\nlongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion\\nshould co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their\\nduty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that,\\ntowards the payment of debts there must be revenue that to have\\nrevenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which\\nare not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant that the intrin.sic\\nembarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects,\\n(which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive\\nmotive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government\\nin making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for\\nobt.nining revenue which the publ c exigencies may at any time\\ndictate.\\nObserve good faith and justice towards all nations cultivate\\npeace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this\\nconduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it 1\\nIt will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period.\\ndirect, control, counteract, or overawe the regular\\ndeliberation and action of the constituted authorities,\\nhe wished also to guard against the spirit of innova-\\na great nation, to give to niankind the magnanimous and loo novel\\nexample of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevo-\\nlence. Who can doubt hut, in the course of time and things, the\\nfruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages\\nwhich might be lost by a steady adherence to it 1 Can it be, that\\nProvidence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation\\nwith its virtue 1 The experiment, at least, is recommended by every\\nsentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas is it rendered\\nimpossible by its vices 1\\nIn th-e execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than\\nthat permanent inveterate antipathies against particular nations,\\nand passionate attachments for oihers, should be excluded; and\\nthat, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should\\nbe cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an ha-\\nbitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in .some degree, a slave.\\nIt is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is\\nsufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy\\nin one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer\\ninsult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be\\nhaughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions ol\\ndispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed,\\nand bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resent-\\nment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best\\ncalculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in\\nthe national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason\\nwould reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation\\nsubservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and\\nother sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimea\\nperhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.\\nSo, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation lo another\\nproduces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation,\\nfacilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases\\nwhere no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the\\nenmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the\\nquarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or\\njustification. It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation of\\nprivileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation\\nmaking the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought\\nto have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a di.s-\\nposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are\\nwithheld and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded cilizen.s\\n(who devote themselves to the favourite iwlion) facility to betray,\\nor sacrifice the interest of their own country, without odium, some-\\ntimes even with popularity gilding with the appearances of a vir-\\ntuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public\\nopinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish com-\\npliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.\\nAs avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such at-\\ntachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and\\nindependent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to\\ntamper with domestic factions, lo practise the art of seduction, to\\nmislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils\\nSuch an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and pow-\\nerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.\\nAgainst the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to\\nbelieve me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be\\nconslanthj awake; since history and experience prove that foreign\\ninfluence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.\\nBut that jealously, to be useful, must be impartial else it berom^s\\nthe instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a de-\\nfence against il. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and\\nexcessive dislike for another, cause Ihose whom they actuate to see\\ndanger only on one side, and serve lo veil and even second the arts\\nof influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the in-\\ntrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected tmd odious\\nwhile its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the\\npeople, to surrender their interests.\\nThe great ruffe of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is,\\nin extending our commercial relations, lo have with them as little", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "314\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ntion upon the principles of the constitution. Aware\\nthat the energy of the system might be enfeebled by\\nalterations, he thought that no change should be made\\nwithout an evident necessity and that, in so exten-\\nsive a country, as much vigour as is consistent with\\nliberty was indispensable. On the other hand, he\\npointed out the danger of a real despotism, by break-\\ning down the partitions between the several depart-\\nments of government, by destroying the reciprocal\\npolitical connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed\\nengagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here\\nlet us stop.\\nEurope has a set of primary interests, which lo us have none, or\\na very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent\\ncontroversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our\\nconcerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate\\nourselves, by artificial lies, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her poli-\\ntics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships\\nor enmities.\\nOur detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pur-\\nsue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient\\ngovernment, the period is not far off when we may defy material\\ninjury from external annoyance; when we may lalce such an at-\\ntitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon,\\nto be scrupulously respected when belligerent nations, under the\\nimpossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard\\nthe giving us provocation when we may choose peace or war, as\\nour interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.\\nWhy forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation 1 Why\\nquit our own to stand upon foreign ground Why, by interweaving\\nour destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and\\nprosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, hu-\\nmour, or caprice s\\nIt is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with\\nuny portion of the foreign world so far, I mean, as we are now at\\nliberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of pa-\\ntronising infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no\\nless applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is\\nalways the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements\\nhe observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is un-\\nnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.\\nTaking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments,\\non a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to tempo-\\nrary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.\\nHarmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recom-\\nmended by policy, humanity,.and interest. But even our commer-\\ncial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand neither seek-\\ning nor granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the\\nnatural course of things; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle\\nmeans, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing establishing,\\nwith powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to\\ndefine the rights of our merchants, and lo enable the government\\nto support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that\\npresent circumstances and mutual opinions will permit, but tempo-\\nrary, and liable to be, from time to time, abandoned or varied, as\\nexperience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in\\nview, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours\\nfrom another that it must pay with a portion of its independence\\nfor whatever it may accept under that character; that by such ac-\\nceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given\\nequivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with\\ningratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error\\ntiian to expect or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation.\\nIt is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride\\nought to discard.\\nIn offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and\\naffectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and\\nlasting impression I could wish that they will control the usual\\ncurrent of the passions, or prevent our nation i^^m running the\\ncourse which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations; but if I\\nchecks, and consolidating the different powers.\\nAgainst the spirit of party, so peculiarly baneful in\\nan elective government, he uttered his most solemn\\nremonstrances, as well as against inveterate antipa-\\nthies or passionate attachments in respect to foreign\\nnations. While he thought that the jealousy of a\\nfree people ought to be constantly and impartially\\nawake against the wiles of foreign influence, he\\nwished that good faith and justice should be observed\\nmay even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some par-\\ntial benefit, some occasional good that they may now and then\\nrecur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mis-\\nchiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pre-\\ntended patriotism this hope will be a full recompense for the*\\nsolicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated.\\nHow far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been\\nguided by the principles W hich have been delineated, the public\\nrecords, and other evidences of my conduct, must witness to you\\nand the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience\\nis. that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.\\nIn relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclama-\\ntion of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanction-\\ned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in\\nboth houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually\\ngoverned me, uninfluenced by any attempts lo deter or divert me\\nfrom it.\\nAfter deliberate examination, with the aid of the be.st lights I\\ncould obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the\\ncircumstances of the ease, had a right to take, and was bound in\\nduty and interest to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I\\ndetermined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with\\nmoderation, perseverance, and firmness.\\nThe considerations which re.spect the right to hold this conduct,\\nit is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe,\\nthat, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so\\nfar from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been\\nvirtually admitted by all.\\nThe duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without\\nany thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity\\nimpose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to main-\\ntain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other\\nnations.\\nThe inducements of interest, for observing that conduct, will best\\nbe referred to your own reflections and experience. With, me, a\\npredominant motive has been, lo endeavour to gain time to our\\ncountry to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and lo pro-\\ngress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consist-\\nency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command\\nof its own fortunes.\\nThough in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am\\nunconscious of intentional error, I am, nevertheless, too sensible of\\niny defects, not to think it probable that I may have committed\\nmany errors. Whatever they may be, 1 fervently beseech the Al-\\nmighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I\\nshall also carry with me the hope, that my country will never cease\\nto view theiu with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of\\nmy life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of\\nincompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must\\nsoon be lo the mansions of rest.\\nRelying on its kindness in fhis as in other things, and actuated\\nby that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man, who\\nviews in it the native .soil of himself and his progenitors for several\\ngenerations; I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat,\\nin which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet en-\\njoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign\\ninfluence of good laws under a free government the ever favour-\\nite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mu-\\ntual cares, labours, and dangers.\\nGeorge Washington\\nUnikd SiaUs, nth September, 1796.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n315\\ntowards all nations, and peace and harmony cultiva-\\nted. In his opinion, honesty, no less in public than\\nin private aflairs, was always the best policy. Pro-\\nvidenT:e, he believed, had connected the permanent\\nfelicity of a nation witli its virtue. Other subjects\\nto which he alluded, were the importance of credit,\\nof economy, of a reduction of the public debt, and of\\nliterary institutions above all, lie recommended re-\\nligion and morality as indispensably necessary to po-\\nlitical prosperity. This address to the people of the\\nUnited States was received witli the highest venera-\\ntion and gratitude. Several of the state legislatures\\nordered it to be put upon their journals, and every\\ncitizen considered it as the legacy of the most distin-\\nguished American patriot.\\nOn the 7th of December, 1796, the president for\\nthe last time met the national legislature. In his\\nspeech, after talcing a view of the situation of the\\nUnited States, regardless of opposition and censure,\\nhe recommended the attention of congress to those\\nmeasures which he deemed essential to national in-\\ndependence, honou] and prosperity. On the 4th of\\nMarch, 1797, he attended the inauguration of his\\nsuccessor in office. Great sensibility was manifested\\nby the members of the legislature and other distin-\\nguished characters when he entered the senate\\nchamber, and much admiration expressed at the com-\\nplacence and delight he manifested at seeing anotlier\\nclothed with the authority with which he had him-\\nself been invested. Having paid his alfectionate\\ncompliments to Mr. Adams, as president of the United\\nStates, he bade adieu to the seat of government, and\\nhastened to the delights of domestic life. He intend-\\ned that his journey should have been private, but\\nthe attempt was vain the same affectionate and re-\\nspectful atten^ons were on this occasion paid him\\nwhich he had received during his presidency. In\\nhis retirement at Mount Vernon he gave the world\\nthe glorious example of a man voluntarily disrobing\\nhimself of the highest authority, and returning to\\nprivate life, with a character having upon it no stain of\\nambition, of covetousness, of profusion, of luxury, of\\noppression, or of injustice while it was adorned with\\nthe presence of virtues and graces, brilliant alike in\\nthe shade of retirement and in the glare of public life.\\nCHAPTER lY.\\nTHE ADMINISTRATION OP JOHN ADAMS AND JEF-\\nFERSON.\\nWhen the determination of Washington not again\\nto accept of the presidentship left open the high\\noffice to the competition of the leaders of the great\\npolitical parties, no exertion was spared throughout\\nthe union to give success to their respective claims.\\nThe federalists, desiring that the system of measures\\nadopted by Washington should be pursued, and\\ndreading the influence of French sentiments and\\nprinci])les, made the most active efforts to elect John\\nAdams. The republicans, believing their opponents\\nless friendly than themselves to the maxims of liberty,\\nand too much devoted to the British nation and to\\nBritish institutions, made equal exertions to elect\\nThomas Jefferson. The result was the choice of\\nMr. Adams to be president, and Mr. Jefferson to be\\nvice-president.\\nThe President was inaugurated on the 4th day\\nof March, and made the following speech\\nWhen it was first perceived, in early times, that\\nno middle course for America remained, between\\nunlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a\\ntotal independence of its claims men of reflection\\nwere less apprehensive of danger from the formida-\\nble power of fleets and armies they must determine\\nto resist, than from those contests and dissensions,\\nwhich would certainly arise, concerning the forms\\nof government to be instituted over the whole, and\\nover the pjtrts of this extensive country. Relying,\\nhowever, on the purity of their intentions, the jus-\\ntice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence\\nof the people, under an overruling Providence, which\\nhad so signally protected this country from the first\\nthe representatives of this nation, then consisting of\\nlittle more than half its present numbers, not only\\nbroke to pieces the chains which were forging, and\\nthe rod of iron that was lifted up, and frankly cut\\nasunder the ties which had bound them, and laimch-\\ned into an ocean of uncertainty.\\nThe zeal and ardour of the people during the re-\\nvolutionary war, supplying the place of government,\\ncommanded a degree of order, sufficient at least for\\nthe temporary preservation of society. The confe-\\nderation, which was early felt to be necessary, was\\nprepared from the models of the Batavian and Hel-\\nvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain,\\nwith any detail and precision, in history, and cer-\\ntainly the only ones, which the people at large had\\never considered. But, reflecting on the striking\\ndifference, in so many particulars, between this\\ncountry and those, where a courier may go from the\\nseat of government to the frontier in a single day,\\nit was then certainly foreseen by some, who assisted\\nin Congress at the formation of it, that it could not\\nbe durable.\\nNegligence of its regulations, inattention to its", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "316\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nrecommendations, if not disobedience to its authority,\\nnot only in individuals, but in states, soon appeared\\nwith their melancholy consequences universal lan-\\nguor, jealousies, rivalries of states decline of navi-\\ngation and commerce discouragement of necessary\\nmanufactures universal fall in the value of lands\\nand their produce contempt of public and private\\nfaith loss of consideration and credit with foreign\\nnations and at length, in discontents, animosities,\\ncombinations, partial conventions, and insurrection,\\nthreatening some great national calamity.\\nIn this dangerous crisis, the people of America\\nwere not abandoned by their usual good sense,\\npresence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures\\nwere pursued to concert a plan, to form a more per-\\nfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tran-\\nquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the\\ngeneral welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty.\\nThe public disquisition, discussions, and delibera-\\ntions, issued in the present happy constitution of go-\\nvernment.\\nEmployed in the service of my country abroad\\nduring the whole course of these transactions, I first\\nsaw the constitution of the United States in a foreign\\ncountry. Irritated by no literary altercation, anima-\\nted by no public debate, heated by no party animos-\\nity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of\\ngood heads, prompted by good hearts as an expe-\\nriment, better adapted to the genius, character, situa-\\ntion, and relations of this nation and country, than\\nany which had ever been proposed or suggested. In\\nits general principles and great outlines, it was con-\\nformable to such a system of government as I had\\never most esteemed and in some states, my own\\nnative state in particular, had contributed to estab-\\nlish. Claiming a right of suffrage in common with\\nmy fellow-citizens in the adoption or rejection of a\\nconstitution, which was to rule me and my posterity,\\nas well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to ex-\\npress my approbation of it on all occasions, in public\\nand in private. It was not then nor has been since\\nany objection to it, in my mind, that the executive\\nand senate were not more permanent. Nor have 1\\nentertained a thought of promoting any alteration in\\nit, but such as the people themselves, in the course\\nof their experience, should see and feel to be neces-\\nsary or expedient, and by their representatives in\\ncongress and the state legislatures, according to the\\nconstitution itself, adopt and ordain.\\nReturning to the bosom of my country, after a\\npainful separation from it for ten years, I had the\\nlionour to be elected to a station under the new order\\nof things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under\\nthe most serious obligations to support the consti-\\ntntion. The operation of it has equalled the most\\nsanguine expectations of its friends and from an\\nhabitual attention to it, satisfaction in its adminis-\\ntration, and delight in its eflects upon the peace,\\norder, prosperity, and happiness of the nation, I have\\nacquired an habitual attachment to it, and veneration\\nfor it.\\nWhat other form of government, indeed, can so\\nwell deserve our esteem and love\\nThere may be little solidity in an ancient idea,\\nthat congregations of men into cities and nations\\nare the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior\\nintelligences but this is very certain, that to a\\nbenevolent human mind there can be no spectacle\\npresented by any nation, more pleasing, more noble,\\nmajestic, or august, than an assembly like that,\\nwhich has so often been seen in this and the other\\nchamber of Congress of a government, in which\\nthe executive authority, as well as that of all the\\nbranches of the legislature, are exercised by citizens\\nselected at regular periods by their neighbours, to\\nmake and execute laws for the general good. Can\\nany thing essential, any thing more than mere orna-\\nment and decoration, be added to this by robes or\\ndiamonds 1 Can authority be more amiable or res-\\npectable, when it descends from accidents or institu-\\ntions established in remote antiquity, than when it\\nsprings fresh from the hearts and judgments of an\\nhonest and enlightened people For, it is the people\\nonly that are represented it is their power and\\nmajesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in\\nevery legitimate government, under whatever form\\nit may appear. The existence of such a government\\nas ours for any length of time, is a full paoof of a\\ngeneral dissemination of knowledge and virtue\\nthroughout the whole body of the people.. And\\nwhat object of consideration, more pleasing than this,\\ncan be presented to the human mind? If national\\npride is ever justifiable or excusable, it is when it\\nsprings, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory,\\nbut from conviction of national innocence, informa-\\ntion, and benevolence.\\nIn the midst of these pleasing ideas, we should\\nbe unfaithful to ourselves, if we should ever lose\\nsight of the danger to our liberties, if any thing\\npartial or extraneous should infect the purity of\\nour free, fair, virtuous and independent elections.\\nIf an election is to be determined by a majority of\\na single vote, and that can be procured by a party\\nthrough artifice or corruption, the government may\\nbe the choice of a party, for its own ends, not of the\\nnation for the national good. If that solitary suf\\nl\\\\", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n317\\nfrage can be obtained by foreign nations, by flat-\\ntery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror,\\nintrigue, or venality the government may not be\\nthe choice of the American people, but of foreign na-\\ntions. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and\\nnot we, the people, who govern ourselves and can-\\ndid men will acknowledge, that in such cases, clioice\\nwould have little advantage to boast of, over lot or\\nchance.\\nSuch is the amiable and interesting system of\\ngovernment, (and such are some of the abuses to\\nwhich it may be exposed,) which the people of Ame-\\nrica have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of\\nthe wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years\\nunder the administration of a citizen who, by a long\\ncourse of great actions, regulated by prudence, jus-\\ntice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people\\ninspired with the same virtues, and animated with\\nthe same ardent patriotism and love of liberty, to in-\\ndependence and peace, to increasing wealth and un-\\nexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his\\nfellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of\\nforeign nations, and secured immortal glory with\\nposterity.\\nIn that retirement, which is his voluntary choice,\\nmay he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection\\nof his services, the gratitude of mankind the happy\\nfruits of them to himself and the world, which are\\ndaily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the\\nfuture fortunes of his country, which is opening from\\nyear to year. His name may be still a rampart, and\\nthe knowledge that he lives, a bulwark against all\\nopen or secret enemies of his country s peace.\\nThis example has been recommended to the imi-\\ntation of his successors, by both houses of congress,\\nand by the voice of the legislatures and the people,\\nthroughout the nation.\\nOn this subject it might become me better to be\\nsilent, or to speak with diffidence but, as something\\nmay be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admit-\\nted as an apology, if I venture to say, that, if a pre-\\nference, upon principle, of a free republican govern-\\nment, formed upon long and serious reflection, after\\na diligent and impartial inquiry after truth if an at-\\ntachment to the constitution of the United States,\\nand a conscientious determination to support it, until\\nit shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of\\nthe people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it if\\na respectful attention to the constitutions of the in-\\ndividual states, and a constant caution and delicacy\\ntowards the state governments if an equal and im-\\npartial regard to the rights, interests, honour, and\\nliappiness of all the states in the union, without pre-\\nference or regard to a northern or southern, eastern\\nor western position, their various political opinions\\non essential points, or their personal attachments if\\na love of virtuous men of all parties and denomina-\\ntions if a love of science and letters, and a wish to\\npatronize every rational effort to encourage schools,\\ncolleges, universities, academies, and every institu-\\ntion for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion,\\namong all classes of the people, not only for their be-\\nnign influence on the happiness of life, in all its\\nstages and classes, and of societ5f in all its forms, but,\\nas the only means of preserving our constitution from\\nits natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit\\nof party, the spirit of intrigue, profligacy, and cor-\\nruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which\\nis the angel of destruction to elective governments\\nif a love of equal laws, of justice and humanity, in\\nthe interior administration if an inclination to im\\nprove agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, for\\nnecessity, convenience, and defence if a spirit of\\nequity and humanity towards the aboriginal nations\\nof America, and a disposition to meliorate their con-\\ndition, by inclining them to be more friendly to us,\\nand our citizens to be more friendly to them if an\\ninflexible determination to maintain peace and in-\\nviolable faith with all nations, and that system of\\nneutrality and impartiality among the belligerent\\npowers of Europe, which has been adopted by the\\ngovernment, and so solemnly sanctioned by both\\nhouses of congress, and applauded by the legislatures\\nof the states and the public opinion, until it shall be\\notherwise ordained by congress if a personal esteem\\nfor the French nation, formed in a residence of seven\\nyears chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to\\npreserve the friendship, which has been so much for\\nthe honour and interest of both nations if, while the\\nconscious honour and integrity of the people of Ame-\\nrica, and the internal sentiment of their own power\\nand energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavour\\nto investigate every just cause, and remove every co-\\nlourable pretence of complaint if an intention to\\npursue, by amicable negotiation, a reparation for the\\ninjuries that have been committed on the commerce\\nof our fellow-citizens, by whatever nation and if\\nsuccess can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the\\nlegislature, that they may consider what further mea\\nsures the honour and interest of the government and\\nits constituents demand if a resolution to do justice,\\nas far as may depend upon me, at all times, and to\\nall nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and be-\\nnevolence, with all the world if an unshaken con-\\niidence in the honour, spirit, and resources of the\\nAmerican people, on which I have so often hazarded", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "318\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmy all, and never been deceived if elevated ideas\\nof the high destinies of this country, and of my o^vn\\nduties towards it, founded on a knowledge of the\\nmoral principles and intellectual improvements of\\nthe people, deeply engraven on my mind in early\\nlife, and not obscured but exalted by experience and\\nage and with humble reverence I feel it my duty to\\nadd if a veneration for the religion of a people, who\\nprofess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed\\nresolution to consider a decent respect for Christi-\\nanity among the best recommendations for the pub-\\nlic service, can enable me, in any degree, to comply\\nwith your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endea-\\nvour, th^t this sagacious injunction of the two Houses\\nshall not be without effect.\\nWith this great example before me with the\\n.sense and spirit, the faith and honour, the duty and\\ninterest of the same American people, pledged to sup-\\nport the constitution of the United States, I entertain\\nno doubt of its continuance in all its energy and\\nmy mind is prepared, without hesitation, to lay my-\\nself under the most solemn obligations to support it,\\nto the utmost of my power.\\nAnd may that Being, who is supreme over all,\\nthe patron of order, the fountain of justice, and the\\nprotector, in all ages of the world, of virtuous liberty,\\ncontinue his blessing upon this nation and its go-\\nvernment, and give it all possible success and dura-\\ntion, consistent with the ends of his providence.\\nMr. Pinckney had been appointed minister ple-\\nnipotentiary to the French republic in 1796. The\\nobject of his mission was stated, in his letter of cre-\\ndence, to be, to maintain that good understanding\\nwhich, from the commencement of the alliance, had\\nsubsisted between the two nations and to efface\\nunfavourable impressions, banish suspicions, and\\nrestore that cordiality which was at once the evi-\\ndence and pledge of a friendly union. On inspect-\\ning his letter of credence, the directory announced\\nto him their determination not to receive another\\nminister plenipotentiary from the United States,\\nuntil after the redress of grievances demanded of the\\nAmerican government, which the French republic\\nhad a right to expect from it. The American mi-\\nnister was afterward obliged, by a written mandate,\\nto quit the territories of the French republic. Be-\\nsides other hostile indications, American vessels\\nwere captured wherever found and, under the pre-\\ntext of their wanting a document, with which the\\ntreaty of commerce had been uniformly understood\\nto dispense, they were condemned as prizes.\\nIn consequence of this serious state of the rela-\\ntdons with France, the president, by proclamation,\\nsummoned congress to meet on the 15th of June\\nwhen, in a firm and dignified speech, he stated the\\ngreat and unprovoked outrages of the French go-\\nvernment. Having mentioned a disposition indica-\\nted in the executive directory to separate the people\\nof America from their government, such attempts,\\nhe added, ought to be repelled with a decision\\nwhich shall convince France and all the world that\\nwe are not a degraded people, humiliated under a\\ncolonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted\\nto be the miserable instruments of foreign influence,\\nand regardless of national honour, character, and\\ninterest. He expressed, however, his wish for an\\naccommodation, and his purpose of attempting it.\\nRetaining still the desire which has uniformly\\nbeen manifested by the American government to\\npreserve peace and friendship with all nations, and\\nbelieving that neither the honour nor the interest\\nof the United States absolutely forbade the repetition\\nof advances for securing these desirable objects with\\nFrance, he should, he said, institute a fresh at-\\ntempt at negotiation, and should not fail to promote\\nand accelerate an accommodation on terms compati-\\nble with the rights, duties, interests, and honour of\\nthe nation. In the mean time, he earnestly recom-\\nmended it to congress to provide effectual measures\\nof defence.\\nTo make a last effort to obtain reparation and se-\\ncurity, three envoys extraordinary were appointed, at\\nthe head of whom was General Pinckney. By their\\ninstructions, Peace and reconciliation were to be\\npursued by all means compatible with the honour\\nand the faith of the United States but no national\\nengagements were to be impaired no innovations to\\nbe permitted upon those internal regulations for the\\npreservation of peace, which had been deliberately\\nand uprightly established nor were the rights of the\\ngovernment to be surrendered. These ambassadors\\nalso the directory refused to receive. They were,\\nhowever, addressed by persons verbally instructed by\\nTalleyrand, the minister of foreign relations, to make\\nproposals. In explicit terms, these unofiicial agents\\ndemanded a large sum of money before any negotia-\\ntion could be opened. To this insulting demand a\\ndecided negative was given. A compliance was,\\nnevertheless, repeatedly urged, until at length the\\nenvoys refused to hold with them any further com-\\nmunication.\\nWhen these events were known in the United\\nStates they excited general indignation. The spirit\\nof party appeared to be extinct. Millions for de-\\nfence, not a cent for tribute. resounded from every\\nquarter of the union The treaty of alliance with", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED KTATES.\\n319\\nPrance was declared by congress to be no longer in\\nforce and authority was given for capturing armed\\nFrench vessels. Provision was made for raising im-\\nmediately a small regular army, and, in case events\\nshould render it expedient, for augmenting it. A\\ndirect tax and additional internal duties were laid.\\nTo command the armies of the United States, Presi-\\ndent Adams, with the unanimous advice of the senate,\\nappointed George Washington. He consented, but\\nwith great reluctance, to accept tlie office, declaring,\\nhowever, that he cordially approved tlie measures\\nof the government.\\nThe first act of hostility between the two nations\\nappears to have been committed by the Insurgente,\\nwhich was in a short period after so signally beaten\\nby an American frigate. The schooner Retaliation,\\nLieutenant-Commandant Bainbridgc, being deluded\\ninto the power of this vessel, was captured and car-\\nried into Guadaloupe. Several other United States\\narmed vessels were in company with the Retaliation,\\nand ptirsued by the French squadron, but were pro-\\nbably saved from capture by the address of Lieuten-\\nant Bainbridgc, who, being asked by the French\\ncommodore what was the force of the vessels chased,\\nexaggerated it with so much adroitness as to induce\\nhim to re^.all his ships. The Constellation went to\\nsea under the command of Captain Trnxton. In\\nFebruary, 1799, he encountered the Insurgente, and,\\nafter a close action of about an hour and a half, com-\\npelled her to strike. The rate of -the Constellation\\nwas thirty-two guns, that of the Insurgente forty.\\nThe former had three men wounded, one of whom\\nshortly after died, and none killed the latter had\\nforty-one wounded, and twenty-nine killed. This\\nvictory, which was so brilliant and decisive, witla\\nsuch a wonderful disparity of loss, gave great eclat to\\nthe victor and to the navy. Commodore Truxton\\nagain put to sea in the Constellation, being destined\\nto renew his triumphs, and the humiliation of the foe.\\nIn February, 1800, he fell in with the Vengeance, a\\nFreiich ship of fifty-four guns, with which he began\\nan engagement that lasted, Avith great obstinacy and\\nspirit on both sides, from eight o clock in the evening\\ntill one in the morning, when the Vengeance was\\nGeneral Washinglon ^-as exactly six feet in height he ap-\\npeared taller, as his shoulders rose a little higher than the true pro-\\nportion. His eyes were of a grey, and his hair of a brown colour.\\nHis limbs were well formed, and indicated strength. His com-\\nplexion was light, and his countenance serene and thoughtful. His\\nmanners were graceful, manly, and dignified. His general appear-\\nance never failed to engage the respect and esteem of all who ap-\\nproached him. Reserved, but not haughty, in his disposition, he was\\naccessible to all in concerns of business but he opened himself\\nonly to his confidential friends and no art or address could draw\\nfrom him an opinion which be thought prudent to conceal.\\nHe was not so much distinguished for brilliancy of genius as\\n41\\ncompletely silenced, and sheered off. The Constel-\\nlation, having lost her mainmast, was too much in-\\njured to pursue her. The captain of the Vengeance\\nis said to have twice surrendered during the contest,\\nbut his signals were not understood amidst the dark-\\nness of night and the confusion of battle.\\nThe United States, thus victorious in arms at home\\nand on the ocean, commanded the respect of tlieir\\nenemy and the Directory made overtures of peace.\\nThe president immediately appointed ministers, who,\\non their arrival at Paris, found the executive autho-\\nrity in the possession of Bonaparte as first consul.\\nThey were promptly received, and in September,\\n1800, a treaty was concluded satisfactory to both\\ncountries.\\nThe services of Washington had not been required\\nin his capacity of commander in chief but he did\\nnot live to witness the restoration of peace. On\\nFriday, December 13, while attending some improve-\\nments upon his estate, he was exposed to a light rain,\\nwhich wetted his neck and hair. Unapprehensive of\\ndanger, he passed the afternoon in his usual maimer\\nbut at night was seized with an inflammatory aflec-\\ntion of the windpipe, attended by fever, and a quick\\nand laborious respiration. Aboat twelve or fourteen\\nounces of blood were taken from him. In the morn-\\ning, his family physician. Dr. Craik, was sent for\\nbut the utmost exertions of medical skill were applied\\nin vain. Believing from the commencement of his\\ncomplaint that it would be mortal, a few hours before\\nhis departure, and after repeated efforts to be under-\\nstood, lie succeeded in expressing a desire that he\\nmight be permitted to die without being disquieted\\nby unavailing attempts to rescue him from his fate.\\nWhen he could no longer swallow, he undressed\\nhimself and got into bed, there to await his dissolu-\\ntion. To his friend and physician he said, witli\\ndifficulty, Doctor, I am dying, and have been dying\\nfor a long time but I am not afraid to die. Respi-\\nration became more and more contracted and imper-\\nfect until half-past eleven on Saturday night, when,\\nretaining the full possession of his intellect, he ex-\\npired without a struggle. Thus, in the sixty-eighth\\nyear of his age, died the father of his country.* In-\\nfor solidity of judgment, and consummate prudence of conduct. He\\nwas not so eminent for any one quality of greatness and worth, as\\nfor the union of those great, amiable, and good qualities, which are\\nI ery rarely combined in the .same character.\\nIn doiirestic and private life, he blended the authority of tlif\\nmaster with the care and kindness of the guardian and friend.\\nSolicitous for the welfare of his slaves, while at Mount Vernon, ho\\nevery morning rode round his estates to examine their condition\\nfor the sick, physicians were provided and to the weak and infirm\\nevery necessary comfort was administered. The serviiude of the\\nnegroes lay with weight upon his mind lie often made it the sub-\\nject of conversation, and revolved several plans for their general", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "3 iU\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ntelligence of fliis event, as it rapidly spread, produced\\nspontaneous, deep, and unaffected grief, suspending\\nevery other thought, and absorbing every different\\nfeeling. Congress, then in session at Philadelphia,\\nimmediately adjourned. On assembling the next\\nday, the house of representatives resolved, that the\\nspeaker s chair should be shrouded in black, and the\\nmembers wear black during the session and that a\\njoint committee should be appointed to devise the\\nmost suitable manner of paying honour to the memo-\\nry of the man first in war, first in peace, and first in\\nthe hearts of his countrymen. The senate of the\\nUnited States, in an address to the president on this\\nmelancholy occasion, indulged their patriotic pride,\\nwhile they did not transgress the bounds of truth, in\\nspeaking of their Washington. Ancient and mo-\\ndern names, said they, are diminished before him.\\nGreatness and guilt have too often been allied but\\nhis fame is whiter than it is brilliant. The destroy-\\ners of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his\\nvirtues. It reproved the intemperance of their am-\\nbition, and darkened the splendour of victory. The\\nscene is closed, and we are no longer anxious lest\\nmisfortune should sully his glory he has travelled\\non to the end of his journey, and carried with him\\nan increasing weight of honour he has deposited it\\nsafely where misfortune cannot tarnish it, where\\nmalice cannot blast it.\\nAccording to the unanimous resolution of congress,\\na funeral procession moved from the legislative hall\\nto the German Lutheran church, where an oration\\nWas delivered by General Lee, a representative from\\nVirginia. The procession was grand and solemn\\nthe oration impressive and eloquent. Throughout\\nthe union similar marks of affliction were exhibited\\na whole people appeared in mourning. .In every\\npart of the republic funeral orations were delivered,\\nand the best talents of the nation were devoted to an\\nexpression of the nation s grief.\\nIn the year ISOO the seat of government of the\\nUnited States was removed to Washington, in the\\nemancipation. His industry was unremitted, and his method so\\nexact, that all the complicated business of his military command\\nand civil administration, was managed without confusion and with-\\nout hurry.\\nNot feeling the hist of power, and ambitious only for honoura-\\nble fame, he devoted himself to his country upon the most disin-\\nterested principles; and his actions wore not the semblance but the\\nreality of virtue the purity of his motives was accredited, and ab-\\nsolule confidence placed in his patriotism. While filling a public\\nstation, the performance of his -duty took the place of pleasure,\\nemolument, and every private consideration. During the more\\ncritical years of the war, a smile was scarcely seen upon his coun-\\ntenance he gave himself no moments of relaxation but his whole\\nmind was engrossed to execute successiully his trust.\\nHe was as eminent for piety as for patriotism. His public and\\nprivate conduct evince, that he impressively felt a sense of the su-\\ndistrict of Columbia. After congratulatmg the peo-\\nple of the United States on the assembling of congress\\nat the permanent seat of their government, and con-\\ngress on the prospect of a residence not to be changed,\\nthe president said, It would be unbecoming the\\nrepresentatives of this nation to assemble for the first\\ntime in this solemn temple, without looking up to the\\nSupreme Ruler of the universe, and imploring his\\nblessing. May this territory be the residence of vir-\\ntue and happiness In this city may that piety and\\nvirtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy\\nand self-government, which adorned the great cha-\\nracter whose name it bears, be for ever held in vene-\\nration Here, and throughout our country, may\\nsimple manners, pure morals, and true religion, flourish\\nfor ever.\\nAt this period a presidential election again occur-\\nred. From the time of the adoption of the constitu\\ntion, the republican party had been gradually in-\\ncreasing in numbers. The two parties being now\\nnearly equal, the contest inspired both with uncom-\\nmon ardour. The federalists supported Mr. Adams\\nand General Pinckney the republicans, Mr. Jefi er-\\nson and Colonel Burr. The two latter received a\\nsmall majority of the electoral votes and as tliey\\nreceived also an equal mmaber, the selection of one\\nof them to be president devolved upon the house of\\nrepresentatives. After thirty-five trials, during Avhich\\nthe nation felt intense solicitude, Mr. Jefferson was\\nchosen. Colonel Burr received the Azotes of the fede-\\nralists, and lost, in consequence, the confidence of his\\nformer friends. By the provisions of the constitution\\nhe became, of course, vice-president. On his inau-\\nguration, Mr. Jefferson made the following speech to\\nboth houses of congress.\\nFriends and fellow-citizens,\\nCalled upon to undertake the duties of the first\\nexecutive office of our country, I avail myself of the\\npresence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which\\nis here assembled, to express my grateful thanks for\\nthe favour with which they have been pleased to look\\nperintendence of God, and of the dependance of man. In his ad-\\ndresses, while at the head of the army, and of the national govern-\\nment, he gratefully noticed the signal blessings of Providence, and\\nfervently commended his country to divine benediction. In pri-\\nvate, he was known to have been haliitually devout. In the esta-\\nblishment of his presidential household, he reserved to himself the\\nsabbath, free from the interruptions of private visits, or public bu-\\nsiness and, throughout the eight years of his civil administration,\\nhe gave to the institutions of Christianity the influence of his ex-\\nample.\\nUniting the talents of the soldier with the qualifications of the\\nstatesman, and pursuing, unmoved by difliculties, the noblest end\\nby the purest means, he had the supreme satisfaction of beholding\\nthe complete success of his great military and civil services, in the\\nindependence and happiness of his country. Bancroft s Lite of\\nWashington, vol. ii. p. 214.\\nM M", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n321\\ntowards me. to declare a sincere consciousness, that\\nthe task is above my talents, and that I approach it\\nwith those anxious and awful presentiments, which\\nthe greatness of tlie charge, and the weakness of my\\npowers, so justly inspire. A rising nation, spread\\nover a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas\\nwith the rich productions of their industry, engaged\\nin commerce with nations who feel power and forget\\nright, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach\\nof mortal eye when I contemplate these transcendent\\nobjects, and see the honour, the happiness, and the\\nhopes of this beloved country committed to the issue\\nand the auspices of this day, I shrink from the con-\\ntemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude\\nof the undertaking. Utterly, indeed, should I despair,\\ndid not the presence of many, whom I here see, re\\nmind me, that, in the other high authorities provided\\nby our constitution, I shall fmd resources of wisdom,\\nof virtue, and of zeal, on which to rely under all dif-\\nficulties. To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged\\nwith the sovereign functions of legislation, and to\\nthose associated with you, I look with encouragement\\nfor that guidance and support which may enable us\\nto steer with safety the vessel in which we are all\\nembarked, amidst the conflicting elements of a trou-\\nbled world.\\nDuring the contest of opinion through which we\\nhave past, the animation of discussions and of exer-\\ntions, has sometimes worn an aspect which might\\nimpose on strangers unused to think freely, and to\\nspeak and to write what they think but this being\\nnow decided by the voice of the nation, announced\\naccording to the rules of the constitution, all will of\\ncourse arrange themselves under the will of the law,\\nand unite in common efforts for the common good.\\nAll too will bear in mind this sacred principle, that\\ntliough the will of the majority is in all cases to pre-\\nvail, that will, to be rightful, must be reasonable\\nthat the minority possess tlieir equal rights, which\\nequal laws must protect, and to violate which would\\nbe oppression. Let us then, fellow-citizens, imite\\nwith one heart and one mind, let us restore to social\\nintercourse, that harmony and affection without\\nwhich, liberty, and even life itself, are but dreary\\nthings. And let us reflect, that liaving banished\\nfrom our land that religious intolerance under which\\nmankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gain-\\ned little, if we countenance a political intolerance, as\\ndespotic as wicked, and capable of as bitter and\\nbloody persecutions. Durins: the throes and convul-\\nsions of the ancient world.\\ndiu ing\\nthe ag-onizing\\nspasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and\\nslaughter his long lost liberty, it was not wonderful\\nthat the agitation of the billows should reach even\\nthis distant and peaceful shore that this should be\\nmore felt and feared by some, and less by others and\\nshould divide opinions as to measures of safety but\\nevery difference of opinion is not a difference of prin-\\nciple. We have called by different names brethren\\nof the same principle. We are all republicans we\\nare all federalists. If there be any among us who\\nwould wish to dissolve this Union, or to change its\\nrepublican form, let them stand undisturbed as monu-\\nments\u00c2\u00bbof the safety with which error of opinion may\\nbe tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it.\\nI know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a re-\\npublican government cannot be strong that this go-\\nvernment is not strong enough. But would the\\nhonest patriot, in the full tide of successful experi-\\nment, abandon a government which has so far kept\\nus free and firm, on the theoretic and visionary fear,\\nthat this government, the world s best hope, may, by\\npossibility, want energy to preserve itself? I trust\\nnot. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest\\ngovernment on earth. I believe it the only one,\\nwhere every man, at the call of the law, would fly\\nto the standard of the law, and would meet invasions\\nof the public order as his own personal concern.\\nSometimes it is said, that man cannot be trusted with\\nthe government of himself. Can he then be trusted\\nwith the government of others Or, have we found\\nangels in the form of kings, to govern him 7 Let his-\\ntory answer this question.\\nLet us then, with courage and confidence, pursue\\nour own federal and republican principles our at-\\ntachment to union and representative government.\\nKindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from\\nthe exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe\\ntoo high minded to endure the degradations of the\\nothers possessing a chosen country, with room enough\\nfor our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth\\ngeneration, entertaining a due sense of our equal right\\nto the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of\\nour own industry^, to honour and confidence from our\\nfellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our\\nactions and their sense of them, enlightened by a be-\\nnio-n reliirion, professed indeed and practised in va-\\nrious forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth,\\ntemperance, gratitude, and the love of man, acknow-\\nledo-ing and adoring an overruling providence, which,\\nby all its dispensations, proves that it dehghts in the\\nhappiness of man here, and his greater happiness\\nhereafter; with all these blessings, what more is\\nnecessary to make us a happy and prosperous people 7\\nStill one thing more, fellow-citizens, a wise and frugal\\ngovernment, which shall restrain men from injuring", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "322\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\none anotlier, shall leave them otherwise free to regu-\\nlate their own pursuits of industry and improvement,\\nand shall not take from the mouth of labour the bread\\nit has earned. This is the sum of good government\\nand this is necessary to close the circle of our felici-\\nties.\\nAbout to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of\\nduties which comprehend every thing dear and valu-\\nable to you, it is proper you should understand what\\nI deem the essential principles of our government,\\nand consequently, those which ought to skape its\\nadministration. I will compress them within the\\nnarrowest compass they will bear, stating the general\\nprinciple, but not all its limitations. Equal and ex-\\nact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion,\\nreligious or political peace, commerce, and honest\\nfriendship with all nations, entangling alliances with\\nnone the support of the state governments in all\\ntheir rights, as the most competent administrations\\nfor our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks\\nagainst anti-republican tendencies the preservation\\nof the general government in its whole constitutional\\nvigour, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home, and\\nsafety abroad a jealous care of the right of election\\nby the people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses\\nwhich are lopped by the sword of revolution where\\npeaceable remedies are unprovided absolute acqui-\\nescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital\\nprinciple of republics, from which there is no appeal\\nbut to force, the vital principle and immediate parent\\nof despotism a well disciplined militia, our best re-\\nliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till\\nregulars may relieve them the supremacy of the\\ncivil over the military authority economy in the\\npublic expense, that labour may be lightly burdened\\nthe honest payment of our debts and sacred preserva-\\ntion of the public faith encouragement of agriculture,\\nand of commerce as its handmaid the diffusion of\\ninformation, and arraignment of all abuses at the bar\\nof the public reason freedom of religion freedom\\nof the press and freedom of person, under the pro-\\ntection of the habeas corpus and trial by juries im-\\npartially selected. These principles form the bright\\nconstellation, which has gone before us, and guided\\nour steps through an age of revolution and reforma-\\ntion. The wisdom of our sages, and blood of our\\nheroes, have been devoted to their attainment they\\nshould be the creed of our political faith, the text of\\ncivic instruction, the touchstone by v/hich to try the\\nservices of those we trust and should we wander\\nfrom them in moments of error or of alarm, let us\\nhasten to retrace our s(eps, and to regain the road\\nwhich alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.\\nI repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you\\nhave assigned me. AVith experience enough in sub-\\nordinate oflices to have ^een the difficulties of this,\\nthe greatest of all, I have learned to expect that it\\nwill rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man, to retire\\nfrom this station with the reputation, and the favour,\\nwhich bring him into it. Without pretensions to\\nthat high confidence you reposed in our first and\\ngreatest revolutionary character, whose pre-eminent\\nservices had entitled him to the first pla,ce in his\\ncountry s love, and destined for him the fairest page\\nin the volume of faithful history, I ask so much\\nconfidence only as may give firmness and eflect to\\nthe legal administration of your affairs. I shall often\\ngo wrong through defect of judgment. When right,\\nI shall often be thought wrong by those whose posi-\\ntions will not command a view of the whole ground.\\nI ask 5rour indulgence for my own errors, which will\\nnever be intentional and your support against the\\nerrors of others, who may condemn what they would\\nnot, if seen in all its parts. The approbation implied\\nby your suflrage, is a great consolation to me for the\\npast; and my future solicitude will be, to retain the\\ngood opinion of those who have bestowed it- in ad-\\nvance, to conciliate that of others, by doing them all\\nthe good in my power, and to be instrumental to the\\nhappiness and freedom of all.\\nRelying then on the patronage of 3 our good will,\\nI advance with obedience to the work, ready to re-\\ntire from it whenever you become sensible how much\\nbetter choices it is in your power to make. And may\\nthat infinite Power which rules the destinies of the\\nuniverse, lead our councils to what is best, and give\\nthem a favourable issue foi your peace and pros-\\nperity.\\nA second census of the inhabitants of the United\\nStates was completed in 1801. They amounted to\\n5,319,762, having in ten years increased nearly one\\nmillion lour hundred thousand. In the same number\\nof years the exports increased from nineteen to nine-\\nty-four millions, and the revenue from 4,771,000 to\\n12,94.5,000 dollars. This rapid advance in the ca-\\nreer of prosperity has no parallel in the history of\\nnations, and is to be attributed principally to the in-\\nstitutions of the country, which, securing equal pri-\\nvileges to all, gave to the enterprise and industry of\\nall free scope and full encouragement.\\nIn 1802, the state of Ohio was admitted into the\\nunion. It was formerly a portion of the north-west-\\nern territory, for the government of which, in 1787,\\nan ordinance was passed by the continental congress.\\nIn thirty years from its first settlement, the number\\nof its inhabitants exceeded half a million. The state", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n323\\nof Tennessee, which was previonsly a part of North\\nCarolina, and which hes between that state and the\\nriver Mississippi, had been admitted in 1796.\\nThe right of deposit at New Orleans, conceded to\\nthe citizens of the United States by Spain, and neces-\\nsary to the people of the western country, had, until\\nthis period, been freely enjoyed. In October, tlie\\nchief officer of that city prohibited the exercise .of it\\nin future. This violation of a solemn engacemcnt\\nproduced, throughout the states of Ohio and Ken-\\ntucky, indignant clamour and violent commotion. In\\ncongress a proposition was made to take possession\\nby force of the whole province of Louisiana but a\\nmore pacific course was adopted. Knowing that the\\nprovince had been ceded, although not transferred, to\\nFrance, the president instituted a negotiation to ac-\\nquire it by purchase. In April, 1803, a treaty was\\nconcluded, conveying it to the United States for fifteen\\nmillions of dollars. Its acquisition was considered\\nby the United States of the greatest importance, as it\\ngave them the entire control of a river which is one\\nof the noblest in the world.\\nAt this period, also, there was another important\\nacquisition of territory. The friendly tribe of Kas-\\nkaskia Indians, reduced by wars and other causes to\\na few individuals who were unable to defend them-\\nselves against the neighbouring tribes, transferred its\\ncountry to the United States reserving only a suf-\\nficiency to maintain its members in an agricultural\\nway. The stipulations on the part of the United\\nStates were, to extend to them patronage and protec-\\ntion, and to give them certain annual aids, in money,\\nimplements of agriculture, and other articles of their\\nchoice. This ceded country extends along the Mis-\\nsissippi from the mouth of the Illinois to and up the\\nOhio and is esteemed as among the most fertile\\nwithin the limits of the union.\\nThe United States had for some time enjoyed the\\nundisputed repose of peace, with only one exception.\\nTripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary states,\\nhad made demands, founded neither in right nor in\\ncompact, and had denounced war on the failure of\\nthe American government to comply with them be-\\nfore a given day. The president, on this occasion,\\nsent a small squadron of frigates into the Mediterra-\\nnean, with assurances to that power of the sincere\\ndesire of the American arovernment to remain in\\npeace but with orders to protect our commerce\\nagainst the threatened attack. It was a seasonable\\nand salutary measure for the bey had already de-\\nclared war and the American commerce in the\\nMediterranean was blockaded, while that of the At-\\nlantic was in peril. The arrival of the squadron\\ndispelled the danger. The Insurgente, which had\\nbeen so honourably added to the American navy,\\nand the Pickering-, of fourteen giuis, the former com-\\nmanded by Captain Fletcher, tlie latter by Captain\\nHillar. were lost in the equinoctial gale, in Septem-\\nber, 1800. In 1801, the Enterprise, of fourteen giuis,\\nCaptjun Sterrett, fell in with a Tripolilan ship of\\nwar of equal force. The action continued three\\nhours and a half, the corsair fighting with great ob-\\nstinacy, and evea desperation, until she struck, having\\nlost fifty killed and wounded, while th. Enterprise\\nhad not a man injured. In 1803, Commodore Preble\\nassumed the command of the Mediterranean squadron,\\nand after humbling the emperor of Morocco, who had\\nbegun a covert war upon American commerce, con-\\ncentrated most of his force before Tripoli. On ar-\\nriving ofl that port. Captain Bainbridge, in the frigate\\nPhiladelphia, of forty-four guns, was sent into the\\nharbour to reconnoitre. While in eager pursuit of a\\nsmall vessel, he unfortunately advanced so far that\\nthe frigate grounded, and all attempts to remove her\\nwere in ain. The sea around her was immediately\\ncovered with Tripolitan gunboats, and Captain Bain-\\nbridge was compelled to surrender. This misfortune,\\nwhich threw a number of accomplished ofiicers and a\\nvaliant crew into oppressive bondage, and which shed\\na gloom over the whole nation, as it seemed at once\\nto increase the difficulties of a peace a hundred fold,\\nwas soon relieved by one of the most daring and\\nchivalrous exploits that is found in naval annals.\\nLieutenant Stephen Decatur, then one of Commodore\\nPreble s subalterns, proposed a plan for re-capturing\\nor destroying the Philadelphia. The American squad-\\nron was at that time lying at Syracuse. Agreeably\\nto the plan proposed. Lieutenant Decatur, in the ketch\\nIntrepid, four guns and seventy-five men, proceeded,\\nunder the escort of the Syren, Captain Stewart, to\\nthe harbour of Tripoli. The Philadelphia lay within\\nhalf gun-shot of the bashaw s castle, and several\\ncruisers and gunboats surrounded her with jealous\\nvigilance. The Intrepid entered the harbour alone,\\nabout eight o clock in the evening, and succeeded in\\ngetting near the Philadelphia, between ten and eleven\\no clock, without having awakened suspicion of her\\nhostile designs. This vessel had been captured from\\nthe Tripolitans, and, assuming on this occasion her\\nformer national appearance, was permitted to warp\\nalongside, under the alleged pretence that she had\\nlost all her anchors. The moment the vessel came\\nin contact, Decatur and his followers leaped on board,\\nand soon overwhelmed a crew which was paralyzed\\nwith consternation. Twenty of the Tripolitans\\nwere killed. All the surrounding batteries being", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "324\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nopened upon the Philadelphia, sh.e was immediately\\nset on fire, and not abandoned until thorouglily\\nwrapped in flames when, a favouring breeze spring-\\ning up, the Intrepid extricated herself from her prey,\\nand sailed triumphantly out of the harbour amid the\\nlight of the conflagration. Not the slightest loss oc-\\ncurred on the side of the Americans to shade the\\nsplendour of the enterprise.\\nIn .Tuly, 1804, Commodore Preble brought to-\\ngether all his forces before Tripoli, determined to\\ntry the effect of a bombardment. The enemy hav-\\ning sent some of his gunboats and galleys without\\nthe reef at the mouth of the harbour, tv. o divisions\\nof American gunboats were formed for the purpose\\nof attacking them, while the large vessels assailed\\nthe batteries and town. On the 3d of August this\\nplan was put in execution. The squadron ap-\\nproached within gun-shot of the town, and opened a\\ntremendous fire of shot and shells, which was as\\npromptly returned by the Tripolitan batteries and\\nshipping. At the same time the two divisions of\\ngunboats, the first under the command of Captain\\nSomers, the second under Captain Stephen Decatur,\\nwho had been promoted as a reward for his late\\nachievement, advanced against those of the enemy.\\nThe squadron was about two hours under the en-\\nemy s batteries, generally within pistol-shot, ranging\\nby them in deliberate succession, alternately silen-\\ncing their fires, and launching its thunders into the\\nvery palace of the bashaw while a more animated\\nbattle was raging in another quarter. Simulta-\\nneously with the bombardment the American gun-\\nboats had closed in desperate conflict with the enemy.\\nCaptain Decatur, bearing down upon one of superior\\nforce, soon carried her by boarding, when, taking\\nhis prize in tow, he grappled with another, and in\\nhice manner transferred the fight to the enemy s\\ndock. In the fierce encounter which followed this\\nsecond attack. Captain Decatur, having broken liis\\nsword, closed with the Turkish commander, and\\nboth falling in the struggle, gave him a mortal\\nwound with a pistol-shot, just as the Turk was\\nraising his dirk to plunge it into his breast. Lieu-\\ntenant Trippe, of Captain Decatur s squadron, had\\nboarded a third large gunboat, with only one mid-\\nshipman and nine men, when his boat fell off, and\\nleft him to wage the unequal fight of eleven against\\nthirty-six, which was the number of the enemy.\\nCourage and resolution, however, converted this de-\\nvoted little band into a formidable host, which, after\\na sanguinary contest, obliged the numerous foe to\\nyield, with the loss of fourteen killed and seven\\nwounded. Lieutenant Trippe received eleven sabre\\nwounds, and had three of his party wounded, I ut\\nnone killed. Several bombardments and attd :ks\\nsucceeded each other at intervals throughout the\\nmonth. Day after day death and devastation were\\npoured into Tripoli with unsparing-perseverance, each\\nattack exhibiting instances of valour and devotedness\\nwhich will give lustre to history. The eyes of\\nEurope were drawn to the spot where a young na-\\ntion, scarcely emerged into notice, was signally\\nchastising the despotic and lawless infidel, to whom\\nsome of her most powerful governments were then\\npaying tribute.\\nOn the 4th of September, Commodore Preble, in\\norder to try new experiments of annoyance, deter-\\nmined to send a fireship into the enemy s harbour.\\nThe Intrepid was fitted out for this service, being filled\\nwith powder, shells, and other combustible materials.\\nCaptain Somers, who had often been the emulous\\nrival of Decatur in the career of glory, was appoint-\\ned to conduct her in, having for his associates in\\nthe hazardous enterprise Lieutenants VVadsworth\\nan^ Israel, all volunteers. The Argus, Vixen, and\\nNautilus, were to convoy the Intrepid as far as the\\nmouth of the harbour. Captain Somers and Lieu-\\ntenant Wadsworth made choice of two of the fleet-\\nest boats in the squadron, manned with picl;cd\\ncrews, to bring them out. At eight o clock in ilie\\nevening slie stood into the harbour with a moderate\\nbreeze. Several shot were fired at her from the\\nbatteries. She had nearly gained her place of des-\\ntination when she exploded, without having made\\nany of the signals previously concerted to show that\\nthe crew was safe. Night hung over the dreadful\\ncatastrophe, and left the whole squadron a prey to\\nthe most painful anxiety. The convoy hovered\\nabout the harbour until sunrise, when no rem.ains\\ncould be discovered either of the Intrepid or her\\nboats. Doubt was turned into certainty, that she\\nhad prematurely blown up, as one of the enemy s\\ngunboats was observed to be missing, and several\\nothers much shattered and damaged. Commodore\\nPreble, in his account, says, that he was led to be-\\nlieve that those boats were detached from the\\nenemy s flotilla to intercept the ketch, and without\\nsuspecting her to be a fireship, the missing boats had\\nsuddenly boarded her, when the gallant Somers and\\nthe heroes of his party observing the other three\\nboats surrounding them, and no prospect of escape,\\ndetermined at once to prefer death, and the destruc-\\ntion of the enemy, to captivity and torturing slavery,\\nput a match to the train leading directly to the\\nmagazine, which at once blew the whole into\\nthe air, and terminated their existence and he", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n325\\nadds, that his conjectures respecting this affair are\\nfounded on a resolution which Captain Somers and\\nLieutenants Wadsworth and Israel had formed,\\nneither to be taken by the enemv, nor suffer him to\\nget possession of the powder on board the Intrepid.\\nSoon after these events, Commodore Preble gave up\\nthe command in the Mediterranean to Commodore\\nBarron, and returned to the United States. His\\nGoldsborough s Naval Chronicle, p. 237.\\nt In 1794, aproposilion was brought Ibrward for creating a navy,\\nan-d after a sharp debate, a bill was passed by a majoriiy of two\\nonly, in the house of representatives, for building: four forty-four s\\nand two thirty-six s. The most e.xperienced and skilful ship-build-\\ners in the country were sought for, and employed, and the work-\\nbegan in earnest. Humphries and Hacket, master builders and\\nmodellers, did themselves great credit by the specimens they pro-\\nduced, in 1798 and 1799, this country had built up a considera-\\nble navy; six forty-four s, three thirly-six s, .seven thirty-two s, and\\nfrom fifteen to twenty, or more, smaller vessels of war. This sud-\\nden creation of a naval force showed the maritime world, what the\\nresources and energies of our nation were, whenever they should\\nbe pushed to develop them. In 1798, the nation were in a state of\\nagitation, and the secretary of war, who was then charged with\\nsuperintending the concerns of the navy, addressed a letter to the\\nHon. Samuel Sewall, ckn.irman of the commillce of Ike house of re-\\npresenlnZives for the proteclion of commerce, and the defence of the\\ncouniry, containing his views of the necessary preparation for the\\nexigencies of the times, to p rotect our tcrrilory, properly, and sove-\\nreigiUj. All our naval forces were soon put in requisition. An\\nact was passed in May, 1798, which authorized the president to\\ndirect our cruisers to seize, take, and bring into any port of the Uni-\\nted Slates, any vessel sailing under the authority of the French re-\\npublic, hovering on our coast for the purpose of committing depre-\\ndations on vessels belonging to our citizens, c. In conformity\\nto this act. Captain Dale, in the Ganges, who had been fitted out\\nwith limited instructions, received those of a broader nature, but\\nstill limited to come strictly within the act of the 28th of May.\\nDuring the summer, others were ordered out, and our commerce\\nin the West India seas was well protected. Until this period, we\\n\\\\.a.d no regular and systematic arrangement in this department;\\nint at this period the cost of building and equipping the navies of\\nother nations were examined, and rules for our own were readily\\nto be found in them, if, in many items, they were considerably dif-\\nferent. The strongest arguments were used to show the propriety\\nof efRcient measures, and were generally convincing and satisfac-\\ntory. In this qxiasi war, as it was called by Mr. Adams at that\\ntime, the American navy took from the French republic, from 1798\\nto 1801, between eighty and ninety armed vessels, and re-captured\\nmany American vessels, which the French cruisers had taken from\\nthe citizens of the United Slates. The most con.spicuous of the\\nengagements in this naval contest, was that of the Constellation,\\nCaptain Truxton, and the Insurgenle, cf forty guns, and four hun-\\ndred and nine men, in which the latter was taker and that of the\\nsame American s-hip and commander, with the Vengeance, a fifiy-\\nfour gun ship, which escaped after she had several times struck her\\nflag. The next in point of size was the Eerceau, of twenty-four\\nguns, and two hundred and twenty men, taken by the Boston, Cap-\\ntain Little. Captain John Shaw, in the Enterprise, of twelve guns,\\ncaptured six armed French vessels, and re-captured eleven Ameri-\\ncan vessels, in a cruise of eight months. In these engagcirients, in\\none of which he contended with superior force, he took forty-seven\\nguns and three hundred and seventy-nine men, and in all of them\\ntogether, the enemy had thirty-one killed and sixty-six wounded.\\nAlthough there were a few mistakes in the naval affairs of that\\nperiod, yet, the whole course together, reflected the highest honour\\non our country, and gave evidence not only to France, but to the\\nother nations, that we were fitted for a naval power, and should\\nsoon take our rank with the nations of Europe, on the high seas.\\nMany young officers distinguished themselves, and gave early pro-\\nmise of the high character which they have since sustained. The\\neminent services were enthusiastically acknowledged\\nby his admiring fellow-citizens, as well as those of\\nhis associates in arms, whose names, in the ex-\\npressive language of congress on the occasion,\\nought to live in the recollection and affection of\\na grateful country, and whose conduct ought to be\\nregarded as an example to future generations. t\\nWhile the squadron remained before Tripoli other\\nwhole cost of the creation and support of this navy was short of ten\\nmillions of dollars; not equal to the revenue of our nation for one\\nyear of this war.\\nUnder the act of the third of Mnrch, 1801, all the ships and ves-\\nsels belonging lo the navy of the United Slates, were sold, excepting\\nthirteen, and these, mostly frigates tHey brought in the maikttbut\\na small proportion of their original cost. This sacrifice was a\\nmatter of no importance, in comparison wilh the glory we had\\ngained; aye, something more than fame was gained. The success\\nof our naval forces taught, not only otheis, but ourselves, that it did\\nnot require the pressure of a revolutionary struggle, to make us a\\nmaritime nation, in the true naval sense of the woid a nation who\\ncould make the greatest exertions to pioteet and extend a lawful\\ncommerce, upon the broadest basis. Avarice might have wished\\nus to have risked nothing, and to have piiichasc(l our mercantile\\nprivileges by debasement and sycophancy to oilier nations; and li-\\nmidily preached lo us a long homily upon the mighty powers of\\nthese nations, and entered into deep calculations ujion the folly of\\nrisking any thing, when we were so weak and defenceless; but,\\nthanks to heaven, the proud spirit of our lathers prevailed, and the\\nhonour of the nation was not compromised bj parsimony or cow-\\nardice. It seemed a dream to all the woild, iliat a navy could rise\\nupon the bosom of the ocean, by the power of an infant nation, in\\nso sudden a manner. The fabled pines of Mount Ida were not\\nformed into ships, for the fugitive Trojans, more rapidly than the\\noaks of our pasture-grounds and forests were thrown into naval\\nbatteries, for the protection of commerce, and our national dignity.\\nScarcely had it been published in Ihe English and coniinenlal ga-\\nzelles, that our navy was sold otf, and that we were destitute of a\\nship of war, before the seas were whitened with the canvass of a\\nnavy from our porls, Ihat fled from no equal, and were caught by\\nno superior force.\\nScarcely had our diflercnces wilh France been adjusted, befpre\\nwe were called lo contend with a new foe; and then Ihe diminu-\\ntion of our naval force was sorely fell. During our existence as\\ncolonies, our trade had been protected in the Mediterranean, by the\\nnaval power of the mother country; but after the peace of 1783,\\nthe protection of course ceased, and we were obliged to purchase\\nan immunity from capture and slavery, from the sovereigniies of\\nMorocco and Algiers. This tribute was gallins to a free people,\\nbut nothing else could be done lo save a valuable commerce, and\\nwe consoled ourselves that the most powerful christian nations had\\ndone the same, and some ol them were still doing the same and,\\nin fact, all of them, in some way or olhcr, were slill tributai ies. In\\nthe year 1800, an indignity was oflered our Hag by the dey of Al-\\ngiers. The ship which was sent to carry our tribute was forcibly\\nsent on a mission from Ihe dey to his master, Ihe Grand Seignior,\\nand although it was managed in such a manner as to produce in\\nthe mind of the inasler,of the petty tyrant, a respect for the people\\nof Ihe new world, by the address of the American commander, slill\\nthe insult was deeply felt in every part of our country. These\\npowers on the coast of Africa were a terror to every mariner for\\nhe, who feared no storms, dreaded captivity in these countries more\\nthan death itself. The Barbary powers, Algiers, Tunis, Mororco.\\nand Tripoli, had been the scourge of Christendom for ages. They\\nhad been pirates for a thousand years; from Ihe time Ihe Greeks\\nhad been driven from these shores lo the present day, Ihey had\\nplundered the merchants trafficking in the Mediterranean, and made\\nall persons Ihey could get into their po.ssession slaves and these\\nunfortunate beings they either ransomed at a great price, or cruelly\\ndevoted to labour and insults of Ihe worst character. Spain,\\nFrance, England, Portugal, Denmark, and Sweden, had suflered", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "S26\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STA^fES.\\ndeeds of heroism were performed. William Eaton,\\nwho had been a captain in the American army, was,\\nat the commencement of this war, consul at Tunis.\\nimmeasurably from the corsairs of lliese piratical governments,\\nwhenever they refused to pay a tribute for their safely. Tlicse\\ncorsairs were adventurous and skilful seamen, and lived and thrived\\non the depredations made on all christian dogs, as they insult-\\ningly called their foe. They often swept the Adriatic, depredated\\non the coast of Spa-in, and Italy, and France, and infested all the\\nseas of that region; and sometimes ventured on the Atlantic in\\nsearch of prey. At different periods of history immense efforts\\nhad been made to subdue them. In the time of Ferdinand of\\nSpain, he drove them from the seaboard, and for several years kept\\nthein in fear and dread of him; but in 1615, Barbarossa, a Turk,\\nand one who had been a corsair, got possession of Algiers, and by\\nevery species of cruelty and Jntrigue, extended his influence and\\npower along the coast for some distance. He fell, as most tyianls\\nhave done, in violence and blood, and his brother became, for the\\nsecurity of him.self and friends, a tributary to the Grand Seignior.\\nThe formidable works erected by the Spaniards while they had pos-\\nsession of the country, were destroyed and with thirty thousand\\nchristian slaves, then unransomed, he built the wall and other works\\nwhich now defend the city. Spain and Italy, and all Irne chris-\\ntians, were in tortures at the treatment of their countrymen and\\nfellow christians; and Charles V. of Spain, in 1641, made a bold\\nelforl to extirpate this nest of pirates at once. With one hundred\\nand twenty ships, twenty galleys, and thirty thousand men and gen-\\ntlemen, who had entered into it from religious views, as it was con-\\nsidered a holy war, he commenced his campaign. In this fickle\\nclimate the elements warred against him, and all this tremendous\\nhost were either destroyed by tempests, nr killed by the foe, or re-\\nturned disheartened, notwithstanding the bull of the pope, and\\nthe blessing of the cardinals and priests upon the holy expedition.\\nFrance once in later years, in a fit of resentment, made a spirited\\nattack upon them, but did not follow il up with any permanent ef-\\nforts. It seems mysterious, but so it was, that the United Slates\\nshould be the first power in modern times who could, or who did,\\nkeep in check the corsairs of those seas; and who dared to blow\\nthe castles round the heads of those who sought protection in them.\\nIn 1800, the bashaw of Tripoli was anxious to have tribute paid\\nhim also, and made his demand in a bold insulting manner. The\\nBey of Tunis also raised his voice for tribute. On the 15th of\\nMay, 1801, the bashaw of Tripoli declared war against the United\\nSlakes. This was precisely the act our naval commanders were\\ndesirous of; but the horrors of slavery made a great impression upon\\nthe minds of some of our cit jzen.s, who clamoured to have every sa-\\ncrifice made, that we might be kept in security; fortunately this\\nwas not the general feeling. Before this declaration of war had\\nbeen made, the president of the United Stales had sent Commodore\\nDale with a squadron of observation, consisting of three frigates\\nand a schooner. His instructions were full of caution, yet not\\nwanting in decision. On the 6th of August, 1801, Lieutenant\\nSterret, in the Enterprise, of twelve guns, took the first Tripolitan\\nship of war, or the first of any of these Barbary powers which ever\\nstruck to our flag. The prize mounted fourteen guns; she had\\ntwenty killed and thirty wounded in the action, but there was not\\nan American injured.\\nThis fight fully showed our superiority in naval tactics and gun-\\nnery over any thing these pirates conld produce. Early in 1802,\\nB relief squadron was sent out to the Mediterranean Captain R.\\nv. Morris was in command of il. The squadron was one of more\\nefficiency than that of Commodore Dale s. It was well appointed,\\nand provision made for ample supplies. In May, 1803, the bashaw\\nof Tripoli proposed a peace his sine qua nom was two hundred\\nthousand dollars, and the expenses of the war. The negotiation\\nwas instantly given up, and these terms considered inadmissible.\\nHe had become, however, quite tired of being blockaded in his ow^n\\nport. In June, Captain Morris was suspended, for it became appa-\\nrent that he did not act with sufficient energy nothing brilliant had\\nteen done under his command. The trade it is true had been pro-\\ntected, and probably he thought this the chief end of his duties.\\nThe secretary of the navy was not satisfied with this, and he ap-\\nHe there became acquainted with Hamet Caramanly,\\nwhom a younger brother had excluded from the\\nthrone of Tripoli. With him he concerted an ex-\\npointed Commodore Preble to take the command of the squadron.\\nThis was a fortunate appointment; Preble was a man of sterling\\ntalents, and well acquainted with his duty; of the most cool and\\ndetermined bravery, and was panting for some occasion for distinc-\\ntion. He had with him some noble spirits, Bainbridge, Decatur,\\nand others, cast in the same mould, and animated by the same soul\\nwitli himself. The squadron had not only to blockade Tripoli, but\\nto watch the movements of Algiers, Morocco, and Tunis; but on\\nthe dey of Algiers seeming in better nature than usual, and the\\nemperor of Morocco coming to terms, Pieble made up his mind tc\\nattack Tripoli with what force he had, and a few gun-boats he had\\nhired at JS aples. On the 3d of August, 1804, he made the first at-\\ntack. These gun-boats gave our men an opporuinily of showing\\ntheir personal strength, science, and bravery, in attack and defence\\nfor the combatants came, as in ancient limes, hand to hand and\\nbreast to breast. The minute details of this and the other attacks\\non this city, would furnish a story of as much jirowess and chival-\\nrous gallantry as any of the warn in the Holy Land. The deeds of\\nthe lover-knights were then sung by the minstrel, and for ages after\\nwere breailied in bower and hall, and are not yet iorgotten, but still\\nenamour the brave and the fair in this cool age of philosophy shall\\nour heroes want an historian 1 After the second attack, which was\\nmade on the 5th of the same month, the bashaw lowered his tcrn:s\\nfor peace, offering to take five hundred dollars for each prisoner,\\nand require no stipulation for peace hereafter. This also was not\\nadmissible. On the 28th, another attack was made; and the next\\non tlie 3d of September. The fickleness of the seas in winter would\\nnot admit of any further attacks this season. T)ie next sunimei\\nthey were to be renewed with a vigorous determination to carry\\nfire and sword into the palace of the bashaw. On the lOih of Sep-\\ntember, Preble surrendered his command to Commodore Barron.\\nThe secretary said that this was a matter of necessity. The secre-\\ntary was an honourable man. Enough was done to induce the\\nbashaw to make peace on the 3d of June, 1805, on favourable terms,\\nor rather on just terms. Thus ended a war which surprised the\\nnations of Europe. They had often smiled to think tiie Uniteil\\nStates, a new-born nation, should be so presumptuous as to suppose\\nthat she could put down these predatory hordes, which had exacted\\ntribute from all the commercial world, from time immemorial but\\nit was done, and the lookers on were astonished at the events as\\nthey transpired. The Pope, who had ever been deeply interested\\nin all these pagan wars, or rather, all these wars against pagan\\npowers, declared that this infant nation had done more in a few\\nyears, in checking the insolence of these infidels, than all the na-\\ntions of Europe for ages. The thunders of the Vatican had passed\\nharmlessly over these pirates heads, through more than ten succes-\\nsors of St. Peter, until the United States had brought these infidels\\nto terms by the absolute force of naval power. The head of the\\nchurch saw that the people of a free nation had felt the degradation\\nof paying tribute, and were deiennined to do so no longer than lliey\\ncould concentrate their energies, and direct them to bear upon the\\ngeneral foe of Christendom. The whole was indeed a wonder, that\\na nation that scarcely had risen into the great family of independent\\npowers, should be able to grapple with, and in a measure subdue,\\nthese barbarians, who had been for so long a time the sconrgc of\\nmankind. We had not taken one power alone, but all from the\\nAtlantic to the Red Sea. The Doge, who had been wedded to the\\nAdriatic, and promised for the dower of his bride, the dominion of\\nthe seas from the Delta of Egypt to the straits of Gibraltar, had\\nnever in the pride of aristocratic strength, claimed the honour of\\nhumbling the insolent Turk to the extent that the United Stales\\nhad done in a few years. The arm of liberty, when properly di-\\nrected, was always deadly to despotism. These exertions gave our\\nflag a rank among the nations of Europe, in these cla.ssical .seas, in\\nwhich so great a proportion of all the sea-fights in the annals of\\nman had taken place, from the early ages of fable and romance to\\nmodern times. The corsair, who had been the terror of the world,\\nwas now found a furious, but not unconquerable foe; and the bar-\\nbarians, whose tremendous fierceness had been the tale of wonder", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n3?7\\npedition against the reinning sovereign, and repaired\\nto the United States to obtain permission and the\\nmeans to undertake it. Perinission \\\\Aais granted,\\nthe co-operation of the squadron recommended, and\\nsuch pecuniary assistance as could be spared was\\nafforded. To raise an army in Egypt, and lead it to\\nattack the usurper in his dominions, was the pro-\\nject which had been concerted. In the beginning\\nof 1805, Eaton met Hamet at Alexandria, and was\\nin every age, seemed, in our mode of warfare, less dangerous than\\nthe aboriginals ve had been contending with from the cradle of our\\nnation. We have sworn to pay no tribute in this region, but tliis\\nwere vain shall not the mighly dead demand the tribute of a tear?\\nAnd shall this be denied 1 Shall not the lover of his country shed\\none sacred dew drop of nature to the niemoiy of Somers, Wads-\\nworth, and Israel Shall we repeat the glories of Salamis and of\\nthe Nile, and forget our own heroes who devoted themselves to de-\\nstruction for our honour 1 Oh! no; such actions are rare on the\\npage of history, and shall not be forgotten the dullest of the sons\\nof men .shall acknowledge that there docs exist, in the soul of the\\nbrave, a romantic love of country and of fame, when reminded of\\nthe deeds and fate of these victims; and shall we be wanting in\\nthese reminiscences No; generous spirits you shall be brought\\nforth on all proper occasions, and your country s historians charged\\nwith handing down to the latest posterity your noble sacrifice that\\nof self-immolation on your country s allar. Your business was to\\ndie, and you have finished it up; be it ours to take in charge your\\nfame, and transmit it to future times.\\nHere I shall stop as to the history of our navy, for all the inci-\\ndents on which future history is to be founded, are fully blazoned\\nin the newspapers of the daj and so generally spread upon the\\npages of our literary and historical journals, that it would be\\npremature, perhaps, to attempt to condense, connect, and correct\\nthem for history; the laurels of our navy are too green and dewy\\nat this hour to be fit to garner up for preservation but suffice it now\\nto say, that we are contented with the present size of our navy, and\\nare proud of its fame in every stage of its growth. A navy should\\nalways be in proportion to the number, the wealth, the coinmerce,\\nand the spirit of a people. It .should grow no faster than its duties\\nare required, and never over represent the strength of a nation.\\nIl5 growth should be so gradual that no ignorance of nautical sub-\\njects should ever be seen in the crew of a ship, and still new sailors\\nshould be instructed in every cruise. The greatest possible sci-\\nence and efficiency in the smallest possible cojnpass, should be the\\nstanding ma.xim of those who love a navy. It is not the creation\\nof a navy, that we are now, as a nation, to think of; it is only the\\nmanagement and increase of that navy, that should be brought for-\\nward as subjects of consideration and for this increase we can\\nhave no particular an-iiety. Skilful artizans to build a navy have\\nnever been wanting in this country since its earliest days they\\nabound now, and are possessed of all the improvements in the art\\nof ship-building; and these are not a few. On our part of this\\ncontinent we have timber enough for all the navies of the world\\nour forests and pastures produce it faster than it can be used and\\nscience has taught us to make as much again as we used to, of\\nwhat we have. In addition to these great stores, the providence of\\na late secretary of the navy, with the assistance of congress, has\\nsecured an abundance of the best of live oak, by reserving for the\\nuse of the government, an immense forest of this growth in Flori-\\nda. This cost the nation but little more than the sagacious efforts\\nof a man of political forecast; the worth of a statesman is seldom\\nknown until he passes away; and those who do the most good,\\noften share the fate that the ignorant and time-serving deserve, or\\na worse one. We can never want for sailors, as long as our cod\\nand whale fi.shery are pursued, and our foreign commerce is pro-\\ntected.\\nOur mariners have amounted to one hundred and eight thousand,\\nand over; a fourth part of these can, on an emergency, be spared\\nfor the navy, and these, with a small proportion of fresh recruits,\\n42\\nappointed general of his forces. On the 6th of\\nMarch, at the head of a respectable body of mounted\\nArabs, and about seventy Christians, he set out for\\nTripoli. His route lay across a desert one thousand\\nmiles in extent. On his march, he encountered\\nperil, fatigue, and sutTering, the description of which\\nwould resemble the exaggerations of romance. On\\nthe 2.5th of April, having been fifty days on the\\nmarch, he arrived before Derne, a Tripolitan city on\\nwould instantly make up a most formidable force for naval opera-\\ntions. The iron and hemp, or its substitute, cotton, can easily be\\nfound here, and will be supplied as fast as wanted. The only ma-\\nteriel we were ever charged to be wanting in, was scientific navi-\\ngators, not liardy seamen, and these we are every day .schooling\\nfor our requisitions. The two hundred and fifty lieutenants, and\\nthe four hundred and sixteen midshipmen, will supply the place of\\nthose who, in the course of nature, pass away, and the list of our\\nveteran naval olEcers is rapidly diminishing. Tho.se who come\\nup will not naturally be greater men than their predecessors but\\nit will not be denied thai their advantages for obtaining knowledge\\nwill be much greater. Bravery remains as it has been and how\\ncould it be exceeded 1 nautical science is advancing with us as in\\nother countries. There is not a discovery in agriculture, the arts,\\nor in manufacturing, that has not a bearing upon our navy, directly\\nor indirectly. The cost of building, supporting, and educating a\\nnavy, is now nearly reduced to a standing certainty. The peojile\\ncan at once make calculations for themselves; there is no mystery\\nabout the matter for they can at a glance estimate the expenses\\nof this branch of power. One man from every hundred persons,\\nin our communitj and two days labour every year for those per-\\nsons in our countr) capable of labour, will support a navy far su-\\nperior to whatever the most ambitious statesman will ever ask of\\nthe country. And to whom is this paidl All to ourselves: mil-\\nlions for defence^ biit not a cejit for tribute^ was the maxim of ottr in-\\nfancy as a nation. This will be perpetual but a wiser one v ill\\nhe, never to ask, or seek for that power, that will make other na-\\ntions tributary to us, except through the medium of a liberal reci-\\nprocity in commerce. That nation is hated, however much it may\\nbe feared, who domineers over another from the mere conscious,\\nness of power; and that nation despised, that succumbs, while it\\ncan maintain its existence and independence by any sacrifices\\nwhatever. We must not be too impatient for greatness; we are\\nindeed apt to be so, for we have witnessed what no other nation\\nhas before seen, a people grow as rapidly into wealth and power as\\nan enterprising individual ever did. Other nations have waited\\nfor centuries, for what we have experienced in the course of half\\na human life, a fourfold increase. The growth of the navy of our\\nmother country, has been slow, compared with ours; but in triiih\\nno comparison exists. They made their navy for self-existence,\\nand for an extension of power ours grew out of a spirit of inde-\\npendence, and will, we trust, be maintained for the same glorious\\nprinciple. But if all the ships we now own, were sunk in llie\\nocean, and every navy officer with them, gallant, skilful, and in-\\ntelligent as they are, the American navy would not be destroyed.\\nThe navy exists in the hearts and wills of the people; and in the\\nevent of its destruction, it would be re-created as certain as the ex-\\nistence of the nation all prejudices against a navy have been over-\\ncome and destro) ed for ever; and this is sufficient. The perma-\\nnence of our navy depends on public opinion, and this is made up\\nirrevocably. The decree of this republic has gone forth and none\\nbut the God of battles can rever.se it, and that decree is, llie United\\nStates must and shall be a naval power, and hrrfag shall he respected\\nin every quarter of the globe. This decree rests on no contingency,\\nno change of parly, no particular administration of government il\\nis incorporated with our habits, it is a good share of our feelings,\\nand it is, also, a part of our fame. A mighty, a growing people,\\nwhose impulses are thought-execuling f-res, and whose sealed de-\\ntermination is fate, have lifted their voice, and it must be obeyed.\\nAmerican Editor,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "328\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe Mediterranean, and found in the harbour a part of\\nthe American squadron destined to assist him. He\\nlearnt also that the usurper, having received notice\\nof his approach, had raised a considerable army, and\\nwas then within a day s march of the city. No time\\nwas therefore to be lost. The next morning he\\nsummoned the governor to surrender, who returned\\nfor answer, My head or yours. The city was\\nassaulted, and after a contest of two hours and a half,\\npossession was gained. The Christians suffered\\nseverely, and the general was slightly wounded.\\nGreat exertions were immediately made to fortify\\nthe city. On the Sth of May it was attacked by the\\nTripolitan army. Although ten times more numer-\\nous than Eaton s band, the assailants, after persisting\\nfour hours in the attempt, were compelled to retire.\\nOn the 10th of June another battle was fought, in\\nEvery country has its own chivalrous characters, and our own,\\nyoung as it is, abounds in them. A volume would not contain the\\nnames of Ihose who have passed the ordinary bounds of duty, in the\\nhigh callings of patriotic disjilay. From John Smith and Miles\\nSiandisii, down to Wadsworth and his gallant friends, who made\\nthemselves a sacrifice on the altar of their country s glory, there\\nhave not been wanting men who emulated the heroes of antiquity.\\nAmong these may be ranked William Eaton, who was born at\\nWoodstock, in Connecticut, on the 20lh of February, 1764. His\\nfather was a small farmer, and William was one of thirteen chil-\\ndren. He was considered a bright boy, and distinguished himself\\nin the common school in his native town, the good people of which\\nthought him destined to make a superior man; but nothing offering\\nto suit him in the way of traffic, or as a profession, lie, at sixteen\\nyears of age, enlisted as a common soldier. In this situation he\\nremained until 1783, when he was discharged with the rank of\\ncorporal. He was now determined on the study of the languages,\\nand by dint of application, yet with very litlle a.ssistance, he pre-\\npared himself to enter Dartmouth college. On leaving college, in\\norder to earn a subsistence, he commenced a school, which he con-\\ntinued for three years; but he was not satisfied with his employ-\\nment, and panted for something of a more active nature. The\\nhouse of representatives in the state of Vermont, made him, for a\\ntime, their clerk, after which, by the recommendations of individu-\\nals of that slate, he obtained a captain s commission in the army of\\nthe United States. He proceeded to the frontiers with his compa-\\nny, where he served under General Wayne, and gained the repu-\\ntation of a gallant officer. In 1797, he was apjiointed consul at\\nTunis. In the discharge of his duties in this office, he was fre-\\nquently embroiled with the Bey, and his life endangered by the\\ndaring and independent course he pursued. He may be said to\\nhave bearded the barbarian in his castle. The course of his con-\\nduct in this situation was such as no representative of any christian\\npower had ever set an example, and he escaped death by a miracle.\\nAbout this time, the bashaw of Tripoli declared war against the\\nUnited Slates. The reigning bashaw was a usurper, and the law-\\nful one, his brother, was at Tunis, in exile. Eaton concerted a\\nplan with the exile, to attack Tripoli by land, while our squadron\\nshould co-operate with thern, on the sea shore. Eaton returned to\\nthe United Slates, and laid his plan before our government but\\nthey, thinking the scheme altogether too romantic, yet not wishing\\nwholly to discourage it, made him agent for the government; and\\nhe sailed with the fleet for the Mediterranean. He proceeded to\\nAlexandria, and by address and management, prevailed on the\\nviceroy of Egypt to suffijr him to have an interview with the exiled\\nBey, who was now among the Mamalukes, in a most distressed\\nsituation. They met near Grand Cairo, and entered into a con-\\nvention for the purpose of attacking Tripoli. Eaton was to be\\ntommander in chief of the land forces. Their army consisted of a\\nwhich the enemy were defeated. The next day tht\\nAmerican frigate Constitution arrived in the harbour,\\nwhich so terrified the Tripolitans that they fled pre\\ncipitately to the desert. The frigate came, however,\\nto arrest the operations of Eaton in the midst of his\\nbrilliant and successful career. Alarmed at his\\nprogress, the reigning bashaw had ofl ered terms of\\npeace, which, being much more favourable than had\\nbefore been offered, were accepted by Mr. Lear, the\\nautliorized agent of the government. Sixty thousand\\ndollars were given as a ransom for the unfortunate\\nAmerican prisoners, and an engagement was made\\nto withdraw all support from Hainet. The nation,\\nproud of the exploits of Eaton, regretted this diplo-\\nmatic interference, but the treaty was subsequently\\nratified by the president and senate.\\nDuring the year 1S04 the Del^tware Indians re-\\nfew American sailors, a small company of artillery, a few strag-\\ngling Greeks, the servants of Hamet Bashaw, and some camel\\ndrivers. With this motley band, he dashed across the desert, in\\nthe most noble style, fearless of all difficulties. They were joined\\nby a few Arabian cavalry, and after sulfering every hardship,\\narising Irom hunger, thirst, and a scorching sun, they reached\\nBomba, where they found ihe Argus and Hornet, under the com-\\nmand of Captain Hull, who supplied him and his men with provi-\\nsions. The army of near four liundred, continued their march to\\nDerne. On the 25th of April, 1804, they encamped near the city,\\non an eminence which commanded the place, and forthwith sent in a\\nflag to demand a surrender. The inhabitants of Derne thought the\\nexiled Bey was demented, and treated Ihe summons with contempt.\\nA furious assault was made by this strange army, and the place\\nwas carried after a short, but desperate action. Sixteen days after-\\nwards, several thousand troops of the bashaw s army attacked the\\nvictors, but were repulsed wilh great loss. Shortly after llns,\\nanother attack was made upon Eaton s forces, and again the Tri-\\npolitans -were defeated. Eight days after this engagement, another\\nbattle was fought, in which Ealon contended with ten times his\\nforce. In this he would have been successful, but at the precise\\nmoment when victory was about to perch on his adventurous stand-\\nard, he received the appalling intelligence, ihat the American com-\\nmissioners in the fleet, had made a peace wilh the bashaw then in\\npower. It was stipulated, that Eaton should evacuate Derne, and\\nrepair to the fleet. This was a death-blow to his hopes. He fell\\nhimself insulted and disgraced, to be obliged, after all his e.Nerliuns\\nand sacrifices, to leave his friends like a recreant or a coward but\\nthere was no other course for him to pursue. Hamet Bashaw came\\nto the United Slates, with a few of his followers, and the remaindcj\\nof the army fled to the mountains. The commissioners acknow-\\nledged that his success paved the way to the treaty of peace. The\\npresident of the United States, in a message to congress, spoke\\nhighly of General Eaton s services and the citizens every where\\nhailed him as worthy of a place in the lists of chivaliy.\\nSomething more substantial than praise was awarded him by ihe\\nstate of Massachusetts, the legislature of which granted him 10,000\\nacres of land, as a reward for his heroism and services. Yet, not-\\nwithstanding all the honours bestowed on him, his feelings were\\nwounded beyond a cure. He could not forget lhat the laurel w as\\nwithin his grasp, and that it had been snatched from him, as he\\nthought, by envious feelings at his prospect of brilliant success.\\nThe people of the town in which he resided, elected him as their\\nrepiesentalive to the legislature of Massachusetts, and he was re-\\nceived in Boston with every mark of attention. There he enter-cd\\ndeeply into public business, and seemed anxious to become an ora-\\ntor. He had a good voice, a fine command of expressive language,\\nand at first made a strong impre.ssion upon the public but he talked\\nwhen he had not examined the subject, and often involved himself", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n329\\nlinquished to the United States their title to an ex-\\ntensive tract east of the Mississippi, between the Wa-\\nbash and Ohio, for which they were to receive annui-\\nties in animals and implements for agriculture, and\\nin other necessaries. This was an important acqui-\\nsition, not only for its extent and fertility, but be-\\ncause, by its commanding the Ohio for three hun-\\ndred miles, and nearly half that distance the Wabash,\\nthe produce of the settled country could be safely\\nconveyed down those rivers, and, with the cession re-\\ncently made by the Kaskaskias, it neai ly consolidated\\nthe possessions of the United States north of the\\nOhio, from Lake Erie to the Mississippi.\\nEarly in the following year Mr. Jefferson was re-\\nelected to fill the president s chair by the decided\\nmajority of sixty-two votes against sixteen, a cir-\\ncumstance which he viewed as an indication of a\\ngreat decay in the strength of the federal party.*\\nGeorge Clinton was also elected vice-president.\\nThe American government at this period began\\nto be seriously affected by the contest \u00e2\u0096\u00a0w^iich was\\nraging in Europe. Under the guidance of the\\nsplendid talents of Napoleon the military prowess of\\nFrance had brought most of the European nations\\nto her feet. England, however, still retained almost\\nundisputed command of the ocean, expelling every\\nhostile navy from the seas. America profited from\\nthe destruction of the ships and commerce of other\\nnations being neutral, her vessels carried from\\nport to port the productions of France and the de-\\npendant kingdoms and also to the ports of those\\nkingdoms the manufactures of England indeed,\\nfew ships were found on the ocean except those of\\nthe United States and Great Britain. These advan-\\ntages were, however, too great to be long enjoyed\\nunmolested. American ships carrying to Europe\\nthe produce of French colonies were, in the early\\nstage of the war, captured by British cruisers, and\\ncondemned by their courts as lawful prizes and\\nnow several European ports under the control of\\nFrance were, by British orders in council, dated in\\nMay, 1806, declared in a state of blockade, although not\\ninvested with a British fleet and American vessels\\nattempting to enter those ports were also captured\\nand condermied. France and her allies suffered, as\\nwell as the United States, from these proceedings\\nbut her vengeance fell not so much upon the belli-\\nin blunders, from which he had no art to get free and at length\\nlost his influence in debate. He was chafed by the slightest oppo-\\nsition, and such irritability will never do for one who enters upon\\nthe arena of debate. He became irregular in his habits, and sought\\n10 drown his sorrows in the wine cup; but he forgot that miserie.\u00c2\u00bb\\n6re sadly multiplied by drink, as images are in the vision of the\\ngerent as upon the neutral party. By a decree,\\nissued at Berlin in November, 1S06, the Frencli\\nemperor declared tlie British Islands in a state of\\nblockade, and of course authorized the capture of all\\nneutral vessels attempting to trade with those islands.\\nFrom these measures of both nations the commerce\\nof the United States severely suflered, and their\\nmercliants loudly demanded of the government re\\ndress and protection.\\nThis was not the only grievance to which the\\ncontest between the European powers gave rise.\\nGreat Britain claimed a right to search for and seize\\nEnglish sailors, even on board neutral vessels while\\ntraversing the ocean. In the exercise of this pre-\\ntended right, citizens of the United States were\\nseized, dragged from their friends, transported to\\ndistant parts of the world, compelled to perform the\\nduty of British sailors, and to fight with nations at\\npeace with their own. Against this outrage upon\\npersonal liberty and the rights of American citizens,\\nWashington, Adams, and Jefferson had remonstrated\\nin vain. The abuse continued, and every year\\nadded to its aggravation. In June, 1S07, a circum\\nstance occurred which highly and justly incensed the\\nAmericans. The frigate Chesapeake, being ordered\\non a cruise in the Mediterranean sea, under the com-\\nmand of Commodore Barron, sailing from Hampton\\nRoads, was come up with by the British ship of war\\nLeopard, one of a squadron then at anchor within\\nthe Hmits of the United States. An oflicer was sent\\nfrom the Leopard to the Chesapeake, with a note\\nfrom the captain respecting some deserters from some\\nof his Britannic majesty s ships, supposed to be ser-\\nving as part of the crew of the Chesapeake, and\\nenclosing a copy of an order from Vice-Admiral\\nBerkeley, requiring and directing the commanders of\\nships and vessels under his command, in case of\\nmeeting with the American frigate at sea, and with-\\nout the limits of the United States, to show the order\\nto her captain, and to require to search his ship for\\nthe deserters from certain ships therein named, and\\nto proceed and search for them and if a similar de-\\nmand should be made by the American, he was per-\\nmitted to search for deserters from their service, ac-\\ncording to the customs and usage of civilized nations\\non terms of amity with each other. Commodore\\nBarron gave an answer, purporting that he knew of\\ninebriated. He died in 181 1. In some of his compositions, there\\nis a depth anfl force that is impressive. His mind was of an epic\\ncast and had he lived in the days of the crusades, his name would\\nhave been numbered with the Dunois of song. Knapp s American\\nBiography.\\nMemoirs and Correspondence of Thomas Jefferson, vol. iv. p. 31,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "330\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES\\nno such men as were described that tlie recruiting\\noflicers for the Chesapeake had been particularly in-\\nstructed by the government, through him, not to en-\\nter any deserters from his Britannic Majesty s ships\\nthat he knew of none such being in her that he\\nwas instructed never to permit the crew of any sliip\\nunder his command to be mustered by any officers\\nbut her own that he was disposed to preserve har-\\nmony, and hoped liis answer would prove satisfac-\\ntory. The Leopard, shortly after this answer was\\nreceived by her commander, ranged along side of the\\nChesapeake, and commenced a heavy fire upon her.\\nThe Chesapeake, unprepared for action, made no re-\\nsistance, but having suffered much damage, and lost\\nthree men killed, and eighteen wounded, Connnodore\\nEarron ordered his colours to be struck, and sent a\\nlieutenant on board the Leopard, to inform her com-\\nmander that he considered the Chesapeake her\\nprize. The commander of the Leopard sent an\\nofficer on board, who took possession of the Chesa-\\npeake, mustered her crew, and, carrying off four of\\nher men, abandoned the ship. Commodore Barron,\\nfindmg that the Chesapeake was very much injured,\\nreturned, with the advice of his officers, to Hampton\\nRoads. On receiving information of this outrage,\\nthe president, by proclamation, interdicted the har-\\nbours and waters of the United States to all armed\\nBritish vessels, forbade intercourse with thein, and\\nordered a sufficient force for the protection of Nor-\\nfolk, and such other preparations as the occasion appear-\\ned to require. An armed vessel of the United States\\nwas despatched with instructions to the American\\nminister at London to call on the British govern-\\nment for the satisfaction and security which this\\noutrage required.\\nBonaparte having declared his purpose of enfor-\\ncing with rigour the Berlin decree the British go-\\nvernment having solemnly asserted the right of search\\nand impressment, and having intimated their inten-\\ntion to adopt measures in retaliation of the French\\ndecree, the president recommended to congress that\\nthe seamen, ships, and merchandise of the United\\nStates should be detained in port to preserve them\\nfrom the dangers which threatened them on the\\nocean and a law laying an indefinite embargo was\\nin consequence enacted. A few days only had\\nelapsed when information was received that Great\\nBritain had prohibited neutrals, except upon most\\ninjurious conditions, from trading with France or\\nher allies, comprising nearly every maritime nation\\nof Europe. This was followed in a few weeks by\\na decree issued by Bonaparte, at Milan, declaring\\nthat every neutral vessel which should submit to be\\nvisited by a British ship, or comply with the terms\\ndemanded, should be confiscated, if afterwards found\\nin his ports, or taken by his cruisers. Thus, at the\\ndate of the embargo, were orders and decrees in ex-\\nistence rendering liable to capture almost every\\nAmerican vessel sailing on the ocean. In the New\\nEngland states, the embargo, withholding the mer-\\nchant from a career in which he had been highly\\nprosperous, and in which he imagined that he might\\nstill be favoured by fortune, occasioned discontent and\\nclamour. The federalists, more numerous there than\\nin any other part of the union, pronounced it a measure\\nunwise and oppressive. These representations, and\\nthe distress which the people endured, induced a zeal-\\nous opposition to the measures of the goArernment.\\nThe president, in his message on the opening of\\nthe tenth congress, stated the continued disregard\\nshown by the belligerent nations to neutral rights, so\\ndestruciive to the American commerce and referred\\nit to the wisdom of congress to decide on the course\\nbest adapted to such a state of things. With the\\nBarbary powers, he said, we continue in harmony,\\nwith the exception of an unjustifiable proceeding of\\nthe dey of Algiers towards our consul to that regency,\\nthe character and circumstances of which he laid\\nbefore congress. With our Indian neighbours the\\npublic peace has been steadily maintained. From a\\nconviction that we consider them as a part of our-\\nselves, and cherish with sincerity their rights and\\ninterests, the attachment of the Indian tribes is gain-\\ning strength daily, is extending from the nearer to\\nthe more remote, and will amply requite us for the\\njustice and friendship practised towards them. Hus-\\nbandry and household manufacture are advancing\\namong them, more rapidly with the southern than\\nnorthern tribes, from circumstances of soil and cli-\\nmate and one of the two great divisions of the\\nCherokee nation has now under consideration to soli-\\ncit the friendship of the United States, and to be\\nidentified with us in laws and government in such\\nprogressive manner as we shall think best.\\nMr. Jefferson, following and confirming the exam-\\nple of Washington, determined not to continue in\\noffice for a longer term than eight years. Never\\ndid a prisoner, says the president of the American\\nrepublic, released from his chains, feel such relief\\nas I shall on shaking off the shackles of power.\\nNature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of\\nscience, by rendering them my supreme delight-\\nBut the enormities of the times in which I have\\nlived have forced me to take a part in resisting them,\\nand to commit myself on the boisterous ocean of\\npolitical passions. I thank God for the opportunity", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n331\\nof retiring from them without censure, and carrying\\nwith me the most consoling proofs of public appro-\\nbation. I leave every thing in the hands of men so\\nable to take care of them, that if we are destined to\\nmeet misfortunes it will be because no human wisdom\\ncould avert them.\\nCHAPTER V.\\nADMINISTRATION OF MR. MADISON.\\nMr. Jefferson was succeeded in the presidency\\nby Mr. Madison. He stated in his inaugural address,\\nthat, Unwilling to depart from examples of the\\nmost revered authority, I avail myself of the occa-\\nsion, now presented, to express the profound im-\\npression made on me by the call of my country to\\nthe station, to the duties of which I am about to\\npledge myself, by the most solemn of sanctions. So\\n.distinguished a mark of confidence, proceeding from\\nthe deliberate and tranquil suffrage of a free and\\nvirtuous nation, would, under any circumstances,\\nhave commanded my gratitude and devotion, as well\\nas filled me with an awful sense of the trust to be\\nassumed. Under the various circumstances which\\ngive peculiar solemnity to the existing period, I feel,\\nthat both the honour and the responsibility, allotted\\nto me, are inexpressibly enhanced.\\nThe present situation of the world is indeed\\nwithout a parallel and that of our country full of\\ndifficulties. The pressure of these too is the more\\nseverely felt, because they have fallen upon us at a\\nmoment, when national prosperity being at a height\\nnot before attained, the contrast resulting from this\\nchange has been rendered the more strildng. Under\\nthe benign influence of our republican institutions,\\nand the maintenance of peace with all nations,\\nwhilst so many of them where engaged in bloody\\nand wasteful wars, the fruits of a just policy were\\nenjoyed in an unrivalled growth of our faculties and\\nresources. Proofs of this were seen in the improve-\\nments of agriculture in the successful enterprises of\\ncommerce in the progress of manufact\u00c2\u00abres and use-\\nful arts in the increase of the public revenue, and\\nthe use made of it in reducing the public debt and\\nin the valuable works and establishments every where\\nmultiplying over the face of our land.\\nIt is a precious reflection, that the transition from\\nthis prosperous condition of our country to the scene,\\nwhich has for some time been distressing us, is not\\nMemoirs, c. vol. iv. p. 129.\\nchargeable on any unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust,\\non any involuntary errors in the public councils. In-\\ndulging no passions which trespass on the rights or\\nthe repose of other nations, it has been the true glory\\nof tlie United States to cultivate peace, by observing\\njustice, and to entitle tliemselves to the respect of the\\nnations at war by fulfilling their neutral obligations\\nwith the most scrupulous impartiality. If there be\\ncandour in the world, the truth of these assertions will\\nnot be questioned. Posterity at least will do justice\\nto them.\\nThis unexceptionable course could not avail against\\nthe injustice and violence of the belligerent powers.\\nIn their rage against each other, or impelled by more\\ndirect motives, principles of retaliation have been in-\\ntroduced, equally contrary to universal reason and ac-\\nknowledged law. How long their arbitrary edicts will\\nbe continued in spite of the demonstrations, that not\\neven a pretext for them has been given by the United\\nStates, and of the fair and liberal attempts to induce\\na revocation of them, cannot be anticipated. Assur-*\\ning myself, that under every vicissitude, the determined\\nspirit and united councils of the nation will be safe-\\nguards to its honour, and its essential interests, I repair\\nto the post assigned me with no other discouragement\\nthan what springs from my own inadequacy to its high\\nduties. If I do not sink under the weight of this deep\\nconviction, it is because I find some support in a con-\\nsciousness of the purposes, and a confidence in the\\nprinciples which I bring with me into this arduous\\nservice.\\nTo cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all\\nnations having correspondent dispositions to main-\\ntain sincere neutrality towards belligerent nations to\\nprefer, in all cases, amicable discussions and reason-\\nable accommodation of difl crences, to a decision of\\nthem by an appeal to arms to exclude foreign in-\\ntrigues and foreign partiahties, so degrading to all coun-\\ntries and so baneful to free ones to foster a spirit of\\nindependence, too just to invade the rights of others,\\ntoo proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge\\nunworthy prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to\\nlook down upon them in others to hold the union of\\nthe states as the basis of their peace and happiness\\nto support the constitution, which is the cement of the\\nunion, as well in its limitations as in its authorities\\nto respect the rights and authorities reserved to the\\nstates and to the peeple, as equally incorporated with\\nand essential to the success of the general system to\\navoid the slightest interference with the rights of con-\\nscience or the functions of religion, so wisely exempt-\\ned from civil jurisdiction to preserve, in their full\\neneroy, the other salutary provisions in behalf of pri-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "332\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nviite and personal rights, and of the freedom of the\\npress to observe economy in public expenditures to li-\\nberate the public resources by an honourable discharge\\nof the public debts to keep within the requisite limits\\na standing military force, always remembering, that\\nan armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark\\nof republics, that without standing armies their liberty\\ncan never be in danger, nor, with large ones, safe to\\npromote, by authorized means, improvements friendly\\nto agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well\\n\\\\is internal commerce to favour, in like manner, the\\nadvancement of science and the diffusion of informa-\\ntion, as the best aliment to true liberty to carry on\\nthe benevolent plans which have been so meritorious-\\nly applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neigh-\\nbours, from the degradation and wretchedness of sa-\\nvage life, to a participation of the improvements of\\nwhich the human mind and manners are susceptible\\nin a civilized state as far as sentiments and inten-\\ntions such as these can aid the fulfilment of my duty,\\nthey will be a resource which cannot fail me.\\nIt is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path\\nin which I am to tread, lighted by examples of illus-\\ntrious services, successfully rendered in the most try-\\ning difficulties, by those who have marched before me.\\nOf those of my immediate predecessor, it might least\\nbecome me here to speak I may, however, be par-\\ndoned for not suppressing the sympat^iy, with which\\nmy heart is full, in the rich reward he enjoys in the\\nbenedictions of a beloved country, gratefully bestowed\\nfor exalted talents, zealously devoted, through a long\\ncareer, to the advancement of its highest interest and\\nhappiness. But the source to \\\\vhich I look for the\\naids, which alone can supply my deficiences, is in the\\nwell tried intelligence and virtue of my fellow-citizens,\\nand in the councils of those representing them in tlie\\nother departments associated in the care of the na-\\ntional interests. In these, my confidence will, under\\nevery difficulty, be best placed next to that, we\\nhave all been encouraged to feel in the guardianship\\nand guidance of that Almighty Being, whose power\\nregulates the destiny of nations, whose blessings have\\nbeen so conspicuously dispensed to this rising repub-\\nlic, and to whom we are bound to address our devout\\ngratitude for the past, as well as our fervent suppli-\\ncations and best hopes for the future.\\nOne of the first acts of congress under the new\\npresident was to repeal the embargo but at the\\nsame time to prohibit all intercourse with France and\\nEngland.\\nIn the non-intercourse law a provision was insert-\\ned, that if either nation should revoke her hostile\\nedicts, and the president should announce that fact\\nby proclamation, then the law should cease to be in\\nforce in regard to the nation so revoking. On tlie\\n23d of April, Mr. Erskine, minister plenipotentiary\\nfrom his Britannic majesty to the United States,\\npledged his court to repeal its anti-neutral decrees by\\nthe 10th of June and, in consequence of an arrange-\\nment now made with the British minister, the presi-\\ndent proclaimed that commercial intercourse would\\nbe renewed on that day but this arrangement was\\ndisavowed by the ministry; and, in October, Mr.\\nErskine was replaced by Mr. Jackson, who soon\\ngiving ofience to the American government, all fur-\\nther intercourse with him was refused, and he was\\nrecalled.\\nThe Rambouillet decree, alleged to be designed to\\nretaliate the act of congress, which forbade French\\nvessels to enter the ports of the United States, was\\nissued by Bonaparte on the 23d of March. By this\\ndecree, all American vessels and cargoes, arriving in\\nany of the ports of France, or of countries occupied\\nby French troops, were ordered to be seized and\\ncondemned.\\nOn the 1st of May congress passed an act, exclu-\\nding British and French armed vessels from the\\nwaters of the United States but providing, that if\\neither of the above nations should modify its edicts\\nbefore the 3d of March, 1811, so that they should\\ncease to violate neutral commerce, of which fact the\\npresident was to give notice by proclamation, and the\\nother nation should not, within three months after,\\npursue a similar course, commercial intercourse with\\nthe first might be renewed, but not with the other.\\nIn August the French government assured Mr.\\nArmstrong, the American envoy at Paris, that the\\nBerlin and Milan decrees were revoked, the revoca-\\ntion to take effect on the first day of November ensu-\\ning. Confiding in this assurance, the president, on\\nthe second day of November, issued his proclamation,\\ndeclaring that unrestrained commerce with France\\nwas allowed, but that all intercourse with Great Bri-\\ntain was prohibited.\\nGreat Britain having previously expressed a will-\\ningness to repeal her orders, whenever France should\\nrepeal her decrees, was now called upon by the\\nAmerican envoy to fulfil that engagement. The\\nBritish ministry objected, however, that the French\\ndecrees could not be considered as repealed, a letter\\nfrom the minister of state not being, for that purpose,\\na document of sufiicient authority and still persist-\\ned to enforce the orders in council. For this pur-\\npose British ships of war were stationed before the\\nprincipal harbours of the United States. All Ameri-\\ncan merchantmen, departing or returning, were\\ni", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n333\\nboarded, searched, and many of them sent to British\\nports as legal prizes. The contempt in which the\\nBritish officers held the Republican navy, in one in-\\nstance, led to an action. Commodore Rogers, in the\\nPresident frigate, met in the evening a vessel on the\\ncoast of Virginia he hailed but, instead of receiv-\\ning an answer, was hailed in turn, and a shot was fired,\\nwhich struck the mainmast of the President. The\\nfire was instantly returned by the commodore, and\\ncontinued for a few minutes, \\\\vhen, finding his anta-\\ngonist was of inferior force, and that her guns wer\u00c2\u00ab\\nalmost silenced, he desisted. On hailing again, an\\nanswer was given, that the ship M as the British sloop\\nof war. Little Belt, of eighteen guns. Thirty-two of\\nher men were killed and wounded, and the ship was\\nmuch disabled.\\nFor several years the Indian tribes, residing near\\nthe sources of the Mississippi, had occupied themselves\\nin murdering and robbing the white settlers in their\\nvicinity. At length the frontier inhabitants, behig\\nseriously alarmed by their hostile indications, in the\\nautumn of 181 1 Governor Harrison resolved to move\\ntowards the Prophet s town, on the AN^abash, with a\\nbody of Kentucky and Indiana militia, and the fourth\\nUnited States regiment, under Colonel Boyd, to de-\\nmand satisfaction of the Indians, and to put a stop to\\ntheir threatened hostilities. His expedition was\\nmade early in November. On his approach within\\na few miles of the Prophet s town, the principal chiefs\\ncame out with offers of peace and submission, and\\nrequested the governor to encamp for the night but\\nthis was only a treacherous artifice. At four in the\\nmorning the camp was luriously assailed, and a\\nbloody contest ensued the Indians were however\\nrepulsed. The loss on the part of the Americans\\nwas sixty-two killed, and one hundred and twenty-\\nsix woimded, and a still greater number on the side\\nof the Indians. Governor Harrison, having destroy-\\ned the Prophet s town, and established forts, returned\\nto Vincennes.\\nIn November reparation was made by the British\\nfor the attack on the Chesapeake. Mr. Foster, the\\nBritish envoy, informed the secretary of the United\\nStates, that he was instructed to repeat to the Ameri-\\ncan government the prompt disavowal made by his\\nmajesty, on being apprized of the unauthorized act of\\nthe officer in command of his naval forces on the\\ncoast of America, whose recall from a highly important\\nand honourable command immediately ensued, as a\\nmark of his majesty s disapprobation that he was\\nauthorized to offer, in addition to that disavowal on\\nthe part of his royal highness, the immediate restora-\\ntion, as far as circumstances would admit, of the men\\nwho, in consequence of Admiral Berkeley s orders,\\nwere forcibly taken out of the Chesapeake, to the\\nvessels from which they were taken or, if that ship\\nwere no longer in commission, to such seaport of the\\nUnited States as the American government may name\\nfor the purpose and that he was also authorized to\\noffer to the American government a suitable pecunia-\\nry provision for the suflerers, in consequence of the\\nattack on the Chesapeake, including the families of\\nthose seamen who fell in the action, and of the wound-\\ned survivors. The president acceded to these pro-\\npositions; and the officer commanding the Chesapeake,\\nthen lying in the harbour of Boston, was instructed\\nto receive the men who were to be restored to that\\nship. The British envoy, however, could give no\\nassurance that his government was disposed to make\\na satisfactory arrangement of the stibject of impress-\\nment, or to repeal the orders in council. These\\norders, on the contrary, continued to be enforced with\\nrigour and, on the restoration of a free commerce\\nwith France, a large number of American vessels,\\nladen with rich cargoes, and destined to her ports,\\nfell info the power of British cruisers, which, since\\n1803, had captured nine hundred American vessels.\\nEarly in November, 1811, President Madison\\nsummoned the congress. His message indicating an\\napprehension of hostilities Math Great Britain, tlie\\ncommittee of foreign relations in the house of repre-\\nsentatives reported resolutions for filling up the ranks\\nof the army for raising an additional force of ten\\nthousand men for authorizing the president to accept\\nthe services of fifty thousand volunteers, and for or-\\ndering out the militia when he should judge it neces-\\nsary; for repairing the navy; and for authorizing\\nthe arming of merchantmen in self-defence. A bill\\nfrom the senate, for raising twenty-five thousand men,\\nafter much discussion, was also agreed to by the house.\\nThe American congress, although continuing (lie\\npreparations for war, still cherislied the hope that\\na change of policy in Europe would render unneces-\\nsary an appeal to arms till May in the following\\nyear. Towards the close of that season, the Hornet\\narrived from London, bringing information that no\\nprospect existed of a favourable change. On the 1st\\nof June, the president sent a message to congress,\\nrecounting the wrongs received from Great Britain,\\nand submitting the question, whether tJie United\\nStates should continue to endure them, or resort to\\nThe message was considered with closed\\nwar\\ndoors. On the ISth, an act was passed, declaring\\nwar against Great Britain and the next day a pro-\\nclamation was issued. Against this declaration,\\nhowever, the representatives, belonging to the federal", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "334\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nparty, presented a solemn protest, which was written\\nwith great ability.\\nAt the time of the declaration of Avar, General\\nHull was also governor of the Michigan territory, of\\nwhich Detroit is the capital. On the 12th of July,\\nwith two thousand regulars and volunteers, he cross-\\ned the river dividing the United States from Cana-\\nda, apparently intending to attack Maiden, and\\nthence to proceed to Montreal. Information was,\\nhowever, received, that Mackinaw, an American post\\nabove Detroit, had surrendered to a large body of\\nBritish and Indians, who were rushing down the\\nriver in numbers sufficient to overwhelm the Ameri-\\ncan forces. Panic-struck, General Hull hastened\\nback to Detroit. General Brock, the commander at\\nMaiden, pursued him, and erected batteries opposite\\nDetroit. The next day, meeting with no resistance,\\nGeneral Brock resolved to March directly forward\\nand assault the fort. The American troops awaited\\nthe approach of the enemy, and anticipated victory\\nbut, to their dismay, General Hull opened a corres-\\npondence, which ended in the surrender of the army,\\nand of the territory of Michigan. An event so dis-\\ngraceful, occurring in a quarter where success was\\nconfidently anticipated, caused the greatest mortifi-\\ncation and amazement throughout the union.\\nGeneral Van Rensselaer, of the New York militia,\\nhad the command of the troops which were called\\nthe army of the centre. His head-quarters were at\\nLewistown on the river Niagara, and on the opposite\\nside was Q,ueenstown, a fortified British post. The\\nmilitia displaying great eagerness to be led against\\nthe enemy, the general determined to crTsss the river\\nat the head of about one thousand men though\\nsuccessful at first, he was compelled, after a long\\nand obstinate engagement, to surrender. General\\nBrock, the British commander, fell in rallying his\\ntroops.\\nThe army of the north, which was under the im-\\nmediate command of General Dearborn, was station-\\ned at Greenbush, near Albany, and at Plattsburgh,\\non Lake Champlain. From the latter post, a de-\\ntachment marched a short distance into Canada,\\nsurprised a small body of British and Indians, and\\ndestroyed a considerable quantity of public stores.\\nOther movements were an.xiously expected by the\\npeople but, after the misfortunes of Detroit and Ni-\\nagara, the general deemed it inexpedient to engage\\nin any important enterprise.\\nWhile, on land, defeat and disgrace attended the\\narms of the republic, on the ocean they gained vic-\\ntories, which compensated their loss, and relieved\\ntheir wounded pride. On the 19tli of August, Cap-\\ntain Hull, commanding the Constitution, of fort^r-four\\nginis, fell in with the British frigate, Le Guerriere.\\nShe advanced towards the Constitution, firing broad-\\nsides at intervals the American reserved her fire\\ntill she had approached within half pistol shot, when\\na tremendous cannonade was directed upon her,\\nand in thirty minutes, every mast and nearly every\\nspar being shot away, Captain Dacres struck his flag.\\nOf the crew, fifty were killed and sixty-four wound-\\ned while the Constitution had only seven killed\\nand seven wounded. The Guerriere received so\\nmuch injury, that it was thought to be impossible\\nto get her into port, and she was burned. Captain\\nHull, on his return to the United States, was v/el-\\ncomed with enthusiasm by his grateful and admiring\\ncountrymen. The vast diflerence in the number of\\nkilled and wounded certainly evinced great skill, as\\nwell as bravery, on the part of the American seamen.\\nBut tliis was the first only of a series of naval victo-\\nries. On the 18th of October, Captain Jones, in the\\nWasp, of eighteen guns, captured the Frolic, of\\ntwenty-two, after- a bloody conflict of three-quarters\\nof an hour. In this action the Americans obtained\\na victory over a superior force and, on their part,\\nbut eight were killed and wounded, while on that of\\nthe enemy about eighty. The Wasp was unfortu-\\nnately captured, soon after her victory, by a British\\nship of the line. On the 25th, the frigate United\\nStates, commanded by Captain Decatur, captured the\\nBritish frigate Macedonian. In this instance, also,\\ntlie disparity of loss was astonishingly great on the\\npart of the enemy, a hundred and four were killed\\nand wounded on that of the Americans but eleven.\\nThe United States brought her prize safely to New\\nYork. A most desperate action was fought, on the\\n29th of December, between the Constitution, of forty-\\nfour guns, then commanded by Captain Bainbridge,\\nand the British frigate Java, of thirty-eight. The\\ncombat continued more than three hours nor did\\nthe Java strike till she was reduced to a mere wreck.\\nOf her crew, a hundred and sixty one were killed\\nand wounded, while of that of the Constitution there\\nwere only thirty-four.\\nThese naval victories were peculiarly gratifying\\nto the feelings of the Americans they were gained\\nin the midst of disasters on land, and by that class of\\ncitizens whose rights had been violated they V\\\\^ere\\ngained over a nation whom long-continued success\\nhad taught to consider themselves lords of the sea, and\\nwho had confidently affirmed that the whole Ameri-\\ncan navy would soon be swept from the ocean.\\nMany British merchantmen were also captured, both\\nby the American navy and by privateers, which is-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n33S\\nsued from almost every port, and were remarkably-\\nsuccessful. The number of prizes made during the\\nfirst seven months of the war exceeded five hundred.\\nAt the commencement of the session of congress,\\nheld in the autumn of 1812, the president, in his\\nmessage, stated that immediately after the declaration\\nof war, he communicated to the British government\\nthe terms on which its progress might he arrested\\nthat these terms were, the repeal of the orders in\\ncouncil, the discharge of American seamen, and the j\\nabandonment of the practice of impressment and\\nthat the ministry had declined to accede to his offers.\\nHe also stated that, at an early period of the war, he\\nhad received official information of the repeal of the\\norders in council that two propositions for an ar-\\nmistice had been made to him, both of which he had\\nrejected, as they could not have been accepted with-\\nout conceding to Great Britain the right of impress-\\nment. The rejection of these propositions was ap-\\nproved by the national representatives, who, far fmm\\nabandoning the ground they had taken, adopted more\\nvigorous measures for the prosecution of the war.\\nWhile the war was proceeding in America, a\\nfriendly power abroad interposed for its termination.\\nSoon after the spring session of congress, an offer\\nwas communicated from the emperor of Russia of\\nhis mediation, as the common friend of the United\\nStates and Great Britain, for the purpose of facilita-\\nting a peace between them. The offer was immedi-\\nately accepted by the American government, and\\nprovision made for the contemplated negotiation.\\nAlbert Gallatin, James A. Bayard, and John Q,uincy\\nAdams, were appointed commissioners, and invested\\nwith the requisite powers to conclude a treaty of\\npeace with persons clothed with like powers on the\\npart of Great Britain. They were also authorized\\nto enter into such conventional regulations of the\\ncommerce between the two countries as might be\\nmutually advantageous. The two first named en-\\nvoys preceded to join their colleague at St. Peters-\\nburgh, where he then was as resident minister from\\nthe United States. A commission was also given to\\nthe envoys, authorizing them to conclude a treaty of\\ncommerce with Russia, with a view to strengthen\\nthe amicable relations, and improve the beneficial in-\\ntercourse, between the two countries.\\nOn the 24th of May, congress was convened by\\nproclamation of the president. Laws were enacted,\\nimposing a direct tax of three millions of dollars\\nauthorizing the collection of various internal duties\\nproviding for a loan of seven and a half millions of\\ndollars and prohibiting the merchant vessels of the\\nUnited States from sailing under British licenses\\n43\\nNear the close of the session, a conamittee appointed\\nto inquire into the subject made a long report upon\\nthe spirit and manner in which the war had been\\nconducted by the British.\\nThe scene of the campaign of 1813 was princi-\\npally in the north, towards Canada. Brigadier-\\nGeneral Winchester, of the United States army, and\\nnearly five hundred men, oflicers and soldiers, were\\nmade prisoners at Frenchlown, by a division of the\\nBritish army from Detroit, with their Indian allies,\\nunder Colonel Procter. Colonel Procter leaving the\\nAmericans without a guard, the Indians returned,\\nand deeds of horror followed. The wounded officers\\nwere dragged from the houses, killed, and scalped in\\nthe streets. The buildings were set on fire. Some\\nwho attempted to escape were forced back into the\\nflames, while others were put to death by the toma-\\nhawk, and left shockingly mangled in the highway.\\nThe infamy of this butchery does not fall upon the\\nperpetrators alone, but extends to those who were able,\\nand were bound by a solemn engagement, to restrain\\nthem. The battle and massacre at Frenchtown\\nclothed Kentucky and Ohio in mourning. Other\\nvolunteers, indignant at the treachery and cruelty\\nof their foes, hastened to the aid of Harrison. He\\nmarched to the rapids of the Miami, where he erected\\na fort, which he called Forts Meigs, in honour of the\\ngovernor of Ohio. On the 1st of May it was invest-\\ned by a large number of Indians, and by a party of\\nBritish troops from Maiden, the whole commanded\\nby Colonel Procter. An unsuccessful attempt to\\nraise the siege was made by General Clay, at the head\\nof twelve hundred Kentuckians but the fort contin-\\nued to be defended with bravery and skill. The Indi-\\nans, unaccustomed to sieges, became weary and dis-\\ncontented and, on the 8th of May, they deserted\\ntheir allies. The British, despairing of success, then\\nmade a precipitate retreat.\\nOn the northern frontier a body of troops had been\\nassembled, under the command of General Dearborn,\\nat Sackett s Harbour, and great exertions were made\\nby Commodore Chauncey to build and equip a squad-\\nron on Lake Ontario, sufficiently powerful to con-\\ntend with that of the British. By the 25th of April\\nthe naval preparations were so far completed, that\\nthe general and seventeen thousand troops were\\nconveyed across the lake to the attack of York, the\\ncapital of Upper Canada. On the 27th, an advan-\\nced party, commanded by Brigadier-General Pike,\\nwho was born in a camp, and bred a soldier from\\nhis birth, landed, although opposed at the water s\\nedge by a superior force. After a short but severe\\nconflict, the British were driven to their fortifica-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "336\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ntions. The rest of the troops having landed, the\\nwhole party pressed forward, carried the first battery\\nby assault, and were moving towards the main\\nworks, when the English magazine blew up, with a\\ntremendous explosion, hurling upon the advancing\\ntroops immense quantities of stone and timber.\\nNumbers were killed the gallant Pike received a\\nmortal wound the troops halted for a moment, but,\\nrecovering from the shock, again pressed forward,\\nand soon gained possession of the town. Of the\\nBritish troops, one hundred were killed, nearly three\\nhundred were wounded, and the same number made\\nprisoner^.\\nThe object of the expedition attained, the squad-\\nron and troops returned to Sackett s Harbour, and\\nsubsequently sailed to Fort George, situated at the\\nhead of the lake. After a warm engagement, the\\nBritish abandoned the fort and retired to the heights,\\nat the head of Burlington Bay.\\nWhile the greater part of the American army was\\nthus employed, the British made an attack upon the\\nimportant post of Sackett s Harbour. On the 27th\\nof May, their squadron appeared before the town.\\nAlarm guns instantly assembled the citizens of the\\nneighbourhood. General Brown s force amounted\\nto about one thousand men a slight breastwork\\nwas hastily thrown up at the only place were the\\nBritish could land, and behind this he placed the\\nmilitia, the regulars, under Colonel Backus, forming\\na second line. On the morning of the 29th, one\\nthousand British troops landed from the squadron,\\nand advanced towards the breastwork the militia\\ngave way, but by the bravery of the regulars, under\\nthe skilful arrangement of General Brown, the\\nBritish were repulsed, and re-embarked so hastily\\nas to leave behind most of their wounded.\\nThe sea coast was harassed by predatory warfare,\\ncarried on by large detachments from the powerful\\nnavy of Great Britain. One squadron, stationed in\\nDelaware Bay, captured and burnt every merchant\\nvessel which came within its reach, while a more\\npowerful squadron, commanded by Admiral Cock-\\nburn, destroyed the farm-houses and gentlemen s seats\\nalong the shore of Chesapeake Bay. Frenchtown,\\nHavre-de-Grace, Fredricktown, and Georgetown were\\nsacked and burnt. Norfolk was saved from a similar\\nfate by the determined bravery of a small force sta-\\ntioned on Craney Island, in the harbour. A furious\\nattack was made upon Hampton, which, notwith-\\nstanding the gallant resistance of its small garrison,\\nwas captured.\\nThe ocean was the theatre of sanguinary conflicts.\\nCaptain Lawrence, in the sloop of war Hornet, on\\nthe 23d of February, met the British brig Peacoclc,\\nand a fierce combat ensued. In less than fifteen\\nminutes the Peacock struck her colours, displaying\\nat the same time a signal of distress. The victors\\nhastened to the relief of the vanquished the same\\nstrength which had been exerted to conquer was\\nequally ready to save but the Peacock sank before\\nall her crew could be removed, carrying down nine\\nBritish seamen, and three brave and generous Ameri-\\ncans. On his return to the United States, Captain\\nLawrence was promoted to the command of the fri-\\ngate Chesapeake, then in the harbour of Boston. For\\nseveral weeks the British frigate Shannon, of equal\\nforce, had been cruising before the port and Cap-\\ntain Broke, her commander, had announced his wish\\nto meet, in single combat, an American frigate. In-\\nflamed by this challenge, Captain Lawrence, although\\nhis crew was just enlisted, set sail on the 1st of June\\nto seek the Shannon. Towards evening of the same\\nday they met, and instantly engaged, with unexam-\\npled fury. In a very few minutes, and in quick\\nsuccession, the sailing master of the Chesapeake was\\nkilled. Captain Lawrence and three lieutenants were\\nseverely wounded, her rigging was so cut to pieces\\nthat she fell on board the Shannon, Captain Lawrence\\njeceived a second and mortal wound, find was car-\\nried below at this instant. Captain Broke, at the\\nhead of his marines, gallantly boarded the Chesa-\\npeake, when resistance ceased, and the American flag\\nwas struck by the British. Of the crew of the Shan-\\nnon twenty-four were killed and fifty-six wounded.\\nOf that of the Chesapeake, forty-eight were killed\\nand nearly one hundred wounded. This unexpected\\ndefeat impelled the Americans to seek for circum-\\nstances consoling to their pride, and in the journals\\nof the day many such were stated to have preceded\\nand attended the action. The youthful and intrepid\\nLawrence was lamented, with sorrow deep, sincere,\\nand lasting. When carried below, he was asked if\\nthe colours should be struck. No, he replied,\\nthey shall wave while I live. Delirious from ex-\\ncess of suffering, he continued to exclaim, Don t\\ngive up the ship an expression consecrated by his\\ncountrymen. He uttered but few other words du-\\nring the four days that he survived his defeat.\\nThe next encounter at sea was between the Ameri-\\ncan brig Argus and the British brig Pelican, in which\\nthe latter was victorious. Soon after, the American\\nbrig Enterprise, commanded by Lieutenant Burrows,\\ncaptured the British brig Boxer, commanded by Cap-\\ntain Blyth. Both commanders were killed in the\\naction, and were buried, each by the other s side, in\\nPortland.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n337\\nWhile each nation was busily employed in equip-\\nping a squadron on Lake Erie, General Clay remain-\\ned inactive at Fort Meig-s. About the last of July,\\na large number of British and Indians appeared be-\\nfore the fort, hoping to entice the garrison to a gene-\\nral action in the field. After waiting a few days\\nwithout succeeding, they decamped, and proceeded\\nto Fort Stephenson, on the river Sandusky. This\\nfort was little more than a picketing, surrounded by a\\nditch, and the garrison consisted of but one hundred\\nand sixty men, who were commanded by Major\\nCroghan, a youth of twenty-one. The force of the\\nassailants was estimated at about four hundred in\\nuniform, and as many Indians they were repulsed,\\nand their loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners, is\\nsupposed to have exceeded one hundred and fifty,\\nthose of the remaindero,who were not able to escape\\nwere taken off during the night by the Indians. The\\nwhole loss of Major Croghan during the siege was\\none killed and scA ^en slightly wounded. About three\\nthe next morning the British sailed down the river,\\nleaving behind them a boat containing clothing and\\nconsiderable military stores.\\nBy the exertions of Commodore Perry, an Ameri-\\ncan squadron had been fitted out on Lake Erie early\\nin September. It consisted of nine small vessels, in\\nall carrying fifty-four guns. A British squadron had\\nalso been built and equipped, under the superintend-\\nence of Commodore Barclay. It consisted of six\\nvessels, mounting sixty-three guns. Commodore\\nPerry, immediately sailing, offered battle to his ad-\\nversary, and on the lUth of September, the British\\ncommander left the harbour of Maiden to accept the\\noffer. In a few hours the wind shifted, giving the\\nAmericans the advantage. Perry, forming the line\\nof battle, hoisted his flag, on which were inscribed\\nthe words of the dying Lawrence, Don t give up\\nthe ship. Loud huzzas from all the vessels pro-\\nclaimed the animation which this motto inspired.\\nAbout noon the firing commenced; and after a short\\naction two of the British vessels surrendered, and\\nthe rest of the American squadron now joining in\\nthe battle, the victory was rendered decisive and\\ncomplete. The British loss was forty-one lulled, and\\nninety-four wounded. The American loss was\\ntwenty-seven killed, and ninety-six wounded, of\\nwhich number twenty-one were killed and sixty-two\\nwounded on board the flag-ship liawrence, whose\\nwhole complement of able bodied men before the ac-\\ntion was about one hundred. The commodore gave\\nintelligence of the victory to General Harrison in\\nthese words We have met the enemy, and they\\nare ours. Two ships, two brigs, one schooner, and\\none sloop. T^^ Americans were now masters of\\nthe lake but the territory of Michigan was still ia\\nthe possession of Colonel Procter. The next move-\\nments were against the British and Indians at De-\\ntroit and Maiden. General Harrison had previously\\nassembled a portion of the Ohio militia on the San-\\ndusky river and on the 7th of September four\\nthousand from Kentucky, the flower of the state, with\\nGovernor Shelby at their head, arrived at his camp.\\nWith the co-operation of the fleet, it was determined\\nto proceed at once to Maiden. On the 27th the\\ntroops were received on board, and reached. Maiden\\non the same day; but the British had, in the mean\\ntime, destroyed the fort and public stores, and had\\nretreated along the Thames towards the Moravian\\nvillages, together with Tecumseh s Indians, amount-\\ning to twelve or fifteen hundred. It was now re-\\nsolved to proceed in pursuit of Procter. On the 5th\\nof October a severe battle was fought between the two\\narmies at the river Thames, and the British army\\nwas taken by the Americans. In this battle Tecum-\\nseh was killed, and the Indians fied. The British\\nloss was nineteen regulars killed, and fifty wound-\\ned, and about six hundred prisoners. The American\\nloss, in killed and wounded, amounted to upwards of\\nfifty. Procter made his escape down the Thames.\\nOn the 29th of September the Americans took pos-\\nsession of Detroit, which, on the approach of Harri-\\nson s army, had been abandoned by the British. Pre-\\nparations were now made for subduing Upper Canada,\\nand taking Montreal; but owing to the difficulties\\nattending the concentration of the troops, and perhaps\\nalso to the want of vigour in the commanders, that\\nproject was abandoned, and the army under Wilkin-\\nson, marching to French Mills, there encamped for\\nthe winter. This abortive issue of the campaign\\noccasioned murmurs throughout the nation, and the\\ncauses which led to it have never been fully develop-\\ned. The severest censure fell upon General Arm-\\nstrong, who was secretary of war, and upon General\\nHampton. Th^ latter soon after resigned his com-\\nmission in the army, and General Izard was selected\\nto conmiand the post at Plattsburgh.\\nMajor-General Harrison, commander in chief of\\nthe eighth military district in the United States, issued\\na proclamation, stating, that the enemy having been\\ndriven from the territory of Michigan, and a part of\\nthe army under his command having taken possession\\nof it, it became necessary that the civil government\\nof the territory should be re-established, and the for-\\nmer officers resume the exercise of their authority.\\nHe therefore proclaimed, that all appointments and\\ncommissions which have been derived from British", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "338\\nHISTORY OF THE UJNITED STATES.\\nofficers were at an end that the citizens were re-\\nstored to all the rights and privileges which they en-\\njoyed previously to the capitulation made by General\\nHuJl on the 15th of August, 1812; and, until the\\nwill of tlie government should be known, directed\\nthat all persons having civil offices in the territory of\\nMichigan, at the period of the capitulation of Detroit,\\nshould resume the exercise of the powers appertain-\\ning to their offices respectively.\\nThe United States squadron, chased by Commo-\\ndore Hardy with a superior naval force, had taken\\nrefuge in the harbour of New London, where the\\ndecaj^ed and feeble state of the fortifications affijrded a\\nprecarious defence. Tlie menacing appearance of the\\nBritish squadron at the entrance of the harbour, and\\nthe strong probability that the town would be destroy-\\ned in the conffict, which had been long expected, pro-\\nduced among the inhabitants the greatest consterna-\\ntion. In this moment of alarm,-the major-general of\\nthe third division, and the brigadier-general of the\\nthird brigade, considered themselves justified, at the\\nearnest entreaty of the citizens, in summoning the\\nmilitia to their assistance. Governor Smith, of Con-\\nnecticut, approved this proceeding, and immediately\\nforwarded supplies, and adopted measures of defence.\\nOn this occasion, said the governor to the legisla-\\nture, I could not hesitate as to the course which it\\nbecame my duty to pursue. The government of\\nConnecticut, the last to invite hostilities, should be\\nthe first to repel aggression.\\nThe Indians at the southern extremity of the union\\nhad imbibed the same hostile spirit as those at the\\nnorth-western. They had been visited by Tecumseh,\\nand by his eloquence had been persuaded that the\\ngreat spirit required them to unite and attempt the\\nextirpation of the whites. In the fall of 1812, a\\ncruel war was carried on by the Creeks and Semi-\\nnoles against the frontier inhabitants of Georgia.\\nGeneral Jackson, at the head of two thousand five\\nhundred volunteers from Tennessee, marched into\\ntlie country of the Indians. Overawed by his pre-\\nsence, they desisted for a time from hostility but,\\nafter his return, their animosity burst forth with in-\\ncreased and fital violence. Dreading their cruelty,\\nabout three hundred men, women, and children,\\nsought safety in Fort Mimms, in the Tensaw settle-\\nment. Although frequent warnings of an intended\\nattack had been giveh them, yet, at noon day, on the\\nSnth of August, they were surprised by a party of\\nsix hundred Indians, who, with axes, cut their way\\ninto the fort, and drove the people inio the houses\\nwhich it enclosed. To these they set fire. Many\\npersons were burnt, and many killed by the toma-\\nhawk. Only seventeen escaped to carry the liorrid\\ntidings to the neighbouring stations. The whites\\nresolved on vengeance. Again General Jackson, nt\\nthe head of three thousand five hundred militia of\\nTennessee, marched into the southern wilderness.\\nA detachment under General Cofiee encountering at\\nTallushatchie a body of Indians, a sanguinary con-\\nflict ensued. The latter fought with desperation,\\nneither giving nor receiving quarter, unlil nearly\\nevery warrior had perished. Yet still was the spirit\\nof the Creeks unsubdued, and their faith in victory\\nunshaken. Witli no little sagacity and skill they\\nselected and fortified another position on the Talla-\\npoosa, called by themselves Tohopeka, and by the\\nwhites Horse-shoe Bend. Here nearly a thousand\\nwarriors, animated with a fierce and determined\\nresolution, were collected. Three thousand men,\\ncommanded by General Jackson, marched to attack\\nthis post. To prevent escape, a detachment under\\nGeneral Cofl^ee encircled the Bend. The main body\\nadvanced to the fortress and for a few minutes the\\nopposing forces were engaged muzzle to muzzle at\\nthe port-holes but at length the troops, leaping over\\nthe walls, mingled in furious combat with the savages.\\nWhen the Indians, fleeing to the river, beheld the\\ntroops on the opposite bank, they returned and fought\\nwith increased fury and desperation. Six hundred\\nwarriors were killed four only yielded themselves\\nprisoners the remaining three hundred escaped.\\nOf the whites, fifty-five were killed, and one hundred\\nand forty-six wounded. It was deemed probable\\nthat further resistance would be made by the Indians\\nat a place called the Hickory-ground but on General\\nJackson s arriving thither in April, 1814, the princi-\\npal chiefs came out to meet him, and among them\\nwas Wetherford, a hatf-blood, distinguished equally\\nfor his talents and cruelty. I am in your power,\\nsaid he, do with me what you please. I have done\\nthe white people all the harm I could. I have fought\\nthem, and fought them bravely. There was a time\\nwhen I had a choice I have none now, even hope\\nis ended. Once I could animate my warriors but\\nI cannot animate the dead. They can no longer\\nhear my voice their bones are at Tallushatchie,\\nTalladega, Emuckfaw, and Tohopeka. While there\\nwas a chance of success I never supplicated peace\\nbut my people are gone, and I now ask it for my na-\\ntion and myself Peace was concluded, and Gene-\\nral Jackson and his troops enjoyed an honourable\\nbut short repose.\\nIt was the declared intention of the British to lay\\nwaste the whole American coast, Irom Maine to\\nGeorgia. Of this intention demonstration was made", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n339\\nby their descent upon Pettipauge, and the destruction\\nwhich followed in that harbour. Early in April, a\\nnumber of British barges, supposed to contain about\\ntwo hundred and twenty men, entered the mouth of\\nConnecticut River, passed up seven or eight miles,\\nand came on shore at a part of Saybrook called Petti-\\npauge, where they destroyed about twenty-five ves-\\nsels. Guards of militia were placed without delay\\nat nearly all the vulnerable points on the seaboard,\\nand where troops could not be stationed, patrols of\\nvidettes were constantly maintained.\\nOn the 25th of April, Admiral Cochrane declared,\\nin addition to the ports and places blockaded by Ad-\\nmiral Warren, all the remaining ports, harbours, bays,\\ncreeks, rivers, inlets, outlets, islands, and sea coasts\\nof the United States, from Black Point, on Long\\nIsland Sound, to the northern and eastern boundaries\\nbetween the United States and tlie British province\\nof New Brunswick, to be in a state of strict and rigo-\\nrous blockade. On the other hand, the president of\\nthe United States issued a proclamation, declaring\\nthat the blockade proclaimed by the Diitish of the\\nwhole Atlantic coast of the United States, nearly two\\nthousand miles in extent, being incapabfe of execution\\nby any adequate force actually stationed for the pur-\\npose, formed no awful prohibition or obstacle to such\\nneutral and friendly vessels as may choose to visit and\\ntrade with the United States and strictly ordered\\nand instructed all the public armed vessels of the\\nUnited States, and all private armed vessels commis-\\nsioned as privateers, or with letters of marque and\\nreprisal, not to interrupt, detain, or molest any vessels\\nbelonging to neutral powers, bound to any port or\\nplace within the jurisdiction of the United States\\nbut, on the contrary, to render all such vessels all the\\naid and kind offices which they might need or require.\\nThe pacification in Europe offered to the British\\na large disposable force, both naval and military, and\\nwith it the means of giving to the war in America\\na character of new and increased activity and ex-\\ntent. The friends of the administration anticipated\\na severer conflict, and prepared for greater sacrifices\\nand greater sufl erings. Its opposers, where difficul-\\nties thickened and danger pressed, were encouraged\\nto make more vigorous efforts to wrest the reins of\\nauthority from men who, they asserted, had shown\\nthemselves incompetent to hold them. The president\\ndeemed it advisable to strengthen the line of the\\nAtlantic, and therefore called on the executive of\\nseveral states to organize and hold in readiness for\\nimmediate service a corps of ninety-three thousand\\nfive hundred men.\\nThe hostile movements on the northern frontier\\nwere now becoming vigorous and interesting. In\\nthe beginning of .Tuly, General Brown, who had been\\nassiduously employed in disciplining his troops, cross-\\ned the Niagara with about three thousand men, and\\ntook possession, without opposition, of Fort Erie. In\\na strong position at Chippewa, a few miles distant,\\nwas intrenched an equal juunber of British troops,\\ncommanded by General Riall. On the 4th, General\\nBrown approached their works and the next day,\\non the plains of Chippewa, an obstinate and sangui-\\nnary battle was fought, which compelled the British\\nto retire to their intrenchments. In this action,\\nwhich was fought with great judgment and coolness\\non both sides, the loss of the Americans was about\\nfour hundred men, that of the British was upwards of\\nfive hundred. Soon afterwards, General Riall, aban-\\ndoning his works, retired to the heights of Burlington.\\nHere Lieutenant-General Drummond, with a large\\nre-enforcemeht, joined him, and assuming the com-\\nmand, led back the army towards the American camp.\\nOn the 25th was fought the battle of Bridgewater,\\nwhich began at four in the afternoon, and continued\\nuntil midnight. After a desperate conflict, the British\\ntroops were withdrawn, and the Americans left in\\npossession of the field. The loss on both sides was\\nsevere, and nearly equal. Generals Brown and Scott\\nhaving both been severely wounded, the command\\ndevolved upon General Ripley. He remained a few\\nhours upon the hill, collected the wounded, and then\\nreturned unmolested to the camp. This battle was\\nfought near the cataract of Niagara, whose roar was\\nsilenced by the thunder of cannon and the din of\\narms, but was distinctly heard during the pauses of\\nthe fight. The American general foimd his force so\\nmuch weakened, that he deemed it prudent again to\\noccupy Fort Erie. On the 4th of August it was in-\\nvested by General Drummond with five tnousand\\ntroops. In the night between the 14th and 15th,\\nthe besiegers made a daring assault upon the fort,\\nwhich was repelled with conspicuous gallantry by\\nthe garrison, the former losing more than nine hun-\\ndred men, the latter but eighty-four. The siege was\\nstill continued. On the 2d of September, General\\nBri wn, having recovered from his wounds, threw\\nhimself into the fort, and took command of the garri-\\nson. For their fate great anxiety was felt by the\\nnation, which was, however, in some degree removed,\\nby the march from Plattsburgh of five thousand men.\\nto their relief After an hour of close fighting tliey\\nentered the fort, having killed, wounded, and taken\\none thousand of the British. The loss of the Ameri-\\ncans was also considerable, amounting to more than\\nfive hundred. On the 21st of September, the forty-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "340\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nninth day of the siege, General Drummond withdrew\\nhis forces.\\nThe march of the troops from Plattsburgh having\\nleft that post almost defenceless, the enemy determin-\\ned to attack it by land, and, at the same time, to at-\\ntempt the destruction of the American flotilla on\\nLake Champlain. On the 3d of September, Sir\\nGeorge Prevost, the governor-general of Canada, at\\nthe head of fourteen thousand men, entered the ter-\\nritories of the United States. On the 6tlr they arri-\\nved at Plattsburgh. It is situated near Lake Cham-\\nplain, on the northern bank of the small river Sara-\\nnac. On their approach, the American troops, who\\nwere posted on the opposite bank, tore up the planks\\nof the bridges, with which they formed slight breast-\\nworks, and prepared to dispute the passage of the\\nstream. The British employed themselves for se-\\nveral days in erecting batteries, wliile the American\\nforces were daily augmented by the arrival of vo-\\nlunteers and militia. Early in the morning of the\\n11th, the British squadron, commanded by Commo-\\ndore Downie, appeared off the harbour of Plattsburgh,\\nwhere that of the United States, commanded by\\nCommodore Macdonough, lay at anchor prepared for\\nbattle. At nine o clock the action commenced.\\nSeldom has there been a more furious encounter\\nthan tlie bosom of this transparent and peaceful\\nlake was now called to witness. During the naval\\nconflict, the British on land began a heavy cannonade\\nupon the American lines, and attempted at ditferent\\nplaces to cross the Saranac but as often as the\\nBritish advanced into the water they were repelled\\nby a destructive fire from the militia. At half past\\neleven the shout of victory heard along the Ameri-\\ncan lines announced the result of the battle on the\\nlake. Thus deprived of naval aid, in the afternoon\\nthe Britisli withdrew to their intrenchments, and in\\nthe night they commenced a precipitate retreat.\\nUpon the lake the American loss was one hundred\\nand ten the British one hundred and ninety-four,\\nbesides prisoners. On land, the American loss was\\none hundred and nineteen that of the British has\\nbeen estimated as high as two thousand five hun-\\ndred.\\nThe inhabitants of the middle and southern\\nstates, anticipating a great augmentation of the Eng-\\nlish force, and uncertain where the blow would fall,\\nmade exertions to place every exposed position in a\\nposture of defence. About the middle of August,\\na British squadron of between fifty and sixty sail\\narrived in the Chesapeake, with troops destined for\\nthe attack of Wasliington, the capital of the United\\nStates. A body of five thousand of them having\\nlanded, an action was fought at Bladensburgh, six\\nmiles from Washington. General Winder command-\\ned the whole American force Commodore Barney\\nthe flotilla. The British were commanded by Major-\\nGeneral Ross and Rear-Admiral Cockburn. The\\nAmericans were repulsed, and the British advanced\\ntowards the capital. A body of militia had been\\nassembled in this emergency but the president and\\nheads of departments, on reviewing the force brought\\nout for defence, despaired of success, and dispersed.\\nGeneral Ross, at the head of about seven hundred\\nmen, took possession of Washington, and burned the\\ncapitol, or senate-house, the President s house, and\\npublic offices, the arsenal, the navy yard, and the\\nbridge over the Potomac. The loss of the British\\nin this expedition was nearly a thousand men, in\\nkilled, wounded, and missing the loss of the Ameri-\\ncans was ten or twelve killed, and thirty or forty\\nwounded. Commodore Barney s horse was killed\\nunder him, and himself wounded in the thigh and\\ntaken prisoner but he was paroled on the field of\\nbattle for his bravery. The capture of Washington\\nreflected no credit upon those by whom it ought to\\nhave been defended but the destruction of the na-\\ntional edifices was still more disgraceful to the cha-\\nracter of the invaders. The whole civilized world\\nexclaimed against the act, as a violation of the rules\\nof modern warfare. The capitals of most of the\\nEuropean kingdoms had lately been in the power of\\nan enemy but in no instance had the conqueror\\nbeen guilty of similar conduct. The act was also as\\nimpolitic as it was barbarous it naturally excited\\nan indignant spirit throughout the republic, and led\\nits inhabitants to vie with each other in exerting all\\ntheir faculties to overcome the ravagers of their\\ncountry.\\nAfter the capture of Washington, the British army\\nre-embarked on board the fleet in the Patuxent, and\\nAdmiral Cockburn moved down that river, and pro-\\nceeded up the Chesapeake. On tlie 29th of August,\\nthe corporation of Alexandria submitted to articles\\nof capitulation, and the city was delivered up to the\\nBritish. On the 11th of September, the British ad-\\nmiral appeared at the mouth of the Patapsco, four-\\nteen miles from Baltimore, with a fleet of ships of\\nwar and transports amounting to fifty sail. The\\nnext day six thousand troops were landed at North\\nPoint, and commenced their march towards the city.\\nIn this march, when the foremost ranks were ha-\\nrassed by a brisk fire from a wood, Major-General\\nRoss was mortally wounded. A battle was fought\\non this day. The American forces, the militia, and\\nthe inhabitants of Baltimore, made a gallant defence,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n341\\nbut were compelled to retreat the British, however,\\nabandoning the attempt to get possession of the city,\\nretired to their shipping during the night of the 13th\\nof September.\\nOn the ocean, the Essex, commanded by Captain\\nPorter, after a bloody combat, struck to a British\\nfrigate and sloop of war, whose united force was\\nmuch superior. The American sloop Peacock cap-\\ntured the Epervie of equal force. The sloop Wasp,\\ncommanded by Captain Blakely, captured the Rein-\\ndeer, and afterwards, in the same cruise, sank the\\nAvon, both of superior force. She made several\\nother prizes, but never returned into port she pro-\\nbably foundered at sea.\\nThe closing scene of this unnecessary and dis-\\ngraceful war, the more detestable when contemplated\\nas a series of tiuman sacrifices for the preservation\\nof a commercial system, was creditable to the ge-\\nnius and bravery of the American republic. The\\noperations of the British in Louisiana were commen-\\nced by a small expedition, the naval part under the\\ncommand of Captain Percy, and the troops under\\nColonel Nicholls. They landed and took forcible\\npossession of Pensacola, and were aided by the\\nSpaniards in all their proceedings they collected\\nall the Indians that v/ould resort to their standard\\nand Colonel Nicholls then sent an ofRcer to the\\npiratical establishment at Barrataria to enlist the chief,\\nLafitte, and his followers, in their cause the most\\nliberal and tempting offers were made them. These\\npeople, however, showed a decided preference for the\\nAmerican cause they deceived tfie English by de-\\nlay conveyed intelligence of their designs to the\\nGovernor at New Orleans, and offered their services\\nto defend the country. Disappointed in securing\\ntheir aid, the expedition proceeded to the attack of\\nFort Bowyer, on Mobile point, commanded by Major\\nLawrence, with one hundred and thirty men. The\\nresult, however, was a loss to the besiegers of more\\nthan two hundred men the commodore s ship was\\nso disabled that they set fire to her, and she blew up,\\nand the remaining three vessels, shattered and filled\\nwith wounded men, returned to Pensacola. While\\nthe British thus sheltered in this place, where they\\nwere busily occupied in bringing over the Indians\\nto join them. General Jackson formed an expedition\\nof about four thousand men, regulars and militia, to\\ndislodge them. He summoned the town, was re-\\nfused entrance by the Spanish governor, and his flag\\nof truce was fired upon the British soldiers being\\nin the forts, where their flag had been hoisted, in\\nconjunction with the Spanish, the day before the\\nAmerican forces appeared. Preparations were imme-\\ndiately made to carry the place one battery having\\nbeen taken by storm, with slight loss on either side,\\nthe governor surrendered, the English having previ-\\nously retired on board their ships. The forts below,\\nwhich commanded the passage, were blown up, and\\nthis enabled the English fleet to put to sea.\\nGeneral Jackson then evacuated the Spanish ter-\\nritory, and marched his troops back to Mobile and\\nNew Orleans, which he reached on the second day\\nof December. Having reviewed a corps of vol an\\nteers the day of his arrival, he immediately proceed-\\ned to visit every post in the neighbourliood, to give\\norders for adding fortifications, and establishing de-\\nfensive works and outposts in every spot where the\\nenemy might be expected, as there was the greatest\\nuncertainty where a landing would be made he\\nmingled with the citizens, and infused into the greater\\npart his own spirit and energy. By his presence-\\nand exhortations they were animated to exertions ot\\nwhich before they were not supposed to be capable.\\nAll who could wield a spade, or carry a musket,\\nwere either put to work upon the fortifications, or\\ntrained in the art of defending them. The Missis-\\nsippi, lipon the eastern bank of which New Orleans\\nstands, flows to the ocean in several channels one\\nleaving the main stream above the city, runs east of\\nit, and forms in its course Lake Ponchartrain and\\nLake Borgne. Early in December, the British en-\\ntered this channel, with a force of about eight thou-\\nsand men, a part of whom had just left the shores of\\nthe Chesapeake, the remainder having arrived direct\\nfrom England. A small squadron of gunboats,\\nunder Lieutenant Jones, was despatched to oppose\\ntheir passage into the lake. These were mei by a\\nsuperior force, and after a spirited conflict, in which\\nthe killed and wounded of the British exceeded the\\nwhole niunber of the Americans, they were compel-\\nled to surrender. The loss of the gunboats left no\\nmeans of watching the movements of the enemy,\\nor of ascertaining where the landing would be made.\\nOrders were given for increased vigilance at every\\npost the people of colour were formed into a batta.\\nlion the offer of the Barratarians to volunteer, on\\ncondition of a pardon for previous ofl ences, if they\\nconducted themselves with bravery ;ind fidelity, was\\naccepted. General Jackson, after applying to the\\nlegislature to suspend the act of habeas corpus, and\\nfinding that they were consuming these extreme\\nmoments in discussion, proclaimed martial law, and\\nfrom that moment his means became more commen-\\nsurate with the weight of responsibilty he had to\\nsustain.\\nOn the 22d, the British, having landed, took a", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "348\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nposition near the main channel of the river, about\\neight miles below tlie city. In the evening of the\\n23d, General Jackson made a sudden and furious at-\\ntack upon their camp. They were thrown into dis-\\norder but they soon rallied, and fought with a\\nbravery at least equal to that of the assailants. Sat-\\nisfied with the advantage first gained, he withdrew\\nhis troops, fortified a strong position four miles be-\\nlow New Orleans, and supported it by batteries\\nerected on the west bank of the river. On the 28th\\nof December, and the 1st of January, vigorous but\\nunsuccessful attacks were made upon these fortifica-\\ntions by the English. In the mean time, both armies\\nhad received re-enforcements and General Sir E.\\nPakenham, the British commander, resolved to exert\\nall his strength in a combined attack upon the Ameri-\\ncan positions on both sides of the river. With al-\\nmost incredible industry, he caused a canal, leading\\nfrom a creek emptying itself into Lake Borgne to\\nthe main channel 9f the Mississippi, to be dug, that\\nhe tnight remove a part of his boats and artillery to\\nthat river. On the 7th of January, from the move-\\nments observed in the British camp, a speedy attack\\nwas anticipated. This was made early on the Sth.\\nThe British troops, formed in a close cohunn of\\nabout sixty men in front, the men shouldering their\\nmuskets, all carrying fascines, and some with ladders,\\nadvanced towards the American fortifications, from\\nwhence an incessant fire was kept up on the column,\\nwhich continued to advance, until the musketry of\\ntlie troops of Tennessee and Kentucky, joined with\\nthe fire of the artillery, began to make an impression\\non it which soon threw it into confusion. For some\\ntime the British oflicers succeeded in animating the\\ncourage of their troops, making them advance ob-\\nliquely to the left, to avoid the fire of a battery,\\nevery discharge from which opened the column,\\nand mowed down whole files, which were almost in-\\nstantaneously replaced by new troops coming up\\nclose after the first but these also shared the same\\nfate, until at last, after twenty-five minutes continual\\nfiring, through which a few platoons advanced to\\nthe edge of the ditch, the column entirely broke, and\\npart of the troops dispersed, and ran to take shelter\\namong the bushes on the right. The rest retired to\\nthe ditch where they had been when first perceived,\\nfour hundred yards from the American lines. There\\nthe oflicers with some difficulty rallied their troops,\\nand again drew them up for a second attack, the\\nsoldiers having laid down their knapsacks at the\\nedge of the ditch, that they might be less encum-\\nbered. And now, for the second time, the column,\\nrecruited with the troops that formed the rear, ad-\\nvanced. Again it was received with the same gall-\\ning fire of musketry and artillery, till it at last\\nbroke aaain, and retired in the utmost confusion.\\nIn vain did the officers now endeavour, as before, to\\nrevive the courage of their men to no purpose did\\nthey strike them with the flat of their swords, to\\nforce them to advance they were insensible of every\\nthing but danger, and saw nothing but death, which\\nhad struck so many of their commdes. The attack\\nhad hardly begun, when the British commander-in-\\nchief, Sir Edward Pakenham, fell a victim to his\\nown intrepidity, while endeavouring to animate his\\ntroops with ardour for the assault. Soon after his\\nfall, two other generals, Keane and Gibbs, were car-\\nried oft the field of battle, dangerously wounded. A\\ngreat number of officers of rank had fallen the\\nground over which the column had marched was\\nstrewed with the dead and wounded. Such slaugh-\\nter on their side, with scarcely any loss on the\\nAmerican, spread consternation through the British\\nranks, as they were now convinced of the impossi-\\nbility of carrying the lines, and saw that even to\\nadvance was certain death. Some of the British\\ntroops had penetrated into the wood towards the ex-\\ntremity of the American line, to make a false attack,\\nor to ascertain whether a real one were practicable.\\nThese the troops under General Coffee no sooner\\nperceived, than they opened on them a brisk fire\\nwith their rifles, which made them retire. The\\ngreater part of those who, on the column s being re\\npulsed, had taken shelter in the thickets, only esca-\\nped the batteries t6 be killed by the musketry. Du-\\nring the whole hour that the attack lasted, the\\nAmerican fire did not slacken for a single moment.\\nBy half after eight in the morning, the fire of the\\nmusketry had ceased. The whole plain on the left,\\nas also the side of the river, from the road to the edge\\nof the water, was covered with the British soldiers\\nAvho had fallen. About four hundred wounded pri-\\nsoners were taken, and at least double that number\\nof wounded men escaped into the British camp and\\na space of ground, extending from the ditch of the\\nAmerican lines to that on which the enemy drew up\\nhis troops, two hundred and fifty yards in length, by\\nabout two hundred in breadth, was literally covered\\nwith men, either dead or severely woimded.* Per-\\nhaps a greater disparity of loss never occurred that\\nof the British in killed, wounded, and prisoners, in\\nthis attack, which was not made with sufficient judg-\\nment, and which, besides, was embarrassed by un-\\nforeseen cirucmstances, was upwards of two thou-\\nHistorical Memoir of the War in Louisiana, by Major A. L\\nLatoiir, Engineer in the United States Army.^ Philadelphia, 1816", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "HiSl ORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n343\\nsand men the killed and wounded of the Americans\\nwas only thirteen.\\nThe events of the day on the west side of the\\nriver present a striking instance of the vmcertainty\\nof military operations. There the Americans were\\nthrice the number of their brave assailants, and were\\nprotected by intrenchments but they ingloriously\\nfled. They were closely pursued, until the British\\nparty, receiving intelligence of the defeat of the main\\narmy, withdrew from pursuit, and recrossed the river.\\nThey then returned and resumed possession of their-\\nintrenchments. General Lambert, upon whom the\\ncommand of the British army had devolved, having\\nlost all hopefe of success, prepared to return to his\\nshipping. In his retreat he was not molested Gene-\\nral Jackson wisely resolving to hazard nothing that\\nhe had gained, in attempting to gain still .more.\\nThe Americans naturally indulged in ecstasies of\\njoy for this signal victory. Te Deum was sung at\\nNew Orleans, and every demonstration of gratitude\\nmanifested by the inhabitants of the Union generally.\\nIn speaking of gratitude on this occasion, however,\\nwe must not omit a ludicrous instance of the mean-\\nness which party-spirit will sometimes exhibit. The\\nstate of Louisiana passed votes of thanks to several\\nof the officers concerned in the defence, and omitted\\nGeneral Jackson.*\\nAlthough the results of the war had been honour-\\nable to the American arms, a large portion of the in-\\nhabitants of the New England states were unceasingly\\nopposed to the measures of the administration. The\\ngovernor of Massachusetts convoked the general\\ncourt of that state the legislature of Connecticut\\nwas about to hold its usual semi-annual session and\\nThe reason for Ihis omission was, that, while they were\\nwrangling and delaying to suspend the habeas corpus in a moment\\nof the most imperious necessity, the general, to save the country,\\nproclaimed martial law. In conseqi^^nce of the omission of thanks\\nby the legislature, some of the citizens of New Orleans presenied\\nan address to the general; the answer to which is highly characte-\\nristic of the gallant officer, now president of the United States:\\nAlthough born and bred in the land of freedom, says the gene-\\nral, popular favour has always been with me a secondary object.\\nMy first wish in political life has been, lo be useful to my country.\\nYet I am not insensible to the good opinion of my fellow-citizens;\\nI would do much to obtain it but I can not, for this purpose, sa-\\ncrifice my own conscience, or what I conceive to be the interests of\\nmy country. These principles have prepared me to receive with\\njust satisfaction the address ou have presented. The first wish\\nof my heart, the safely of our country, has been accomplished and\\nit affords me the greatest happiness to know, that the means taken\\nto secure this object, have met the approbation of those who have\\nhad the best opportunities of judging of their piopriety, and who,\\nfrom their various relations, might be supposed the most ready to\\ncensure any which had been improperly resorted to. The^istinc-\\ntion you draw, gentlemen, between those who only declaim about\\ncivil rights, and those who fight to maintain them, shows how just\\nand practical a knowledge you have of the true principles of liber-\\nty--without such knowledge all theory is useless or mischievous.\\ntt is mRtter of surprise, that they who boast themselves the cham-\\n44\\nthe legislature of Rhode Island also assembled. When\\nthese several bodies met, what should be done in this\\nunexampled state of affairs became a subject of most\\nsolemn deliberation. To insure unity of views and\\nconcert in action, the legislature of Massachusetts\\nproposed a Conference by delegates from the legis-\\nlatures of the New England states, and of any other\\nstates that might accede to the measure. Their re-\\nsolution for this purpose, and the circular letter ac-\\ncompanying it, show, that the duty proposed to be\\nassigned to these delegates was merely to devise and\\nrecommend to the states, measures for their security\\nand defence, and such mewures as were not repug-\\nnant to their federal obligations as members of the\\nUnion. The proposition was readily assented to by\\nseveral states, and the delegates appointed in pur-\\nsuance of it met at Hartford, on the 15th of Decem-\\nber following. The convention recommended, 1.\\nThat the states they represent take measures to pro-\\ntect their citizens from forcible draughts, conscrip-\\ntions, or impressments, not authorized by the consti-\\ntution of the United States. 2. That an earnest\\napplication be made to the government of the United\\nStates, requesting their consent to some arrangement,\\nwhereby the states separately, or in concert, may take\\nupon themselves the defence of their territory against\\nthe enemy, and that a reasonable portion of the taxes\\ncollected within the states be appropriated to this\\nobject. 3. That the several governors be authorized\\nby law to employ the military force under their com-\\nmand in assisting any state requesting it, to ijfpel the\\ninvasions of the public enemy. 4. That several\\namendments of the constitution of the United States,\\ncalculated in their view to prevent a recurrence *of\\npions of those lights and privileges, should not, when they were\\nfirst put in danger by the proclamation of martial law, have mani-\\nfested that lively sensibility of which they have since made so os-\\ntentatious a display. So far, however, was this from being the\\ncase, that this measure not only met, then, the open support of tho.se\\nwho, when their country was invaded, thought resistance a virtue,\\nand the silent approbation of all, but even received the particular\\nrecommendation and encouragement of many who now inveigh\\nthe most bitterly against it. It was not until a victory, secured by\\nthat very measure, had lessened the danger which occasioned the\\nresort to it, that the present feeling guardians of our rights disco-\\nvered that the commanding general ought to have suffered his posts\\nto be abandoned through the interference of a foreign agent his\\nranks to be thinned by desertion, and his whole army lo be brokeu\\nto pieces by mutiny while yet a powerful force of the enemy re-\\nmained on our coast, and within a few hours sail of your city.\\nUnder these circumstances, fellow-soldiers, your resolution to let\\nothers declaim about privileges and constitutional rights, will never\\ndraw upon you the charge of being indifferent to those inestimable\\nblessings: your attachment lo them has been proved by a stronger\\ntitle that of having nobly fought to preserve them. You, who\\nhave thus supported them against the open pretensions of a power-\\nful enemy, will never, I trust, surrender them to the underhand\\nmachinations of men who stand aloof in the hour of peril, and\\nwho, when the danger is gone, claim to be the defenders of your\\nconstitution.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "344\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe evils of which they complain, be proposed by the\\nstates they represent for adoption either by the state\\nlegislatures, or by a convention chosen by the people\\nof each state. Lastly, That if the application of\\nthese states to the government of the United States\\nshould be unsuccessful, and peace should not be con-\\ncluded, and the defence of these states be still ne-\\nglected, it would, in their opinion, be expedient for\\nthe legislatures of the several states to appoint dele-\\ngates to another convention, to meet at Boston, in\\nJune, with such powers and instructions as the exi-\\ngency of a crisis so momentous may require. The\\neffect of these proceeding* upon the public mind in\\nthe aggrieved states, was alike seasonable and salu-\\ntary. The very proposal to call a convention, and\\nthe confidence reposed in the men delegated to that\\ntrust, served greatly to allay the passions, and to in-\\nspire confidence and hope. Nor was the influence\\nof this body upon the national councils less percepti-\\nIt could hardly tie expected that a -writer not residing in this\\ncountry, could, if he wished to, be an impartial historian in all\\nthings, and give his readers a precise account of the effects of the\\nwar of 1812 on the United States. Il was, in many respects, an\\nexpensive contest, every thing having been done by the government\\nto great disadvantage, from t he i act, that no preparations had been\\nmade for the crisis; but the national debt was nothing, in compari-\\nson with the advantageous change the war produced in the reason-\\ning and habits of the people. This event brought the work shops\\nfrom Europe to our own shores, and we were taught how to ac-\\nquire and 10 maintain a true state of independence. Perliaps in\\nthe zeal of a new pursuit, the manufacturing interest was too far\\nextended, but this evil will, in the end, cure itself. The maxim of\\npolitical economy, that was once broached by the Edinburgh Review,\\nthat th^Americans should not be allowed to make a hob-nail,\\nwill no longer be repeated. The empire of the arts and manufac-\\ntures is now divided between the two countries. We have as much\\nof it as we desire, and can extend it to our wants. As the learned\\naufhor of this history, Mr. Hinton, has said but little of political\\neconomy, the American editor may be pardoned for an otherwise\\nprolix note.\\nAs our country now presents herself to our view, we feel a self-\\ncongratulation and patriotic pride, that is at once just and useful.\\nNational pride is always found with pure patriotism. Tweniy-four\\nstates, independent in all their civil polity and domestic relations,\\nconfederated to form one great people, is a novelty under the sun.\\nThese states, stretching through so many degrees of latitude, give\\na great variety of climate and of productions. The agricultural\\ncapacity of the country, as a whole, is not only equal to all our own\\nwants, but to the wants of all others, if they should make us their\\ngranary. Most of the stales are lilted for manufacturing; nature\\nsupplying water power to an incalculable extent. This country is\\nalso wonderfully fitted for commerce, from its extended seaboard,\\nand numerous safe harbours, and great navigable rivers. Il is well\\ncalculated for a great naval power, as our ship-timber is abundant,\\nand may be cultivated to any extent required and our river navi-\\ngation and fisheries are nurseries for seamen. It is as yet so thinly\\nsettled, compared to its territory, that we can have no anxiety of a\\ncrowded population. The institutions of law, medicine, and di-\\nvinity, are in a most flourishing condition, and we count more than\\nhalf a hundred colleges, with an immense number of minor schools.\\nIt is a country full uf inventive power, which puts every particle\\nof mind into action. It is also remarkable for enterprise, and the\\npeople seize upon all the improvements of other nations. It has a\\nmass of population, which have, more than any other people, sound\\nminds in sound bodies, arising more from ils moriil and political\\nble. Within three weeks after the adjournment of\\nthe Convention and the publication of their report,\\nan act passed both liouses of the national legislature,\\nand received the signature of the president, authori-\\nzing and requiring him to receive into the service\\nof the United States any corps of troops which may\\nhave been or may be raised, organized, and oflicered,\\nunder the authority of any of the states, to be em-\\nployed in the state raising the same, or an adjoining\\nstate, and not elsewhere, except with the consent o\\nthe executive of the state raising the same. Before\\nthe commissioners who were sent to confer with the\\ngovernment could reach Washington, a bill passed the\\nsenate, providing for the payment of the troops and\\nmilitia already called into service under the authority\\nof the states. The arrival of the treaty of peace at\\nthis juncture, rendered all farther proceedings un-\\nnecessary.*\\nDuring the preceding year, the British government\\ncharacter, than from any other causes. It is a country that has\\nno national religion, but within her borders every one worships\\nGod in his own way, if lie do not disturb his neighbour a country\\nwithout giadcs in society tixed by law, and where primogeniture\\nand entailment do not exist. It is a country where every one has\\na right to bear arms for protection and defence, and which could\\nmuster two millions of soldiers, if they were necessary, for self-\\ndefence. It is a country increasing in population, arts, sciences,\\nletters, and wealth, with the comforts and enjoyments of social life,\\nfaster than any other in the world. In short, it is a counlry that\\nknov S her rights, and knowing, dares maintain Ihcm.\\nShould we be content to take this heritage of ours, without be-\\ning mindful what it cost our ancestors to present it to us, as it is 1\\nOr should we examine the subject most minutely, as we have time\\nor leisure 1\\nOurs is the first nation in the annals of history, tliat became\\nmasters of themselves at once. Freedom has, in general, been\\ngained slowly, and lost rapidly. The magna charta of British\\nliberties, although the foundation of our free insiitnlions, was\\nnoihing more than a siring of concessions from a tyrant to barons\\nand bishops, who were too strong for him. The great mass of the\\npeople had, afler this, to gain their rights by slow degrees from thr\\nfeudal lords of the country. This was done by the yeomanry, ar-\\ntisans, merchants, lawyers, and judges, by dclerminaiiun and per-\\nseverance. It is much more difticull to wrest power from aristo-\\ncrats than from kings and in the hands of the former it has been\\nmore dangerous and cruel than in the latter. The Alexanders,\\nCesars, and Charlcmagnes, had clemency and generosity in their\\nnature; while the five hundred magnates of Venice, wrapt in the\\npetty consequence of aristocratic pride, bi-eathed their cruel edicts\\nwith malignity. Our government emanated from ourselves, and\\nwas formed with wholesome jealousies and cautious reservations,\\nand has since been watched with the utmost scrupulosity. But we\\nare in no danger: the staff is in our own hands; we can change\\nthe rulers often, if we do not like them, and they can do us but\\nlittle harm, even at the worst that we can imagine.\\nIl would require a volume lo touch upon all ihe prominent fea-\\ntures of our history. We will therefore leave the broad-ca.^t view\\nof our counlry, to make a few observations on the origin and Ihc\\nprogress of the arts Iheir necessary connexion with the happiness\\nof a gfeat portion of our community their uses in national de-\\nfence for the advancement of national prosperity for the support\\nof national independence and national pride and glory; and their\\ninfluence in forming the social, intellectual, moral, and political\\ncharacter of man.\\nThe arts undoubtedly made great progress in early times, for", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n345\\nhad declined to treat under the mediation of Russia,\\nand a direct negotiation had been agreed on. Ghent\\nthey had their origin in necessity, and she is the mother of inven-\\ntion. Every new and useful invention was not only hailed as a\\nblessing to mankind, but its aulhor was at once raised to a divinity,\\nand worshipped with the gods. The Scriptures, the oldest of all\\nhistories extant, give the invention of dress to Deity, but man him-\\nself soon sought out many inventions, for he was madii but Utile\\nlower than the angels, in all the capacities of acquiring knowledge.\\nHe must have improved rapidly, for it is said, Cain builded a\\ncity; certain it is, that the monuments of primitive architecture\\nremain in the East, for the astonishment of the traveller of the pre-\\nsent day. Time has not been able to destrny ihem, nor has the\\nmuch-learned antiquary satisfied us of the precise time when these\\ntemples and pyramids were erected.\\nIn early Greece, the arts, both useful and polite, were held in high\\nestimation. The acute and tasteful Athenians were artists and\\nconnoisseurs from childhood. Some of their greatest men came\\nout of their workshops. Socrates was a sculptor, and Demosthenes,\\nthe master orator cf that and every other age, spent a good portion\\nof his boyhood in his father s manufactory of swords and common\\ncutlery. And such was his knowledge of the business, that he im-\\npeached the int(?griiy of his guaidians, when only seventeen years\\ncf age, and won his cause by an argument from his own mouth.\\nThe Parthenon alone is a suflicicnt proof of the successful atten-\\ntion paid the arts in Athens, in her happiest days.\\nIn Rome, the arts, thongh often patronized by individuals, did\\nnot hold the same rank as in Athens the nation was too fierce\\nand warlike for their successful cultivation. The passion for con-\\nquest swallowed up a taste for the arts. The spoils of conquered\\nprovmces made them forget the honest earnings of industry, and\\nwith them, the fame of skilful artists. The early Roman emperors\\nbei-ame the patrons of letters and the arts; in truth, the arts and\\nletters were inseparable, if not equally cherished at the same time.\\nReligious zeal uniting with the skill and science of the architect,\\nin the first centuries of Christianity, was turned to the erection of\\nmonasteries and churches, and some of thern remain to this day, as\\nthe highest specimens of talent and taste.\\nThe arts were then almost exclusively confined to architecture;\\nat least, the higher efforts of the artists were certainly to be found\\nin public, edifices. Naval architecture was still in its infancy;\\nvery little improvement had been made in ship-building, until tlie\\nuse of cannon on board of the large vessels, and this was not until\\n1444. In 1485, the Great Harry, as she was called, was built by\\nHenry VII. Wonder as she was to the nations, her tonnage was\\nbut little more than one of our sloops of war.\\nPrinting came in use about the time cannon were brought into\\nnaval warfare. These two inventions changed the character of\\nEurope in less than half a century, and by the time our fathers\\ncame to settle this country, science, the arts, and particularly let-\\nters, had made great advances. They brought with them all the\\nelementary learning of the age, and sufficient of practical skill for\\ntheir purposes but the cultivation of the soil soon offered more in-\\nducements than the workshops, and the mechanics were nearly lost\\nin the farmers, visiting their shops only in the winter season. Do-\\nmestic manufacturing was however carried on, as far as they could\\nfind flax and wool, and hides for leather; and for the first century,\\nthere can be no doubt, that more than half of the ordinary wants\\nof the population were supplied within doors. Domestic industry\\nwas every where encouraged, and every house was a busy woik-\\nshop, particularly in female industry. The hum of the spinning-\\nwheel, and the sound of the shuttle, were heard in all our borders,\\nand before the close of the first century, some parts of our country\\nexported shoes and hats to the AVest Indies, somewhat clandestine-\\nly, for fear of the mother country; but their great traffic was in\\nvessels built here, and sold to the colonists of Spain. It was not\\nuncommon to get off in them some of these articles of home manu-\\nfacture. Our manufacturing interests had a great accession of in-\\ntelligence and industry in the host of Huguenots who fled lo this\\ncountry, after the revocation of the edict of Nantz, in 1686. Their\\ndescendants are among the most respectable of our countrymen at\\nthis day. Prosperity, and a new order of manufacturing, was every\\nwas uhimately determined as the place of meeting\\nand in the autumn of 1S14 the commissioners prose-\\nwhere found with them. At that period the French were much in\\nadvance of ^the English in the excellence of their goods. Before\\nthe close of the first century, foundries were erected in several of\\nour colonies, and a considerable supply of iron was had from them.\\nThe arts are necessary for the advancement of national prosperi-\\nty. It has been said by some politicians, that the United States\\nshould, for centuries to come, keep her u-urkshops in Europe.\\nThis maxim, perhaps, was well enough lo a certain extent, so far\\nas it related to the finest goods, when we were building up a go-\\nvernment, and had the carrying-trade of the world, and wlien the\\nwars in Europe increased the value of our exports, by very high\\nprices paid for all articles of provision but now the scene is\\nchanged, and the balance of trade is against us, and as we hava\\nless to buy with, we must trust, in a good measure, to our own re-\\nsources, and reflect upon what is best for this country in general.\\nPutting out of the computation the two millions of slaves in our\\ncountry, we have more than ten millions of free white inhabitants,\\nand most of them live well. The demand for articles of necessity,\\ncomfort, and luxury, together with the elegancies of taste, is im-\\nmense. If these can be had among ourselves easier than by com-\\nmerce, why should they not be produced 1\\nThe arts are necessary for national defence. No country can he\\nsafe, happy, great, or glorious, without every means for self-defence\\nwithin herself Our seaboard is as yet but partially fortified, and\\neven where strong works have been erected, they are not as yet\\nentirely supplied with cannon, nor can they be for years lo come,\\nunless the government quicken its hand in supplying them.\\nTo preserve peace we must be prepared for war. I long for the\\nSalurnian rule as well as the most ardent member of the peace\\nsociety can do, but my belief is, that a golden age must be preserved\\nby the implements of war those sharp instruments forged in an\\niron age. In twenty years, with judicious appropriations, our sea-\\ncoast and frontiers will be amply fortified in a substantial and per-\\nmanent manner. The army is growing up in the best of all possi-\\nble forms, in the expanded intelligence of the officers, and not in\\nuseless numbers of soldiers, that can be raised in a day, and disci-\\nplined in a few weeks. Our navy is gradually increasing, and\\nthere is no danger that discipline and nautical skill will be retro-\\ngrade with them. The day has passed, when men can be covered\\nwith glory, without being fraught with knowledge, and adorned\\nwith virtue. There is no danger of our becoming a martial peo-\\nple, and running into a love of conquest. The danger is on the\\nother hand, that commerce, agricullure, and the peaceful arts, the\\nsciences, and letters, will engross our attention, and leave us too\\nlittle of martial or naval spirit. It was ordained or suflered by\\nthe Almighty, that our nation should grow up through great and\\nprotracted struggles. Every step of our national progress, up lo\\nour independence, has been of jjainful exertion, and loss of blood.\\nThis country has, in its various portions, and in different ages of\\nits existence, been engaged in more than fifty wars, and fought\\nmore than a hundred battles, by land and sea, before the war of the\\nrevolution commenced. We have not been a nation of peace froni\\nour birth, nor can we exist, if we at once beat our su^o\u00e2\u0096\u00a0rds into\\nploughshares, and our spears into pruning hooks. In such a slate,\\nthe Philistines would be upon us. This is the decree of the God\\nof battles, that freedom can be preserved only Vf brav e hearts and\\nmuscular arms and it is equally true, that the most powerful, when\\nenlightened, are the most generou.s.\\nThe arts are necessary for the strength, the honour, pride, and\\nglory of a nation. The strength of a nation consists o( high-souled\\nmen, but also in battlement, wall, and toucr in a word, in their pos-\\nsessions such wealth as is real, and will go down to posterity im-\\nproved and increased. Save tlie soil on which we live, most of our\\nwealth and strength has been the growth of about half a century.\\nThe fact is, that every attempt made by England to retard the\\nprogress of the arts in this country, has, in the end, been one of\\nthe sources of their advancement.\\nThe first attack upon the arts and commerce of this country, wa.s\\nthe famous Navigation Act, passed in 1651, two years after the\\ndeath of Charles I., by the parliament of the commonwealth, and", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "346\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nciited their labours, but at first with very doubtful\\nsuccess. By the 24th of December, a treaty was\\nconfirmed and enlarged by Charles II., in 1660. By this act the\\nwhole commerce of the colonies would have been nearly destroyed,\\nil it had been regarded, but it was evaded in many ways.\\nIn 1761, the British government began to draw closer the cords of\\ncommercial restrictions. In 1765, the sugar act was passed. And\\nthe same year the stamp act. The eflect of this throughout the co-\\nlonies was electrical. The irritation continued until the war\\nbroke out.\\nThe elfects of the non-importation agreement gave great impulse\\nto domestic inanufaclures. The class which graduated at Harvard\\nCollege in 1770, appeared in clothes of domestic manufacture. An\\niinpulse was given to spinning and weaving, in all parts of the\\ncountry but it was hard to cut off the people from the use of Bri-\\ntish goods at once. The manufacturing of leather had, from the\\nearly settlement, been considerably attended to by the colonists.\\nThe arts, at the commencement of the struggle, were in a low\\nstale. There was but a small sujiply of powder, and only four\\ncannon, to begin the fight with. There was a scarcity of me-\\nchanics; but many of the mechanics from the enemy deserted to us\\nafter the defeat of the Hessians at Trenton.\\nThe effects of the peace of 1783 were a sad blow to the arts for\\nmany years. The manufactures of England were poured in upon\\nus, and the importer could undersell the artist. The prosperity of\\nthe carrying trade, from the peace of 1733 until 1806, enriched the\\nUnited States beyond calculation. The decline of commerce, after\\n1806, brought on some attention to the arts, but their progress was\\nslow. pt\\nThe war pf 1812 had a beneficial effect on the arts it trans-\\nplanted the work-shops from England to the United States. Now\\nwe can be said to be independent; before we were not. The at-\\ntention to our manufacturing interests will in the end benefit the\\njnerchant, the farmer, and the whole mass of society, in a pecuniary\\npoint of view. Lyceums have been established; lectures given;\\nknowledge generally diffused, and political economy studied.\\nThere is no danger of the number of mechanics increasing too\\nrapidly in this country, for their proportion has not yer reached but\\na small part of the maximum that the nation will bear. In Eng-\\nland, one hundred agricultural families will support sixty-six other\\nfamilies. These are calculated in the following manner 1 priest,\\n2 lawyers, 4 medical men, 4 schoolmasters, 6 tailors, 8 carpenters,\\n5 smiths, 3 braziers, 2 cabinet-makers, 14 manufacturers, 10 tra-\\nders, or clerks, or accountants. Now we do not average any thing\\nlike this, while Great Britain nearly doubles it, in some portions of\\nthe calculation. Her land is better cultivated than ours, but we\\nare not limited or confined.\\nSome mechanics are apprehensive of labour-saving machines;\\nbut we have no just reason to fear any thing from this quarter yet.\\nIn the year 1776, Hargrave, in England, invented the first spinning-\\njenny, an invention which has saved countless millions to the king-\\ndom, and I believe the wages of the workers in cotton is as great,\\nin proportion to articles of living, as they were before this inven-\\ntion. In England, it is calculated that there are 15,000 steam-en-\\ngines at work, which \u00e2\u0096\u00a0will average twenty-five horsepower; but we\\ncan never want but a small portion of this number, as our country\\nabounds with the best of all power the water-power, which was\\nbut little known when our ancestors came to this country.\\nAmong the mechanics of a former age, many distinguished men\\nhave arisen to adorn every walk of life. They have passed from\\nthe work-shop to the battle field, and from thence to the hall of le-\\ngislation, and to the bench of justice. It was not alone the mental\\nculture of these men that made them great; it was their moral\\neducation that gave them the high stand they took in society.\\nThey were educated in the doctrines of strict obedience, and were\\nnot indulged in any romantic ideas of self-government; but were\\ncontent with their lime of service that the wisdom of the law had\\ndirected. This was one cause of their superiority; they waited\\npatiently to become free, and masters of themselves; and when\\nthey had reached the proper age, they were equal to their business,\\nand set up with the confidence of their fellow-citizens. These men\\nhad acquired habits of industry and firmness of purpose, and start-\\nagreed upon and signed by the plenipotentiaries of\\nthe respective powers at Ghent and in February of\\ned in life with a moral weight of character. Society opened its\\narms to receive them, and they came fairly into the ranks of men,\\nhaving been thoroughly initiated into the art, craft, and mystery\\nthey professed, as far as it was taught in their day. T.hey had re-\\nceived parental, a.s well as professional education. They were di-.\\nreefed by men whose hearts were right, who laboured for their chil-\\ndren, that they might be good, leaving it to Providence to direct\\nthem in future life. Honesty and integrity are the basis of every\\ncharacter, and this their fathers knew.\\nThough they, each tome of human lore unknown,\\nThe brilliant path of science never trod,\\nThe sacred volume claim d their hearts alone,\\nWhich taught the way to glory and to God.\\nHere Ihey from Truth s eternal fountain drew\\nThe pure and gladdening water day by day;\\nLearnt, since our days are evil, fleet, and few\\nTo walk in Wisdom s bright and peaceful way.\\nWhen the moral character is found to be correct and sutetan.\\nlial, every particle of intelligence tells. The great man, who con-\\nducted our revolulion as chief in arms, owed his success to the\\nweight of his moral character, more than to his genius and milita-\\nry skill, however great they might have been. Honesty and in-\\ntegrity is credit every where, and in all stations. Themislocles\\nwas a greater man than Arislides but the advice of the latter was\\nfollowed, when he agreed that what Themislocles counselled would\\nbe beneficial to his country, but woultr at the same lime take from\\nthe honesty and good faith of the nation.\\nIt is my sincere belief, that the artists, mechanics, and manufac-\\nturers, at the present day, are as elevated in the scale of morals,\\nas the agriculturists and the professional men of the country. The\\nfear of corruption was the foundation of the opinion of our states-\\nmen, that our work-shops should be long kept in Europe. Those\\nwho have introduced them here, were willing to be responsible (or\\nthe result, and time has proved that they knew what they were\\ndoing. Some of the best schools in our country are connected with\\nthe manufacturing interests. The great proportion of those chil-\\ndren connected with the establishments at Lowel, Chelmsford, and\\nother places, are better educated than the great mass of the yeo-\\nmanry throughout our country. I speak from an acquaintance with\\nthe fact.\\nThe education of all cla.-^ses should be watched with a hundred\\neyes the philanthropist of the present age should never forget,\\nthat no plans of benefiting mankind are worth a single thought,\\nunless they are connected with educalion. Not that education\\nwhich gives a smattering of all things to every one, but that which\\nteaches every one to think wisely and to act well. We are piivi-\\nleged in this respect above all oilier nations who have preceded us,\\nfor they began the arts when mental and moral cultivation were\\nlow; we came to regard them when we. had considered and rea-\\nsoned upon other matters of vital importance. We had agreed on\\nforms of governments, adopted constitutions, erected tribunals of\\njustice, and passed wise laws for the piotection of property, and\\nlife, and public peace, and security, before the arts began to be\\ncherished to any considerable extent. But we should not be satis-\\nfied by thinking that we began right we must keep constantly in\\nthe right, to do justice to ourselves as a nation. There is no diffi-\\nculty in this; it is only to see that every successive age has the\\nproper degree of education offered them; not only offered, hut at-\\ntended to. But few can become learned by the simple love of in\\nIclligence. The recompense of reward must be set before the eyes\\nof the young, to stiinulate them to exertion. We must not only\\ntell them that knowledge is power, but demonstrate it.\\nWe oflen reason erroneously upon nations, and the happiness\\nthey enjoy; we draw upon our imaginations instead of our judg-\\nments. We consider an age of successful war as one of happiness,\\nas well as of glory. Nothing is more common than to hear la-\\nmentations over Greece. The days of her worthies are called", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n347\\nthe following year it received the ratification of the\\npresident.*\\nWhile the people of the United States were re-\\njoicing- at the return of peace, their attention was\\ncalled to a new scene of war. By a message from\\ntlie president to the house of representatives, with a\\nBack; her great men conjured up the political wisdom of Solon,\\nthe military prowess of Miltiades, and the eloquence of Demos-\\nthenes, are set before us. Here Sappho sung, and Lais danced.\\nHere Ilissus flowed on and fell in lovely cascades,* and Hymeltus\\nwas covered with flowers and honey then the Muses haunted\\nevery grove, and the reign of Apollo was unquestioned. In ail\\nthis we forget that Athens was cursed with slaves; that at times she\\nhad 200,000 slaves to 30,000 freemen; and that, like some of our\\nsouthern states, the freemen lived in constant dread t^f them.\\nSparta also, with all her freedom, had her Helots, a race she was\\nobliged to keep from increasing too fast, by repeated assassinations.\\nThe young reader revels in the descriptions of ancient Greece,\\nand thinks that nothing can ever be made of her now. It is per-\\nhaps ciuel to dissolve a charm so refreshing to the classical mind,\\nbut it is our duty to look at these things with the eye of reason.\\nAthens is now without slaves. All her citizens are free she has\\nsent to this country some of her learned men, to learn the nature\\nof our improvements, and they are engaged in their duties; they\\nwill carry back numerous models from our patent office and our\\nmanufacturing towns. They will build mills on the sacred streams;\\nperforate Pindus and Hymetius for ores, and becoming a manufac-\\nturing, commercial, and naval people, will resume a new station;\\nif not one of as much glory, yet one of more true happiness.\\nFormer ages have been called after the metals in use among man-\\nkind an age of gold, of silver, of brass, or iron. Political econo-\\nmists have discarded these terms, leaving them to the poet only,\\nand have assumed new names, such as an age of invention, of in-\\ndustry, o[ productiveness, all centering in utility. It is true, the na-\\ntural world does not now furnish tlie hero with monsters to over-\\ncome, or prodigies to describe, such as the age of chivalr} pro-\\nduced, yet there is still enough of things unknown to demand the\\nutmost exertions of the human mind. Genius and taste may be\\noccupied, if the days of romance are past.\\nThe useful arts, in their regular course, cherish the fine arts.\\nThe great quantities of paper manufactured in this country facili-\\ntates the multiplication of books. Competition among publishers\\nleads to good editions, ornamented with engravings. Twenty-five\\nyears ago, when Delaplaine began his Repository, there was hardly\\nan engraver in this country, and now there are hundreds fully em-\\nployed. As the engraver finds employment, the painter sees his\\nart becoming more in fashion. And the sculptor has now some\\nchance of fame with the painters and engravers. From the con-\\nsumption of the single article of paper in the United Slates, the\\nfolly of keeping our work-sliops in Europe may be seen. There\\nis not enough of the precious metals in our banks, from Louisiana\\nto Maine, to purchase paper sufficient to supply the market for three\\nyears. Many other articles would illustrate our position, that we\\nmust be a manufacturing people to he a prosperous people.\\nThe jse of the article of iron is great almost beyond calculation.\\nTwo hundred and ten thousand tons of iron are used in this country\\nevery year, about one half of which we make ourselves, and ours is\\nthe best that can be found. In the article of shoes, forty millions of\\nl^airs of shoes and boots are made in a year, for home consump-\\ntion, and for foreign markets. For harnesses and saddles, also, a\\nlarge amount of capital is paid yearly, and a great portion of these\\nwas formerly imported. Does not every ridge, every jilain, in fact,\\nevery tree and every blade of grass, feel the influence of this do-\\nniestic industiyl Every village throughout the manufacturing\\ndistricts, feels the efl^ects of this labour; and do not the seaports\\nflourish as much, or more, than they did when we had .to depend\\nentirely on England and on France for all our manufactures^\\nEvery thing done for the manufacturing interests assists every\\nother class in the community. The greater consumption of do-\\nmestic goods, the better price the farmer will gel for his produce.\\nreport o( the secretary of state, it appeared that the\\ndey of Algiers had violently, and without just cause,\\nobliged the consul of the United States, and all the\\nAmerican citizens in Algiers, to leave that place, in\\nviolation of the treaty then subsisting between the\\ntwo nations that he had exacted from the consul,\\nThere is a common chain that binds all interests together in this\\ncountry, when a sound judgment is exercised in our national coun-\\ncils. The harmony of the whole is the safety of the whole. This\\nmust teach us how wise it is to select the best and most discerning\\nmen for rulers, and not to trust (mr dearest inteiests to those whn\\nwish to ride into power on their talents as demagogues or syco-\\nphants.\\nWe think that we are now living in peace. The echo of the\\nlast groan of the Indian has passed over his smouldering wigwam,\\nand the cliildren of Black Hawk are no more. The border-tioopei\\nhas cleft them down, and thrown the fiie-brand into their dAvellings.\\nThis no doubt was policj but the philanthropist weeps at the ne-\\nces.sily of it.\\nWe think that having achieved our independence by a lot!g and\\npainful struggle, and having a second time tried our strength with\\nEngland, that we are, and shall long remain, in peace with her.\\nIf, in the mind of the warrior, all is peace, because the sword is\\nnot red with blood if all is peace, because no vessel of war is\\nproudlj carrying her thunders along our coast, to destroy our com-\\nmerce, and no din of martial preparation is hea d the political\\nccouomisl and thinking statesman sees that En i.ind, as a giant\\nwith a bundled hands and as many eyes, is waj^iiig an honest war\\nupon our industry, invention, and prosperity. She has a right to\\ntake care of her own industry, by every fair policy. This is a war\\nwhich we must see and feel may be wasting to us but the sword\\ncan not, by international law, and should not, by any excitement,\\nleap from its scabbard, to decide the rivalry of mind and industry.\\nWe must meet policy by policy, until we find the effect of our\\nunity, strength, and wisdom. Such a contest will be a preservative\\nof peace between the two nations, and a lasting blessing to the\\nworld. American Editor.\\nBy the first article of this treaty it was agreed, that there shall\\nbe a firm and universal peace between his Britannic Majesty and\\nthe United States, and between their respective countries, territo-\\nries, cities, towns, and people, of every degree, without exception\\nof places or per.sons and that all hostilities, both by sea and laud,\\nshall cease as soon as this treaty shall have been ratified by both\\nparties. By the third article, aW prisoners of war taken on either\\nside, as well by land as by sea, shall be restored as soon as practi-\\ncable after the ratifications of this treat) By the fourth article,\\nthe decision of the conflicting claims cf the United States and of\\nGreat Britain to several islands in the bay of Passamaquoddy, was\\nreferred to two commissioners, one to be appointed by his Britan-\\nnic Majesty, and one by the president of the United States, with\\nthe advice and consent of the senate; and it was agreed, in the\\nevent of the two commissioners differing upon all or any of the\\nmatters referred to them, or of their not acting, they shall make\\nreport or reports to their respective governments, which report or\\nreports they agreed to refer to some friendly sovereign or stale, to\\nbe then named for that purpose, and engaged to consider such de-\\ncision to he final and conclusive. By the ninth a. -t le, the United\\nStates engaged to put an end, immediately after the ratification of\\nthe present treaty, to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of In-\\ndians, with whom they may be at war at the time of such ratifica-\\ntion, provided they shall agree to desist from all hostilities against\\nthe United States; and his Britannic Majest) on his part, entered\\ninto a correspondent engagement on the like condition of their de-\\nsisting from all hostilities against him and his subjects. The tenth\\narticle has respect to Ihe abolilion of the slave trade: Whereas\\nthe traffic in slaves is irreconcilable with the principles of huuifrii-\\nty and justice and whereas both his majesty and the United States\\nare desirous of continuing their efforts to prcmote its entire aboli-\\ntion it is hereby agreed that both the contracting parties si all use\\ntheir best endeavours to accomplish so desirable an object.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "348\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES\\nunder pain of immediate imprisonment, a large sum\\nof money, to wlaicli lie had no just claim and that\\nthese acts of violence and outrage had been followed\\nby the capture of at least one American vessel, and\\nby the seizure of an American citizen on board of a\\nneutral vessel that the captured persons were yet\\nheld in captivity, with the exception of two of them,\\nwho had been ransomed that every effort to obtain\\nthe release of the others had proved abortive and\\nthat there was some reason to believe they were held\\nby the dey as means by which he calculated to extort\\nfrom the United States a degrading treaty. The\\npresident observed, that the considerations which\\nrendered it unnecessary and unimportant to commence\\nhostile operations on the part of the United States,\\nwere now terminated by the peace with Great Britain,\\nwhich opened the prospect of an active and valuable\\ntrade of their citizens within the range of the Alge-\\nrine cruisers and recommended to congress the con-\\nsideration of an act declaring the existence of a state\\nof war between the United States and the dey of\\nAlgiers, and of such provisions as might be re-\\nquisite for the prosecution of it to a successful\\nissue. A committee of congress, to whom was re-\\nferred a bill for the protection of the commerce\\nof the United States against the Algerine cruisers,\\nafter a statement of facts, concluded their report\\nby expressing their united opinion, that the dey\\nof Algiers considers his treaty with the United\\nStates as at an end, and is wao-ing- war with them\\nand in March war was declared against the Alge-\\nrincs.\\nAn expedition was immediately ordered to the\\nMediterranean, under the command of Commodore\\nBainbridge. The squadron in advance on that ser-\\nvice, under Commodore Decatur, lost not a moment\\nafter its arrival in the Mediterranean, in seeking the\\nnaval force of the enemy, then cruising in that sea,\\nand succeeded in capturing two of his ships, one of\\nthem commanded by the Algerine admiral. The\\nAmerican commander, after this demonstration of\\nskill and prowess, hastened to the port of Algiers,\\nwhere he readily obtained peace, in the stipulated\\nterms of which the rights and honour of the United\\nStates were particularly consulted, by a perpetual re-\\nlinquishment, on the part of the dey, of all pretensions\\nto tribute from them. The impressions thus made,\\nstrengthened by subsequent transactions with the re-\\ngencies of Tunis and Tripoli, by the appearance of\\nthe larger force which followed under Commodore\\nBainbridge,\u00c2\u00bband by the judicious precautionary ar-\\nrangements left by him in that quarter, afforded a\\nreasonable prospect of future security for the valuable\\nportion of American commerce which passes within\\nreach of the Barbary cruisers.*\\nPresident Madison, in his message to the congress\\nof 1S16, having adverted to the peace of Europe and\\nto that of the United States with Great Britain, said,\\nhe had the satisfaction to state, generally, that they\\nremained in amity with foreign powers. He pro-\\nceeded to say, that the posture of afl airs with Algiers\\nat that moment was not known but that the dey\\nhad found a pretext for complaining of a violation of\\nthe last treaty, and presenting as the alternative, war\\nor a renewal of the former treaty, which stipulated,\\namong other things, an annual tribute. The an-\\nswer, says the president, with an explicit declara-\\ntion that the United States preferred war to tribute,\\nrequired his recognition and observance of the treaty\\nlast made, which abolishes tribute, and the slavery\\nof our captured citizens. The result of the answer\\nhas not been received. Should he renew his warfare\\non our commerce, we rely on the protection it will\\nfind in our naval force actually in the Mediterranean.\\nWith the other Barbary states our afiairs have under-\\ngone no change. With reference to the aborigines\\nof our own country, he continues, the Indian tribes\\nwithin our limits appear also disposed to remain in\\npeace. From several of them purchases of lands\\nhave been made, particularly favourable to the wishes\\nand security of our frontier settlements as well as to\\nthe general interests of the nation. In some instan-\\nces, tlie titles, though not supported by due prool\\nand clashing those of one tribe with the claims of\\nanother, have been extinguished by double purchases,\\nthe benevolent policy of the United States preferring\\nthe augmented expense to the hazard of doing injus-\\ntice, or to the enforcement of justice against a feeble\\nand untutored people, by means involving or threat-\\nening an effusion of blood. I am happy to add, that\\nthe tranquillity which has been restored among the\\ntribes themselves, as well as between them and our\\nown population, will favour the resimiption o-f the\\nwork of civilization, which had made an encouraging\\nprogress among some tribes and that the facility is\\nincreasinsf for extendine: that divided and individual\\nownership, which exists now in moveable property\\nonly, to the soil itself; and of thus establishing, in\\nthe culture and improvement of it, the true founda-\\ntion for a transit from the habits of a savage to the\\narts and comforts of social life.\\nThe doubtful state of the relations between the\\nUnited States and the dey of Algiers, to which the\\npresident alluded in his message, arose either from a\\nMessage of the president to congress, December 3, 1816.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n349\\nstrong impulse of the love of extortion in the dey, or\\nfrom the influence of some foreign personages the\\nrising differences were, however, settled by the pru-\\ndent management of the American consul, Mr. Sha-\\nler, and peace has not since been broken on the part\\nof the Algerines.\\nAmong the incidents of domestic interest which\\nindicate the rapid growth and increasing prosperity\\nof the republic, we may notice the foHnation of the\\nterritory of Indiana into a state, and its admission\\ninto the union the progress of canals in various\\nstates ihe institution of a national bank and the\\narrival of many thousand emigrants, chiefly from\\nGreat Britain. t Treaties were, during this year, ne-\\ngotiated with the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Chero-\\nkee Indians, ceding large portions of their respective\\nterritories to the United States, and acknowledging\\ntheir tribes to be under the protection of the republic.\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nADMINISTRATIONS OF JAMES JIONROE, JOHN aUINCY\\nADAMS, AND PART OF THAT OF ANDRJEW JACK-\\nSON.\\nThe events of the existing generation can never\\nbe considered fully ripe for the historian we have\\ntherefore been concise in our narrative of recent\\ntransactions. The closing cliapter of this narrative,\\nalthough comprising a period of eighteen years, will\\nexhibit still more strikingly a happy brevity, through\\nthe absence of events which constitute the chief ma-\\nterials of history and our earnest hope is, that every\\nsucceeding decade will possess an equally diminished\\nclaim on the historic pen an indication that an in-\\nterchange of benevolent acts constitutes an increasmg\\nproportion of national proceedings, giving little to\\nrecord, but much to enjoy. Ambition and the love\\nof glory, the brilliant but delusive ofl^spring of dis-\\nordered minds, may excite to deeds which engage the\\nadmiration of the unreflecting mass of mankind but\\nthey are deeds which, while they gratify the pride of\\na few, blast the happiness of multitudes and, like\\nfamily feuds, spread their baneful influence through\\ndistant generations. Under the heated and deadly\\nglare of military glory, the arts and sciences which\\ncontribute to the enjoyment of life wither, and give\\nplace to the luxurious growth of rancorous weeds,\\nwhose blossoms are decked, indeed, with gorgeous\\nNorlh American Review, vol. xxii. p. 422.\\nt This year, 1192 American and foreign vessels arrived at New\\nYork, bringing to that port alone 7122 passengers.\\ncolours, but whose fruit is the dust of bitterness and\\ndespair.\\nA circumstance peculiar to the con.stitution of the\\nUnited States, also tends to abridge our present la-\\nbours; the history of the United States during the\\nremainder of the period we propose to include rela-\\nting chiefly to measures of internal improvement,\\nwhich are, for the most part, conducted by the re-\\nspective states, and not by the general government,\\nthe arrangements of the work necessarily transfer\\nour notice of these transactions to a subsequent sec-\\ntion, which will treat of them in connexion with the\\nstatistics and topography of the states in which they\\nhave occurred.\\nThe term of Mr. Madison s administration having\\nexpired in the year 1817, James Monroe was inau-\\ngurated president, and Daniel D. Tompkins vice-\\npresident. On his inauguration, Mr. Monroe deliver-\\ned the following: address to both houses of congress\\nI should be destitute of feeling, if I was not deeply\\naftecied by the strong proof which my fellow-citizens\\nhave given me of their confidence, in calling nie to the\\nhigh oflice, wliose functions I am about to assume.\\nAs the expression of their good opinion of my con-\\nduct in the public service, I derive from it a grati-\\nfication, which those who are conscious of having\\ndone all that they could to merit it, can alone feel.\\nMy sensibility is increased by a just estimate of the\\nimportance of the trust, and of the nature and extent\\nof its duties with the proper discharge of which, the\\nhighest interests of a great and free people are inti-\\nmately connected. Conscious of my own deficiency.\\nI cannot enter on these duties without great anxiety\\nfor the result. From a just responsibility I will\\nnever shrink calculating with confidence, that in\\nmy best eflbrts to promote the public welfare, my mo-\\ntives will always be duly appreciated, and my con-\\nduct be viewed with that candour and indulgence\\nwhi^h I have experienced in other stations.\\nIn commencing the duties of the chief executive\\noffice, it has been the practice of the distinguished\\nmen who have gone before me, to explain the prin-\\nciples which would govern them in their respective\\nadministrations. In following their venerated exam-\\nple, my attention is naturally drawn to the great\\ncauses which have contributed, in a principal degree,\\nto produce the present happy condition of the United\\nStates. They will best explain the nature of our\\nduties, and shed much light on the policy which\\nought to be pursued in future.\\nFrom the commencement of our revolution to\\nthe present day, almost forty years have elapsed, and\\nfrom the establishment of this constitution, twenty-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "350\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\neight. Throvigh this whole term the government\\nhas been what may emphatically be called, self-go-\\nvernment and what has been the effect To\\nwhatever object we turn our attention, whether it\\nrelates to our foreign or domestic concerns, we find\\nabundant cause to felicitate ourselves in the excel-\\nlence of our institutions. During a period fraught\\nwith difficulties, and marked by very extraordinary\\neventSj the United States have flourished beyond ex-\\nample. Their citizens, individually, have been happy,\\nand the nation prosperous.\\nUnder this constitution, our commerce has been\\nwisely regulated with foreign nations, and between\\nthe states new states have been admitted into our\\nunion; our territory has been enlarged, by fair and\\nhonourable treaty, and with great advantage to the\\noriginal states the states respectively, protected by\\nthe national government, under a mild parental sys-\\ntem, against foreign dangers, and enjoying within\\ntheir separate spheres, by a wise partition of power,\\na just proportion of the sovereignty, have improved\\ntheir police, extended their settlements, and attained\\na strength and maturity, which are the best proofs of\\nwholesome laws, well administered. And if we look\\nto tlie condition of individuals, what a proud spectacle\\ndoes it exhibit 1 On whom has oppression fallen in\\nany quarter of our union? Who has been deprived\\nof any right of person or property Who restrain-\\ned in offering his vows in the mode in which he\\nprefers, to the Divine Author of his being It is\\nwell known, that all these blessings have been enjoy-\\ned in their fullest extent and I add with peculiar\\nsatisfaction, that there has been no example of a\\ncapital punishment being inflicted on any one for the\\ncrime of high treason.\\nSome, who might admit the competency of our\\ngovernment to these beneficent duties, might doubt\\nit in trials which put to the test its strength and efli-\\nciency, as a member of the great community of nations.\\nHere, too, experience has aflbrded us the most satis-\\nfactory proof in its favour. Just as this constitution\\nwas put into action, several of the principal states of\\nEurope had become much agitated, and some of them\\nseriously convulsed. Destructive wars ensued, which\\nhave, of late only, been terminated. In the course of\\nthese conflicts, the United States received great in-\\njury from several of the parties. It was their in-\\nterest to stand aloof from the contest to demand\\njustice from the party committing the injury and to\\ncultivate, by a fair and honourable conduct, the friend-\\nship of all. War became, at length, inevitable, and\\nthe result has shown, that our government is equal\\nto that, the greatest of trials, under the most unfavour-\\nable circumstances. Of the virtue of the people, and\\nof the heroic exploits of the army, the navy, and the\\nmilitia, I need not speak.\\nSuch, then, is the happy government under which\\nwe live a government adequate to every purpose\\nfor which the social compact is formed a govern-\\nment elective in all its branches, under which every\\ncitizen may, by his merit, obtain the higliest trust\\nrecognised bjk the constitution which contains\\nwithin it no cause of discord none to put at vari-\\nance one portion of the community v/ith another a\\ngovernment which protects every citizen in the full\\nenjoyment of his rights, and is able to protect the\\nnation against injustice from foreign powers.\\nOther considerations of the highest importance\\nadmonish us to cherish our union, and cling to the\\ngovernment which supports it. Fortunate as we are\\nin our political institutions, we have not been less so\\nin other circumstances, on which our prosperity and\\nhappiness essentially depend. Situated within the\\ntemperate zone, and extending through many degrees\\nof latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy\\nall the varieties of climate, and every production in-\\ncident to that portion of the globe. Penetrating,\\ninternally, to the great lakes, and beyond the source\\nof the great rivers which communicate through our\\nwhole interior, no country was ever happier with\\nrespect to its domain. Blessed too with a fertile soil,\\nour produce has always been very abundant, leaving,\\neven in years the least favourable, a surplus for the\\nwants of our fellow men in other countries. Such\\nis our peculiar felicity, that there is not a part of our\\nunion that is not particularly interested in preserving\\nit. The great agricultural interest of the nation\\nprospers under its protection. Local interests are\\nnot less fostered by it. Our fellow-citizens of the\\nnorfli, engaged in navigation, find great encourage-\\nment in being made the favoured carriers of the vast\\nproductions of the other portions of the United States,\\nwhile the inhabitants of these are amply recompen-\\nsed, in their turn, by the nursery for seamen and\\nnaval force, thus formed and reared up for the sup-\\nport of our common rights. Our manufactures find\\na generous encouragement by the policy which\\npatronizes domestic industry and the surplus of our\\nproduce, a steady and profitable market by local\\nwants, in less favoured parts at home.\\nSuch, then, being the highly favoured condition\\nol our country, it is the interest of every citizen to\\nmaintain it. What are the dangers which menace\\nus 7 If any exist, they ought to be ascertained and\\nguarded against.\\nIn explaining my sentiments on this subject, it", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n351\\nmay be asked, what raised us to the present happy\\nstate? How did we accomplish the revohition\\nHow remedy the defects of the first instrument of our\\nunion, by infusing into the national government\\nsufficient power for national purposes, without im-\\npairing the just rights of the states, or affecting those\\nof individuals How sustain, and pass with glory\\nthrough the late war The government has been\\nin the hands of the people. To tlie people, therefore,\\nand to the faithful and able depositories of their trust,\\nis the credit due. Had the people of the United\\nStates been educated in different principles had\\nthey been less intelligent, less independent, or less\\nvirtuous, can it be believed that we should have\\nmaintained the same steady and consistent career, or\\nbeen blessed Avitli the same success While then\\nthe constituent body retains its present sound and\\nhealthful state, every thing will be safe. They will\\nchoose competent and faithful representatives of every\\ndepartment. It is only when the people become ig-\\nnorant and corrupt, when they degenerate into a\\npopulace, that they are incapable of exercising the\\nsovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy attainment,\\nand a usurper soon found. The people themselves\\nbecome the willing instruments of their own debase-\\nment and ruin. Let us then look to the great cause,\\nand endeavour to preserve it in full force. Let us,\\nby all wise and constitutional measures, promote in-\\ntelligence among the people, as the best means of\\npreserving our liberties.\\nDangers from abroad are not less deserving of at-\\ntention. Experiencing the fortune of other nations,\\nthe United States may be again involved in war, and\\nit may, in that event, be the object of the adverse\\nparty to overset our government, to break our union,\\nand demolish us as a nation. Our distance from\\nEurope, and the just, moderate, and pacific policy of\\nour government, may form some security h gainst\\nthese dangers, but they ought to be anticipated and\\nguarded against. Many of our citizens are engaged\\nin cominerce and navigation, and all of them are in\\na certain degree dependent on their prosperous state.\\nMany are engaged in the fisheries. These interests\\nare exposed to invasion in the wars between other\\npowers, and we should disregard the faithful admo-\\nnition of experience if we did not expect it. We\\nmust support our rights or lose our character, and\\nwith it perhaps our liberties. A people who fail to\\ndo it, can scarcely be said to hold a place among in-\\ndependent nations. National honour is national\\nproperty of the highest value. The sentiment in the\\nmind of every citizen, is national strength. It ought\\ntherefore to be cherished.\\n45\\nTo secure us against these dangers, our coast\\nand inland frontiers should be fortified, our army and\\nnavy regulated upon just principles as to the force ol\\neach, be kept in perfect order, and our militia be\\nplaced on the best practicable footing. To put our\\nextensive coast in such a state of defence, as to secure\\nour cities and interior from invasion, will be attended\\nwith expense, but the work when finished will be\\npermanent, and it is fair to presume that a single\\ncampaign of invasion, by a naval force superior to\\nour own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would\\nexpose us to greater expense, without taking into the\\nestimate the loss of property, and distress of our citi-\\nzens, than would be suflicient for this great work.\\nOur land and naval forces should be moderate, but\\nadequate to the necessary purposes. The former to\\no-arrison and preserve our fortifications and to meet\\nthe first invasions of a foreign foe and, Avhile con-\\nstituting the elements of a greater force, to preserve\\nthe science, as well as all the necessary implements\\nof war, in a state to he brought into activity in the\\nevent of war. The latter, retained within the limits\\nproper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining\\ntlie neutrality of the United States with dignity in\\nthe wars of other powers, and in saving the property\\nof their citizens from spoliation. In time of war,\\nwith the enlargement of which the great naval re-\\nsources of the country render it susceptible, and\\nwhich should be duly fostered in time of peace, it\\nwould contribute essentially both as an auxiliary of\\ndefence, and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to\\ndiminish the calamities of war, and to bring the\\nwar to a speedy and honourable termination.\\nBut it always ought to be held prominently in\\nview, that the safety of these states, and of every\\nthing dear to a free people, must depend in an eminent\\ndegree on the militia. Invasions may be made, too\\nformidable to be resisted by any land and naval force,\\nwhich it would comport either with the principles of\\nour government, or the circumstances of the United\\nStates, to maintain. In such cases, recourse must be\\nhad to the great body of the people, and in a manner\\nto produce the best effect. It is of the highest im-\\nportance, therefore, that they be so organized and\\ntrained, as to be prepared for any emergency. The\\narrangement should be such, as to put at the com-\\nmand of the government the ardent patriotism and\\nyouthful vigour of the country. If formed on equal\\nand just principles, it cannot be oppressive. It is\\nthe crisis which makes the pressure, and not the laws\\nwhich provide a remedy for it. This arrangement\\nshould be formed too in time of peace, to be better\\nprepared for war. With such an organization of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "35S\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsuch a people, the United States have nothing to dread\\nfrom foreign invasion. At its approach, an over-\\nwlielming force of gallant men might always be put\\nin motion.\\nOther interests of high importance will claim at-\\ntention, among which the improvement of our coun-\\ntry by rpads and canals, proceedmg always with a\\nconstitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place.\\nBy thus facilitating the intercourse between the\\nstates, we shall add much to the convenience and\\ncomfort of our fellow-citizens much to the ornament\\nof the country and, what is of a greater importance,\\nwe shall shorten distances, and by making each part\\nmore accessible to, and dependent on the other, we\\nshall bind the union more closely together. Nature\\nhas done so much for us by intersecting the country\\nwith so many great rivers, bays, and lakes, approach-\\ning from distant points so near to each other, that\\nthe inducement to complete the work seems to be\\npeculiarly strong. A more interesting spectacle was\\nperhaps never seen than is exhibited within the\\nUnited States a territory so vast, and advantageous-\\nly situated, containing objects so grand, so useful, so\\nhappily connected in all their parts.\\nOur manufactures will likewise require the sys-\\ntematic and fostering care of the government. Pos-\\nsessing, as we do, all the raw materials, the fruit of\\nour own soil and industry, we ought not to depend\\nin the degree we have done on the supplies from\\nother countries. While we are thus dependent, the\\nsudden event of war unsought and imexpected, can\\nnot fail to plunge us into the most serious ditSculties.\\nIt is important, too, that the capital which nourishes\\nour manufactures should be domestic, as its influence\\nin that cose, instead of exhausting, as it may do in\\nforeign hands, would be felt advantageously on\\nagriculture, and every other branch of industry.\\nEqually important is it to provide at home a market\\nfor our raw materials, as by extending the competi-\\ntion, it will enhance the price, and protect the cul-\\ntivator against the casualties incident to foreign\\nmarkets.\\nWith the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate\\nfriendly relations, and to act with kindness and libe-\\nrality in all our transactions. Equally proper is it to\\npersevere in our efforts to extend to them the advan-\\ntages of civilization.\\nThe great amount of our revenue, and the flour-\\nishing state of the treasury, are a full proof of the\\ncompetency of the national resources for any emer-\\ngency, as they are, of the willingness of our fellow-\\ncitizens to bear the burdens which the public neces-\\nsities require. The vast amount of vacant lands,\\nthe value of which daily augments, forms an addi-\\ntional resource of great extent and duration. These\\nresources, besides accomplishing every other necessary\\npurpose, put it completely in the power of the United\\nStates to discharge the national debt at an early\\nperiod. Peace is the best time for improvement\\nand preparation of every kind it is in peace that\\nour commerce flourishes most, that taxes are most\\neasily paid, and that the revenue is most productive.\\nThe executive is charged officially, in the depart-\\nments under it, with the disbursement of the public\\nmoney, and is responsible for the faithful application of\\nit to the purposes for which it is raised. The legis-\\nlature is the watchful guard over the public purse.\\nIt is its duty to see that the disbursement has been\\nhonestly made. To meet the requisite responsibility,\\nevery facility should be afforded to the executive to\\nenable it to bring the public agents, intrusted with\\nthe public money, strictly and promptly to account.\\nNothing should be presumed against them but if,\\nwith the requisite faculties, the public money is suf-\\nfered to lie, long and uselessly, in their hands, they\\nwill not be the only defaulters, nor will the demoral-\\nizing effect be confined to them. It will evince a\\nrelaxation, and want of tone in the administration,\\nwhich will be felt by the whole community. I shall\\ndo all that I can, to secure economy and fidelity in\\nthis important branch of the administration, and I\\ndoubt not, that the legislature will perform its duty\\nwith equal zeal. A thorough examination should be\\nregularly made, and I will promote it.\\nIt is particularly gratifying to me, to enter on\\nthe discharge of these duties, at a time when the\\nUnited States are blessed with peace. It is a state\\nmost consistent with their prosperity and happiness.\\nIt will be my sincere desire to preserve it so far as\\ndepends on the executive, on just principles with all\\nnations, claiming nothing unreasonable of any, and\\nrendering to each what is its due.\\nEqually gratifying is it, to witness the increased\\nharmony of opinion which pervades our union. Dis-\\ncord does not belong to our system. Union is recom-\\nmended, as well by the free and benign principles of\\nour government, extending its blessings to every in-\\ndividual, as by the other eminent advantages attend-\\ning it. The American people have encountered to-\\ngether great dangers, and sustained severe trials with\\nsuccess. They constitute one great family with a\\ncommon interest. Experience has enlightened us on\\nsome questions of essential importance to the country.\\nThe progress has been slow, dictated by a just re-\\nflection, and faithful regard to every interest connect-\\ned with it. To promote this harmony, in accord", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n353\\nwith the principles of our republican government, and\\nin a manner to give them the most complete effect,\\nand to advance in all other respects the best interests\\nof our union, will be the object of my constant and\\nzealous exertioiis.\\nNever did a government commence under au-\\nspices so favourable, nor ever was success so complete.\\nIf we look to the history of other nations, ancient and\\nmodern, we find no example of a growth so rapid, so\\ngigantic of a people so prosperous and happy. In\\ncontemplating what we have still to perform, the\\nheart of every citizen must expand with joy when he\\nreflects how near our government has approached to\\npesfection that in respect to it, we have no essential\\nimprovement to make that tlie great object is to\\npreserve it in the essential principles and features\\nwhich characterize it, and, that is to be done, by pre-\\nserving the virtue and enlightening the minds of the\\npeople and as a security against foreign dangers, to\\nadopt such arrangements as are indispensable to the\\nsupport of our independence, our rights, and liberties.\\nIf we persevere in the career in which we have ad-\\nvanced so far, and in the path already traced, we\\ncannot fail, by the favour of a gracious Providence,\\nto attain the high destiny which seems to await us.\\nIn the administration of the illustrious men who\\nhave preceded me in this high station, with some of\\nwhom I have been connected by the closest ties from\\nearly life, examples are presented, which will always\\nbe found highly instructive, and useful to their suc-\\ncessors. From these I shall endeavour to derive all\\nthe advantages which they may afford. Of my im-\\nmediate predecessor, under whom so important a\\nportion of this great and successful experiment has\\nbeen made, I shall be pardoned for expressing my\\nearnest wishes that he may long enjoy, in his retire-\\nment, the affections of a grateful country, the best\\nreward of exalted talents, and the most faithful and\\nmeritorious services. Relying on the aid to be deri-\\nved from the other departments of the government, I\\nenter on the trust to which I have been called by the\\nsuffrages of my fellow-citizens, with my fervent\\nprayers to the Almighty, that lie will be graciously\\npleased to continue to us that protection, which He\\nhas already so conspicuously displayed in our favour.\\nDuring this year the republic received another\\naccession by the erection of the territory of Mississippi\\ninto a state, and its admission into the union. By\\nthe act of admission it is provided, that the public\\nlands, while belonging to the United States, and for\\nfive years from the day of sale, shall be exempted\\nfrom all taxes that lands belonging to the citizens\\nof the United States residing without the state, shall\\nnever be taxed higher than lands belonging to per-\\nsons residing within the state and that the river\\nMississippi, and the navigable rivers and waters\\nleaduig into it, or into the gulf of Mexico, shall be\\ncommon highways, and for ever free of toll or duty\\nto all the citizens of the United States. In return for\\nthis concession, congress provided, that, after paying\\na debt to Georgia and indemnifying certain claimants,\\nfive per cent, of the net proceeds of the public lands,\\nlying within the state, shall be devoted to the making\\nof roads and canals for the benefit of the state.\\nIn the summer of this year an expedition was un-\\ndertaken against East Florida by persons claiming to\\nact under the authority of some of the revolted Spa-\\nnish colonies. The leader of this expedition styled\\nhimself Citizen Gregor M Gregor, brigadier-general\\nof the armies of the united provinces of New Grenada\\nand Venezuela, and general in chief, employed to\\nliberate the provinces of both the Floridas, commis-\\nsioned by the supreme governments of Mexico and\\nSouth America. The persons that combined for\\nthis purpose took possession of Amelia Island, at the\\nmouth of St. Mary s River, near the boundary of the\\nstate of Georgia. The president, apprised of this\\ntransaction, ordered an expedition, consisting of naval\\nand land forces, to repel the invaders, and to occupy\\nthe island. A squadron, under the command of\\nJ. D. Henley, with troops under the command of\\nJames Banhead, arrived off Amelia Island on the 22d\\nof December, and the next day took possession of it,\\nhoisting the American flag at Fernandina. The\\npresident, in a message to congress relative to the\\ncapture, observed, In expelling these adventurers\\nfrom these posts, it was not intended to make any\\nconquest from Spain, or to injure, in any degree, the\\ncause of the colonies. The real reason of the mea-\\nsure seems to have been, that the invasion interfered\\nwith endeavours which were then making on the\\npart of the United States to obtain the cession of the\\nFloridas from the Spaniards.\\nIn the following year the union received the acces-\\nsion of another state, that of Illinois. At the time of\\nits admission, the government of the United States*\\ngranted to the state one section or thirty-sixth part of\\nevery township for the support of schools, and three\\nper cent, of the net proceeds of the United States\\nlands lying within the state for the encouragement of\\nlearning, of which one sixth part must be exclusively\\nbestowed on a college or university. The constitu-\\ntion happily provides, that no more slaves shall be\\nintroduced into the state. In 1819 the Alabama ter-\\nritory was admitted as a state into the union and\\nthe Arkansaw territory was, by an act of congress,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "354\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\neroded into a territorial government. In the follow-\\ning year the district of Maine was separated from\\nMassachusetts, formed into a distinct state, and ad-\\nmitted into the union.\\nDuring this year the American congress did tliem-\\nselves honour by providing more eflectually against\\ncarrying on the slave trade. The enactment declared,\\nthat if any citizen of the United States, being of the\\nship s company of any foreign ship or vessel engaged\\nin the slave trade, or any person whatever being of\\nthe crew or ship s company of any ship or vessel\\nowned by, or navigated for, any citizens of the United\\nStates, shall on foreign shore seize anj negro or mu-\\nlatto, not held to service or labour by the laws either\\nof the states or territories of the United States,\\nwith intent to make him a slave, or shall decoy or\\nforcibly bring or receive him on board with such in-\\ntent, he shall be adjudged a pirate, and on conviction\\nshall suffer death.\\nA treaty for the cession of the Floridas was con-\\ncluded at Washington, February 22, 1819, between\\nSpain and the United States. In the year 1821 it\\nwas reluctantly ratified by the king of Spain, and\\npossession was taken of those provinces according to\\nthe terms of the treaty. On the 1st of July, General\\nJackson, who had been appointed governor of the\\nFloridas, issued a proclamation, declaring tliat the\\ngovernment heretofore exercised over the said pro-\\nvinces under the authority of Spain has ceased, and\\nthat that of the United States of America is establish-\\ned over the same that the inhabitants thereof will\\nbe incorporated in the union of the United States, as\\nsoon as may be consistent with the principles of the\\nfederal constitution, and admitted to the enjoyment\\nof all the privileges, rights, and immunities of the\\ncitizens of the United States that in the mean time\\ntliey shall be maintained and protected in the free\\nenjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion\\nthey profess that all laws and municipal regulations\\nwhich were in existence at the cessation of the late\\ngovernment remain in full force, and all civil officers\\ncharged with their execution, with certain exceptions\\nand limitations, are continued in their functions.\\nOn the 7th of July, the colonel commandant, Don\\nJose Gallava, commissioner on the part of his Catho-\\nlic majesty, made to Major-General Jackson, the com-\\nmissioner of the United States, a delivery of the keys\\nof the town of Pensacola, of the archives, documents,\\nand other articles, mentioned in the inventories, de-\\nclaring that he releases from their oath of allegiance\\nto Spain the citizens and inhabitants of West Florida\\nwho may choose to remain under the dominion of the\\nUnited States. On the same day, Colonel Joseph Cop-\\npinger, governor of East Florida, issued a proclama-\\ntion to the inhabitants, announcing that, on the 10th\\nday of this month, possession will be given to Colo-\\nnel Robert Butler, the commissioner legally authorized\\nby the United States. The American authorities\\nwere accordingly put in possession of the Floridas.\\nDuring this year Missouri was admitted as a state\\ninto the union, forming the eleventh- state added to the\\nthirteen confederated states which signed the declara-\\ntion of independence, making the present number of\\nthe United States twenty-four. The proposition for the\\nadmission of this state, which was brought forward\\nin the session of 1819, produced vehement discussion\\nin the congress, and excited an intense intejest\\nthroughout the whole union. The inhabitants of\\nMissouri, the territory having been considered as a\\npart of Louisiana, had derived from their connexion\\nwith the Spaniards and French the custom, which\\nthey deemed equivalent to the right, of possessing\\nslaves it was proposed, however, in admitting the\\nterritory to the privileges of a state, to prevent the\\nincrease and to insure the ultimate abolition of\\nslavery, by the insertion of the following clause\\nProvided, that the further introduction of slavery\\nor involuntary servitude be prohibited, except for the\\npunishmcHt of crimes whereof the party shall have\\nbeen duly convicted and that all the children born\\nwithin the said state after the admission thereof into\\nthe Union shall be free at the age of twenty-five\\nyears. Judging from the previous views and mea-\\nsures of the general government, in similar and\\nanalogous cases, it could hardly have been conjec-\\ntured, that the result of proposing such a limited and\\nqualified restriction would be doubtful. The house\\nof representatives, after a short but animated debate,\\nrefused to pass the bill without the restriction but\\nthe senate refused to pass the bill Avith it conse-\\nquently the bill itself was lost, and Missouri still con-\\ntinued under her former territorial government. Such\\nwas the rapidity with which the several proceedings\\npassed in the two houses of congress, that it was\\nscarcely known beyond its walls that such a question\\nwas agitated, before it was decided. When, how-\\never, it came to be generally known what principles\\nhad been advanced, what votes had been given, with\\nwhat ardour and vehemence the advocates of slavery\\nhad urged their demands, not merely upon the jus-\\ntice, the reason, and good sense of congress, but upon\\ntlieir interests, their prejudices, and their fears, by\\nhow slender a majority a measure had been checked,\\nwhich, in the estimation of many of the best friends\\nof American liberty, would have been productive of\\nincalculable and interminable mischiefs, it excited a", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "HISTORY cTf the UNITED STATES.\\n355\\nfeeling of universal surprise and alarm. It is in\\nstructive to observe that many of the stanchest ad\\nvocates of liberal ideas, who delighted in appropriating*\\nto themselves exclusively the name of republicans, suf-\\nfered their jealousy of the interference of the congress\\nin the internal government of an individual state, to\\nengage them on the side of the perpetuators of sla-\\nvery. Jefferson, who prided himself in being the\\ndevoted friend of liberty, thus expresses himself:\\nThe real question, as seen in the states afflicted\\nwith this unfortunate population, is, are our slaves to\\nbe presented with freedom and a dagger 1 For, if\\ncongress has the power to regulate the conditions of\\nthe iuhal)itants of the states within the states, it will\\nbe but another exercise of that power to declare that\\nall shall be free. Are we then to see again Athenian\\nand Lacedemonian confederacies to wage another\\nPeloponnesian war to settle the ascendency between\\nthem 1 Or is this the tocsin of merely a servile war\\nThat remains to be seen but not, I hope, by you or\\nme. Surely they will parley awhile, and give us\\ntime to get out of the way. The consequence of\\nthis combination of the advocates of the sovereignty\\nof individual states with those who make a traffic of\\nthe bodies of their fellow men, was the passing of tlie\\nbill for the admission of Missouri in the next session\\nof the congress, without the restricting clause a cir-\\ncumstance which occasioned the deep regret and\\nmortification of most of the inhabitants of the north-\\nern states, and excited feelings which it has been\\nfeared by many may ultimately lead to a dissolution\\nof the union. t\\nNo circumstances of particular interest in the\\ntransactions of the general government occurred till\\nthe year 182-1, when articles of a convention between\\nthe United States of America and Great Britain for\\nthe suppression of the African slave trade, were\\nsubscribed at London by plenipotentiaries appointed\\nfor that purpose. By the first article, the com-\\nmanders and commissioned officers of each of the\\ntwo high contracting parties, duly authorized by\\ntheir respective governments to cruise on the coast\\nof Africa, America, and the West Indies, for the\\nsuppression of the slave trade, are empowered, under\\ncertain restrictions, to detain, examine, capture, and\\ndeliver over for trial and adjudication by some com-\\nptt3nt tribunal, any ship or vessel concerned in the\\nMemoirs, vol. iv. p. 347.\\nt The coincidence of a marked principle, moral and political,\\nwith a geographical line, once conceived, I feared would never\\nmore be obliterated from the mind that it would be recurrino- on\\nevery occasion, and renewing irritations, until it would kindle such\\nmutual and mortal hatred, as to render separation preferable to\\nBlemal discord. I have been among the most sanguine in believing\\nillicit traffic of slaves, and carrying the flag of thp\\nother.\\nIn the spring of this year a convention was also\\nconcluded between the United States of America\\nand the emperor of Russia. By the third article of\\nthis convention it was agreed, that, hereafter, there\\nshall not be formed by the citizens of the United\\nStates, or under the authority of the said States, any\\nestablishment upon the northern [north-west] coast\\nof America, nor in any of the islands adjacent, to\\nthe north of fifty-four degrees and forty minutes of\\nnorth latitude and that, in the same manner, there\\nshall be none formed by Russian subjects, or under\\nthe authority of Russia, south of the same parallel.\\nThis year is signalized in American history by\\nthe visit of the venerable La Fayette, on the express\\ninvitation of congress. He arrived in the harbour\\nof New York on the 13th of August, and proceeded\\nto the residence of the vice-president at Staten Island.\\nA committee of the corporation of the city of New\\nYork, and a great number of distinguislicd citizens,\\nproceeded to Staten Island to welcome him to their\\ncapital. A splendid escort of steamboats, decorated\\nwith the flags of every nation, and bearing thou-\\nsands of citizens, brought him to the view of assem-\\nbled multitudes at New York, who manifested their\\njoy at beholding him, by acclamations, and by tears.\\nAt the city hall the officers of the city and many\\ncitizens were presented to him and he was wel-\\ncomed by an address from tlie mayor. While he\\nwas at New York, deputations from Philadelphia,\\nBaltimore, New Haven, and from many other cities,\\narrived with invitations for him to visit them. After\\nremaining a few days at New York, he proceeded\\nto Boston, where he met with the same cordial recep-\\ntion. The general soon after returned to New York,\\nvisited Albany and the town s on Hudson River,\\nand afterwards passed through the intermediate\\nstates to Virg-inia. He returned to Washington du-\\nring the session of congress, and remained there\\nseveral weeks. Congress voted him the sum of two\\nhundred thousand dollars, and a township of land, as a\\nremuneration, in part, of his services during the war of\\nthe revolution, and as a testimony of their gratitude.\\nGeneral Lafayette was present at the imposing ce-\\nremony of laying the corner stone of the Bunker\\nHill Monument, on the 17th of June, 1825, to wliich\\nthat our union would be of long duration. I now doubt it much,\\nand see the event at no great distance, and the direct consequence\\nof this question not by the line which has been so confidently\\ncounted on the laws of nature control this but by tlie Potomac,\\nOhio, and Missouri, or, more probably, the Mississippi upwards to\\nour northern boundary. Jefferson s Memoirs, vol. iv. p. 331.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "856\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nhe had been invited by the Association formed for\\nthe purpose of erecting a memorial to those wliich fell\\nin the battle of June 17, 1775.*\\nThe sun rose clear, on the fiftieth anniversary of Bunker s\\nHill and thousands of voices, joined with the cheerful sound of\\nbells and the roar of artillery, saluted him with their patriotic\\nshouts. Al seven A. M. passing through this crowd, which was\\nexcited by glorious recollections of the 17th of June, 1775, General\\nLafayette proceeded to the grand lodge of Massachusetts, where\\ndeputations from the grand lodges of Maine, New Hampshire,\\nRhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, and New Jersey, were as-\\nsembled, with the officers of the chapter of the Knights Templars,\\nto receive and compliment him.\\nAt ten o clock, 2,000 Free-masons, si.tteen companies of volun-\\nteer infantry, a corps of mounted militia, with the different corpo-\\nrations, and the civil and military authorities, proceeded to the\\nstale-house, where the procession was formed under the inspection\\nof Gen. Lyman; while the Grand Masters of the Masonic order\\nwent for Gen. Lafayette, who had returned to the house of Mr.\\nLloyd, on leaving the lodge.\\nAt half past ten the procession began to move it consisted of\\nabout 7,000 persons; two hundred officers and soldiers of the re-\\nvolution marched in front, and forty veterans, glorious relics of the\\nbailie of Bunker s Hill, followed them in eight open carriages.\\nThey were decorated with a broad ribbon, on which was this in-\\nscrijition I7th June, 1775. Some of them had on their\\nshoulders the cartridge-belts they had worn on that memorable\\nday; and one of them, who had been a drummer, still bore the\\ndrum with which he had several times rallied the American bat-\\ntalions, when broken by the English columns. Behind them\\nmarched a long line of persons formed of the numerous subscribers\\nto the monument, si,\\\\ abreast and 2,000 Masons, clad in rich or-\\nnaments, and bearing the instruments and symbols of their order.\\nLast came Gen. Lafayette, in an elegant carriage, drawn by six\\nheantiful white horses. Next behind him followed a long line of\\ncoaches, in which were his son, his secretary, the governor of Mas-\\nsachusetts and his staff; finally, a great number of persons of dis-\\ntinction, natives and strangers. This column proceeded, with the\\nsound of music and ringing of bells, through the midst of 200,000\\ncitizens, who had assembled from all the stales of the union while\\nthe general was at iniervals saluted by artillery and general accla-\\nmations. He arrived at Bunker s Hill at half past twelve, and the\\nwhole crowd was soon ranged in regular order on the hill, where\\nthe monument was to be erected, to witness the national gratitude\\nexpressed to the first heroes of the revolution.\\nThe humble pyramid erected in former times, overthe remains\\nof Warren and his companions, which we had seen on our first\\nvisit to Bunker s Hill, had disappeared. Prom the largest piece of\\nwood it contained, a cane had been formed, which was mounted\\nwith gold, and bore an inscription referring to its origin, and sta-\\nling, that it had been presented by the Masons of Charlestown to\\nGen. Lafayette, who accepted it as a precious relic of the American\\nrevolution. A large excavation which had been made at that place,\\nshowed that the new monument was to be raised on the same spot.\\nA few moments after we had taken our places around that exca-\\nvation, and silence had been obtained throughout the numerous\\ncrowd that surrounded, awaiting the ceremony in solemn silence,\\nthe Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts, accompa-\\nnied by the principal dignitaries of the order, Brother Lafayette,\\nMr. Webster, and the principal architect, proceeded to lay the first\\nstone of the monuinent, with the forms prescribed by the Masonic\\norder. In an iron chest were placed medals, pieces of money, and\\na silver plate, on which was engraved the order of ceremonies.\\nThis bo.x was placed under the stone, on which the Grand Master\\npoured wheat, oil, and wine; while. the Rev. Mr. Allen, the chap-\\nlain of the day, pronounced the benediction. The Masonic com-\\nmand to finish the monument was then given, and a salute of ar-\\ntillery announced that this part of the ceremony was accomplished.\\nThe procession then moved to a vast ampliitheaire, formed on\\nthe northeastern declivity of the hill. At the centre of its base was\\nraised a covered platform, from which the orator of the day was\\nto raije his voice, and address an audience of 15,000 persons, as-\\nIn the year 1825, John Quincy Adams was in-\\naugurated president of the United States, and John\\nf^;;. Calhoun, vice-president. On his inauguration,\\nsembled in the amphitheatre. All the revolutionary officers and\\nsoldiers, several of whom had come from great distances to witness\\nthis solemnity, were seated opposite the stage, the survivors of\\nBunker s Hill forming a little group in their front. At the head\\nof that party was placed, in alarge chair, the only surviving gene-\\nral of the revolution, Lafayette. Immediately behind were 2,000\\nladies, brilliantly dressed, who seemed to form a guard of honour\\nfor those venerable old men, and to protect them from the tumultu-\\nous throng of the crowd. Beyond the ladies, more than 10,000\\npersons were seated on the numerous benches which were placed\\non the side of the hill, the lop of which was crowned by upwards\\nof 30,000 spectators, who, although beyond the reach of the ora-\\ntor s voice, stood motionless, and in the most profound silence.\\nAfter the agitation which necessarily accompanies the movemeiiis\\nof so large a crowd, had been tranquillized, the melodious sound\\nof a large choir of singers was heard, who were concealed be-\\nhind the stage, and raised a patriotic and religious song, the deep\\nmelody of which agreeably prepared the minds of all for the im-\\npressions of eloquence. This music was succeeded by a prayer\\nfrom Dr. Thaxter and when the venerable pastor, who had had\\nthe honour of fighting at Bunker s Hill, presented himself before\\nthe assembly, with his white locks falling in long silver curls on\\nhis shoulders when he raised towards heaven his hands enfeebled\\nby age, and with a voice still strong, implored the benedictions oi\\nthe Almighty on the proceedings of that day, the whole audience\\nseemed penetrated with inexpressible emotions. At length the ora-\\ntor of the day, Mr. Webster, presented himself in his turn; his\\ntall stature, his athletic form, the noble expression of his counte-\\nnance, and the fire of his eye, perfectly harmonized with the so-\\nlemnity of the scene. Mr. Webster, who had been for a long lime\\nrendered popular by the charms of his eloquence, was welcomed\\nby the assembly with every expression of pleasure. The murmur\\nof satisfaction with which he was saluted, ascended from the base\\nof the hill to the summit, and prevented him for a few instants\\nfrom beginning his discourse.\\nDuring his discourse, the orator was sometimes interrupted by\\nbursts of applause from the audience, who could not repress the\\nexpression of their sympathetic feelings, when Mr. Webster ad-\\ndressed the revolutionary veterans, and Gen. Lafayette and while\\nthey, uncovering their venerable heads, arose to receive the thanks\\nwhich were offered them in the name of the people. A hymn,\\nsung in choir by the whole assembly, succeeded this speech, and\\nterminated the second part of the ceremony.\\nAt the signal given by a field piece, the procession formed anew,\\nmounted the hill, and went to seat themselves at a banquet prepared\\non the summit. There, under an immense wooden covering, 4,000\\npersons took their places without confusion. The tables were\\nspread with so much art, that the voice of the president, and all\\nthose who offered toasts, or made speeches, were easily heard, not\\nonly by the company, but also by a great number of spectators sta-\\ntioned without. The names of Warren, the orator of the day, and\\nthe guest of the nation, were proposed by turns during the repast.\\nBefore leaving the table, the general rose to return thanks to the\\nmembers of the monument association, and expressed himself in\\nthese terms\\nI will now ask your attention, only to thank you in the name\\nof my revolutionary companions in arms, as well as in my own\\nname, gentlemen, for the testimonies of esteem and affection, I may\\nsay filial affection, with which we have been this day loaded. We\\noffer you our best wishes for the preservation of republican liberty\\nand equality, self-government, and happy union between the slates\\nof the confederation: objects for which we fought and bled, for it\\nis on them that the hopes of mankind now rest. Permit me to give\\nyou the following toast: Bunker s Hill, and the Holy Resistance\\nto oppression, which has freed the American hemisphere tne\\nanniversary toast at the jubilee of the next half century shall be;\\nEurope Disenthralled. This toast was rcLeived with transport;\\nand immediately after the company returned to the city. Levas-\\nseur s Journal.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n357\\nMr. Adams delivered the following address to both\\nhouses of congress\\nIn compliance with a usage, coeval with the\\nexistence of our federal constitution, and sanctioned\\nby the example of my predecessors, in the career\\nupon which I am about to enter, I appear, my fellow-\\ncitizens, in your presence, and in tliat of heaven, to\\nbind myself by the solemnity of religious obligation,\\nto the faithful performance of the duties allotted to\\nme in the station to which I have been called.\\nIn unfolding to my countrymen the principles by\\nwhich I shall be governed, in the fulfilment of those\\nduties, my first resort will be to that constitution,\\nwhich I shall swear, to the best of my ability, to pre-\\nserve, protect, and defend. That revered instrument\\nenumerates the powers and prescribes the duties of\\nthe executive magistrate and, in its first words,\\ndeclares the purposes to which these, and the whole\\naction of the government, instituted by it, should be\\ninvariably and sacredly devoted: to form a more\\nperfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tran-\\nquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the\\ngeneral welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to\\nthe people of this union, in their successive genera-\\ntions. Since the adoption of this social compact, one\\nof these generations has passed away. It is the\\nwork of our forefathers. Administered by some of\\nits most eminent men, who contributed to its forma-\\ntion, through a most eventful period in the annals of\\nthe world, and through all the vicissitudes of peace\\nand war, incidental to the condition of associated\\nman, it has not disappointed the hopes and aspirations\\nof those illustrious benefactors of their age and na-\\ntion. It has promoted the lasting welfare of that\\ncountry so dear to us all it has, to an extent far\\nbeyond the ordinary lot of humanity, secured the\\nfreedom and happiness of this people. We now\\nreceive it as a precious inheritance from those to\\nwhom we are indebted for its establishment, doubly\\nbound by the examples which they have left us, and\\nby the blessings which we have enjoyed, as the fruits\\nof their labours, to transmit the same, unimpaired, to\\nthe succeeding generation.\\nIn the compass of thirty-six years since this great\\nnational covenant was instituted, a body of laws, en-\\nacted under its authority, and in conformity with its\\nprovisions, has unfolded its powers, and carried into\\noractical operation its eflective energies. Subordi-\\nnate departments have distributed the executive func-\\ntions in their various relations to foreign affairs, to\\nthe revenue and expenditures, and to the military\\nforce of the union, by land and sea. A co-ordinate\\ndepartment of the judiciary has expounded the con-\\nstitution and the laws settling, in harmonious coin-\\ncidence with the legislative will, numerous weighty\\nquestions of construction, which the imperfection of\\nhuman language had rendered unavoidable. The\\nyear of jubilee, since the first formation of our iniion,\\nhas just elapsed that of the declaration of our inde-\\npendence, is at hand. The consummation of both\\nwas effected by this constitution.\\nSince that period, a population of four millions\\nhas multiplied to twelve a territory bounded by the\\nMississippi, has been extended from sea to sea new\\nstates have been admitted to the union, in numbers\\nequal 1o those of the first confederation treaties of\\npeace, amity, and commerce, have been concluded\\nwith the principal dominions of the earth the people\\nof other nations, inhabitants of regions acquired, not\\nby conquest, but by compact, have been united with\\nus in the participation of our righ.ts and duties, of\\nour burdens and blessings the forest has fallen by\\nthe axe of our woodsmen the soil has been made to\\nteem by the tillage of our farmers our commerce\\nhas whitened every ocean the dominion of every\\nman over physical nature has been extended by the\\ninvention of our artists liberty and law have march-\\ned hand in hand all the purposes of human associa-\\ntion have been accomplished as effectively as under\\nany other government on the globe and at a cost\\nlittle exceeding, in a whole generation, the expendi-\\nture of other nations in a single year.\\nSuch is the unexaggerated picture of our condi-\\ntion, under a constitution founded upon the republican\\nprinciple of equal rights. To admit that this picture\\nhas its shades, is but to say, that it is still the condi-\\ntion of men upon earth. From evil, pliysical, moral\\nand political, it is not our claim to be exempt. Wc\\nhave suffered, sometimes by the visitation of heaven,\\nthrough disease often, by the wrongs and injustice\\nof other nations, even to the extremities of war and\\nlastly, by dissensions among ourselves dissensions,\\nperhaps, inseparable from the enjoyment of freedom,\\nbut which have, more than once, appeared to threat-\\nen the dissolution of the union, and, with it, the\\noverthrow of all the enjoyments of our present lot,\\nand all our earthly hopes of the future. The\\ncauses of these dissensions have been various found-\\ned upon differences of speculation in the theory of\\nrepublican government upon conflicting views of\\npolicy, in our relations with foreign nations upon\\njealousies of partial and sectional interests, aggrava-\\nted by prejudices and prepossessions which strangers\\nto each other are ever apt to entertain.\\nIt is a source of gratification and of encourage-\\nment to me, to observe that the great result of this", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "158\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nexperiment, upon the theory of human rights, has, at\\nthe close of that generation by which is was formed,\\nlieen crowned with success, equal to the most sanguine\\nexpectations of its founders. Union, justice, tranquil-\\nlity, the common defence, the general welfare, and\\nthe blessings of liberty, all have been promoted by\\nthe government under which we have lived. Stand-\\ning at this point of time looking back to that ge-\\nneration whicii has gone by, and forward to that\\nwhich is advancing, we may, at once, indulge in\\ngrateful exultation, and in cheering hope. From the\\nexperience of the past, we derive instructive lessons\\nfor the future. Of the two great political parties\\nwhich have divided the opinions and feelings of our\\ncountry, the candid and the just will now admit, that\\nboth have contributed splendid talents, spotless in-\\ntegrity, ardent patriotism, and disinterested sacrifices,\\nto the formation and administration of this govern-\\nment and that both have required a liberal indul-\\ngence for a portion of luiman infirmity and error.\\nThe revolutionary wars of Europe, commencing\\nprecisely at the moment when the government of the\\nUnited States first went into operation under this\\nconstitution, excited a collision of sentiments and of\\nsympathies which kindled all the passions, and embit-\\ntered the conflict of parties, till the nation was involv-\\ned in war, and the union was shaken to its centre.\\nThis time of trial embraced a period of five and\\ntwenty years, during which, the policy of the union\\nin its relations with Europe, constituted the princi-\\npal basis of our political divisions, and the most ar-\\nduous part of the action of our federal government.\\nWith the catastrophe in which the wars of the French\\nrevolution terminated, and our own subsequent peace\\nvvith Great Britain, this baneful weed of party strife\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0.vas uprooted. From that time, no difference of\\nprinciple, connected either with the theory of govern-\\nment, or with our intercourse with foreign nations,\\nhas existed or been called forth, in force sufficient to\\nsustain a continued combination of parties, or to give\\nmore than wholesome animation to the public senti-\\nment or legislative debate. Our political creed is,\\nwithout a dissenting voice that can be heard, that\\nthe will of the people is the source, and the happi-\\nness of the people the end, of all legitimate govern-\\nment upon earth that the best security for the\\nbeneficence and the best guarantee ao;ainst the abuse\\nof power, consists in the freedom, the purity, and the\\nfrequency of popular elections that the general go-\\nvernment of the union, and the separate governments\\nof the states, are all sovereignties of limited powers\\nfellow-servants of the same masters uncontrolled\\nwith in their respective sphei es uncontrollable but by\\nencroachments upon each other that the firmest\\nsecurity of peace is the preparation, during peace, of\\nthe defences of war that a rigorous economy and\\naccountability of public expenditures, should guard\\nagainst the aggravation, and alleviate, when possible,\\nthe burden of taxation that the military should be\\nkept in strict subordination to the civil power that\\nthe freedom of the press and of religious opinion\\nshould be inviolate that the policy of our country\\nis peace, and the ark of our salvation, union, are\\narticles of faith upon which we are all now agreed.\\nIf there have been those who doubted whether a con-\\nfederated representative democracy were a govern-\\nment competent to the wise and orderly management\\nof the common concerns of a mighty nation, those\\ndoubts have been dispelled. If there have been pro-\\njects of partial confederacies to be erected on the\\nruins of the union, they have been scattered to the\\nwinds if there have been dangerous attachments to\\none foreign nation and antipathies against another,\\nthey have been extinguished. Ten years of peace,\\nat home and abroad, have assuaged the animosities\\nof polilical contention, and blended into harmony the\\nmost discordant elements of public opinion. There\\nstill remains one effort of magnanimity, one sacrifice\\nof prejudice and passion, to be made by the individu-\\nals throughout the nation, who have heretofore fol-\\nlowed the standards of political party. It is that of\\ndiscarding every remnant of rancour against each\\nother of embracing, as countrymen and friends, and\\nof yielding to talents and virtue alone, that confidence\\nwhich, in times of contention for principle, was be-\\nstowed only upon those who wore the badge of party\\ncommunion.\\nTlie collisions of party spirit, which originated in\\nspeculative opinions, or in different views of adminis-\\ntrative policy, are, in their nature, transitory. Those\\nwhich are founded on geographical divisions, adverse\\ninterests of soil, climate, and modes of domestic life,\\nare more permanent, and therefore perhaps more\\ndangerous. It is this which gives inestimable value\\nto the character of our government, at once federal\\nand national. It holds out to us a perpetual admo-\\nnition to preserve alike, and with equal anxiety, the\\ni rights of each individual state in its own government,\\nand the rights of the whole nation in that of the\\nunion. Whatsoever is of domestic concernment, un-\\nconnected with the other members of the union, or\\nwith foreign lands, belongs exclusively to the adminis-\\ntration of the state governments. Whatsoever directly\\ninvolves the rights and interests of the federative fra-\\nternity, or of foreign powers, is of the resort of this\\ngeneral government. The duties of both are obvious", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n859\\nin the general principle, though sometimes perplexed\\nwith difficulties in the detail. To respect the rights\\nof the state governments, is the inviolable duty of\\nthat of the union the government of every state will\\nfeel its own obligation to respect and preserve the\\nrights of the whole. The prejudices, every where\\ntoo commonly entertained against distant strangers,\\nare worn away, and the jealousies of jarring interests\\nare allayed by the composition and functions of the\\ngreat national councils, annually assembled from all\\nquarters of the union at this place. Here the distin-\\nguished men from every section of our country, while\\nmeeting to deliberate upon the great interests of tliose\\nby whom they are deputed, learn. to estimate the ta-\\nlents, and do justice to the virtues of each other. The\\nharmony of the nation is promoted, and the whole\\nunion is knit together, by the sentiments of mutual\\nrespect, the habits of social intercourse, and the ties\\nof personal friendship, formed between the representa-\\ntives of its several parts, in the performance of their\\nservice at this metropolis.\\nPassing from this general review of the purpose\\nand injunctions of the federal constitution and their\\nresults, as indicating the first traces of the path of\\nduty in the discharge of my public trust, I turn to\\nthe administration of my immediate predecessor, as\\nthe second. It has passed away in a period of pro-\\nfound peace how much to the satisfaction of our\\ncountry, and to the honour of our country s name, is\\nknown to you all. The great features of its policy,\\nin general concurrence with the will of the legisla-\\nture, have been to cherish peace, while preparing\\nfor defensive war to yield exact justice to other\\nnations, and maintain the rights of our own to che-\\nrish the principles of freedom and of equal rights,\\nwherever they were proclaimed to discharge, with\\nall possible promptitude, the national debt to reduce,\\nwithin the narrowest limits of efficiency, the military\\nforce to improve the organization and discipline of\\nthe army to provide and sustain a school of military\\nscience to extend equal protection to all the great\\ninterests of the nation to promote the civilization of\\nthe Indian tribes and to proceed in the great system\\nof internal improvements, within the limits of the\\nconstitutional power of the union. Under the pledge\\nof these promises, made by that eminent citizen, at\\nthe time of his first induction into this office, in his\\ncareer of eiglit years, the internal taxes have been\\nrepealed sixty millions of the public debt have been\\ndischarged provision has been made for the comfort\\nand relief of the aged and indigent among the survi-\\nving warriors of the revolution the regular armed\\nforce has been reduced, and its constitution revised\\n46\\nand perfected the accotintability for the expenditure\\nof public moneys has been made more effective the\\nFlorid as have been peaceably acquired, and our\\nboundary has been extended to the Pacific ocean\\nthe independence of the southern nations of this\\nhemisphere has been recognised and recommended\\nby example and by counsel, to the potentates of\\nEurope progress has been made in the defence of\\nthe country by fortifications, and the increase of the\\nnavjr towards the eflectual suppression of the African\\ntraffic in slaves in alluring the aboriginal hunters\\nof our land to the cultivation of the soil and of the\\nmind in exploring the interior regions of the union\\nand in preparing, by scientific researches and surveys,\\nfor the further application of our national resources\\nto the internal improvement of our country.\\nIn this brief outline of the promise and perform-\\nance of my immediate predecessor, the line of duty,\\nfor his successor, is clearly delineated. To pursue,\\nto their consummation, those purposes of improvement\\nin our common condition, instituted or recommended\\nby him, will embrace the whole sphere of my obliga-\\ntions. To the toi)ic of internal improvement, em-\\nphatically urged by him at his inauguration, I recur\\nwith peculiar satisfaction. It is that from which I\\nam convinced that the unborn millions of our pos-\\nterity, who are, in future ages, to people this conti-\\nnent, will derive their most fervent gratitude to the\\nfounders of the union that, in which the beneficent\\naction of its government will be most deeply felt and\\nacknowledged. The magnificence and splendour of\\ntheir public works are among the imperishable glories\\nof the ancient republics. The roads and aqueducts\\nof Rome have been the admiration of all after ages,\\nand have survived thousands of years, after all her\\nconquests have been swallowed up in despotism, or\\nbecome the spoil of barbarians. Some diversity of\\nopinion has prevailed with regard to the powers of\\ncongress for legislation upon objects of this nature.\\nThe most respectful deference is due to doubts origi-\\nnating in pure patriotism, and sustained by venerated\\nauthority. But nearly twenty years have passed\\nsince the construction of the first national road was\\ncommenced. The authority for its construction was\\nthen unquestioned. To how many thousands of our\\ncountrymen has it proved a benefit 7 To what single\\nindividual has it ever proved an injury 7 Repeated\\nliberal and candid discussions in the legislaUne have\\nconciliated the sentiments, and proximated the\\nopinions of enlightened minds, upon the question of\\nconstitutional power. I cannot but hope, that by the\\nsame process of friendly, patient, and persevering\\ndeliberation, all constitutional objections will ulti-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "860\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmately be removed. The extent and limitation of\\nthe powers of the general government, in relation to\\nthis transcendently important interest, will be settled\\nand acknowledged, to the common satisfaction of all,\\nand every speculative scruple will be solved by a\\npractical public blessing.\\nFellow-citizens, you are acquainted with the pe-\\nculiar circumstances of the recent election, which\\nhave resulted in affording me the opportunity of ad-\\ndressing you, at this time. You have heard the ex-\\nposition of the principles which will direct me in the\\nfulfilment of the high and solemn trust imposed upon\\nme in this station. Less possessed of your confidence\\nin advance, than any of my predecessors, I am deeply\\nconscious of the prospect that I shall stand, more and\\noftener, in need of your indulgence. Intentions, up-\\nright and pure a heart devoted to the welfare of\\nour country, and the unceasing application of all the\\nfaculties allotted to me, to her service, are all the\\npledges that I can give, for the faitliful performance\\nof the arduous duties I am to undertake. To the\\nguidance of the legislative councils to the assistance\\nof the executive and subordinate departments to the\\nfriendly co-operation of the respective state govern-\\nments to the candid and liberal support of the peo-\\nple, so far as it may be deserved by honest industry\\nand zeal, I shall look for whatever success may at-\\ntend my public service and knowing, that, except\\nthe Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in\\nvain with fervent supplications for his favour, to his\\noverruling Providence I commit, with humble but\\nfearless confidence, my own fate, and the future des-\\ntinies of my country.\\nIn August, 1826, Lafayette repaired to Washington,\\nto take leave of the president, and his last look of the\\nland through which he had passed as a laurelled victor,\\nreceiving the homage of nations. His was the homage\\nof the heart the offerings he received was the gratitude\\nof an enlightened people. The last three weeks which\\nhe spent in the United States, was exceedingly well\\nappropriated and, no doubt, after much reflection,\\nby him for he is a man not more remarkable for\\nthe purity of his motives, than an observance of\\nevery *right rule of conduct, a deviation from which\\nmight lead to a suspicion of any of them. This\\ninduced him, after witnessing the magnificent cere-\\nmony at Boston, on the anniversary of the battle of\\nBunker s Hill, leisurely to return to the city of\\nVVashingttjn, (visiting many of his personal friends\\nin the way, and reviewing the battle field at Brandy-\\nwine,) that his last moments might be given up to a\\nbrief residence in what must be metaphorically re-\\ngarded as the heart of the nation, being the seat of\\nits government, where the chief agents of millions\\nof their fellow-citizens are gathered together, to ex-\\necute the laws, and distribute that moral force, for\\nthe preservation of harmony, which rightfully be-\\nlongs to institutions based upon the self competency of\\na free people for the self-management of their own af-\\nfairs and it was here that Lafayette mentally looked\\nover the whole republic the twenty-four sovereignties\\nwhich he had visited and, with feelings which no\\nhonest man will envy, but such as every honourable\\none would desire to possess for himself, reflected on\\nwhat he had seen, and indulged the fond hopes of\\nwhat this nation, of which he was a distinguished\\nbuilder, would attain, before the expiration of that pe-\\nriod of time usually allotted to men now living and\\nhis tender heart must have seemed to melt within him,\\nat the remembrance of the scenes through which he\\nhad passed in the dark days of the revolution, con-\\ntrasted with the triumphs of his journey through the\\nland of the free. Not the triumphs of the conquer-\\nor, before whom the enslaved bow to the dust, and by\\ntheir own debasement endeavour to win the favour\\nof the oppressor but growing out of the best affec-\\ntions of the human mind, for kindnesses rendered,\\nwhen a weak people most needed them, that they\\nmight become strong, and laugh the oppressor to the\\nscorn and contempt that tyranny merits.\\nFrom the city of Washington, the political heart\\nof the nation, he made delightful excursions into\\nVirginia, in which it happened that three out of all\\nthe presidents which we have had, yet reside as\\ncitizens distinguished over their fellows only by\\nthe right of franking their letters, except in their\\nprivate virtues and this is all the distinction that\\nthe constitution allows no pension, no prece-\\ndent, no other privilege than that of being enabled\\nto correspond through the post-ofiices with their old\\nfriends and acquaintances, free of expense He\\nhad before visited one of the lion-hearted of the rev-\\nolution, the resolute and devoted president Adams\\nand the other ex-presidents were, the author of the de-\\nclaration of independence a soldier who spilled his\\nblood in supporting it and he to whom, perhaps,\\nmore than any man living, we are indebted for the\\npresent happy constitution of the United States. And\\nin one of those excursions, he was accompanied by\\nthe present president of the republic, and met by the\\nvenerable chief justice of the United States, a fellow-\\nsoldier also. What meetings were these of the\\ngreat and the good We can entertain some idea\\nof the sensations which they produced, but lan-\\nguage would fail to give utterance to it, and we shall\\nnot attempt an impossibility.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n361\\nThe last days of his visit were properly spent\\nby Lafayette in the nation s house, on the invitation\\nof its present possessor, the chief magistrate of the\\nUnited States. Mr. Adams was, in his early youth,\\na favourite with the general, having much personal\\ncommunication with him and of his disposition\\nand ability to represent the hospitality and feeling\\nof the millions of free people over whose aflairs he\\npresides, there could not be a doubt. Lafayette was\\nat home, in the national house, in the city of Wash-\\nington, and in the heart of a family which had\\nevery inducement that can operate on the human\\nmind to make him comfortable this was his abode\\ntill the moment of his departure, to embark in the\\nBrandywine, named in compliment to him, and pe-\\nculiarly fitted for his accommodation her giddy\\nmast bearing the stripes and the stars, her bosom to\\ncontain the person of our guest a man of whom it\\nmay be. said, take him all in all, we ne er shall\\nlook upon his like again, unless he shall again visit\\nour shores one that was the same, great and good,\\nin prosperity and adversity grateful for kind offices,\\nforgiving of injuries, zealous to confer benefits\\nmodest when as on the pinnacle of human glory, dig-\\nnified and collected in the proud presence of kings.\\nBut I must not proceed if, after Mr. Adams display\\nof eloquence and power, he, who commands words\\nand they obey him, honestly confessed a want of\\nlanguage to give utterance to his feelings who\\namong us may attempt it 7 I shall, therefore, pro-\\nceed to notice some of the things which happened\\nat the departure of Lafayette, with this simple re-\\nmark, that if there is any American who can read,\\nunmoved, Mr. Adams valedictory address to him, or\\nthe reply of the general to that address, I would not\\np06sess that man s heart for his fortune, thousfh he\\nwere a Crossus.\\nThe 7th inst. was the day appointed for his de-\\nparture. The civil and military authorities, and\\nthe whole people of Washington, had prepared to\\nhonour it. The banks were closed, and all busi-\\nness suspended and nothing else engaged attention,\\nexcept the ceremonies prescribed for the occasion.\\nAt about 12 o clock, the authorities of Washing-\\nton, Georgetown, and Alexandria, the principal offi-\\ncers of the general government, civil, military, and\\nnaval, some members of congress, and other respected\\nsKangerSj were assembled in the president s house\\nto take leave of Lafayette. He entered the great\\nhall in silence, leanmg on the marshal of the dis-\\ntrict, and on the arm of one of the president s sons.\\nMr. Adams then, with much dignity, but with evident\\nemotion, addressed him in the following terms\\nGeneral Lalayette It has been the good for-\\ntune of many of my distinguished fellow-citizens,\\nduring the course of the year now elapsed, upon\\nyour arrival at their respective places of abode, to\\ngreet you with the welcome of the nation. The\\nless pleasing task now devolves upon rrie, of bidding\\nyon, in the name of the nation, adieu.\\nIt were no longer seasonable, and would be su-\\nperfluous, to recapitulate the remarkable incidents of\\nyour early life incidents which associated your\\nname, fortunes, and reputation, in imperishable con-\\nnexion with the independence and history of the\\nNorth American union.\\nThe part which you performed at that important\\njuncture was marked with characters so peculiar,\\nthat, realizing the fairest fable of antiquity, its paral-\\nlel could scarcely be found in the authentic records\\nof human history.\\nYou deliberately and perseveringly preferred\\ntoil, danger, the endurance of every hardship, and\\nthe privation of every comfort, in defence of a holy\\ncause, to inglorious ease, and the allurements of rank,\\naffluence, and unrestrained youth, at the most splen-\\ndid and fascinating court of Europe.\\nThat this choice was not less wise than mag-\\nnanimous, the sanction of half a century, and the\\ngratuiations of unnumbered voices, all unable to ex-\\npress the gratitude of the heart with which your\\nvisit to this hemisphere has been welcomed, afford\\nample demonstration.\\nWhen the contest of freedom, to which you\\nhad repaired as a voluntary champion, had closed,\\nby the complete triumph of her cause in this coun-\\ntry of your adoption, you returned to fulfil the du-\\nties of the philanthropist and patriot in the land of\\nyour nativity. There, in a consistent and undevia-\\nting career of forty years, you have maintained,\\nthrough every vicissitude of alternate success and\\ndisappointment, the same glorious cause to which the\\nfirst years of your active life had been devoted, the\\nimprovement of the moral and political condition of\\nman.\\nThroughout that long succession of time, the\\npeople of the United States, for whom, and with\\nwhom, you had fought the battles of liberty, have been\\nlivino in the full possession of its fruits one of the\\nhappiest among the family of nations. Spreading in\\npopulation enlarging in territory acting and, suf-\\nfering according to the condition of their nature\\nand laying the foundations of the greatest, and we\\nhumbly hope, the most beneficent power that ever\\nregulated the concerns of man upon earth.\\nIn that lapse of forty years, the generation of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "?G2\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmen with whom yoii co-operated in tlie conflict of\\narms, has nearly passed away. Of the grsneral offi-\\ncers of th(3 American army in that war, you alone\\nsurvive. Of the sages who guided our coimcils of\\nthe warriors who met the foe in the field or upon\\nthe wave, with the exception of a few, to whom\\nimusual length of days has been allotted by Heaven,\\nall now sleep with their fathers. A succeeding, and\\neven a third generation, have arisen to take their\\nplaces and their children s children, while rising\\nujD to call them blessed, have lieeu taught by them,\\nas well as admonished by their own constant enjoy-\\nment of freedom, to include in every benison upon\\ntheir fathers, the name of him who came from\\nafar, with them, and in their cause, to conquer or to\\nfall.\\nThe universal prevalence of these sentiments\\nwas signally manifested by a resolution of congress,\\nrepresenting the whole people, ind all the states of\\nthis union, requesting the president of the United\\nStates to communicate to you assurances of the grate-\\nful and aflTectionate attachment of this government\\nand people, and desiring that a national ship might\\nbe employed, at your convenience, for your passage\\nto the borders of our country.\\nThe invitation was transmitted to you by my\\nvenerable predecessor liimself bound to you by the\\nstrongest ttes of personal friendship, himself one of\\nthose whom the highest honours of his country had\\nrewarded for blood early shed in her cause, and for\\na long life of devotion to her welfare. By him the\\nservices of a national ship were placed at your dis-\\nposal. Your delicacy preferred a more private con-\\nveyance, and a full year has elapsed since you land-\\ned upon our shores. It were scarcely an exaggera-\\ntion to say, that it has been, to the people of the\\nunion, a year of uninterrupted festivity and enjoy-\\nment, inspired by your presence. You have tra-\\nversed the twenty-four states of this great confede-\\nracy You liave been received with rapture by the\\nsurvivors of your earliest companions in arms You\\nhave been hailed as a long absent parent by their\\nchildren, the men and women of the present age\\nAnd a rising efeneration, the hoj)e of future time, in\\nnumbers surpassing the whole population of that\\nday when you fought at the head and by the side\\nof their forefathers, have vied with the scanty rem-\\nnants of that hour of trial, in acclamations of joy at\\nbeholding the face of him whom they feel to be the\\ncommon benefactor of all. You have heard the\\nmingled voices of tlie past, the present, and the fu-\\nture age, joining in one universal chorus of delight\\nat your approach and the shouts of unbidden thou-\\nsands, AV hich greeted your landing on the soil of\\nfreedom, have followed every step of your way, and\\nstill resound, like the rushing of many waters, from\\nevery corner of our land.\\nYou are now about to return to tlie country of\\nyour birth, of your ancestors, of your posterity. The\\nexecutive government of the union, stimulated by\\nthe same feeling which had protnpted the congress\\nto the designation of a national ship for your accom-\\nmodation in coming hither, has destined the first\\nservice of a frigate, recently launched at this metro-\\npolis, to the less welcome, but equally distinguished\\ntrust, of conveying you home. The name of the\\nship has added one more memorial to distant regions\\nand to future ages, of a stream already memorable,\\nat once in the story of your suflerings and of our\\nindependence.\\nThe ship is now prepared for your reception,\\nand equipped for sea. From the moment of her de-\\nparture, the prayers of millions will ascend to Hea-\\nven that her passage may be prosperous, and your\\nreturn to the bosom of your family as propitious\\nto your happiness, as your visit to this scene of\\nyour youthful glory has been to that of the American\\npeople.\\nGo, then, our beloved friend return to the land\\nof brilliant genius, of generous sentiment, of heroic\\nvalour to that beautiful France, the nursing mo-\\nther of the twelfth Louis, and the fourth Henry to\\nthe native soil of Bayard and Coligni, of Turenne\\nand C atinat, of Fenelon and D Aguesseau. In that\\nillustrious catalogue of names which she claims as\\nof her children, and with honest pride holds up to\\nthe admiration of other nations, the name of Lafay-\\nette has already for centuries been enrolled. And\\nit shall henceforth burnish into brighter fame Jjgr\\nif, in after days, a Frenchman shall be called to in-\\ndicate the character of his nation by that of one in-\\ndividual, during the age in which we live, the blood\\nof lofty patriotism shall manile in his cheek, the fire\\nof conscious virtue shall sparkle in his eye, and he\\nshall pronounce the name of Lafayette. Yet we,\\ntoo, and our children, in life and after death, shall\\nclaim you for your own. You are ours by that\\nmore than patriotic self-devotion with which you flew\\nto the aid of our fathers at the crisis of their fate.\\nOurs by that long series of years in which you have\\ncherished us in your regard. Ours by that unsliakefi\\nsentiment of gratitude for your services which is a\\nprecious portion of our inheritance. Ours by that\\ntie of love, stronger than death, which has linked\\nyour name, for the endless ages of time, with the\\nname of Washington.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n363\\nAt the painful moment of parting from you, we\\ntake comfort in the thought, that wherever you may\\nbe, to the last pulsation of your heart, our country\\nwill be ever present to your affections and a cheer-\\nijig consolation assures us, that we are not called to\\nsorrow most of all, that we shall see your face no\\nmore. We shall indulge the pleasing anticipation of\\nbeholding our friend again. In the meantime, speak-\\ning in the name of the whole people of the United\\nStates, and at a loss only for language to give utter-\\nance to that feeling of attacluiient with which the\\nheart of the nation beats, as the heart of one man I\\nbid you a reluctant and affectionate farewell.\\nTo which General Lafayette made the following\\nanswer\\nAmidst all my obligations to the general go-\\nvernment, and particularly to you, sir, its respected\\nchief magistrate, I have most thankfully to acknow-\\nledge the opportunity given me, at tliis solemn and\\npainful moment, to present the people of the United\\nStates with a parting tribute of profound, inexpressi-\\nble gratitude.\\nTo have been, in the infant and critical days\\nof these states, adopted by them as a favourite son,\\nto have participated in the toils and perils of oiu\\nunspotted struggle for independence, freedom, and\\nequal rights, and in the foundation of the American\\nera of a new social order, which has already perva-\\nded this, and must, for the dignity and happiness of\\nmankind, successively pervade every part of the other\\nhemisphere, to have received at every stage of the\\nrevolution, and during forty years after that period,\\nfrom the people of the United States, and their rep-\\nresentatives at home and abroad, continual marks of\\ntheir confidence and kindness, has been the pride,\\nthe encouragement, the support of a long and event-\\nful life.\\nBut how could I find words to acknowledge\\nthat series of welcomes, those unbounded and univer-\\nsal displays of public affection, which have marked\\neach step, each hour, of a twelve-months, progress\\nthrough the twenty-four states, and which, while\\nthey overwhelm my heart with grateful delight, have\\nmos^i^atisfactorily evinced the concurrence of the\\npeople in the kind testimonies, in the immense fa-\\nvours bestowed on me by the several branches of\\ntheir representatives, in every part and at the cen-\\ntral seat of the confederacy.\\nYet, gratification still higher awaited me in\\nthe wonders of creation and improvement that have\\nmet my enchanted eye, in the unparalleled and self-\\nfelt happiness of the people, in their rapid prosperity\\nand insured security, public and private, in a prac-\\ntice of good order, the appendage of true freedom,\\nand a national good sense, the final arbiter of all\\ndifficulties, I have had proudly to recognise a result\\nof the republican principles for which we have\\nfought, and .a glorious demonstration to the most\\ntimid and prejudiced minds, of the superiority, o^er\\ndegrading aristocracy or despotism, of popular insti-\\ntutions founded on the plain rights of man, and\\nwhere the local rights of every section are preserved\\nunder a constitutional bond of union. The cherish-\\ning of that union between the states, as it has been the\\nfarewell entreaty of our great paternal Washington,\\nand will ever have the dying prayer of every Ameri-\\ncan patriot, so it has become the sacred pledge of the\\nemancipation of the world, an object in which I am\\nhappy to observe that the American people, while\\nthey give the animating example of successful free\\ninstitutions, in return for an evil entailed upon them\\nby Europe, and of which a liberal and enlightened\\nsense is every where more and more generally felt,\\nshow themselves everyday more anxiously interested.\\nAnd now, sir, how can I do justice to my deep\\nand lively feelings for the assurances, most peculiarly\\nvalued, of your esteem and friendship, for your so\\nvery kind references to old times, to my beloved as-\\nsociates, to the vicissitudes of my life, for your affect-\\ning picture of the blessings poured by the several\\ngenerations of the American people on the remaining\\ndays of a delighted veteran, for your affectionate re-\\nmarks on this sad hour of separation, on the country\\nof my birth, full, I can say, of American sympathies.\\non the hope so necessary to me of my seeing again\\nthe country that has deigned, near half a century\\nago, to call me hers 1 I shall content myself, re-\\nfraining from superfluoits repetitions, at once, before\\nyou, sir, and this respected circle, to proclaim my\\ncordial confirmation of every one of the sentiments\\nwhich I have had daily opportunities publicly to\\nutter, from the time when your venerable predeces-\\nsor, my old brother in arms and friend, transmitted\\nto me the honourable invitation of congress, to this\\nday, when you, my dear sir, whose friendly connex-\\nion with me dates from your earliest youth, are\\ngoing to consign me to the protection, across the\\nAtlantic, of the heroic national flag, on board the\\nsplendid ship, the name of which has been not the\\nleast flattering and kind among the numberless fa-\\nvours conferred upon me.\\nGod bless you, sir, and all who surround us.\\nGod bless the American people, each of their states,\\nand the federal government. Accept this patriotic\\nfarewell of an overflowing heart such will be its\\nlast throb when it ceases to beat.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "364\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nAs the last sentence was pronounced, the gene-\\nral advanced, and, while the tears poured over his\\nvenerable cheek,\\nagain took the President in\\nhis\\narms he retired a few paces, but overcome by his\\nfeelings again returned, and uttering in broken ac-\\ncents, God bless you fell once more on the neck\\nof Mr. Adams. It was a scene, at once solemn and\\nmoving, as the sighs and stealing tears of many,\\nwho witnessed it, bore testimony. Having recovered\\nhis self-possession, the general stretched out his\\nhands, and was, in a moment, surrounded by the\\ngreetings of the whole assembly, who pressed upon\\nhim, each eager to seize, perhaps for the last time,\\nthat beloved hand which was opened so freely for\\nour aid, when aid was so precious, and which grasp-\\ned, with firm and undeviating hold, the steel which\\nso bravely helped to achieve our deliverance. The\\nexpression which now beamed from the face of this\\nexalted man was of the finest and most touchino-\\nkind. The Iiero was lost in the father and the\\nfriend dignity jnehed into subdued affection, and\\nthe friend of Washington seemed to linger with a\\nmournful delight among the sons of his adopted\\ncountry. A considerable period was then occupied\\nin conversing with various individuals, while re-\\nfreshments were presented to the company. The\\nmoment of departure at length arrived, and, having\\nonce more pressed the hand of Mr. Adams, he en-\\ntered the barouche, accompanied by the secretaries\\nof state, of the treasury, and of the navy.\\nThe parting being over, the carriage of the\\ngeneral, preceded by the cavalry, the marine corps,\\nand Captain Edwards rifle corps, and followed by\\nthe carriages containing the corporate authorities of\\nthe cities of the district, and numerous military and\\nhigh civil officers of the government, moved forward,\\nfollowed by the remaining military companies. In\\ntaking up the escort, the whole column moved\\nthrough the court, in front of the president s mansion,\\nand paid him the passing salute, as he stood in front\\nto receive it. The whole scene the peals of artil-\\nlery, the animating sounds of numerous military\\nbands, the presence of the vast concourse of people,\\nand the occasion that assembled them, altogether\\nproduced emotions, not easily described, but which\\nevery American will readily conceive.\\nOn reaching the bank of the Potomac, near\\nwhere the Mount Vernon steam vessel was in wait-\\ning, all the carriages in the procession, except the\\ngeneral s, wheeled off, and the citizens in them as-\\nsembled on foot around that of the general. The\\nwhole military body then passed him in review, as\\nhe stood in the barouche of the president, attended\\nby the secretaries of state, of the treasury, and of the\\nnavy. After the review, the general pioceeded to\\nthe steam vessel under a salute of artillery, sur-\\nrounded by as many citizens, all eager to catch the\\nlast look, as could press on the large wharf and, at\\nfour o clock, this great, and good, and extraordinary\\nman, trod, for the last time, the soil of America, fol-\\nloAved by the blessings of everjr patriotic heart that\\nlives on it.\\nAs the vessel moved off, and for a short time\\nafter, the deepest silence was observed by the whole\\nof the vast multitude tliat lined the shore. The\\nfeelings that pervaded them was that of children\\nbidding a final farewell to a venerated parent. The\\nwhole remained gazing after the retiring vessel,\\nuntil she had passed Greenleafs Point, where ano-\\nther salute repeated the valedictory sounds of re-\\nspect, and these again were, not long after, echoed\\nby the heavy guns of Fort Washington, and remind-\\ned us of the rapidity with Avhich this benefactor and\\nfriend of our country was borne from it.\\nThe general was accompanied to the Brandy-\\nwine by the secretary of the navy, the mayors of\\nthe three cities of the district, the commander-in-\\nchief of the army, the generals of the militia of the\\ndistrict. Commodore Bainbridge, and several other\\ngentlemen.\\nThe transactions between the United States and\\nthe Indian tribes have occasioned considerable dis-\\ncussion among tlie philanthropists of both the new\\nand tlie old world Vv^e shall, therefore, notice the\\ntreaties which were formed somewhat particularly.\\nIn February, a treaty was concluded with the Creek\\nnation of Indians. The commissioners on the part\\nof the United States represented to the Creeks, that\\nit is the policy and wish of the general government,\\nthat the several Indian tribes within the limits of\\nany of the states of the union, should remove to ter-\\nritory to be designated on the west side of the Missis-\\nsippi river, as well for the better protection and secu-\\nrity of the said tribes, and their improvement in ci-\\nvilization, as for the purpose of enabling the United\\nStates, in this instance, to comply with a compact\\nentered into with the state of Georgia, on the ^h of\\nApril, 1802. The chiefs of the Creek towns assented\\nto the reasonableness of the proposition, and express-\\ned a willingness to migrate beyond the Mississippi,\\nthose of Tokaubatchee excepted. The Creeks ac\\ncordingly, by the first article of the treaty, ceded to\\nthe United States all the lands within the boundaries\\nof the state of Georgia now occupied by them, or to\\nNiles Weekly Register, September 17, 1826.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n365\\nwhich they have title or claim, lying within certain\\ndescribed boundaries and by the second it was\\najjreed, that the United States will give in exchange\\nfor the lands hereby acquired the like quantity, acre\\nfor acre, westward of the Mississippi, on the Arkan-\\nsas river. Other stipulations favourable to the equi-\\ntable claims of the emigrating parties were made\\nparticularly that a deputation may be sent to explore\\nthe territory herein offered them in exchange and\\nif the same be not acceptable to them, then they may\\nselect any other territory west of the Mississippi, on\\nRed, Canadian, Arkansas, or Missouri rivers, the ter-\\nritory occupied by the C herokees and Clioctaws ex-\\ncepted and if the territory to be selected shall be in\\nthe occupancy of other Indian tribes, then the United\\nStates will extinguish the title of such occupants for\\nthe benefit of the said emigrants.\\nThe Kansas Indians, by treaty, ceded to the Uni-\\nted States all their lands both within and without\\nthe limits of Missouri, excepting a reservation beyond\\nthat state on the Kansas river, about thirty miles\\nsquare, including their villages. In consideration of\\nthis cession, the United States agreed to pay three\\nthousand five hundred dollars a year for twei|ty\\nyears to furnish the Kansas immediately with three\\nhundred head of cattle, three hundred hogs, five\\nhundred fowls, three yoke of oxen, and two carts,\\nand with such farming utensils as the Indian super-\\nintendent may deem necessary to provide and sup-\\nport a blacksmith for them and to employ persons\\nto aid and instruct them in their agricultural pur-\\nsuits, as the president may deem expedient. Of the\\nceded lands, thirty-six sections on the Big Blue river\\nwere to be laid out under the direction of the presi-\\ndent, and sold for the support of schools among the\\nKansas. Reservations were also made for the benefit\\nof certain half-breeds and other stipulations mutu-\\nally satisfactory. It was also agreed, that no private\\nrevenge shall be taken by the Indians for the viola-\\ntion of their rights but that they shall make their\\ncomplaint to the superintendent or other agent, and\\nreceive justice in a due course of law and it was\\nJohn Adams was born at Ciiiincy, then part of the ancient town\\nof Braintree, on the 19th day of October, (Old Style,) 1735. He\\nwas a descendant of the Puritans, his ancestors having early eiini-\\ngrated from England, and settled in Massachusetts. Discovering\\nearly a strong love of reading and of knowledge, together with\\nmarks of great strength and activity of mind, proper care was taken\\nby his worthy father, to provide for his education. He pursued his\\nyouthful studies in Braintree, under Mr. Marsh, a teacher whose\\nfortune it was that Josiah Cluincy, Jr., as well as the subject of these\\nremarks, should receive from him his instruction in the rudiments\\nof classical literature. Having been admitted, in 1751, a member\\nof Harvard College, Mr. Adams was graduated, in course, in 1755;\\nand on the catalogue of that institution, his name, at the time of\\nhis death, was second among the living Alumni, being preceded\\nonly by that of the venerable Holyoke. With what degree of repu-\\nlastly agreed, that the Kansas nation shall never dis-\\npose of their lands without the consent of the United\\nStates, and that the United States shall always have\\nthe free right of navigation in the waters of the\\nKansas.\\nA treaty was also concluded with the Great and\\nLittle Osages, at St. Louis, Missouri. The general\\nprinciples of this treaty are the same as those of the\\ntreaty with the Kansas. The Indians cede all their\\nlands in Arkansas and elsewhere, and then reserve a\\ndefined territory, west of the Missouri line, fifty miles\\nsquare an agent to be permitted to reside on the re-\\nservation, and the United States to have the right of\\nfree navigation in all the waters on the tract. The\\nUnited States pay an annuity of seven thousand dol-\\nlars for twenty years furnish forthwith six hundred\\nhead of cattle, six hundred hogs, one thousand fowls,\\nten yoke of oxen, six carts, with farming utensils,\\npersons to teach the Indians agriculture, and a black*\\nsmith, and build a commodious dwelling-house for\\neach of the four principal chiefs, at his own village.\\nReservations were made for the establishment of a\\nfund for the support of schools for the benefit of the\\nOsage children and provision was made for the\\nbenefit of the Harmony missionary establishment.\\nThe United States also assume certain debts due from,\\ncertain chiefs of the tribes and agree to deliver at\\nthe Osage villages, as soon as may be, four thousand\\ndollars in merchandise, and two thousand six hundred\\nin horses and their equipments.\\nIn May, a general convention of peace, amity, na-\\nvigation, and commerce, between the United States\\nof America and the republic of Colombia, was signed\\nby the president, at Washington.\\nThe fiftieth anniversary, the jubilee, as it was\\ntermed, of American independence, was observed\\nthrouafhout the states with great enthusiasm, and\\nwas rendered additionally interesting by the remarka-\\nble circumstance that both Adams and Jefierson, emi-\\nnent men among the fathers of their country, died on\\nthat day.*\\nMr. Adams, in a message to congress, reccmmend-\\ntation he left the university, is not now precisely known. We\\nknow only that he was distinguished in a class which numbered\\nLocke and Hemenway among its members. Choosing the law for\\nhis profession, he commenced and prosecuted its studies at Wor-\\ncester, under the direction of Samuel Putnam, a gentleman whom\\nhe has himself described as an acute man, an able and learned\\nlawyer, and as in large professional practice at that lime. In 1758,\\nhe was admitted to the bar, and commenced business in Braintree.\\nHe is understood to have made his first considerable effort, or to\\nhave attained his first signal success, at Plymouth, on one of those\\noccasions which furnish the earliest opportunity for distinction to\\nmany young men of the profession, a jury trial, and a criminal\\ncause. His business naturally grew with his reputation, and his\\nresidence in the vicinity afforded the opportunity, as his growing\\neminence gave the power, of entering on the larger field of j tactice", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "306\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ned a naval academy, and urged the appropriation of\\nmoney for such an establishment but congress did\\nnot move far in the business. He also recommended\\nwhich the capital presented. In 17b6, he removed his residence\\nto Boston, slill conimiiing his attendance on the neighbouring cir-\\ncuits, and not unfrequnnlly called lo remote parts of the province.\\nIn 1770, his professional firmness was brought to a test of some\\nseverity, on the application of the British ullicers and soldiers lo\\nundertake their defence, on the trial of the indictments found\\nagainst them on account of the transactions of the memorable 5th\\nof March. He seems to have thought, on this occasion, that a\\nman can no more abandon the proper duties of his profession, than\\nhe can abandon other duties. The event proved, that as he judged\\nwell for his own reputation, so he judged well, also, for the interest\\nand permanent fame of his country. The result of that trial proved,\\nthat. notwithstanding the high degree of e.tcitenient then existing,\\nin consequence of the measures cf the British government, a jury\\nof Massachusetts would not deprive the most reckless enemies,\\neven the officers of that standing army, quartered among them,\\nwhich they so perfectly abhorred, of any part of that protection\\nwhich the law, in its mildest and most indulgent interpretation, af-\\nforrled to persons accused of crimes.\\nWithout pursuing Mr. Adams professional course further, suf-\\nfice it to say, that on the first establishment of the judicial Iribu-\\nnals under the authority of the slate, in 1776, he received an offer\\nof the high and responsible stalion of chief justice of the supreme\\ncourt. But he was destined for another and a different career.\\nFroin early life the bent of his mind was toward politics a pro-\\npensity which the stale of the times, if it did not create, doubtless\\nvery much strengthened. Public subjects must have occupied the\\nthoughts and filled up Ihe conversation in the circles in which he\\nthen moved and the interesting questions, at that lime just arising,\\ncould not but seize on a mind, like his, ardent, sanguine, and pa-\\ntriotic. The letter, fortunately preserved, written by him at Wor-\\ncester, St3 early as the 12th of October, 1755, is a proof of very\\ncomprehensive views, and uncommon depth of reflection, in a young\\nman not yet quite twenty. In this letter he predicted the transfer\\nof power, and the establishment of a new sea.t of empire in Ame-\\nrica he predicted, also, the increase of population in the colonies;\\nand anticipated their naval distinction, and foretold thai all Europe,\\ncombined, could not subdue them. All this is said, not on a public\\noccasion, or for efl ect, but in the style of sober and friendly cor-\\nrespondence, as the result of his own thoughts. I sometimes re-\\ntire, said he, at the close of the letter, and laying things to-\\ngether, form some reflections pleasing to myself. The produce of\\none of these reveries you have read above. This prognostication,\\nBO early in his own life, so early in the history of the country, of\\nindependence, of vast increase of liunibers, of naval force, of such\\naugmented power as might defy all Europe, is remarkable. It is\\nmore remarkable, that its author should live lo see fulfilled to the\\nletter, what could have seemed to others, at the lime, but the extra-\\nvagance of youthful fancy. His earliest political feelings were thus\\nstrongly American and from this ardent attachmenl to his native\\nsoil he never departed.\\nWhile still living at Qnincy, and at the age of twenty-four, Mr.\\nAdams was present, n this town, on the argument before the su-\\npreme court respecting Writs of Assistance, and heard thecelebra-\\nled and patriotic speech of James Otis. Unquestionably, that was\\na masterly performance. No flighty declamation about liberty, no\\nsuperficial discussion of popular topic-s, it was a learned, penetra-\\nti.ig, convincing, constitutional argument, expressed in a strain of\\nhigh and resolute patriotism. He grasped the question, then pend-\\ning between England and her colonies, with the strength of a. lion\\nand if he sometimes sported, it was only becau.se the lion himself is\\nsometimes playful. Its success appeals to have been as great as\\nits merits, and its impression was widely felt. Mr. Adams himself\\neems never to have lost the feeling it produced, and to have en-\\ntertained constantly the fullest conviction of its important effects.\\nI do say, he observes, in the most solemn manner, that Mr.\\nOtis Oration against Writs of Assistance, breathed into this nation\\nthe breath of life.\\nIn 1765, Mr. Adams laid before the public what I suppose lo be\\nthe erection of an observatory, that the United States\\nmight not be behind the nations of Europe in their\\nastronomical\\nknowledge.\\nThis was also\\nneglected.\\nhis first printed performance, except essays for the periodical press,\\na Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law. The object of this\\nwork was to show that our New England anceslors, in consenting\\nto exile themselves from their native land, were actuated, mainly,\\nby the desire of delivering themselves from the power of the hie-\\nrarchy, and from the monarchical and aristocralical political .sys-\\ntems of the other continent; and to make this truth bear, with ef-\\nfect, on the politics of the times. Its tone is uncommonly bold and\\nanimated, for that period. He calls on the people, not only to de-\\nfend, but to study and understand their rights and privileges urges\\nearnestly the necessity of diffusing general knowledge, invokes the\\nclergy and the bar, the colleges and academies, and all others who\\nhave the ability and the means, to expose th-e insidious designs of\\narbitrary power, to resist its approaches, and to be persuaded that\\nthere is a settled design on foot to enslave all America. Be it\\nremembered, says the author, that liberty must, at all hazards,\\nbe supported. We have a right to it, derived from our Maker.\\nBut if we had not, our fathers have earned it, and bought it for\\nus, at the expense of their ease, their estate, their pleasure, and their\\nblood. And liberty can not be preserved without a general know-\\nledge among the people, who have a right, from the frame of their\\nnature, to knowledge, as their great Creator, who does nothing in\\nvain, has given them understandings, and a desire to know but,\\nbesides this, they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, inde-\\nfeasible righl, to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge,\\nI mean of the character and conduct of their rulers. Rulers are\\nno more than attorneys, agents, and trustees of the people and if\\nthe cause, the interest, and trust, is insidiously betrayed, or wan-\\ntonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke the authority\\nthat they themselves have deputed, and to constitute other and\\nbetter agents, attorneys, and trustees.\\nThe citizens of this town conferred on Mr. Adams his first polili-\\ncal distinction, and clothed him with his first political trust, by\\nelecting him one of their representatives, in 1770. Before this\\ntime he had become extensively known throughout the province,\\nas well by the part he had acted in relation to public affairs, as by\\nthe exercise of his professional ability. He was among those who\\ntook the deepest interest in the controversy with England, and\\nwhether in or out of the legislature, his time and talents were alike\\ndevoted to the cause. In the years 1773 and 1774, he was chosen\\na counsellor, by the members of the general court, but rejected by\\nGovernor Hutchinson, in the former of those years, and by Govern-\\nor Gage in Ihe latter.\\nThe lime was now at hand, however, when the affairs of the\\ncolonies urgenlly demanded united councils. An open rupture\\nwith the parent state appeared inevitable, and it was but the dictate\\nof prudence, that those who were united by a common interest and\\na common danger, should protect that interest and guatfl against\\nthat danger, by united efforts. A general congress of delegates\\nfrom all the colonies, having been proposed and agreed to, the\\nhouse of representatives, on the 17lh of .Tune, 1774, elected James\\nBowdoin, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and\\nRobert Treat Paine, delegates from Massachusetts. This appoint-\\nment was made at Salem, where the general court had been con-\\nvened by Governor Gage, in the last hour of the existence of a\\nhouse of representatives under the provincial charter. While en-\\ngaged in this important business, the governor having been inform-\\ned of what was passing, sent his secretary with a message dissolv-\\ning the general court. The secretary finding the door locked, di-\\nrected tlie messenger to go in and inform the speaker that the se-\\ncretary was at the door with a message from the governor. The\\nmessenger returned, and informed the secretary that the orders of\\nthe house were, that the doors should be kept fast: whereupon Ihe\\nsecretary soon after read a proclamation, dissolving the general\\ncourt upon the stairs. Thus terminated, for ever, the actual ex-\\nercise of the political power of England in or ever Massachu-\\nsetts. The four last named delegates accepted their appointments,\\nand took their seals in congress, the first day of its meeting, Sep\\ntember 5, 1774, in Philadelphia.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n367\\nThe next election was the all engrossing- snbjcci of\\nthe politicians, in every quarter of the country, and\\nforbade any improvements in science or letters. To-\\nThe proceedings of the first congress are well known, and have\\nbeen universally admired. It is in vain that we would look for\\nsuperior proofs of wisdom, talent, and patriotism.. Lord Chatham\\nsaid, that, for himself, he must declare, that he had studied and\\nadmired the free slates of antiquity, the master stales of the world,\\nbut that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of\\nconclusion, no body of men could stand in preference to this con-\\ngress. It is hardly inferior praise to .say, that no production of that\\n^reat man himself can be pronounced superior lo several of the\\npapers published as the proceedings of this nio.st able, most firm,\\nmost patriotic assembly. There is, indeed, nothing superior to\\nthem in the range of political disquisition. They not only em-\\nbrace, illustrate, and enforce every thing which political philoso-\\nphy, the love of liberty, and the spirit of free inquiry, had antece-\\ndently produced, btit they add new and striking views of their own,\\nand apply the whole, with irresistible force, in support of the cause\\nwhich had drawn them together.\\nMr, Adams was a constant attendant on the deliberations of this\\nbody, and bore an active part in its important measures. He was\\nof the committee to state the rights of the colonies, and of that also\\nwhich reported the address to the king.\\nAs it was in the continental congress, fellow-citizens, that those\\nwhose deaths have given rise to this occasion, were first brought\\ntogether, and called on to unite their industry and their ability, in\\nthe service of the country, let us now turn to the other of these dis-\\ntinguished men, and take a brief notice of his life, up to the period\\nwhen he appeared within the walls of congress.\\nThomas JefFersoii, descended from ancestors who had been settled\\nin Virginia for some generations, was born near the spot on which\\nhe died, in the county of Albemarle, on the 2d of April, (Old Style,)\\n1743. His youthful studies were pursued in the neighbourhood of\\nhis father s residence, until he was removed to the college of Wil-\\nliam and Mary, the highest honours of which he in due time re-\\nceived. Having left the college with reputation, he applied him-\\nself to the study of the law, under the tuition of George Wythe,\\none of the highest judicial names of which that stale can boast. At\\nan early age he was elected a member of the legislature, m which\\nhe had no sooner appeared, than he distinguished himself, by know-\\nledge, capacity, and promptitude.\\nMr. Jefferson appears to have been imbued with an early love\\nof letters and science, and to have cherished a strong disposition\\nto pursue these objects. To the physical sciences, especially, and\\nto ancient classic literature, he is understood to have had a warm\\nattachment, and never entirely to have lost sight of them, in the\\nmidst of the busiest occupations. But the times were times for ac-\\ntion, rather than for conteiuplallon. The country was to be de-\\nfended, and to be saved, before it could be enjoyed. Philosophic\\nleisure and literary pursuits, and even the objects of professional\\nattention, were all necessarily postponed to the urgent calls of the\\npublic service. The exigency of the country made the same de-\\nmand on Mr. JefTersori that it made on others who had the ability\\nand the disposition to serve it and he obeyed the call thinking\\nand feeling, in this respect, with the great Roman orator: Quis\\nenim est tarn cupidus in perspicienda cognoscendaque rerum na-\\ntura, ut, si ei tractanii contemplantique res cognitione dignissimas\\nsubito sit allatum periculum discrimenque patritp, cui subvenire\\nopitularique possit, non ilia omnia relinquat atque abjiciat, eliara\\nsi dinumerare se Stellas, aut metiri mundi magnitudinem posse ar-\\nbitretur 1\\nEntering, with all his heart, into the cause of liberty, his ability,\\npatriotism, and power with the pen, naturally drew upon him a\\nlarge participation in the most important concerns. Wherever he\\nwas, there was found a soul devoted lo the cause, power to defend\\nand maintain it, and willingness to incur all its hazards. In 1774,\\nhe published a Summary View of the Righls of British America,\\na valuable production among those intended to show the dangers\\nwhich threatened the liberties of the country, and to encourage the\\npeople in their defence. In June, 1775, he was elected a member\\nof the continp.ntal congre.ss, as successor to Pevton Randolph who\\n47\\nwards the close of his administration, twenty thou-\\nsand dollars were appropriated, to be paid by instal-\\nments, for statuary to fill some niches in the east\\nhad retired on account of ill health, and took his seat in that body\\non the 21st of the same month.\\nAnd now, fellow-citizens, without pursuing the biography ot\\nthese illustiious men further, for the present, let us turn our atten-\\ntion to the most prominent act of their lives, their participation in\\nthe declaration of independence.\\nPreparatory to the ir rodiiclion of that important measure, a\\ncommittee, at the head of which was Mr. Adams, had reported a\\nresolution, which congress adopted the U)lh of May, recommending,\\nin substance, to all the colonics which had not already established\\ngovernments suited to the exigencies ef their affairs, lo adopt such\\ngovernment as would, in the opinion of the representatives of the\\npeople, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents\\nin particular, and America in general.\\nThis significant vole was soon followed by the direct proposilion,\\nwhich Richard Henry Lee had the honour to submit to congress,\\nby lesolution, on the 7lh day of June. The published journal does\\nnot expressly stale it, but there is no doubt, I suppose, that this re-\\nsolution was in the saQ.e words, when originally submitted by Mr.\\nLee, as when finally passed. Having been discussed on Saturday,\\nthe 8th, and Monday, the 10th of June, this resolution was on the\\nlast mentioned day postponed, for further consideration, to the first\\nday of July; and, at the same time, it was voted, that acommilteo\\nbe appointed to prepare a dec laration, to the effect of the resolution.\\nThis committee was elected by ballot, on the following day, and\\nconsisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin,\\nRoger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston.\\nIt is usual, when committees are elected by ballot, that Ihei\\nmembers are ananged in order, according to the numbei of voles\\nwhich each has received; Mr. Jefferson, therefore, had received\\nthe highest, and Mr. Adams the next highest number of voles.\\nThe difl erence is said to have been but of a single vote. Mr. Jel-\\nferson and Mr. Adams, standing thus at the head of the commit\\ntee, were requested by the other members to act as a sub-committee,\\nIn prepare the draft and Mr. Jefferson drew up the paper. Thu\\norigifial draft, as brought by him from his study, and submitted to\\nthe other members of the committee, with interlineations in the\\nhand-writing of Dr. Franklin, and others in that of Mr. Adams,\\nwas in Mr. Jefferson s possession at the time of his death. The\\nmerit of this paper is Mr. Jefierson .s. Some changes were made\\nin it, on the suggestion of other members of the committee, and\\nothers by congress, while it was under discu.ssion. But none o1\\nthem altered the tone, the frame, the arrangement, or the general\\ncharacter of the instrument. As a composition the declaration is\\nMr. Jefferson s. It is the production of his mind, and the high\\nhonour of it belongs to him, clearly and absolutely.\\nIt has .sometimes been said, as if it were a derogation from the\\nmerits of this paper, that it contains nothing new that it only stales\\ngrounds of proceeding, and presses topics of argument, which had\\noften been stated and pressed before. But it was not the object ol\\nthe declaration to produce any thing new. It was not to invent\\nreasons for independence, but to slate those which governed the\\ncongress. For great and sufficient causes, it was proposed to de-\\nclare independence and the proper business of the paper to be\\ndrawn, was to set forth those causes, and justify the authors of the\\nmeasure, in any event of fortune, to the country, and to posterity.\\nThe cause of American independence, moreover, was now to be\\npresented to the world, in such manner, if it might so be, as to en-\\ngage its sympathy, to command its respect, to attract its admira-\\ntion and in an assembly of most able and distinguished men,\\nThomas Jefferson had the high honour of being the selected advo-\\ncate of this cause. To say that he performed his great work well,\\nwould be doing him injustice. To say that he did excellently\\nwell, admirably well, would be inadequate and halting praise. Let\\nus ralher say, that he so discharged the duty assigned liim, that all\\nAmericans may well rejoice, that the work of drawinf the title deed\\nof their liberties devolved on his hands.\\nWith all its merits, there are those who have thought that there\\nwas one thing in the declaration to be regretted; and that is, tbfi", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "368\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfront of the capitol, and a suitable artist engaged to I\\nrepair to Italy, to commence his labours. He receiv-\\ned his instructions from Mr. Adams, who had de-\\nasperity and apparent anger with which it speaks of the person of\\nthe king; the industrious ability with which it accumulates and\\ncharges upon him, all the injuries which Ihe colonies had sufleied\\nfrom the mother country. Possibly some degree of injustice, now\\nor hereafter, at home or abroad, may be done In the character of\\nMr. Jefferson, if this part of the declaration be not placed in its\\nproper light. Anger or resentment, certainly, much less personal\\nreproach and invective, could not properly find jilace, in a compo-\\nsition of such high dignity, and of such lofty and permanent cha-\\nracter.\\nA single reflection on the original ground of dispute, between\\nEngland and the colonies, is sufficient to remove any unfavourable\\nimpression, in this respect.\\nThe inhabitants of all the colonies, while colonies, admitted\\nthemselves bound by their allegiance to the king; but they dis-\\nclaimed altogether, the authority of parliament; holding them-\\nselves, in this respect, to resemble the condition of Scotland and\\nIreland, before the respective unions of those kingdoms \\\\vith Eng-\\nland, when they acknowledged allegiance to the same king, but\\neach had its separate legislature. The tie, therefore, which our\\nrevolution was to break, did not subsist between us and the British\\nparliament, or between us and the British government, in the ag-\\ngregate but directly between us and the king himself The co-\\nlonies had never admitted themselves subject to pailiament. That\\nwas precisely the point of the original controversy. They had\\nuniformly denied that parliament had authority to make laws for\\nthem. There was, therefore, no subjection to parliament to be\\nthrown off. But allegiance to the king did exist, and had been\\nuniformly acknowledged; and down to 1775 the most solemn as-\\nsurances had been given that it was not intended to break that alle-\\ngiance, or to throw it off. Therefore, as the direct object, and only\\neffect of the declaration, according to the principles on which the\\ncontroversy had been maintained, on our part, was to sever the tie\\nof allegiance which bound us to the king, it was properly and ne-\\ncessarily founded on acts of the crown itself, as its justifying causes.\\nParliament is not so much as mentioned, in the whole instrument.\\nWhen odious and oppressive acts are referred to, it is done by\\ncharging the king with confederating, with others, in pretended\\nacts of legislation the object being, constantly, to hold the king\\nhimself directly responsible for those measures which were the\\ngrounds of separation. Even the precedent of the English revolu-\\ntion was not overlooked, and, in this case, as well as in that, occa-\\nsion was found to say that the king had abdicated the government.\\nConsistency with the principles upon which resistance began, and\\nwith all the previous state papers issued by congress, required that\\nthe declaration should be bottomed on the misgovernmcnt of the\\nking; and therefore it was properly framed with that aim and to\\nthat end. The king was known, indeed, to have acted, as in other\\ncases, by his ministers, and with his parliament but as our ances-\\ntors had never admitted themselves subject either to ministers or to\\nparliament, there were no reasons to be given for now refusing\\nobedience to their authority. This clear and obvious necessity of\\nfounding the declaration on the misconduct of the king himself,\\ngives to that instrument its personal application, and its character\\nof direct and pointed accusation.\\nThe Jeclaralion having been reported to congress, by the com-\\nmittee, the resolution itself was taken up and debated on the first\\nday of July, and again on the second, on which last day it was\\nagreed to and adopted in these words\\nResolved, That these united colonies are, and of right ought to\\nbe, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all al-\\nlegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion be-\\ntween them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, to-\\ntally dissolved.\\nHaving thus passed the main resolution, congress proceeded to\\nconsider the reported draft of the declaration. It was discussed on\\nthe second, and third, and fourth days of the month, in committee\\nof the whole; and on the last of those days, being reported from\\nthat committee it received the final approbation and sanction of\\nsigned the ornaments of the pediment on the front of\\nthe same building.\\nMr. Adams lived in harmony with his cabinet, al-\\ncongress. It was ordered, at the .same time, that copies be sent to\\nthe several slates, and that it be proclaimed at the head of the army.\\nThe declaration, thus published, did not bear the names of the mem-\\nbers, for as yet it had not been signed by them. It was authenti-\\ncated, like other papers of the congress, by the signatures of the\\npresident and secretary. On the 19th of July, as appears by the\\nsecret journal, congress Resolved, that the declaration, passed on\\nthe fourth, be lairly engro.ssed on parchment, with the title and\\nstyle of The unanimous declaration of the thirteen United Slates\\nof America; and that Jhe same, when engrossed, be signed by\\nevery member of congress. And on the second day of August,\\nfollowing, the declaration, being engrossed and compared at the\\ntable, was si.gned by the members. So that it happens, fellow-citi-\\nzens, that we pay these honours to their, memory, on the anniver-\\nsary of that day, on which these great men actually signed their\\nnames to the declaration. The declaration was thus made, that is,\\nit pa.ssed, and was adopted as an act of congress, on the fourth oi\\nJuly; it was then signed and certified by the president and secreta-\\nry, like other acts. The fourth of July, therefore, is the anniver-\\nsary of the declaration. But the signatures of the members pre-\\nsent were made to it, being then engrossed on parchment, on the\\nsecond day of August. Absent members afterwards signed, as\\nthey came in and indeed it bears the names of some who were\\nnot chosen members of congress until after the fourth of July. The\\ninterest belonging to the subject will be sufficient, I hope, to justi-\\nfy these details.\\nThe congress of the revolution, fellow-citizens, sat with closed\\ndoors, and no report of its debates was ever taken. The discus-\\nsion, therefore, which accompanied this great niea.sure, has never\\nbeen preserved, except in memory, and by tradition. But it is, I\\nbelieve, doing no injustice to others, to say, that the general opinion\\nwas, and uniformly has been, that in debate, on the side of inde-\\npendence, John Adams had no equal. The great author of the\\ndeclaration himself has expressed that opinion uniformly and\\nstrongly. John Adams, said he, in the hearing of him who has\\nnow the honour to addre.ss you, John Adams was our Colossns\\non the floor. Not graceful, not eloquent, not always fluent, in his\\npublic addresses, he yet came out with a power, both of thought\\nand of expression, which moved us from our seats.\\nFor the part which he was here to peiform, Mr. Adams doubt-\\nless was eminently fitted. He po.ssessed a bold spirit, which dis-\\nregarded danger, and a sanguine reliance on the goodness of the\\ncause, and the virtues of the people, which led him to overlook all\\nobstacles. His character, too, had been formed in troubled times.\\nHe had been rocked in the early storms of the controversy, and had\\nacquired a decision and a hardihood, proportioned to the severity\\nof the discipline which he had undergone.\\nHe not only loved the American cause devciitly, but had studied\\nand understood it. It was all familiar to hin. He had tried his\\npowers, on the questions which it involved, often, and in various\\nways; and had brought to their consideration whatever of argu-\\nment or illustration the history of his own couniiy, the history of\\nEngland, or the stores of ancient or of legal learning, could furnish.\\nE% ery grievance, enumerated in the long catalogue of the declara-\\ntion, had been the subject of his discussion, and the object of his\\nremonstrance and reprobation. From 1760, the colonies, the rights\\nof the colonies, the liberties of the colonies, and the wrongs in-\\nflicted on the colonies, had engaged his constant attention and it\\nhas surprised those, who have had the opportunity of observing,\\nwith what full remembrance, and with what prompt recollection,\\nhe could refer, in his extreme old age, to every act of parliamen.\\naffecting the colonies, distinguishing and stating their respective\\ntitles, sections, and provisions; and to all the colonial memorials,\\nremonstrances, and petitions, with whatever else belonged to the\\nintimate and exact history of the times from that year to 1775. If\\nwas in his own judgment, between these years, that the American\\npeople came to a full understanding and thorough knowledge of\\ntheir rights, and to a fixed resolution of maintaining them and\\nbearing himself an active part in all important transactions, Ibe", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n369\\ntlious:h they were made of different materials fiom\\nhimself. He struggled hard to prove that a president\\ncould act without party but his success did not\\ncontroversy wilh England being llien, in eflect, the business of his\\nlife, facts, dates, and particulars, made an impression which was\\nnever effaced. He was prepared, therefore, by education and dis-\\ncipline, as well as by natural talent and natural temperament, for\\nthe part which he was now to act.\\nThe eloquence of Mr. Adams resembled his general character,\\nand formed, indeed, a part of it. It was bold, manly, and energetic;\\nand such the crisis required. When public bodies are to be ad-\\ndressed on momentous occasions, when gmal interests are at slake,\\naaJ strong passions excited, nothing is valuable, in speech, further\\nthan it is connected with high intellectual and moral endowments.\\nClearness force, and earnestness, are the qualities which produce\\nconviction. True eloquence, indeed, does not consist in speech.\\nIt can not be brought from far. Labour and learning may toil for\\nit, but they will toil in vain. Words and phrases may be mar-\\nshalled in every way, but they can not compass it. It must exist\\nin the man, in the subject, and in the occasion. Affected passion,\\nintense expression, the pomp of declamation, all may aspire after\\nit they can not reach it. It comes, if it come at all, like the om-\\nbreaKing of a fountain from the earth, or the bursting forth of vol-\\ncanic fires, with spontaneous, original, native force. The gracps\\ntaught in the schools, the costly ornaments, and studied contrivan-\\nces of speech, shock and disgust men, when their own lives, and\\nthe fate of their wives, their children, and their countiy, hang on\\nthe decision of the hour. Then words have lost their power,\\nrhetoric is vain, and all elaborate oratory contemptible. Even\\ngenius itself then feels rebuked and subdued, as in the presence of\\nhigher qualities. Then, patriolism is eloquent then, self-devo-\\ntion is eloquent. The clear conception, outrunning the deductions\\nof logic, the high purpose, the firm resolve, the dauntless spirit,\\nspeaking on the tongue, beaming from the eye, informing every\\nfeature, and urging the whole man onward, right onward to his\\nobject this, this is eloquence or rather, it is something greater\\nand higher than all eloquence it is action, noble, sublime, godlike\\naction.\\nIn July, 1776, the controversy had passed the stage of argument.\\nAn appeal had been made to force, and opposing armies were in\\nthe field. Congress, then, was to decide whetlier the tie which\\nhad so long bound us to the parent state, was to be severed at once,\\nand severed for ever. All the colonies had signified their resolu-\\ntion to abide by this decision, and the people looked for it with\\nthe most intense anxiety. And surely, fellow-citizens, never, never\\nwere men called to a more important political deliberation. If we\\ncontemplate it from the point where they then stood, no question\\ncould be more full of interest; if we look at it now, and judge of\\nits importance hy its effects, it appears in still greater magnitude.\\nLet us, then, bring before us the assembly, which was about to\\ndecide a question thus big with the fate of empire. Let us open\\ntheir doors, and look in upon their deliberations. Let us survey\\nthe anxious and care-worn countenances, let us hear the firm-toned\\nvoices, of this band of patriots.\\nHancock presides over the solemn silting and one of those not\\nyet prepared to pronounce for absolute independence, is on the\\nfloof, and is urging his reasons for di.ssenling from the declaration\\nLet us pause! This step, once taken, can not be retraced.\\nThis resolution, once passed, will cut off all hope of reconciliation.\\nIf success attend the arms of England, we shall then be no longer\\ncolonies, with charters, and wilh privileges; these will all be for-\\nfeited by this act and we shall be in the condition of other con-\\nquered people, at the mercy of the conquerors. For ourselves, we\\nmay be ready to run the hazard but are we ready to carry the\\ncountry to that length 1 Is success so probable as to justify it\\nWhere is the military, where the naval power, by which we are to\\nresist the whole strength of the arm of England, for she will exert\\nthat strength to the utmost 1 Can we rely on the constancy and\\nperseverance of the people 1 or will they not act, as the people of\\nother countries have acted, and wearied with a long war, submit,\\nin the end, to a worse oppression? While we stand on our old\\nground, and insist on redress of grievances, we know we are right.\\nwarrant the conclusion that such a course could ever\\nbe wisely pursued. Many were mortified, and not a\\nfew disappointed, to see those who had made no effort\\nand are not answerable for consequences. Nothing, then, can be\\nimputable to us. But if we now change our object, carry our pre-\\ntensions further, and set up for absolute independence, we .shall\\nloose the .sympathy of mankind. We shall no longer be defena-\\ning what we possess, but struggling for something which we never\\ndid po.ssess, and which we have solemnly and uniformly dis-\\nclaimed all intention of pursuing, from the very outset of the\\ntroubles. Abandoning thus our old ground, of resistance only to\\narbitrary acts of oppression, the nations will believe tht whole to\\nhave been mere pretence, and they will look on us, not as injured,\\nbut as ambitious, subjects. I shudder, before this responsibility.\\nIt will be on us, if relinquishing the ground we have stood on so\\nlong, and stood on so safely, we now proclaim independence, and\\ncarry on the war for that object while these cities burn, these\\npleasant fields whiten and bleach with the bones of their owners,\\nand these streams run blood. It will be upon us, it will be upon\\nus, if failing to maintain this unseasonable and ill-judged declara-\\ntion, a sterner de.spotism, mainiained by military power, shall be\\nestablished over our posterity, when we ourselves, given up by an\\nexhausted, a harassed, a misled people, shall have expiated our\\nrashness, and atoned fur our presumption, on the scaffold.\\nIt was for Mr. Adams to reply to arguments like these. Wc\\nknow his opinions, and we know his character. He would com-\\nmence wilh his accustomed directness and earnestness.\\nSink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I give my hand,\\nand my heart, to Ihis vote. Il is true, indeed, that in the begin-\\nning, we aimed not at independence. But there s a Divinity which\\nshapes our ends. The injustice of England has driven us to arms\\nand, blinded to her own interest for our good, she has obstinately\\npersisted, till independence is now within our grasp. We have\\nfiut (o reach forth to il.and it is ours. Why then should we defer\\nthe declaration 1 Is any man so weak as now to hope for a re-\\nconciliation with England, which shall leave either safely to the\\ncountry and its liberties, or safely lo his own life, and his own\\nhonour 1 Are not you, sir, who sit in that chair, is not he, our\\nvenerable colleague near you, are you not both already the proscri-\\nbed and predestined objects of punishment and of vengeance 1 Cut\\noff from all hope of royal clemency, what are you, what can you\\nbe, while the power of England remains, but outlaws 1 If we\\npostpone independence, do we mean to carry on, or to give up, the\\nwarl Do we mean to submit to the measures of parliament, Bos-\\nton port-bill, and all 1 Do we mean to submit, and consent that\\nwe ourselves shall be ground to powder, and our country and its\\nrights trodden down in the dust? I know we do not mean to sub-\\nmit. We never shall submit. Do we intend to violate that most\\nsolemn obligation ever entered into hy men, that plighting, before\\nGod, of our sacred honour to Washington, when putting him forth\\nto incur the dangers of war, as well as the political hazards of the\\ntimes, we promised lo adhere to him, in every extremity, wilh our\\nfortunes and our lives 1 I know there is not a man here, who would\\nnot rather see a geneial conflagration sweep over the land, or an\\nearthquake sink it, than one jot or tittle of that plighted failh fall\\nto the ground. For myself, having, twelve months ago, in Ihis\\nplace, moved you, that George Washington be appointed command-\\ner of the forces, raised or to be raised, for defence of American li-\\nberty, may my right hand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave\\nto the roof of my mouth, if I hesitate or waver in the support I give\\nhim. The war, then, must goon. We must fight it through. And\\nif the war must go on, why put off longer Ihe declaration of inde-\\npendence? That measure will strengthen us. It will give us\\ncharacter abroad. The nations will then treat wilh us, which they\\nnever can do while we acknowledge ourselves subjects, in arms\\nagainst our sovereign. Nay, I maintain that England herself, will\\nsooner treat for peace wilh us on the footing of independence, than\\nconsent, by repealing her acts, lo acknowledge that her whole con-\\nduct towards us has been a course of injustice and oppresi^ion.\\nHer pride will be less wounded, by submitting to that cours.! of\\nthings which now predestinates our independence, than by yielding\\nthe points in controversy to her rebellious subjects. The fcrme?", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "370\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nto bring in the administration, receive the rewards\\nwhich belonged to his political friends. Mr. Adams\\nwas unquestionably the most learned of all the chief\\nshe would regard as the resiill of fortune the latter she would feel\\n.IS her own deep disgrace. Why then, wliy then, sir, do we not, as\\nsocn as possible, change this from a civil to a national war And\\nsince we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in a state to\\nenjoy all the benefits of victory, if we fjain the victory 1\\nIf we fail, it can be no worse for us. But we .shall not fail.\\nThe cause will raise up armies the cause will create navies. The\\npeople, the people, if we are true to tliem, will carry us, and will\\ncarry themselves, gloriously, through this struggle. I care not how\\nfickle other people have been found. 1 know the people of these\\ncolonies, and I know that resistance to British aggression is deep\\nand settled in their hearts, and can not be eradicated. Every co-\\nlony, indeed, has expressed its willingness to fuUon if we but take\\nthe lead. Sir, the declaration will inspire the people with increas-\\ned courage. Instead of a long and bloody war for restoration of\\nprivileges, for redress of grievances, for chartered immunities, held\\nunder a British king, set before them the glorious object, of entire\\nindependence, and it will breathe into them anew the breath of\\nlife. Read this declaration at tlie head of the army; every sword\\nwill be drawn from its scabbard, and the solemn vow uttered, to\\nmaintain it, or to perish on the bed of honour. Publish it from the\\npulpit religion will approve it, and the love of religious liberty\\nwill cling round it, resolved to stand with it, or fall with it. Send\\nit to the public halls; proclaim it there; let them hear it, who\\nheard the first roar of the enei7iy s cannon let them see it, who\\nsaw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Btinlcer Hill,\\nand in the streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls\\nwill cry out in its support.\\nSir, I know the uncertainty of human affairs, but I see, I see\\nclearly, through this day s business. You and I, indeed, may rue\\nit. We may not live to the time, when this declaration shall be\\nmade good. We may die die, colonists die, slaves; die, it may\\nbe, ignominiously and on the scaffold. Be it so. Be it so. If it\\nbe the pleasure of Heaven that my country shall require the poor\\nofiering of my life, the victim shall be ready, at the appoinied hour\\nof sacrifice, come when that hour may. But while I do live, let\\nme have a country, or at least the hope of a country, and that a\\nfree country.\\nBut whatever maybe our fate, be assured, be assured, that this\\ndeclaration will stand. It may cost treasure, and it may cost\\nblood; but it will stand, and it will richly compensate for both.\\nThrough the thick gloom of the present, I see the brightness of the\\nfuture, as the sun in heaven. We shall make this a glorious, an\\nimmortal day. When we are in our graves, our children will\\nhonour it. They will celebrate it with thanksgiving, with festivi-\\nty, with bonfires and illuminations. On its annual return they\\nwill shed tears, copious, gushing tears, not of subjection and slave-\\nry, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, and\\nof joy. Sir, before God, I believe the hour has come. My judg-\\nment approves this measure, and my whole heart is in it. All\\nthat I have, and all that I am, and all that I hope, in this life, I\\nam now ready here to stake upon it and I leave off, as I begun,\\nthat live or die, survive or perish, I am for the declaration. It is\\nmy living sentiment, and, by the blessing of God, it shall be my\\ndying sentiment; independence now; and independence for ever.\\nAnd so that day shall be honoured, illustrious prophet and pa-\\ntriot! so that day shall be honoured, and as often as it returns, thy\\nrenown shall come along with it, and the glory of thy life, like\\nthe day of thy death, shall not fail from the remembrance of men.\\nIt would be i^ijust, fellow-citizens, on this occasion, while we\\nexpress our veneration for him who is the immediate subject of\\nthese remarks, were we to omit a most respectful, alTeclionate, and\\ngrateful mention of those other great men, his colleagues, who\\nstood with him, and with the same spirit, the same devotion, took\\npart in the interesting transaction. Hancock, the proscribed Han-\\ncock, exiled from his home by a military governor, cut off, by pro-\\nclamation, from the mercy of the crown, heaven reserved for him\\nthe distinguished honour of putting this great question to the vote,\\nand of writing his own name first, and most conspicuously, on that\\nmagistrates the nation has had. He received all\\nforeign ambassadors without an interpreter, and\\nsatisfied all that he was acquainted with their mother\\nparchment which spoke defiance to the power of the crown of Eng-\\nland. There, too, is the name of that other proscribed patriot,\\nSamuel Adorns; a man who hungered and thirsted for the inde-\\npendence of his country; who thought the declaration halted and\\nlingered, being himself not only ready, but eager for it, long before\\nit was proposed; a man of the deepest sagacity, the clearest fore-\\nsight, and the prufoundest judgment in men. And there is Gerry,\\nhimself among Ihe earliest and the foremost of the patriots, found,\\nwhen the battle of Le.x^gton summoned them to common councils,\\nby the side of Warren a man who lived to serve his country at\\nhome and abroad, and to die in the second place in the govern-\\nment. There, too, is the inflexible, the upright, the Spartan cha-\\nracter, Robert Treat Paine. He, also, lived to serve his country\\nthrough the struggle, and then withdrew from her councils, only\\nthat he might give his labours and his life to his native state, in\\nanother relation. These names, fellow-citizens, are Ihe treasures\\nof the commonwealth and they are treasures which grow brighter\\nby time.\\nIt is now necessary to resume, and to finish with great brevity,\\nthe notice of the lives of those, whose virtues and services we have\\nmet to commemorate.\\nMr. Adams reiiiained in congress from its first meeting, till No-\\nvember, 1777, when he was appoinied minister to France. He\\nproceeded on that service, in the February following, embarking in\\nthe Boston frigate, on the shore of his native town, at the foot of\\nMount WoUaslon. The year following, he was appointed commis-\\nsioner to treat of peace with England. Returning to the United\\nSlates, he was a delegate from Braintree in the convention for fra-\\nming the constitution of this commonwealth, in 1780. At Ihe latter\\nend of the same year, he again went abroad, in the diplomatic ser-\\nvice of the country, and was employed at various courts, and oc-\\ncupied with various negotiations, until 1788. The particulars ol\\nthese interesting and important services this occasion does not al-\\nlow time to relate. In 1782, he concluded our first treaty with\\nHolland. His negotiations with that republic, his efforts to per-\\nsuade the slate.s-general to recognize our independence, his inces-\\nsant and indefatigable exertions to represent the American cause\\nfavourably, on the continent, and to counteract the designs of its\\nenemies, open and secret; aad his successful undertaking to ob-\\ntain loans, on the credit of a nation yet new and unknown, are\\namong his most arduous, most useful, most honourable services.\\nIl was his fortune to bear a part in the negotiation for peace with\\nEngland; and in something more than six years from the declara-\\ntion which he had so strenuously supported, he had Ihe satisfaction\\nto see the minister plenipotentiary of the crown subscribe to the in-\\nstrument which declared, that his Britannic Majesty acknowledged\\nthe United Slates to be free, sovereign, and independent. In these\\nimportant transactions, Mr. Adams conduct received the marked\\napprobation of congress, and of the country.\\nWhile abroad, in 1787, he published his Defence of the American\\nConstitutions a work of merit and ability, though composed with\\nhaste, on the spur of a particular occasion, in the midst of other\\noccupations, and under circumstances not admittin* of care^ ul re-\\nvision, The immediate object of the work was to countertiot the\\nweight of opinions advanced by several popular European \u00c2\u00bbriters\\nof that day, M. Turgol, Ihe Abbe de Mably, and Dr. Price, at a\\ntime when Ihe people of the United States were employed in form-\\ning and revising their systems of government.\\nReturning to the United Slates in 1788, he found the new go-\\nvernment about going into operation, and was himself elected the\\nfirst vice-president, a si uation which he filled with reputation foi\\nei?hl years, at the expiration of which he was raised to the presi-\\ndential chair, as immediate successor to the immortal Washington.\\nIn this high station he was succeeded by Mr. .Tefferion, after a me-\\nmorable conlroversy, belween their respective friends, in 1801,\\nand from that period his manned of life has been known to all who\\nhear me. He has lived, for five and twenty years, with every en-\\njoyment that could render old age happy. Not inallentive to the\\noccurrences of the times, political cares have yet not materially, or", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n371\\ntongue. His learning and his openness of disposi-\\ntion did nothing to ensure his second election. The\\ntide of party was not to be stemmed by learning and\\nfor any long time, disturbed his repose. In 1820, he acted as elec-\\ntor of president and vice-president, and in the same year we saw\\nhim, then at the age of eighty-five, a member of the convention of\\nthis commonwealth, called to revise the constitution. Forty years\\nbefore, he had been one of those who formed that constitution;\\nand he had now the pleasure of witnessing that there was little\\nwhich the people desired to change. Possessing all his faculties to\\nibe end of his long life, with an unabated love of reading and con-\\ntemplation, in the centre of interesting circles of friendship and\\naffection, he was blessed, in his retirement, with whatever of re-\\npo.se and felicity the condition of man allows. He had, also, other\\nenjoyments. He saw around him that prosperity and general hap-\\npiness, which had been the object of his public cares and labours.\\nNo tnan ever beheld more clearly, and for a longer time, the great\\nand beneficial efl^ects of the services rendered by himself to his\\ncountry. That liberty which he so early defended, that independ-\\nence of which he was so able an advocate and supporter, he saw,\\nwe trust, firmly and securely established. The population of the\\ncountry thickened aronnd him faster, and e.fiended wider, than his\\nown sanguine predictions had anticipated; and the wealth, respec-\\ntability, and power of the nation, sprang up to a magnitude, which\\nit is quite impossible he could have expected to witness, in his day.\\nHe lived, also, to behold those principles of civil freedom, which\\nhad been developerl, established, and practically applied in Aineri-\\nca, attract attention, command respect, and awaken imitation, in\\nother regions of the globe and well might, and well did he, exclaim,\\nWhere will the consequences of the American revolution end\\nIf any thing yet remain to fill this cup of happiness, let it be\\nadded, that he lived to see a great and intelligent people bestow\\nthe highest honour in their gift, where he had bestowed his own\\nkindest parental affections, and lodged his fondest hopes. Thus\\nhonoured in life, thus happy at death, he saw the jubilee, and he\\ndied; and with the last prayers which trembled on his lips, was\\nthe fervent supplication for his country, independence for ever.\\nMr. Jefferson, having been occupied in the years 1778 and 1779,\\nin the important service of revising the laws of Virginia, was elect-\\ned governor of that state, as successor to Patrick Henry, and held\\nthe situation when the state was invaded by the British arms. In\\n1781, he published his Notes on Virginia, a work which attracted\\nattention in Europe as well as America, dispelled many misconcep-\\ntions respecting this continent, and gave its author a place among\\nmen distinguished for science. In November, 17 83, he again took\\nhis seat in the continental congress, but in the May following was\\nappointed minister plenipotentiary, to act ahroad, in the negotiation\\nof commercial treaties, with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams. He\\nproceeded to France, in execution of this mission, embarking at\\nBoston; and that was the only occasion on which he ever visited\\nthis place. In 1785, he was appointed minister to France, the\\nduties of which situation he continued to perform, until October,\\n1789, when he obtained leave to retire, just on the eve of that tre-\\nmendous revolution which has so much agitated the world, in our\\nlimes. Mr. Jefferson s discharge of his diplomatic duties was\\nmarked by great ability, diligence, and patriotism; and while he\\nresided at Paris, in one of the most interesting periods, his charac-\\nter for intelligence, his love of knowledge, and of the society of\\nlearned men, distinguished him in the highest circles of the French\\ncapital. No court in Europe had, at that time, in Paris, a repre-\\nsentative commanding or enjoying higher regard for political\\nknowledge or for general attainment, than the minister of this\\nthen infant republic. Immediately on his return to his native\\ncountry, at the organization of the government under the present\\nconstitution, his talents and experience recommended him to Presi-\\ndent AVashington, for the first office in his gift. He was placed at\\nthe head of the department of slate. In this situation, also, he\\nmanifested conspicuous ability. His correspondence with the mi-\\nnisters of other powers residing here, and his instructions to our\\nr.wn dijjomatic agents abroad, are among our ablest slate papers.\\nA thorough knowledge of the laws and usages of nations, perfect\\nacquaintance with the immediate subject before him, great felicity.\\nenlarged views. General Jackson was elected by a\\nlarge majority.\\nIn the year 1828, congress made provision, by law\\nand still greater facility, in writing, show themselves in whatever\\neffort his official situation called on him to make. It is believed by\\ncompetent judges, that the diplomatic intercourse of the government\\nof the United Slates, from the first meeting of the continental con-\\ngress, in 1774, to the present time, taken togeiher, would not suffer,\\nin respect to the talent with which it has been conducted, by com-\\nparison with any thing which other and older states can produce;\\nand to the attainment of this respectability and distinction, Mr. Jef.\\nferson has contributed his full part.\\nOn the retiiement of General Washington from the presidency,\\nand the election of Mr. Adams to that oflice, in 1797, he was chosen\\nvice-president. While presiding, in this capacity, over the delibe-\\nrations of the senate, he compiled and published a Manual of Par-\\nliainentary Practice, a work of more labour and more merit, than\\nis indicated by its size. It is now received as the geneial standard\\nby which proceedings are regulated, not only in both houses of con-\\ngress, but in most of the other legislative bodies in the country. In\\n1801, he was elected president, in opposition to Mr. Adams, and re-\\nelected in 1805, by a vote approaching towards unanimity.\\nFrom the time of his final retirement from public life, in 1807,\\nMr. Jefferson lived as became a wise man. Surrounded by 3fl ec-\\ntionate friends, his ardour in the pursuit of knowledge undiminish-\\ned, with uncommon healih, and unbroken spirits, he was able to\\nenjoy largely the rational pleasures of life, and to partake in that\\npublic prosperity, which he had so much contributed to produce.\\nHis kindness and hospitality, the charm of his conversation, the\\nease of his manners, the extent of his acquirements, and especially\\nthe full store of revolutionary incidents, which he possessed, and\\nwhich he knew when and how to dispense, rendered his abode in\\na high degree allractive to his admiring countrymen, while his\\nhigh public an i scienlifio character drew towards him every inicl.\\nligent and educated traveller from abroad. Both Mr. Adams and\\nMr. Jefl erson had the pleasure of knowing that the respect, which\\nthey so largely received, was not paid to their official stations\\nThey were not men made great by office; but great men, on whom\\nthe country, for its own benefit, had conferred office. There was\\nthat in thein, which office did not give, and which the relinquish-\\nment of office did not, and could not take away. In their retire-\\nment, in the midst of their fellow-citizens, themselves private citi-\\nzens, they enjoyed as high regard and esteem, as when filling the\\nmost important places of public trust.\\nThere remained to Mr. Jefferson yet one other work of patriot-\\nism and beneficence, the establishment of a university in his native\\nstate. To this object he devoted years of incessant and anxiou.s\\nattention, and by the enlightened liberality of the legislature of\\nVirginia, and the co-operation of other able and zealous friemls, he\\nlived to see it accoinplished. May all success attend this infant\\nseminary; and may those who enjoy its advantages, as often as their\\neves shall rest on the neighbouring height, recollect what they owe\\nto their disinterested and indefatigable benefactor; and may letters\\nhonour him who thus laboured in the cause of letters.\\nThus useful, and thus respected, passed the old age of Thomas\\nJeflTerson. But time was on its ever-ceaseless wing, and was now\\nbringing the last hour of this illustrious man. He saw its approach,\\nwith undisturbed serenily. He counted the moments, as they pass-\\ned, and beheld that his last sands were falling. That day, too, was\\nat hand, which he had helped to make immortal. One wish, one\\nhope if it were not presumptuous beat in his fainting breast.\\nCould it be so\u00e2\u0080\u0094 might it please God\u00e2\u0080\u0094 he would desire, once more,\\nto seethe sun once more to look abroad on the scene around him,\\non the great day of liberty. Heaven, in its mcTcy, fulhllod that\\nprayer. He saw that sun\u00e2\u0080\u0094 he enjoyed its sacred light\u00e2\u0080\u0094 he thanked\\nGod for this mercy, and bowed his aged head to the grave.\\nFeUz, non vita tnulum daritate, scd eliam ojiportimilnic morlis.\\nThe last public labour of Mr. Jefferson naturally suggests the\\nexpression of the high piaise which is due, both to him and to Mr\\nAdams, for their uniform and zealous attachment to learning, and\\nto the cause of general knowledge. Of the advantages of learning,\\nindeed, and of literary accomplishments, their own characters were", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "372\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfor certain officers of the revolutionary army. The\\ndebt of justice had been long delayed. Thousands\\nhad descended to the grave in poverty, with corn-\\nstriking recommendation.s and illustrations. They were scholars,\\nripe and good scholars; widely acijuainled with ancient, as well as\\nmodern literature, and not altogether nninstrucled in the deeper\\nsciences. Their acquirements, doubtless, were different, and so\\nwere the particular objects of their literary pursuits as their tastes\\nand characters, in these respects, differed like those of other men..\\nBeing, also, men of busy lives, with great objects, requiring action,\\nconstantly hiefore them, their attainments iu letters did not become\\nshowy, or obtrusive. Yet, I would hazard the opinion, that if we\\ncould now ascertain all the causes which gave them eminence and\\ndistinction, in the midst of the great men with whom they acted,\\nwe should find, not among the least, their early acquisition in lite-\\nrature, the resources which it furnished, the promptitude and fa-\\ncility which it communicated, and the wide field it opened, for\\nanalogy and illustration giving them, thus, on every subject, a\\nlarger view, and a broader range, as well for discussion as for the\\ngovernment of their own conduct.\\nLiterature sometimes, and pretensions to it much oftener, dis-\\ngusts, by appearing to hang loosely on the character, like something\\nforeign or extraneous, not a part, but an ill-adjusted apjiendage\\nor bj seeming to overload and weigh it down, by its unsightly bulk,\\nlike the productions of bad taste in architecture, where there is\\nmassy and cumbrous ornament, without strength or soliditj of co-\\nlumn. This has exposed learning, and especially classical learn-\\ning, to reproach. Men have seen thai it might exist, without men-\\ntal superiority, without vigour, without good taste, and without-\\nutility. But, in such cases, classical learning has only not inspired\\nnatural talent or, at most, it has but made original feebleness of in-\\ntellect, and naturarbluntness of perception, something more con-\\nspicuous. The question, after all, if it be a question, is, whether\\nliterature, ancient as well as modern, does not assist a good under-\\nstanding, improve natural good taste, add polished armour to na-\\ntive strength, and render its possessor not only more capable of de-\\nriving private happiness from contemplation and reflection, but\\nmore accomplished, also, for action, in the affairs of life, and espe-\\ncially for public action t Those whose memories we now honour,\\nwere learned men; but their learning was kejit in its proper place,\\nand made subservient to the uses and objects of life. They were\\nscholars not common, nor superficial but their scholarship was so\\nin keeping with their character, so blended and inwrought, that\\ncareless observers, or bad judges, not seeing an ostentatious display\\nof it, might infer that it did not exist forgetting, or not knowing,\\nthat classical learning, in men who act in conspicuous public sta-\\ntions, perform duties which exercise the faculty of writing, or ad-\\ndress popular, deliberative, or judicial bodies, is oflen felt, where\\nit is little seen, and sometimes felt more effectually, because it is\\nnot seen at all.\\nBut the cause of knowledge, in a more enlarged sense, the cause\\nof general knowledge and of popular education, had no warmer\\nfriends, nor more powerful advocates, than Mr. Adams and Mr.\\nJefferson. On this foundation, they knew, the whole republican\\nsystem rested and this great and all-important truth they strove\\nto impress, by all the means in their power. In the early publica-\\ntion, already referred tu, Mr. Adams expresses the strong and just\\nsentiment, that the education of the poor is more important, even to\\nthe rich themselves, than all their own riches. On this great truth,\\nindeed, is founded that unrivalled, that invaluable political and\\nmoral institution, our own blessing, and the glory of our fathers,\\nthe New England .system of free schools.\\nAs the promotion of knowledge had been the object of their re-\\ngard through life, so these great men made it the subject of their\\ntestamentary bounty. Mr. Jefferson is understood to have be-\\nqueathed his library to the university, and that of Mr. Adams is\\noestowed on the inhahiianis of Cluincy.\\nMr. Adams and Mr. Jeilerson, fellow-citizens, were successively\\npresidents of the United States. The comparative merits of their\\nrespective administrations for a long time agitated and divided\\npublic opinion. They were rivals, each suppoi ted by numerous\\nand powerful portions of the people, for the liighest office. This\\nplaints on their lips against the rulers of the land.\\nAll the wise, patriotic, and eloquent of both houses\\nof congress, were on the side of the veteran soldiers\\ncontest, partly the cause, and partly the consequence, of the long\\nexistence of two great political parlies in the country, is now part\\nof the history of our government. We may naturally regret, that\\nany thing should have occurred to create difference and discord,\\nbetw-een those who Lad acted harmoniously and tlhciently in the\\ngreat concerns of the revolution. But this is not the time, nor this\\nthe occasion, for entering into the grounds of that difference, or for\\nattempting to discu.ss the merits of the questions which it involves.\\nAs praclical questions, they were canvassed, when the measures\\nwhich they regarded were acted on and adopted; and as belonging\\nto history, the time has not come for their consideration.\\nIt is, perhaps, not wonderful, that when the constitution of the\\nUnited States went first into operation, different opinions should be\\nentertained, as to the extent of the powers conferred by it. Here\\nwas a natural source of diversity of sentiment. It is still less\\nwonderful, that that event, about contemporary with our govern-\\nment, under the present constitution, which so entirely shocked all\\nEurope, and disturbed our relations with her leading powers,\\nshould be thought, by different men, to have difierent bearings on\\nour own prosperity; and that the early measures adopted .by our\\ngovernment, in consequence of this new state of things, should be\\nseen in opposite lights. It is for the future historian, when what\\nnow remains of prejudice and misconception shall have passed\\naway, to state these different opinions, and pronounce impartial\\njudgment. In the meantime, all good men rejoice, and well niay\\nrejoice, that the sharpest differences sprung out of measures, which,\\nwliether right or wrong, have ceased with the exigencies that gave\\ntliem birth, and have left no permanent effect, either on the consti-\\ntution, or on the general prosperity of the country. This remark,\\nI am aware, may be supposed to have its exception, in one measure,\\nthe alteration of the constitution as to the mode of choosing presi-\\ndent but it is true, in its general application. Thus the course of\\npolicy pursued towards France, in 1798, on the one hand, and the\\nmeasures of commercial restriction, commenced m 18C7, on the\\nother, both subjects of warm and seveie opposition, have passed\\nawav, and left nothing behind them. They were temporary, and\\nwhether wise or unwise, their consequences were limited to their\\nrespective occasions. It is equally clear, at the same time, and it\\nis equally gratifying, that those measures of both administrations,\\nwhich were of durable importance, and which drew after lliem in-\\nteresting and long remaining consequences, have received general\\napprobation. Such was the organization, or rather the creation,\\nof the navy, in the administration of Mr. Adams such the acqui-\\nsition of Louisiana, in that of Mr. Jefferson. The country, it may\\nsafely be added, is not likely to he willing either to approve, or to\\nreprobate, indiscriminately, and in the aggregate, all the measures\\nof either, or of any administration. The dictate of reason and of\\njustice is, that, holding each one his own sentiments on the points\\nin difference, we imitate the great men themselves, in the forbear-\\nance and moderation which they have cherished, and in the mutual\\nrespect and kindness which they have been so much inclined to\\nfeel and to reciprocate.\\nNo men, fellow-citizens, ever served their country with more\\nentire exemption from every imputation of selfish and mercenary\\nmotive, than those to whose memory we are paying these proofs of\\nrespect. A suspicion of any dispositicn to enrich themselves, or to\\nprofit by their public employments, never rested on either. No\\nsordid motive approached them. The inheritance which they have\\nleft to theirchildren, is of their character and their fame. Fellow-\\ncitizens, I will detain you no longer by this faint and leeblc tribute\\nto the memory of the illustrious dead. Even in other hands, ade-\\nquate justice could not be performed, within the limits of iliis occa-\\nsion. Their highest, their best praise, is your deep conviction of\\ntheir merits, your affectionate gratitude for their labours and ser-\\nvices. It is not my voice, it is this cessation of ordinary pursuits,\\nthis arresting of all attention, these solemn ceremonies, anil this\\ncrowded house, which speak their eulogy. Their fame, indeed, is\\nsafe. That is now treasured up, beyond the reach of accident.\\nAlthough no sculptured marble should rise to their memory, nor", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nSTS\\nStrong arguments were tised in their cause. The\\nchairman of the committee which reported the bill,\\nmade the following forcible remarks\\nMr. President, (said he,) it has become my duty,\\nsir, as Chairman of the Committee who reported this\\nbill, to explain the origin and character of it. I regret\\nthat this duty has not devolved upon some abler re-\\npresentative of the interests of the petitioners but\\nI regret it the less as my colleagues on the committee\\npossess every quality of both the head and heart to\\nadvance those interests, and will no doubt, hereafter,\\nbe seconded by an indulgent attenlion on the part of\\nthe senate.\\nWho, then, sir, are the venerable men that knoclv\\nat your door 1 and for \\\\vhat do they ask They are\\nnot suppliants for mere favour or charity, though we\\nall laiow that nothing but the proud spirit which\\nhelped to sustain them through the distresses of our\\nrevolution, has withheld most of them from reliance\\nfor daily bread on the alms provided by the present\\npension act. No, sir, they come as petitioners for\\ntheir rights. They come as the remnant of that\\ngallant band, who enlisted your- continental army,\\nwho disciplined its ranks, who planned its enterprises,\\nand led the way to victory and independence. Con-\\nfiding in the plighted faith of Congress, given in the\\nengraved stone bear record of Iheir deeds, yet nill their remem-\\nbrance be as lasting as the land they honoured. Marble columns\\nmay, indeed, moulder into dust, time may erase all impress from\\nthe crumbling stone, but Iheir fame remains; for with American\\nLIBERTY it rose, and with Amf.rican liberty only can it perish. It\\nwas the last swelling peal of yonder choir, tueir bodies areboried\\nIN PEACE, but their NAME LIVETH EVERMORE. I Catch that SolemU\\nsong, I echo that lofty strain of funeral triumph, tueir name liveth\\nEVERIMORE.\\nAnd now, fellow-citizens, let us not retire from this occasion,\\nwithout a deep and solemn conviction of the duties which have de-\\nvolved upon us. This lovely land, this glorious liberty, these be-\\nnign institutions, the dear purchase of our fathers, are ours; ours\\nto enjoy, ours to preserve, ours to transmit. Generations past, and\\ngenerations to come, hold us responsible for this sacred trust. Our\\nfathers, from behind, admonish us, with their anxious paternal\\nvoices, posterity calls out lo us, from the bosom of the future, the\\nworld turns hither its solicitous eyes all, all conjure us to act\\nwisely, and faithfully, in the relation which we sustain. We can\\nnever, indeed, pay the debt which is upon us; but by virtue, by\\nmorality, by religion, by the cultivation of every good principle and\\nevery good habit, we may hope to enjoy the blessing, through our\\nday, and to leave it unimpaired lo our children. Let us feel deeply\\nbow much of what we are and of what we pos.sess, we owe to this\\nliberty, and these institutions of government. Nature has, indeed,\\ngiven us a soil, which yields bounteously to the hands of industry;\\nthe mighty and fruitful ocean is before us, and the skies over our\\nheads shed health and vigour. But what are lands, and seas, and\\nskies, to civilized man, without society, without knowledge, without\\nmorals, without religious culture and how can these be enjoyed,\\nin all their extent, and all their excellence, but under the protec-\\ntion of wise institutions and a free government 1 Fellow-citizens,\\nthere is not one of us, there is not one of us here present, who does\\nLot, at this moment, and at every moment, experience, in his own\\ncondition, and in the condition of those most near and dear lo him,\\nthe influance and the benefits of this liberty, and these institutions.\\nLet U8 then acknowledge the blessing, let as feel it deeply and pow-\\nform of a solemn compact, they adhered to your\\ncause through evil report and good report, till the\\ngreat drama closed and they now ask only that the\\nfaith so plighted may be redeemed. Amid the wrecks\\nfrom time and disease, during almost half a century,\\nshort of two hundred and fifty now survive, out of\\ntwo thousand four hundred and eighty, who existed\\nat the close of the war. Even this small number is\\nfalling fast around us, as the leaves of autumn and\\nthis very morning a gentleman before me has com-\\nmunicated the information, that another of the most\\nfaithful among them has just passed that bourne\\nwhence no traveller returns. It behooves us, then,\\nif we now conclude, in our prosperity and greatness,\\nto extend relief, either from charity, gratitude, or jus-\\ntice, te do it quickly.\\nMy great anxiety is, in the outset, to prevent any\\nmisapprehension of the true grounds on which the\\nappropriation is founded. Throughout the whole\\ninquiry, there is no disposition to censure the motives\\nor policy of the old Congress. They adopted such\\nmeasures as the exigencies and necessities of the\\ntimes forced upon them and now, when those exi-\\ngencies have ceased, it is just, as well as generous\\nto give such relief as the nature of the case may\\ndemand.\\nerfully, let us cherish a strong affection for ii, and resolve to main-\\ntain and perpetuate it. The blood of our fathers, let it rot have\\nbeen shed in vain the great hope of posterity, let it not be blasled\\nThe striking altitude, loo, in which we stand to the world around\\nus, a topic to which, I fear, I advert too often, and dwell on loo\\nlong, can not be allogelher omitted here. Neither individuals not\\nnations can perform their part well, until they understand and feel\\nits importance, and comprehend and justly appreciate all the duties\\nbelonging to it. It is not to inflate national vanity, nor to swell a\\nlight and empty feeling of self-importance; but it is that we may\\njudge justly of our situation, and of our ow n duties, that I earnestly\\nurge this consideralion of our position, and onr character, among\\nthe nations of the earth. It can not be denied, but by those who\\nwould dispute against the sun, that with America, and in America,\\na new era commences in human affairs. This era is distinguish-\\ned by free representative governments, by entire religious liberty,\\nby improved systems of national intercourse, by a newly awakened\\nand an unconquerable spirit of free inquiry, and by a diffusion of\\nknowledge through the community, such as has been before alto-\\ngether unknown and unheard of. Ameiica, America, our country,\\nfellow-citizens, our own dear and native land, is inseparably con-\\nnected, fast bound up, in fortune and by fate, with these great in-\\nterests. If they fall, we fall with them; if they stand, it will be\\nbecause we have upholden them. Let us contemplate, then, this\\nconnexion, which binds the prosperity of others to our own; amd\\nlet us manfully discharge all the duties which it imposes. If we\\ncherish the virtues and the principles of our fathers. Heaven will\\nassist us lo carry on the work of human libeilyand human happi-\\nness. Auspicious omens cheer us. Great examples rre before us.\\nOur own firmament now shines brightly upon our path. Washing-\\nton is in the clear upper sky. Those other stars ha\\\\e now joined\\nthe American constellation; they circle round their centre, and the\\nheavens beam with new light. Beneath this illumination, let ns\\nwalk the course of life, and at its close devoutly commend our be-\\nloved country, the common parent of us all, to the Divine Benigni-\\nty. Webster s Eulogy on Adams and Jefferson, delivered at Bositm^\\nAugust 2, 1 826.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "374\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nA very great obstacle to the success of this mea-\\nsure heretofore, has been a prevalent opinion, that\\nthese petitioners are seeking compensation merely for\\nlosses sustained on the depreciation of continental\\nmoney and certificates received for their monthly\\nwages whereas, from their first memorial in A. D.\\n1810, to the present session, they have invariably\\nrested on the non-performance, by Congress, of a dis-\\ntinct and independent contract. All the losses on\\ntheir montlily wages, they bore in common, and are\\nwilling to forego in common with many in the walks\\nof civil life, and with the brave soldiers under their\\ncommand. This is the plain and decisive reason\\nwhy none but officers are embraced in the present\\nbill. The contract on which they rely, was made\\nwith the officers alone and gallant and unfortunate\\nas were the soldiers, the officers have endured, and\\nwill continue to endure, without repining, still se-\\nverer sufferings from the worthless money and cer-\\ntificates received for their wages because those\\nlosses were perhaps too large, and too general in all\\ndepartments of life, ever to warrant the expectation, or\\npracticability, of complete renumeration. I have said\\nseverer sufferings on this account by the officers\\nbecause the money received for wages before A. D.\\n1780, worth only one dollar in the hundred, was, to\\nthe officers, the only means to purchase camp equi-\\npage and clothing, that were furnished to the soldiers\\nout of the public arsenals and because the soldier\\noften received besides liberal bounties both at home\\nand from Congress.\\nLet it then be distinctly understood, that not-\\nwithstanding this disparity against the officers, no\\nsuch losses or depreciations form any part of the\\nfoundation for this bill. A moment s attention to the\\nhistory of that period, will show the true ground of\\nthe appropriation. After this unequal pressure had\\ncontinued nearly three years after the officers had\\nsustained their spirits during that trying period under\\nsuch disadvantages, by the force of those principles\\nthat led them at first to join in the pledge to the\\ncause, of their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred\\nhonour after their private resources had become\\nnearly exhausted in supplying those wants their\\ncountry was unable rather than unwilling to satisfy,\\nthere arose a state of things which led to certain pro-\\nceedings by congress in relation to half pay.\\nThe prospect had nearly vanished, that any\\nhonourable accommodation could be effected with the\\nparent country. The contest seemed likely to be-\\ncome more severe, and to be protracted for many\\nyears and it was obvious that many of-the officers,\\nthus impoverished and disheartened, must actually\\nresign in order to provide themselves with decent\\nclothing, and to maintain their families, and secure\\nany subsistence for advanced life, or that they must\\nreceive some assurance of future indemnity, if they\\ncontinued in service, and abandoned every thing l.*e\\nto sink or swim with the military destinies of their\\ncountry.\\nIt was then that the resolve of May 15th, 1778,\\ngranting half-pay, for only seven years, to all who\\ncontinued in service till the close of the war, was\\npassed.\\nThis short period of half-pay was dictated, ra-\\nther by the wants of congress to provide a longer\\none, than from an impression that it was, in truth,\\nsufficient, or in accordance with, any similar system\\nin the armies of Europe. Hence, a committee. May\\n24th, 1779, reported a resolution, allowing half-pay for\\nlife to the same class of officers, and justly grounded\\nit on the great risks they were called to encounter,\\non their great suflferings and sacrifices of youth, ease\\nhealth, and fortune, in the cause of their country\\nBut the want of resources in congress, induced them\\nto postpone this subject, and on the 17th of August,\\n1779, to urge upon the respective states the expedi-\\nency of adopting such a resolution, and of pledging\\nfor its fulfilment their state resources. The power\\nof the states over those resources, was much more\\neffective than that of the confederation over the states.\\nBut such were the general gloom and despondency\\nof the times, that not a single state, except Pennsyl-\\nvania, complied with the recommendation. The cur-\\nrency continued to depreciate more and more, daily\\nthe officers, in many instances, were utterly unable,\\nby their whole pay, to procure decent apparel trea-\\nson had penetrated the camp in the person of Arnold:\\nCharleston had been surrendered Lincoln captured\\nGates defeated at Camden the Southern states over-\\nrun by Cornwallis our soldiery had become dis-\\ncouraged and the great military leader of the revo-\\nlution had Vjecome convinced, and had urged, with\\nhis usual energy, upon congress, that the adoption of\\nthis resolution was almost the only possible method\\nof retaining the army together. Under such appal-\\nling circumstances, congress passed, on the 24th of\\nOctober, A. D. 1780, the resolution, which I will now\\ntake the liberty to read\\nResolved, That the officers who shall continue in\\nthe service to the end of the war, shall also be en-\\ntitled to half-pay during life to commence from the\\ntime of their reduction. (1 U. S. Laws. 688.)\\nThis, with one or two subsequent resolutions,\\nexplaining and modifying its provisions as to particu-\\nlar persons, constitutes the great foundation of the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n37S\\nbill under consideration. The promise was most\\nsolemnly and deliberately made the consideration\\nfor It was \u00e2\u0082\u00acample, and most honourably performed by\\nthe officers and yet, on the part of congress, its\\nstipulations have, in my opinion, never, to tills day,\\nbeen equitably fulfilled. As to the binding effect of\\nthe compact on consrress, nobody can pretend to\\ndoubt. I shall, therefore, not waste a single moment\\nin the discussion of that point. But I admit that the\\nofficers were first bound to perform tlie condition\\nfaithfully, of serving to the close of the war, however\\nlong or disastrous. Did they do it History and\\ntradition must convince all, that through defeat as\\nwell as victory, they clung to our fortunes to the ut-\\ntermost moment of the struggle. They were actu-\\nated by a spirit and intelligence, the surest guarantees\\nof such fidelity. Most of them had investigated, and\\nwell understood, the principles in dispute, and to de-\\nfend them, had flown to the field of battle on the first\\nalarm of war, with all the ardour of a Scottish gath-\\nering, at the summons of the fiery cross. And it is\\nnot poetry, that one of my own relatives, an officer,\\nlong since no more, when the alarm was given at\\nLexington, left for the tented field, the corpse of his\\nfather unburied\\nOne look he cast upon the bier,\\nDashed from his eye ihe gathering tear,\\nand hastened to devote his own life to the salvation\\nof his country. In the same duty in performing\\ntheir part of the compact, to serve faithfully to the\\nclose of the war, these petitioners endured the frosts\\nof winter, often half sheltered, badly fed, badly cloth-\\ned, and badly paid. God forbid that I should exag-\\ngerate. The naked truth is stronger than any co-\\nlouring of fancy. We have the authority of their\\ncommander, that they were, at times, in such a con-\\ndition as to be unable and ashamed to receive their\\nfriends but never, I believe, loath to face their ene-\\nmies. Their paths were sometimes marked by their\\nblood their courage and constancy tried by frequent\\nalarms, by ambuscade, and the pitched battle but\\nthey never faltered and when, towards the close of\\nthe war, neglect on the part of congress, as to their\\nmonthly wages, might have justified, under most cir-\\ncumstances, disquiet and distrust and when at New-\\nburg they were tempted with the insidious taunt, that\\nif, relinquishing their arms and retiring home with\\nthe promises made to them unfulfilled, they would\\ngo, starve, and be forgotten yet they disbanded in\\npeace, and expressed their unshaken confidence in\\nthe justice of congress.\\nWashington, himself, declared in substance, that\\nby means of this resolve the officers were inspired to\\n48\\nmake renewed exertions to feel a security for them-\\nselves and families, which enabled them to devote\\nevery faculty to the common cause and that thus\\nwas an army kept together, which otherwise must\\nhave dissolved, and we probably have been compel-\\nled to pass again under the yoke of colonial servitude.\\nFor all this fidelity to the performance of their\\npart of the compact, the officers have been duly\\nthanked by many congresses, and applauded by the\\nworld. They have occupied a conspicuous niche in\\ntoasts, odes, and orations, and some of them have\\nanimated the canvass and breathed in marble.\\nBut has the promise to them of half-pay ever\\nbeen either literally or substantially fulfilled That,\\nsir, is the important question. I answer not literally^\\nby any pretence, from any quarter. No half-pay, as\\nsuch, has ever, for any length of time, been either\\npaid or provided for one of the petitioners. Almost\\nas little, sir, can there be a pretence that it has been\\nsubstantially fulfilled. No kind of fulfilment has\\nbeen attempted, except in the commutation act, passed\\nMarch 22d, 1783.\\nThat act grew out of objections, in some of the\\nstates, to the system of half pay as a system, because\\nnot strictly republican in theory, and because every\\nthing of a pension character had become odious by its\\nabuse in some governments, in the maintenance of\\nhirelings who had performed secret and disreputablo\\nservice.\\nSome of the officers being anxious to remove any\\nformal objection, petitioned congress for a commuta-\\ntion or change in the mode of indemnifying and re-\\nwarding them. No opposition had been made to the\\namount or value of the half-pay, and therefore, as ap-\\npears in the commutation act itself, the officers ex-\\npected, if a change took place, a full equivalent in\\nvalue to the half-pay for life.\\nBut instead of such an equivalent, congress gave,\\nby that act, what was far short of an equivalent,\\nwhether we regard the particular ages at that time of\\nthese petitioners, or their average age t^ith the other\\nofficers, or the period they have actually since lived.\\nCongress gave only five years full pay to the youngest\\nin the line, and just as much to the eldest treating\\nthe officer of twenty-five, as not likely to live any\\nlonger than him of seventy and subjecting the former\\nto take for his half-pay, which he was entitled to for\\nhis whole life, of probably thirty-five years, the same\\nsmall sum bestowed on him not likely to live ten oi\\nfourteen years.\\nIf we look to the average age of all the officers at\\nthat time, the commutation was still inadequate. That\\nage was probably not over thirty none have pretend-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "376\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES\\ned to consider It over thirty-five and on all observa-\\ntions, in similar climates, and all calculations of\\nannuity tables, such persons lives would be likely to\\nextend beyond thirty years, and thus their half-pay\\nfor life be, on an average, worth the gross sum, \u00c2\u00abj\\npresenti, of at least seven years full pay. Any gen-\\ntleman can test the general accuracy of these results,\\nby a reference to Price s Annuity Tables, and to\\nMilne on Annuities. In England, Sweden, and\\nFrance, it will be seen that a person of thirty years\\nof age is ascertained to be likely to live thirty-four\\nmore and of thirty-five years of age, to live about\\ntwenty-eight more. An annuity for thirty-four years\\nis worth a fraction more than fourteen times its an-\\nnual amount, if paid in a gross sum in advance and\\none, for twenty-eight years, only a fraction loss than\\nfourteen times its annual amount. So that seven\\nyears full pay is as near a fair commutation for the\\nhalf-pay for life, taking their average ages, as can\\nwell be calculated, or as is necessary for the present\\ninquiry.\\nAgain If we advert to the real, facts, as since\\ndeveloped, these petitioners, had the commutation act\\nnot passed, or not been at all binding, would now\\nreceive twenty-two, instead of five years full pay, as\\nthey have survived, since the close of the war, over\\nforty-four years.\\nCongress, as if conscious that the pressure of the\\ntimes had driven them to propose a substitute for the\\nhalf-pay for life, not, in any view, sufficient or equi-\\nvalent, as regarded the younger officers, who alone\\nnow survive and ask for redress, provided in the com-\\nmutation act, not that each officer might accept or\\nreject it at pleasure, but that it should take effect, if\\naccepted within certain periods, not exceeding six\\nmonths, by majorities in the several lines of the army.\\nThe most influential officers in any line, are of course\\nthe elder and superior ones. To these, as a general\\nrule, five years full-pay was a fair equivalent and\\nby their exertions the commutation was accepted by\\nmajorities in most of the lines, and no provision ever\\nafterwards made for such officers, as were either ab-\\nsent or present, and dissenting.\\nNo evidence can now be found, however, of any\\nacceptance, even by majorities, in any of the lines,\\ntill after the expiration of the six months prescribed.\\nBut a report of the secretary of war, dated October\\n31, 1783, (8 Journals of Congress, 478,) enumerates\\ncertain lines and individuals, that had then signified\\ntheir acceptance. It would be difficult, as might be\\nexpected, to find among the individuals named, one\\nwho still survives. Those, then, the youngest and\\nnow surviving, must have felt deeply the inequality\\nproposed and if most of them had not been absent\\non furlough, by a resolve of congress, after peace was\\nexpected, probably even majorities in the lines would\\nnever have been obtained. The certificates were\\nmade out for all, without application, and left with\\nthe agents no other provision was made for those\\nentitled to half-pay, and it remained with the younger\\nofficers to receive those certificates or nothing.\\nBut it is most manifest, that congress had no le-\\ngal right to take away from a single officer his vested\\nhalf-pay for life, without giving him a full equivalent\\nor, to say the least, what the officer should freely and\\ndistinctly assent to, as a full equivalent. It would he\\ncontrary to the elementary principles of legislation\\nand jurisprudence and a majority of the lines could\\nno more bind the minority on this subject of private\\nrights of property, than they could bind congress, or\\nthe states, on questions of politics. This point need\\nnot be argued to men, who, like those around me,\\nhave watched the discussions and decisions in this\\ncountry the last quarter of a century. But no such\\nindividual assent was asked here it was indeed de-\\nclared to be useless for any minority of individuals\\nto dissent; the commutation not having been, in any\\nview, a full equivalent, individual assent cannot fairly\\nbe presumed. The subsequent taking of the certifi-\\ncates M as merely taking all that was provided, and\\nall they could get, without any pretence that they\\ntook it as a full and fair equivalent. And hence\\nit follows, that, on the lowest computation, two years\\nmore full pay are necessary to make any thing\\nlike a substantial fulfilment of the compact on the\\npart of congress. In truth, twenty years more would\\nbe less than the petitioners could rightfully claim\\nnow, if the commutation act had never passed or if\\nthe position was clearly established that the commu-\\ntation act, as to them, was, under the circumstances,\\nentirely null and void. To say that such a transac-\\ntion, resorted to under the pressure of the times, and\\nfinding no apology except in fhe security and neces-\\nsities of that pressure, should not be relieved against\\nwhen the pressure is over, and our means have be-\\ncome ample, is to make a mockery of justice, and to\\nprofane every principle of good faith.\\nBut consider a little farther the history of these\\nproceedings, on the supposition that the five years\\nfull-pay was an ample equivalent to all. Was it either\\npaid or secured to them in such manner as to be-\\ncome any thing like a substantial fulfilment of the\\npromise Though the act allowed congress to give\\nthe officers money or securities, and though these last\\nmight he in the form prescribed for other creditors,\\nyet the act contemplated giving them money oi", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n377\\nmoney s worth, else it doubly violated the former\\nengagement to give them half-pay for life. The-very\\nnature of half-pay, or of any commutation for it, im-\\nplies that it should be actually paid, or so secured as\\nto raise the money whenever it becomes due. They\\nwere here intended as means for immediate mainte-\\nnance or business to those who, by peace, would be\\nthrown out of their accustomed employment and sup-\\nport. This is too plain for further illustration and,\\nin conformity with these views, congress forthwith\\neffected a loan in Europe, and paid in money all the\\nforeign officers entitled to the commutation. But how\\nwere the petitioners treated They did not obtain a\\ndollar in money, and even their certificates were not\\ndelivered till six or nine months after their right to\\nhalf-pay accrued and when received, so far from\\nbeing secured by pledges or requisitions rendering\\nthem valuable as money, the officers could not obtain\\nfor them in the market over one fifth of their nominal\\namount. The receipts given for these certificates\\ntruly omitted to state that they were in full payment,\\nof either the commutation or the half-pay. By such\\nmeans these petitioners, to supply the then existing\\nwants of themselves and families, which was the le-\\ngitimate object of both the half-pay and its commuta-\\ntion, in fact realized only one, instead of five years\\nfull-pay or only two years half-pay instead of half-\\npay for life.\\nIf this was a substantial fulfilment of the promise\\nto them, I think it would be difficult to define what\\nwould have been a defective, delusive, and unsub-\\nstantial fulfilment. But it has been suggested, that\\nthe petitioners might all have retained their certifi-\\ncates till afterwards funded, and in that event have\\nescaped loss. Can gentlemen, however, forget that\\nthe very design of half pay was to furnish food and\\nraiment, and not a fund to be deposited in bank for\\nposterity? And that, though the use of a portion of\\nit, if all had been paid at once, might have been post-\\nponed to a future period, yet their necessities utterly\\nforbade most of them from not resorting, forthwith,\\nto a single year s pay, which was the entire value of\\nthe whole certificate. It is another part of the dis-\\ntressing history of this case, that if, on the contrary,\\nevery officer had retained his certificate till funded,\\nhis loss on it would have been, very near one tliird\\nof its amount. But on this point I shall not dwell,\\nas its particulars are more recent and familiar. It\\nwill suffice to call to your minds, that the provision\\nmade for the payment of these certificates in A. D.\\n1790, was not by money, nor virtually to their full\\namount, but by opening a loan, payable in those cer-\\ntificates, and a scrip of stock given for them on these\\nterms one third of the principal was to draw no in-\\nterest whatever, for ten years and all the interest\\nthen due, was to draw thereafter only three per cent.\\nWithout going into any calculations of the value of\\ndifferent kinds of stock, imder diflerent circumstances,\\nit is obvious that such a payment or security v/as not\\nworth so much by nearly a third, as the money would\\nhave been worth, or as scrip would have been worth\\nfor the whole then due on six per cent, interest.\\nIt is true that this ioan was, in form, voluntajy\\nbut it is equally true, that, as no other provision was\\nmade for payment, no alternative remained but to\\naccept the terms. Hence, if the officer sold his cer-\\ntificate from necessity, he obtained only one fifth of\\nthe amount therein promised or, if he retained it,\\nhe obtained only about two thirds of that amount.\\nWhat renders this circumstance still more stri-\\nking, we ourselves have in this way saved, and re-\\nduced our national debt below what it would have\\nbeen, many millions of dollars from eighteen to fif-\\nteen, I believe.; and yet, now, in our prosperity, he-\\nsitate to restore what was taken in part from these\\nvery men, and when not from them, taken from others\\non account of their speculations on these very men,\\nand their associates in arms. It was at the time of\\nthe funding thought just, and attempted by some of\\nour ablest statesmen, to provide some retribution to\\nthe original holders of certificates for the losses that\\nhad been sustained on them to provide in some way\\na partial restoration. But the inherent difficulty of\\nthe subject, and the low state of our resources, pre-\\nvented us from completing any such arrangement,\\nthough we were not prevented from saving to the\\ngovernment, out of these very certificates, and similar\\nones, ten times the amount now proposed for these\\npetitioners.\\nOn this state of facts, then, I hold these conclu-\\nsions that what is honest, and moral, and honourable,\\nbetween debtor and creditor in private life, is so iu\\npublic life. That a creditor of the public should be\\ntreated with at least equal, if not greater kindness,\\nthan the creditor of an individual. That when the\\nembarrassments of a debtor give rise to a mode of\\npayment altogether inadequate to what is justly due.\\nand this kind of payment is forced upon the credi-\\ntor, by the necessities of either party, the debtor\\nouffht, when relieved from his embarrassments or\\nnecessities, to make ample restitution. That it is the\\ndictate of every moral and honourable feeling to sup-\\nply the deficiency and especially, should the debtor\\ndo this where the inadequacy was more than four\\nfifths of the whole debt where the debtor, by a part\\nof the arrangement, saved millions to contribute to", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "378\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nhis present prosperity, and where the debt itself was,\\nas in the present case, the price of blood lavished for\\nthe creditor, the wages of those sufferings and toils\\nwhich secured our present liberties, and fill the bright-\\nest page of glory in our country s history. The great\\nmilitary leader of the revolution has given his sanc-\\ntion to this measure, in the strongest terms, when\\ncalling to mind the lion hearts, and eagle eyes, that\\nhad surrounded and sustained him in all his arduous\\ntrials, and reflecting that they, not soldiers by pro-\\nfession, nor adventurers, but citizens, with tender ties\\nof kindred and friendship, and with cheering pros-\\npects in civil life, had abandoned all to follow him,\\nand to sink or swim with the sacred cause in which\\nhe had enlisted, he invoked towards them the justice\\nof his country, and expressed the fullest confidence,\\nthat a country rescued by their arms, will never\\nleave unpaid the debt of gratitude.\\nIt is not to be forgotten, that a measure like this\\nwould remove a stain from our history. Its moral\\ninfluence on our population, in future wars, for wars\\nwe must expect, again and again its consonance\\nwith those religious, as well as moral principles of\\nperfect justice, which, in a republic, are the anchor\\nand salvation of all that is valuable its freedom, I\\ntrust, from political prejudice and party feeling, all\\nstrengthen the other reasons for its speedy adoption.\\nNor have the imputations against it as a local\\nmeasure, been at all well founded. What is right\\nor just in regard to contracts, is right without regard\\nto the residence of individuals, whether in the east,\\nthe west, or the south. But independent of that con-\\nsideration, these venerable worthies, though once\\nmuch more numerous at the north than elsewhere,\\nhave since followed the enterprises of their children,\\nand pushed their own broken fortunes to every sec-\\ntion of the union. It is impossible to obtain perfect\\naccuracy as to their numbers and residence. But by\\ncorrespondence and verbal inquiries it is ascertained,\\nthat four or five survive in New Hampshire from\\nthirty to thirty-five in Massachusetts and Maine five\\nor six in Rhode Island five in Vermont sixteen in\\nConnecticut twenty in New York twelve in New\\nJersey eighteen in Pennsylvania three in Dela-\\nware twelve in Maryland thirty-three to thirty-\\neight in Virginia and Kentucky ten to twelve in\\nOhio twelve or fifteen in the Carolinas and five\\nor six in Georgia. As by the annuity tables, some-\\nthing like two hundred and fifty ought now to be\\nalive, the computations have been made on a medium\\nof two hundred and thirtj^, between the niunber as-\\ncertained and the conjectural number.\\nThe question, then, is of a general public nature.\\nand presents the single point, whether, in the late\\nlanguage of an eloquent statesman of New York, these\\nveterans shall any longer remain living monuments\\nof the neglect of their country.\\nAll the foreign ofilcers, whose claims rested on\\nthe same resolve, were, as I have before stated, prompt-\\nly paid in specie and their illustrious leader, Lafay-\\nette, by whose side these petitioners faced equal toils\\nand dangers, has been since loaded with both money\\nand applause. Even the tories, who deserted the\\nAmerican cause, and adhered to one so much less\\nholy and pure, have been fully and faithfully reward-\\ned by England and it now remains with the senate\\nto decide, not whether the sum proposed shall be be-\\nstowed in mere charity however charity may bless\\nboth him that gives and him that takes nor in mere\\ngratitude however sensible the petitioners may be to\\nthe influence of either but whether, let these con-\\nsiderations operate as they may, the ofiicers should\\nbe remunerated for their losses, on those broad prin-\\nciples of eternal justice which are the cement of so-\\nciety, and which, without a wound to their delicacy\\nand honest pride, will, in that event, prove the solace\\nand staff of their declining years.\\nI shall detain the senate no longer, except to\\noffer a few remarks on the computations, on which\\nthe sum of one million one hundred thousand dollars\\nis proposed as the proper one for filling the blank.\\nVarious estimates, on various hypotheses, are annexed\\nto the report in this case, and others will doubtless\\noccur to difierent gentlemen. But if any just one\\namounts to aboiit the sum proposed, no captious ob-\\njection will, I trust, be offered on account of any tri-\\nfling diflerence. It is impossible, in such cases, to\\nattain perfect accuracy but the estimates are correct\\nenough, probably, for the present purpose.\\nTlie committee have proposed a sum in gross\\nrather than a half-pay or annuity, because more ap-\\npropriate to the circumstances of the case, and be-\\ncause more acceptable, for the reasons that originally\\ngave rise to the commutation.\\nOn the ground that these officers M^ere, in 1783,\\njustly entitled to two years more full-pay, as a fair\\nequivalent for half-pay during life and there being\\ntwo hundred and thirty of them of the rank supposed\\nin the report, their monthly pay would be about\\nthirty dollars each. This, for two years, would be\\nseven hundred and twenty dollars each or one hun-\\ndred and sixty-five thousand six hundred dollars due\\nto these petitioners at the close of the war, over and\\nabove what they then received certificates for. The\\ninterest on that, for forty-four years, would be four\\nhundred and thirty-seven thousand one hundred and", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n379\\neighty-four dollars, which, added to the principal,\\nmake six hundred and two thousand seven hundred\\nand eighty-four dollars.\\nIf to that be added what they lost on their certi-\\nficates by depreciation, which at four fifths was three\\nluuidied and thirty-one thousand two hundred dollars,\\nand the sum without any interest, on the depreciation,\\namounts to nine hundred and thirty-three thousand\\nnine hundred and eighty-four dollars or, with in-\\nterest, to more than a million and a half; or, if the\\ndepreciation be considered seven eights, as it really\\nwas, the sum would be still larger. On the other\\nhand, if nothing he allowed for depreciation on the\\ncertificates, but one third be considered as lost in\\nfunding, that one third, in A. D. 1791, would be\\nabout two hundred and four thousand two hundred\\nand forty dollars, and interest since would swell it to\\nsix hundred and forty-five thousand four hundred\\nand thirty-four dollars, which added to the two years\\npay not received, and interest on that pay, makes\\nthe whole one million two hundred and forty-eight\\nthousand two hundred and eighteen dollars.\\nAnother view of the case, which seems to me the\\nmost technical, and which steers clear of any difii-\\nculty about the loss, either by depreciation or fund-\\ning, will lead to about the same result as to the\\namount. It is this. On the ground that seven\\nyears full-pay was the smallest sum which, in A. D.\\n1783, could be deemed a fair equivalent for the half-\\npay for life, then the petitioners got certificates for\\nonly five sevenths of their half-pay. Or, in other\\nwords, five sevenths of their half-pay was extinguish-\\ned and paid. The other two sevenths, then, has an-\\nnually accrued since, and will continue to accrue\\nwhile the petitioners survive. This two sevenths\\nbeing fifty-one dollars and forty-two cents per year,\\nto each officer, or eleven thousand eight hundred and\\ntwenty-six dollars to these ofiicers, would amount at\\nthis time to five hundred and twenty thousand three\\nhundred and forty-four dollars and the interest ac-\\ncruing on it during only thirty-five years, would make\\nit exceed the one million one hundred thousand dol-\\nlars proposed. The amount is fairly reached by this\\nview of the case, without a single cent for either de-\\npreciation or loss in funding, and thus does not indi-\\nrectly touch a single fact or principle upon which a\\nsimilar allowance could be made to any body besides\\nthese officers. Gallant, and meritorious, and sufler-\\ning, as were the soldiers, and none could be more so\\nworthy and aflfectionate as may have been the survi-\\nving widows, and distinguished as may have been\\nmany of the officers heirs, for filial and generous de-\\nvotion to smooth their declining years they all stand\\non their own cases and merits. None of them have\\nbeen referred to the committee who reported this hill,\\nand they can all be provided for otherwise, this ses-\\nsion, or hereafter, if thought proper. Let the present\\nappropriation be tried first on its own grounds, and\\nthen by subsequent amendments of this bill, or by\\nnew bills, let an appropriation for other classes of\\npersons be also tried on its own grounds. All I ask\\nand entreat is, that if, either in strict law or in jus-\\ntice, whether grounded upon the original defective\\ncommutation, the depreciation of the certificates, or\\nthe loss in funding, any member is convinced thai\\nthe sum proposed to these officers is a fair one, that\\nhe will first consider the case of the officers, and sup-\\nport this motion. If any think a different sum more\\nproper, I hope they will propose that sum in due\\ntime and thus let the sense of the senate be fully\\nexpressed upon one case at a time, and upon the only\\ncase now duly before us. In this manner, only, can\\nany thing ever bo accomplished.\\nThe amount of the sum now proposed, cannot\\nbe objected to on the grounds that doubtless caused\\nthe losses and sufferings which we are now seeking\\nto redress. The country during the revolution, and\\nat its close, would hardly have been unwilling to be-\\nstow twice the amount, had its resources permitted.\\nBut, now, such have been our rapid advances in\\nwealth and greatness, by means of the rights and\\nliberties the valour of these men contributed so\\nlargely to secure that the very public land they de-\\nfended, if not won, yields every year to our treasury\\nmore than the whole appropriation. One twentieth\\nof our present annual revenue exceeds it. A fraction\\nof the cost of the public buildings the expense ol\\ntwo or three ships of the line one tenth of what has\\nbeen saved to our national debt in the funding system\\na tax of ten cents per head on our population, only\\na single twelvemonth, either of them would remove\\nall this reproach.\\nBut, whatever might be the cost, I would say, in\\nall practicable cases, be just and fear not. Let no\\nilliberal or evasive feeling blast the hopes of these\\nvenerable patriots. Much longer delay will do this\\nas eifectually as a hard hearted refusal since the\\nremains of them are almost daily going down to the\\ncity of silence. Either drive them, then, at once\\nfrom your doors, with taunts, and in despair, or\\nsanction the claim. So far as regards my single self,\\nbefore I would another year endure the stigma, of\\neither injustice or ingratitude to men like these, I\\nwould vote to stop every species of splendid missions\\nI would cease to talk of Allegliany canals: I would\\nlet the Capitol crumble to atoms for want of appro-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "880\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\npriations, and introduce retrenchment from the palace\\nto the humblest door-keeper.\\nIt has formerly been said, that if these officers\\nare relieved, so must be those of the late war. But,\\ndeserving as were these last, the cause in which they\\nfought required much inferior sacrifices they were\\nnot contending under the stigma of traitors, liable to\\nthe halter they were liberally and promptly paid\\nand whatever small depreciation may have existed in\\nthe treasury notes taken for their monthly pay, it was\\ninfinitely less than the losses sustained by these peti-\\ntioners on their monthly pay, and for which they\\nneither ask nor expect relief\\nOne other consideration, and I will at this time\\ntrouble the senate no longer. The long lapse of time\\nsince the claim originated has been objected formerly\\nto its success. But what honest individual shelters\\nhimself under a statute of limitation, if conscious that\\nhis promise has not been substantially fulfilled 1\\nUnder such circumstances, it is no defence, either in\\nthe court of conscience or in a court of honour and\\ncongress have often shown their liberality in waiving\\nit, where expressly provided to bar an application.\\nHere no express bar has ever been provided.\\nBefore their first application, the officers waited till\\nA. D? 1810, when old age and infirmity rendered\\nthem more needy, and when many years of prosperity\\nhad rendered their country more able. However\\nnumerous, and technical, and evasive, may have been\\nthe objections since interposed, let it not be forgotten,\\nthat in performing their portion of the compact, how-\\never neglected as to food or wages, they never were\\nheard to plead excuses or evasions, howe\\\\ er appalling\\nthe danger, whether roused by a midnight alarm or\\ninvited to join a forlorn hope.\\nLike others, too, it may be imputed to them in\\nderogation, that they were military chieftains. But\\nif, as such for a time, they did, like others, nobly\\nhelp to fill the measure of their country s glory\\nso, like others of that class, they have often distin-\\nguished themselves in forums, cabinets, and halls of\\nlegislation.\\nWhatever honour and gratitude they have yet\\nreceived, is deeply engraven on their hearts but they\\nnow also need and they ask, only because they need,\\nthe additional rewards of substantial justice.\\nIt remains, sir, for us, whose rights they defended\\nand saved, to say whether they shall longer ask that\\njustice in vain.\\nOn the 4th of March, 1820, General Andrew\\nJackson took the oath of office. His course as a\\nmilitary commander had been wonderfully suc-\\ncessful, and in all republics, the military chief-\\ntain has been held in the highest consideration. He\\nwas not bred a statesman, nor had he been con-\\nsidered as a leader in senates but he was energetic,\\nprompt, and fearless. He was initiated in war on the\\nborders with the Indian tribes, and his name was a\\nterror throughout the nations then hostile or friendly\\nto the United States. His successful defence of\\nNew Orleans had excited the admiration and awa-\\nkened the gratitude of the American people. His\\ninaugural speech was short, and full of promises in\\nthe way of reform. Fellow-citizens, (said he,)\\nabout to undertake the arduous duties that I have\\nbeen appointed to perform, by the choice of a free\\npeople, I avail myself of this customary and solemn\\noccasion, to express the gratitude which their confi-\\ndence inspires, and to acknowledge the accountability\\nwhich my situation enjoins. While the magnitude\\nof their interests convinces me that no thanks can\\nbe adequate to the honour they have conferred, it\\nadmonishes me that the best return I can make, is\\nthe zealous dedication of my humble abilities to their\\nservice and their good.\\nAs the instrument of the federal constitution, it\\nwill devolve on me, for a stated period, to execute\\nthe laws of the United States to superintend their\\nforeign and their confederate relations to manage\\ntheir revenue to command their forces and, by\\ncomminiications to the legislature, to watch over and\\nto promote their interests generally. And the princi-\\nples of action by which I shall endeavour to accom-\\nplish this circle of duties, it is now proper for me\\nbriefly to explain.\\nIn administering the laws of congress, 1 shall\\nkeep steadily in view the limitations as well as the\\nextent of the executive power, trusting thereby to\\ndischarge the functions of my office without tran-\\nscending its authority. With foreign nations it will\\nbe my study to preserve peace, and to cultivate\\nfriendship on fair and honourable terms and in the\\nadjustment of any difference that may exist or arise,\\nto exhibit the forbearance becoming a powerful na-\\ntion, rather than the sensibility belonging to a gal-\\nlant people.\\nIn such measures as I may be called on to pur-\\nsue, in regard to the rights of the separate states, I\\nhope to be animated by a proper respect for those\\nsovereign members of our union taking care not\\nto confound the powers they have reserved to\\nthemselves, with those they have granted to the\\nconfederacy.\\nThe management of the public revenue that\\nsearching operation in all governments is among\\nthe most delicate and important trusts in ours and", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n381\\nif will, of course, demand no inconsiderable share of\\nmy official solicitude. Under every aspect in which\\nit can be considered, it would appear that advantage\\nmust result from the observance of a strict and faith-\\nful economy. This I shall aim at the more anx-\\niously, both because it will facilitate the extinguish-\\nment of the national debt the unnecessary duration\\nof which is incompatible with real independence\\nand because it will counteract that tendency to pub-\\nlic and private profligacy which a profuse expendi-\\nture of money by the government, is but too apt to\\nengender. Powerful auxiliaries to the attainment\\nof this desirable end, are to be found in the regula-\\ntions provided by the wisdom of congress, for the\\nspecific appropriation of public money, and the\\nprompt accountability of public officers.\\nWith regard to a proper selection of the subjects\\nof impost, with a view to revenue, it would seem to\\nme, that the spirit of equity, caution, and compromise,\\nin which the constitution was formed, requires that\\nthe great interests of agriculture, coanmerce, and\\nmanufactures, should be equally favoured and that,\\nperhaps, the only exception to this rule should con-\\nsist in the peculiar encouragement of any products\\nof either of them that may be found essential to our\\nnational independence.\\nInternal improvement, and the diffusion of know-\\nledge, so far as they can be promoted by the con-\\nstitutional acts of the federal government, are of\\nhigh importance.\\nConsidering standing armies as dangerous to\\nfree governments, in time of peace, I shall not seek\\nto enlarge our present establishment, nor disregard\\nthat salutary lesson of political experience, which\\nteaches that the military should be held subordinate\\nto the civil power. The gradual increase of our\\nnavy, whose flag has displayed, in distant climes,\\nour skill in navigation and our fame in arms the\\npreservation of our forts, arsenals, and dock yards\\nand the introduction of progressive improvements in\\nthe disciphne and science of both branches of our\\nmilitary- service, are so plainly prescribed by pru-\\ndence, that I should be excused for omitting their\\nmention sooner than for enlarging on their impor-\\ntance. But the bulwark of our defence is the na-\\ntional militia, which, in the present state of our in-\\ntelligence and population, must render us invincible.\\nAs long as our government is administered for the\\ngood of the people, and is regulated by their will\\nas long as it secures to us the rights of person and\\nof property, liberty of conscience and of the press, it\\nwill be worth defending and so long as it is worth\\ndefending, a patriotic militia will cover it with an\\nimpenetrable agis. Partial injuries and occasional\\nmortifications we may be subjected to, but a million\\nof armed freemen, possessed of the moans of war,\\ncan never be conquered by a foreign foe. To any\\njust system, therefore, calculated to strengthen this\\nnatural safe-guard of the country, I shall cheerfully\\nlend all the aid in my power.\\nIt will be my sincere and constant desire to ob-\\nserve towards the Indian tribes within our limits, a\\njust and liberal policy and to give that humane\\nand considerate attention to their rights and their\\nwants which are consistent with the habits of our\\ngovernment, and the feelings of our people.\\nThe recent demonstration of public sentiment\\ninscribes, on the list of executive duties, in characters\\ntoo legible to be overlooked, the task of reform\\nwhich will require, particularly, the correction of\\nthose abuses, that have brought the patronage of\\nthe federal government into conflict with the freedom\\nof elections, and the counteraction of those causes\\nwhich have disturbed the rightful course of appoint-\\nment, and have placed, or continued, power in un-\\nfaithful or incompetent hands.\\nIn the performance of a task thus generally de-\\nlineated, I shall endeavour to select men whose dili-\\ngence and talents will ensure, in their respective\\nstations, able and faithful co-operation depending,\\nfor the advancement of the public service, more on\\nthe integrity and zeal of the public oflicers, than on\\ntheir numbers.\\nA diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own quali-\\nfications, will teach me to look with reverence to the\\nexamples of public virtue left by my illustrious pre-\\ndecessors, and with veneration to the lights thai\\nflow from the mind that founded, and the mind\\nthat reformed, our system. The same diffidence in-\\nduces me to hope for instruction and, aid from the\\nco-ordinate branches of the government, and for the\\nindulgence and support of my fellow-citizens gener-\\nally. And a firm reliance on the goodness of that\\nPower whose providence mercifully protected our\\nnational infancy, and has since upheld our liberties\\nin various vicissitudes, encourages me to offer up\\nmy ardent supplications that He will continue to\\nmake our beloved country the object of his divine\\ncare and gracious benediction.\\nGeneral Jackson at once filled up his cabinet with\\nmen devoted to his cause. Martin Van Buren, of\\nthe state of New York, was appointed secretary of\\nstate. He was a self-made man, and had secured\\nthe votes of his native state for governor, which of-\\nfice he held when he received his appointment.\\nSamuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, was appointed", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "382\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsecretary of the treasury. He had been a member\\nof tlie house of representatives in the national legis-\\nlature, and was thought a straight-forward, plain\\nman. John H. Eaton was made secretary of war.\\nHe had been a senator from Tennessee, and was the\\npersonal friend of General Jackson. John Branch\\nwas appointed to fill the office of secretary of the\\nnavy. The qualifications he had for this office were\\nnot known to the nation at large, but they presumed\\nthe executive was fully aware of them, before he had\\nelevated him to that office. John M Pherson Berrien\\nwas made attorney-general. This appointment gave\\ngeneral satisfaction. He was at the time of his ap-\\npointment a senator from Georgia, and celebrated for\\nhis acquirements, eloquence, and discrimination. He\\nhad shown his talents as well in the high judicial\\ncouncils of the nation, as in the senate of the United\\nStates. John M Lean, who had held the office of\\nThe year one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two, will be\\nmemorable in the annals of North America, from the pievalence\\nof a terrible epidemic. The disease which prevailed at this period\\nwas called the Asiatic Cholera, or Cholera Asphyxia. It com-\\nmenced its ravages in the year 1817, in Asia, and after having\\nspread death and desolation over that portion of the globe fur near-\\nly fourteen years, it invaded Europe, traversed a portion of that\\nt:outineni, and, without any signs of contagious transition, it even-\\ntually appeared on our own continent.\\nThis dreadful scourge of humanity has, from its origin to the\\npresent period, mocked all scientific research, all medical philoso-\\nphy, and all remedial treatment. It has stalked through the land\\nlike a destroying angel, regardless of all impediments, and literally\\ngone forth, conquering and to conquer.\\nThe history of its origin, progress, and treatment, in Asia, has\\nbeen the theme of many learned physicians. It would be tedious\\nand unprofitable for our present purpose, to enter the wide field of\\ninvestigation, relative to the various and inconsistent accounts\\nwhich have appeared on the subject.\\nAVe are indebted to a discourse of Professor J. M. Smith, of\\nNew York, for the best digest of its history and progress in India,\\nund to Dr. Edward Warren, of Boston, for its history and progress\\nin America, in the first year of its visitation.\\nProm the Indian physicians we learn, that the disease first sudden-\\nly appeared in the beginning of August, 1S17, in ZiUa-Jassore, a\\ntown about one hundred miles northeast of Calcutta. The disease\\nsoon spread to the adjacent villages, and thence extended in vari-\\nous directions through the country of Bengal. It continued in that\\ncity for several months, raging with violence from January till the\\nend of May, 181S. The deaths during this period were rarely un-\\nder 200 a week. The epidemic had now extended from Silhet to\\nCuttack, and from the mouth of the Ganges to the confluence of\\nthis river with the Jumna.\\nRetiring, for the most part, from Bengal, the disease concentra-\\nted its force in the interior provinces, and chiefly in the districts\\nbordering on the Ganges and Jumna.\\nIn Benares, the famous seat of Brahminical learning, 15,000\\nwere destroyed in two months; and at Alahabad, 40 or 50 perished\\ndaily. Pursuing its march, it soon reached Goorackpoor, in which\\ndistrict it numbered 30,000 victims in a month. It then proceeded\\nsuccessively to Lucknow, Cawnpore, Delhi, Agra, and other dis-\\ntricts along the course of the Ganges.\\nProm the northern parts of Hindostan Proper, the disease took a\\ndirection through the Decan, committing the most frightful ravages\\nin Husseinabad, Aurungabad, Poornah, and other districts. On\\nthe Gth of August, it appeared in Bombay, having consumed about\\noue year in traversing the Indian Delta, from Calcutta. In this\\npost-master general, was transferred to the bench oi\\nthe supreme court of tlie United States, and William\\nT. Barry, of Kentucky, was put into the office which\\nMr. M Lean had filled with so much reputation, that\\nnot a man of note in the country wished him re-\\nmoved. A general sweep was made of men in office\\nnot favourable to the administration. This was jus-\\ntified upon political grounds, as a course of true po-\\nlicy, and in full accordance with the genius of the go-\\nvernment.\\nThe relations of the United States with foreign\\ncountries, were in a prosperous situation. Some\\nlittle misunderstanding existed with the British go-\\nvernment, in regard to the West India trade, which\\nwas arranged by the plenipotentiary to the court of\\nLondon, Mr. Louis M Lane but this was of no\\ngreat importance, although thought so at the time.\\nIn 1832, the cholera* raged in the United States,\\njourney, it advanced about fifteen or eighteen miles a day, and tar-\\nried from two to six weeks in a place.\\nThe peculiarities of the disease had now been fully developed.\\nIts mode of falling upon a place, and its career in differenl dis-\\ntricts, were singularly capricious. Sometimes, says the report\\nof the Calcutta medical board, the disease would make a com-\\nplete circle round a village, and, leaving it untouched, pass on, as\\nif it were wholly to depart from the district. Then, after a lapse\\nof weeks, or even months, it would suddenly return, and, scarcely\\nreappearing in the parts which had already undergone its ravages,\\nwould nearly depopulate the spot that had so recently congratulated\\nitself on its escape. Sometimes, after running a long course on\\none side of the Ganges, it would, as if arrested by some unknown\\nagent, at once stop, and taking a rapid sweep across the river, lay\\nall waste on the opposite bank.\\nAs yet the cholera had been, for the most part, confined to conti-\\nnental India. In the following year, 1819, it took a wider range,\\nencircling the islands of the Indian Ocean. In Mauritius, it broke\\nout on the 15th of September, and in Bourbon early in December.\\nAbout the same time it invaded Siam and the adjacent regions.\\nPorty thousand perished in Bankoe. Cochin-China and Tonquin\\nsufie red in 1820.\\nAt the close of the year 1820, it commenced its ravages in Chi-\\nna, became terrible in Canton, and thence arrived in Pekin, in\\n1821. In this last city, the mortality was so great, that it required\\nthe assistance of government for the sepulture of the dead. In\\nChina, Mongolia, and other quarters of Central and Southern\\nAsia, and the Philippine islands, it continued to recur for several\\nsucce.ssive years. In 1822, it reappeared in Java, destroying 100,000\\npersons. In its northern progress, it reached the confines of Siberia\\nin 1826.\\nThe most westerly point to which the cholera had extended in\\n1818, was Bombay. In July, 1821, it appeared in Muscat, and\\nother parts of Arabia. The number that sunk under the disease\\nin this new theatre of its action, was not less than 60,000. Death\\nfrequently followed in a few minutes after the attack.\\nAmong the many places in the countries bordering on the Per-\\nsian Gulf, which severely sufl^ered, were Shiraz and Bassora in\\nthe former, 16,000 perished, and in the latter, 18,000, of whom, we\\nare told, upwards of 14,000 died in two weeks.\\nPursuing the course of the large rivers, it advanced up the Ti-\\ngris to Bagdad and Mosul, and up the Euphrates to Syria, reach-\\ning Aleppo in 1622. In the Persian empire, few places of note\\nescaped tlie disease.\\nIn June, 1823, it attacked Antioch at the same time it ravaged\\nDiabei kur. In August, it invaded Bakus, on the Caspian Sea, and\\narrived, in September, in the Russian city of Astrachan. At this", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n383\\naud gave great alarm to the whole population but\\nthe number of deaths was not great.\\npoint of approach to Europe, the cholera made a pause of several\\nyears. It preserved its existence, however, in the countries it liad\\noverrun and especially lingered in Persia, where it recovered its\\noriginal force in 1829, and in the follon insyear continued to spread\\nllirough various provinces around the Caspian Sea.\\nWhile the cholera was thus raging in the Persian provinces, it\\nagain appeared at Aslrachan, at the mouth of the Volga. Seven\\nyears had elapsed since its first visitation the second was in the\\nbeginning of July and in the course of its prevalence, 17,000 per-\\nished in eight days. It has been estimated, that at this period,\\n1330,6,000,000 of people had fallen victims lo the cholera in Asia.\\nIt now urged its way along the banks of the Volga, crossed the\\nAsiatic frontier, and spread itself over the greater part of Russia,\\nin Europe; and after following the Don, the Dneiper, and the\\nsouthern tributaries of the Volga, it arrived at Moscow on the 15lh\\nof September, 1830, about two months and a half after its second\\nappearance in Aslrachan. On the 26ih of June, it entered the im-\\nperial city of St. Petersburgh, where, at one period, between 5U0\\nand 600 new cases occurred daily, and by the 15th of August, 4,000\\npersons fell victims, out of about 8,000 cases. During the career\\nof this summer, the cholera had passed over most of the countries\\nof Northern and Central Europe. From Archangel, on the White\\nSea, and St. Petersburgh, Cronstadt, Riga, and Danlzic, on the\\nBaltic, it had reached south to Odessa, on the Black Sea.\\nProm its appearance in Jassore, in 1817, down to the year 1830,\\nwhen it first showed itself in the Russian province of Ovenburgh,\\nit must be observed, that its ravages were not continued in one un-\\nbroken course; but, in those places where its occurrence was not\\nsimultaneous, years often intervened between its decline in one\\ndistrict, and its reappearance in another.\\nSince the year 1830, this singular epidemic has traversed Eu-\\nrope in one line, inclining to a northwesterly course and in .spite\\nof quarantine regulations, cordons of troops, and the most assidu-\\nous vigilance, it has devastated all those nations lying in its route,\\nhas found its way to England and to France, and, at length, reach-\\ned even the shores of the American continent.\\nThe month of June, 1832, witnessed the first appearance of\\ncholera in North America. This was at Cluebec, in Canada and\\nit appeared almost simultaneously at Montreal. The first plwce in\\nwhich the disease manifested itself in Gluebec, was a boarding-\\nhouse in Champlain street, a low, filthy, unvenlilated portion of the\\ntown. The first patient was an emigrant, landed from the steam\\nboat Voyageur, which plied between Montreal and duebee. It\\nappears, that on the third of June, the brig Carricks arrived at\\nGrosse Island, the quarantine ground, thirty-nine miles below due-\\nbee, having on hoard one hundred and thirly-three passengers.\\nThirty-nine died during the passage, of a disease, the symptoms of\\nwhich, it was said, corresponded with those of malignant cholera.\\nThis arrival produced considerable excitement both at Gluebec and\\nMontreal. Medical commissioners were directed to visit Grosse\\nIsland, on the 7th of June, w-ho examined the passengers, all of\\nwhom had been detained at quarantine. They reported, as the\\nresult of their examination, that the passengers were all in perfect\\nhealth that the disease had occurred soon after the vessel sailed\\nand that the last death had been on the 9th of May, twenty-five\\ndays before her arrival at Grosse Island since which time, the\\nsurviving passengers had enjoyed good health. The Carricks had\\nbeen thoroughly cleansed, and set sail on the 7th of June, all on\\nboard being well.\\nAt this moment, whilst the board of health were issuing their\\nproclamation to prove the impossibility of the importation of the\\ndisease by the Carricks, the cholera had already broken out in\\nCluebec.\\nThe steam boat Voyageur left ducbec on the evening of the 7lh\\nif June, received passengers, it is said, from difffrent emigrant\\nvessels on the river; and the weather becoming stormy, was obliged\\nto return to duebec, where she landed about two hundred passen-\\ngers, most of whom found lodgings in the neighbourhood of Cham-\\nplain street. Slie then proceeded to Montreal but one emigrant\\npassenger died on board, before her arrival at that city. On the\\n49\\nThe boiindarjr line, a subject of dispute, has not\\nlately been agitated.\\n9th, in the aflernoon, a second case occurred. On the same even-\\ning, four others were seized with the malady, and sent to the hos-\\npital, where these died. The disease .spreail in almost every direc-\\ntion, and there were seventy deaths between the evening of the 8th,\\nand eleven o clock in the morning of the 11 Ih. The cases continu-\\ned to increase till about the 18th, when they began to diminish.\\nAt one period, the number was estimated at from 250 to 300 in\\ntwenty-four hours.\\nThe population of duebec, in the summer of 1831, was 27,562\\nThe number of deaths from cholera, from the 9lh of June till the\\n2d of September, is estimated at 2,218. The greatest number\\nduring one day, was 143, on the 15th of June.\\nAt Montreal, on the 10th of June, an emigrant from the steam\\nboat Voyageur was seized with the disease after an evening of\\ndissipation, and died the next day. The same night, several na-\\ntives, who held no intercourse with the port, or with each other,\\nwere taken ill.\\nAs late as the 12th of June, the existence of the disease was de-\\nnied and was not recognised by the board of health until the l3th,\\nwhen was made their first report. They slated the number of casea\\nfor the last twentj -lour hours, at 94, and the deaths at 23. On the\\n15th, they reported 1,204 casej. and 230 deaths, as being, as nearly\\nas could be ascertained, the whole number from the commencement\\nof the disease. The next report estimates the cases for the twenty-\\nfour hours at 431, and the deaths at 82; and for the next succeed-\\ning tweniy-four hours, 475 new cases, and 102 deaths.\\nThere occurred at Montreal, from the 9th of June till the 1st of\\nSeptember, 4,835 cases and the deaths, during the same period,\\nwere 1,843. The greatest number of cases reported for twenty-\\nfour hours, was 474, on the 17 th of June and the greatest numbet\\nof burials, for the same period, was 149, on the 19th of June.\\nThe cholera now extended its ravages to the large towns situated\\non the St. Lawrence, and the streams which flow into it. It soon\\nappeared at Kamarouska, about 80 miles from duebec. Previous\\nto the 15lh of June, fourteen deaths had taken place at La Prarie,\\nwhich is nine miles above Montreal; and on the 17th, it showed\\nitself at St. Johns. It soon reached Buffalo. Lachine, Caughna-\\nwaga, Coteau de Lac, Chateaugnay, Cornwall, St. Regis, Prescott,\\nOgdensburgh, Brookville, Kingston, York, Chambly, Plattsburgh,\\nand Trois Rivieres, were all visited in their turn. The disease\\nfollowed the course of the large rivers.\\nWhatever may be the causes of cholera, and the laws by which\\nits course is governed, it is certainly remarkable, that its march\\nshould be so irregular as it has been found to be not spreading\\nregularly over an extent of country, hut occurring in towns and\\ncities at distances I rom each other, without affecting intervening\\ndistricts till a subsequent period. Thus, the first case reported in\\nNew York occurred on the 1st of July, some days before it appear-\\ned at Albany, 150 miles nearer to Montreal.\\nIn the city of New York, the existence of the disease was first\\nofficially recognised by the board of health on the 4th of July;\\nthough it had, in fact, occurred sooner, namely, on the 28th or 29th\\nof June. The greatest number of cases in this city took place on\\nthe 21st of July, when there were 311 cases, and 100 deaths. On\\nthe dav following, there were 239 cases, and 115 deaths. On the\\n25th, 153 deaths are reported. The whole number of deaths from\\nthe 4th of Julv till the 1st of October, was 3,407.\\nIn the city of Albany, the cholera made its first appearance on\\nor about the 3d of July. It increased and extended itself very\\ngradually, the number of cases varying from day to day, without a\\nregular increase. The whole number of deaths from the 3d of July\\ntill the 22d of September, was 229.\\nAt Philadelphia, which was the next place of attack, it was first\\nrecognised by the board of health on the 16th of July. No new\\ncases, however, occurred till the 24th. On the 28th, six cases and\\nfive deaths took place. From this time the disease advanced very\\nrapidly, and while its fury was abating in New York, it began to\\nshow itself in its most formidable shape in Philadelphia. Upon the\\n6th of August, the greatest number of cases occurred; there were\\nreported 176 cases, with 71 deaths. The whole number of deaths", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "3S4\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThe people of South Carolina had, before this time,\\nbroached some doctrines in regard to state rights, not\\nby cholera, in that cily, was 948. Taking the 28lh of July as the\\ndate at which it commenced its regular course, it required only nine\\ndays for it to arrive at its height; nearly the same period as in\\nQuebei-, and Montreal, and about half the period it required in\\nNew York.\\nAt Hallimore, the disease commenced on the 22d of August,\\nfrom which time, till the 24th of September, the number of deaths\\nwas about GOO.\\nIn the city tf Washington, it first showed itself about the 281h of\\nAugust, from which lime, till the 24th of September, there were\\nreported 177 deaths.\\nIt prevailed also at Norfolk, in Virginia, and traversed various\\nportions of the southern states, where it made great havoc amongst\\nthe black, or slave population, who fell ready and easy victims to\\nits influence. Cincinnati and New Orleans suffered severely.\\nFrom the north, the disease extended itself along the borders of\\nthe great lakes. It soon reached Detroit, where it produced con-\\nsiderable mortality among the troops.\\nThe six eastern states, together with the British provinces of\\nNova Scotia and New Brunswick, almost entirely escaped its influ-\\nence. Only a few. solitary cases occurred in the port towns of Con-\\nnecticut, Rhode Island, and Ma.ssachusetis, but not sufficient to give\\nit the character of an epidemic as the cases might, more or less,\\nbe traced to individuals seeking refuge from the infected cities. In\\na word, all these places might be pronounced as having been ex-\\nempt from the epidemic cholera.\\nDuring this season, the disease broke out in Havana, and car-\\nried ofl^an immense population, principally slaves.\\nWe have now given an epitome of the history and progress of\\nmalignant cholera, from its first appearance in Asia till the period\\nof its ravages in Canada and the United Slates, at the close of the\\nyear 1832. To this history we are induced to add some medico-\\ntopographical reflections, suggested by our own observations on this\\nsingular malady.\\nThe prominent characteristic of this malady will not justify the\\nname by which it is distinguished, of Cholera. The definition of\\nthat term implies a morbid bilious secretion, exciting irritation,\\nand griping pains in the intestines, with their concomitant symp-\\ntoms, vomiting, and purging of coloured, foetid ejections. In the\\ndisease under consideration, there is at least a deficiency, if not in\\nall cases a tntal vw.nl, of bile. Its symptoms are summarily these\\nFirst, trifling diarrhoea, varying in duration from several da3 s down\\nto a kvi hours only; then nausea, vomiting, and increase of diar-\\nrhcea. Second, a slight blueness of the hands and face, sometimes\\naccompanied by distressing sensation of the chest, followed by\\nvomiting and diarrhoea dejections being watery, flaky, and light\\ncoloured, having almost invariably the appearance of rice water,\\nand unmixed with fcetid excrements. Third, cramps in the limbs,\\nblueness extending over the whole Hunk, countenance cadaverous,\\nskin and perspiration cold as also are the breath and tongue the\\nvoice broken to a whisper, and a burning thirst. These constitu-\\nted the severer cases, which terminated in death from three to\\ntwelve hours. Numerous were the cases where there was neither\\nvomiting, purging, nor spasms, and yet they hurried rapidly to a\\nfatal termination.\\nIt is remarked by all writers, foreign and domestic, on this\\nJisease, that it always appeared in cities and towns lying on, or in,\\nhe immediate vicinity of lakes or rivers; that in its progress\\nfrom district to district, its cour.se was marked over alluvial soil\\nand, we believe, in no instance on high ground, where the forma-\\ntion was either primary or secondary. Hence, whatever may be\\nits cause, or the nature of the miasm by which it is engendered, it\\nis only to be I ound in alluvial formations. In the Uniled States,\\nand in th-e British American provinces, this has been exemplified\\nbeyond a doubt. The disease has, we believe, invariably occurred\\non alluvial soils, and followed the course of rivers or large streams\\nnot, as has been imagined, by transportation through infected emi-\\ngrants, or by those, who had been exposed in previously infected\\nplaces but because such locations only became susceptible to its\\ninfecting influence.\\nacknowledged by the great body of the union. The\\nquestion was most ably argued in congress, particu-\\nWiihout endeavouring to be minutely particular in our prooft\\nthat the dise.ise belongs wholly to alluvial situations, we need only\\nto remark, first, its limitations in Canada, and in the middle,\\nsouthern, and western slates, to lakes, rivers, and streams; and,\\nsecondly, to the almost total exemption of our six eastern states, as\\nwell as Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, because nearly all that\\nportion of America is of primary and secondary formation. We\\ntherefore have reason to believe, that the miasm of this disease, as\\nwell as that of yellow fever and plague, can not exist or propagate\\nin districts of primary or secondary formations.\\nAs to the miasm, or deadly poison, which invades the system,\\nand is the primary cause of sickness and of death in this, as well\\nas in other infeclions diseases, it has ever been, and probably ever\\nwill be, inscrutable by the ingenuity of man. We know that it ex-\\nists, ouly from its effects on our systems; but the material consti-\\ntuting its aerial substance, must for ever remain a mystery.\\nWe may theorize, hypothesize, and analogize, but we can never\\narrive with certainty at the goal of discover) We would, how-\\never, by no means, discourage the inquirer, who may, by analogy,\\napproach the truth, though unable to establish the fact. It is possi-\\nble even that he may thus strike on the very cause itself; 3 et its\\nproof must ever remain doubtful. Whatever it be, and however\\npalpable to our senses, yet it would be in vain to contend against\\nit. All that man can do, is to avoid its baleful influence, by a re-\\nmoval from within its atmo.sphere. He can not prevent or coun-\\nteract the coming storm, or the dreadful sirocco he can only seek\\nrefuge from the irresistible power of the one, or the malign influ-\\nence of the other.\\nThe most plausible, if not the most reasonable hypothesis, and\\nthe best supported by analogical arguments, is that of the learneti\\nprofessor. Doctor Mojon, of Italy, whose philosophic mind prompt-\\ned him, at the hazard of his life, te visit Paris, and attend the hos-\\npitals during the epidemic, for the sole purpose of investigating\\nthe nature and character of the disease. This hypothesis does not\\nembrace, distinctly, either the aerial, aquatic, or lelluvian theory;\\nbut comprehends what may have an affinity with either, or may be\\nthe result of a combination of all. It is the doctrine of animakuta.\\nIf we were to adopt for ourselves any one hypothesis as preferable\\nto, o\u00c2\u00bbmore rational than another, it would be the animalcular.\\nThis idea is not so novel, nor so widely speculative, as many seem\\nto imagine. There lies now before us a catalogue of twcnly-four\\nnames of both ancient and modern authors of hislorical reputation,\\nquoted as advocates of the doctrine that animalculse are productive\\nof both contagious and infectious diseases. Amongst these are\\nVarro, Lucretius, Columella, Vitruvius, Kircher, Fabre, Linna?us,\\nHautmann, Plenilz, Dessault, Acerbi, Hahnemann, La Motte, Neal,\\nc. Its discussion, however, would be out of jilace here, and we\\nmust refer the inquisitive reader to Dr. Mojon s treatise on cholera,\\nfor the rationale of his doctrine.\\nHowever remote from our research may be the first cause of the\\nmalady, we may approach at least to a consideration of its effects,\\nas manifested by its premonitory and subsequent symptoms.\\nSpeculations on the effects of unknown causes, are at all times\\nbut an exercise of ingenuity in our profession. However, when\\nwe can not agree upon the effects themselves, and make even these\\nbend to adopted or preconceived systems or opinions, we are con-\\nstantly exposed to dangerous inferences, and to fatal results.\\nTo investigate the nature of this disease, and to learn the first\\neffects the miasm has produced on the constitution, we .should select,\\nfor;)os(mo77c77i examination, such subjects as were temperate in their\\nhabits, and apparently in good health when first attacked by the\\nmalady. The most correct and numerous of those examinations\\nhave been niade in the hospitals at Paris, by physicians devoted to\\nthe sciences, and in whose accuracy there need be no doubt.\\nIn such cases, the brain will be found sound, or little altered the\\nlungs sound the heart, and first portion of the blcod vessels, filled\\nwith black, liquid blood; sinmach containing a quantity of gray co-\\nloured fluid bladder empty and contracted; liver sound, and free\\nfrom blood gall bladder containing the usual quantity of bile, of a\\ndark colot r oMomin/tl msrj-rn sound no sign.s of inflammation, nor", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n385\\nlarly by Colonel Hayne, a senator from South Caro-\\nlina, on the one side, and by Mr. Webster, of Massa-\\nchusetts, on the other.\\nderangement of the internal organs, either of the abdominal viscera,\\nof the stomach, or of the brain. The veins are, however, over-\\nloaded with a dark coloured blood, in some parts approaching ink\\nin its appearance. In some cases, the heart, as well as the smaller\\narteries, are found surcharged with blood, presenting the same co-\\nkur as that found in the veins.\\nFrom all that we have been able to learn, there appears to be a\\ngeneral, if not a unanimous conviction, that there is in this disease\\na torpid state of ihe biliary organs, which render them insufficient\\nto furnish the common quantity or quality of bile for the purpose\\nof assimilating the digested mass of food into its elementary por-\\ntions. This fact has led us to form a hypothesis on the cause of\\nthe deterioration of the blood, so remarkably characteristic of this\\ndisease.\\nOur present opinion, we, frankly confess, does not, in every re-\\nspect, accord with that which we adopted in the early period of\\nthe epidemic, respecting the existence of an acrid secretion from\\nthe biliary ducts, producing the phenomena consequent to an attack.\\nBut, for our hypothesis.\\nChyme, we know to be^he ingested mass of food which passes\\nfrom the stomach into the duodenum, or first intestine, and from\\nwhich the chyle is prepared in the small intestines by the admi.xture\\nof the bile.\\nChyle is the milk-like liquor observable some hours after eating,\\nin the lacteal vessels, and in the thoracic duct. It is separated, by\\ndigestion, from the chyme, and is that fluid substance from which\\nthe blood is formed. The lacteal vessels are most numerous in the\\nduodenum, whence, after chylification, the residual mass, with the\\nbile, is propelled into the large intestines, and become alvine.\\nThe c/iijle enters into the blood in so pure and unmixed a slate,\\nthat it is occasionally seen swimming on it if a vein be opened some\\nhours after eating. In the thoracic duct it is mixed with albumi-\\nnous and gelatinous lymph. Its use is to supply the matter from\\nwhich the blood and other fluids of Ihe body are prepared, and from\\nwhich fluids the solid parts are formed.\\nFrom the nature and uses of cliyme and of chyle, we are led to\\nbelieve that ikat cause, which w ill, or does, weaken, or suspend the\\nwonted force and secretory power of that great vascular reservoir\\nof blood, the liver, also leads to a diminution in quantity, if not to\\na change in quality, of that important secretion called bile.\\nIt must appear evident, from what we have staled above, that the\\npresence o{ chyle is essential to the process of sanguification, or the\\nformation of the blood, and consequently to the sustenance of its\\nvitality and puritv, and to the support of the animal functions.\\nDeprive the blood of chyle but for a short time, and a change, or a\\nwant of healthy action, must necessarily ensue; but, cut off its\\nsource for a few hours, and an utter deterioration of the blood fol-\\nlows, and death becomes inevitable.\\nAmong the causes that will produce this stale of Ihe biliary or-\\ngans, and their consequent effects, there are some of which we are\\nignorant, but a few are well known. Among the former is that\\npeculiar constitutional aptitude in the prevailing condition of the\\nhuman system which has rendered it liable to this epidemic, as it\\ndoes to all other epidemics. Among Ihe latter or knovni causes, are\\nfear, apprehension, anxiety. Their elTects on the nervous and vas-\\ncular systems, are too familiar to the cummon observer to require\\nany physiological comments. The brain, the bowels, the heart, and\\nthe secretory vessels, bear daily witness to their influence, and sub-\\nmit to it in many instances, with startling celerily.\\nPaleness, or a recess of blood from the surface a general sense\\nof debility, almost to prostration tremor a languid circulation\\nand feeble action of the heart are all, the instantaneous results of\\nfear. We need not carry the effects of enervating causes .any far-\\ntheiuo prove the strong analogy which such a state of the .system\\nbears to the effects of that other and unknown cause, whatever it\\nmay be, which induces the premonitory .syinploms of cholera. We\\nshall, at all events, endeavour to prove that the e3 ects are the same\\nin the piogressive stages of the disease.\\nCtiY.ML it appears, cannot part with its chyle without the inter-\\nThe attention of the people was attracted by this\\ndiscussion, and an immense majority of them were\\ndecidedly against the doctrines avowed by Carolina.\\nvenlioD of a suitable quantity of bile to aid its separation. Bile\\nbeing deficient in consequence of the torpidity of the biliary organs,\\nit results, that little or no chyle is furnished to the blood. Chyme,\\nunmixed with bile, is nattirally of a grayish or light colour, and\\nwould pass off by stool or ejection without any other change than its\\nadmixture with the common secretions of the intestinal canal, or\\nwith the watery fluids taken into the stomach. On this principle,\\nthen, we account for the colourless or rice-water discharges from the\\nstomach and bowels.\\nIf, therefore, it is a fact, (and we believe it is now universally\\nadmitted,) that there is a deficiency of bile in this disease, and a\\nconsequent failure of chylification, we cannot be at a loss to account\\nfor the delerioraticn of the blood. By abstracting chyle, you de-\\nprive it of its pabulum. It becomes diseased, dissolved, decom-\\nposed, disoxygenated, corrupted. The feeble action of the arterial\\nsystem denotes its lost power over the heart, and analysis has pro-\\nved its degeneracy.\\nIt seems to be generally admilted among practitioners of medi-\\ncine, that in this disease, when the discharges have assumed a dark\\nor coloured appearance, their patient may be considered safe. We\\nbelieve it; for I hey evince, thai some natural or artificial power\\nhas roused the liver and gall bladder from their sluggish and dor-\\nmant state.\\nThe sudden and rapid progress of this malady forbids us to hope\\nmuch from the vis medicalrix naturae, or power of nature. The\\nfrequent suddenness of its attack, the rapid disorganization and dis-\\nsolution of the blood, the eonsequent deathlike prostration, and the\\nlivid hue of Ihe surface and extremities, call for the most prompt\\nand energetic means at our command. The only remedial agent\\nthat appears to us as inducive to such a result, is vomits. These\\nnot only produce a salutary revulsion throughout the whole vascular\\nsystem, but, from their mechanical effect on Ihe liver by means of\\ntlie oppressive constrictions of the abdominal muscles, cause it to\\ndisgorge its contents, and relieve ils congestion. Hence, as we\\nhave repeatedly observed, immediately after the operation of an\\nemetic in the forming, or in the full state of collapse, as it is termed,\\na change of colour and of material is induced in the discharges\\nfrom the bowels, a cessation of spontaneous vomiting, purging, and\\ncramps, and the cure is accomplished by the exhibition of one or\\nmore doses of calomel.\\nAs this question was so fully discussed and explained in the\\nspeeches of these gentlemen, we are induced to insert them, it be-\\ning impo.ssible to give an abridgment that would present a clear\\nview of the subject.\\nWhen I took occasion, (said Mr. Hayne,) two days ago, to throw\\nout some ideas with respect to the policy of Ihe government, in re-\\nlation to the public lands, nothing certainly could have been fuither\\nfrom my thoughts, than that I should be compelled again to throw\\nmyself upon the indulgence of the senate. Litile did I expect to be\\ncalled upon to meet such an argument as was yeslerday urged by\\nIhe gentleman from Ma.ssachusetts, (Mr. Webster.) Sir, I ques-\\ntioned no man s opinions; I impeached no man s motives I charged\\nno party, or state, or section of country, with hostility to any other,\\nbut ventured, I thought, in a becoming spirit, to put forth my own\\nsentiments in relation to a great national question of public policy.\\nSuch was my course. The gentleman from Missouri, (Mr. Benton,)\\nit is true, had charged upon the eastern slates an early and continu-\\ned hostility towards the west, and referred to a number of histori-\\ncal facts and documents in support of that charge. Now, sir, how\\nhave these d ifferenl arguments lieen met1 The honourable gentle-\\nman from Massachusetts, after deliberating a w-hole night upon his\\ncourse, comes into this chamber to vindicate New England; and\\ninstead of making up his issue wilh the gentleman from Missouri,\\non the charges which he had preferred, chooses to consider me as\\nthe author of those charges, and losing sight entirely of that gen-\\ntleman, selects me as his adversary, and pours out all the vials oi\\nhis mighty wrath upon my devoted head. Nor is he willing to stop\\nhere. He goes on to assail the institutions andpobcy of ihe sputb,\\nand calls in question the principles and conduct of the state which", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "386\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nAlthough the state of South Carolina assumed an at-\\ntitude \u00c2\u00abf defiance, President Jackson at once took a\\nmost decided course. He was supported by the great\\nI have Ihe honour to represent. When I find a gentleman of ma-\\nture age and experience of acknowledged talents and profound\\n.sagacity pursuing a course like this, declining the contest oflered\\nfrom the west, and making war upon Ihe unoffending south, I must\\nhelieve, I am bound to believe, he has some object in view that he\\nhas not ventured to disclose. Mr. President, why is this 1 Has\\nthe gentleman discovered, in former controversies with the gentle-\\nman from Missouri, that he is overmatched by that senator 1 And\\ndoes he hope for an easy victory over a more feeble adversary 1\\nHas the gentleman s dislempered fancy been disturbed by gloomy\\nIbrebodings of new alliances to be Ibrmed, at which he hinted 1\\nHas the ghost of the murdered coalition come back, like the ghost\\nof Banquo, to sear the eye-balls of the gentleman, and will it not\\ndown at his bidding 1 Are dark visions of broken hopes, and\\nhonours lost for ever, still floating before his heated iraagmation 1\\nSir, if it be his object to thrust me between the gentleman from\\nMissouri and himself, in order to rescue the east from the contest\\nit has provokeci with the west, he shall not be gratified. Sir, I\\nwill not be dragged into the defence of my friend from Missouri!\\nThe south shall not be forced into a conflict not it.s own. The\\ngentleman from Missouri is able to fight his own battles. The gal-\\nlant west needs no aid from the south, to repel any attack which\\nmay be made on them from any quarter. Let the gentleman from\\nMassachusetts controvert the facts and arguments of the gentleman\\nfrom Missouri, if he can and if he win the victory, let him wear\\nits honours: I shall not deprive him of his laurels.\\nThe gentleman from Massachusetts, in reply to my remarks on\\nthe injurious operation of our land system on the prosperity of the\\nwest, pronounced an extravagant culogium on the paternal care\\nwhich the government had extended towards the west, to which he\\nattributed all that was great and excellent in the present condition\\nof the new states. The language of the gentleman, on this topic,\\nfell upon my ears like the almost forgotten tones of the tory leaders\\nof the British parliament, at the commencement of the Ainerican\\nrevolution. They, too, discovered, that the colonics, had grown\\ngreat under the fostering care of the mother country; and I must\\nconfess, while listening to the gentleman, I thought ihe appropriate\\nreply to his argument, was to be found in the remark of a celebra-\\nted orator, made on that occasion They had grown great in\\nspile of your protection.\\nThe gentleman, in commenting on the policy of the government,\\njn relation to the new states, has introduced to our nolice a certain\\nNathan Dane, of Massachusetts, to whom he attributes the cele-\\nbrated ordinance of 87, by which he tells Uf^, slavery was for ever\\nexcluded from the new slates north of the Ohio. After eulogizing\\nIhe wisdom of this provision, in terms of the most extravagant\\npraise, he breaks forth in admiralinn of the greatness of Nathan\\nDane and great, indeed, he must be, if it be true, as slated by the\\n.senator from Massachusetis, that he was greater than Solon and\\nLycurgus, Minos, Numa Pompilius, and all the lejislaiors and phi-\\nlosophers of the world, ancient and modern. Sir, to such high\\nauthority, it is certainly my duly, in a becoming spirit of humility,\\nto submit. And yel, the gentleman will pardon me, when I say,\\nthat it is a little unfortunate for the fame of this great legislator,\\nthat the gentleman from Missouri should have proved, that he\\nwas not Ihe author of the ordinance of 87, on which the senator\\nI rom Massachusetts has reared so glorious a monument to his\\nname. Sir, I doubt not the senator will feel some compassion\\nfor our ignorance, when I tell him, that so lillle are we ac-\\nquainted with the modern great men of New England, that until\\nhe informed iis yesterday I hat we possessed a Solon and a Lycur-\\niTus, in Ihe person of Nathan Dane, he was only known to Ihe south\\n8S a mem.ber of a celebrated assembly, called and known by Ihe\\nname of the Hartford Convention. In the proceedings of that\\nassembly, which I hold in my hand, Cat page 19,) will be found, in\\n9 few lines, the history of Nathan Dane; and a lillle further on,\\nthere is conclusive evidence of that ardent devotion to the interests\\nof the new states, which it seems has given him a just claim to the\\nbody of the people. He issued a proclamation,\\nwhich we shall insert, fraught with all the sound\\ndoctrines of the old school. This manly, bold, and\\ntitle of father of the west. By the second resolution of Ihe\\nHartford Convention, it is declared, that it is expedient to at-\\ntempt to make provision for reslraining congress in the exercise oj\\nan uiilimiteil power to make new stales^ and admitting them into the\\nunion. So much for Nathan Dane, of Beverly, Massachusetts.\\nIn commenting upon my views in relation to the public lands, the\\ngentleman insists, that it being one of the conditions of the grants\\nthat these lands should be applied to the common benefit of all\\nthe states, they must always Temain a fund for revenue and adds,\\nIhey must be treated as so nmch treasure. Sir, the gentleman couki\\nhardly find language strong enough, lo convey his disajiprrhation of\\nIhe policy which I had ventured lo recommend to the favourable\\nconsideration of the country. And what, sir, was that policy, and\\nwhat is the ditference between that gentleman and myself, on this\\nsubject 1 I Ihrew out the idea, that the public lands ought not to\\nbe reserved for ever as a great fund for revenue that ihey ought\\nnot to be treated as a great treasure but that the course of our\\npolicy should rather be directed towards the creation of new states,\\nand building up great and flourishing communities.\\nNow, sir, will it be believed by thoSe who now hear me, and\\nwho listened to Ihe gentleman s denunciation of my doctrines yes-\\nterday, that a book then lay open before him nay, that he held it\\nin his hand, and read from jl certain passages of his own speech,\\ndelivered lo Ihe house of representatives in 1825, in which speech\\nhe himself contended for the very doctrines I had advocateti, and\\nalmost in ihe same terms. Here is Ihe speech of Ihe Hon. Daniel\\nWebster, contained in the first volume of Gales and Seaton s Regis-\\nter of Debates, (p. 251,) delivered in the house of repiesenlalives\\non Ihe 18lh of January, 1825, in a debate on Ihe Cumberland road\\nthe very debate from which the senator read yesterday. I shall\\nread from this celebrated speech two passages, from which it will\\nappear, that, both as to the past and the future policy of the govern-\\nment, in relation lo the public lands, the gentleman from Massa-\\nchusetts maintained, in 1825, subslantiaily the same opinions which\\nI have advanced; but, which he now strongly reprobates. I said,\\nsir, that Ihe system of credit sales, by which the west had been kept\\nconstantly in debt lo the United States, and by which their wealth\\nwas drained off, to be expended elsewhere, had operated injurious-\\nly on their prosperity. On this point, Ihe gentleman from Massa-\\nchusetts, in January, 1825, expressed himself thus: There could\\nbe no doubt, if gentlemen looked at the money received into the\\ntreasury from the sale of the public lands to the west, and then\\nlooked to the whole amount expended by government, (even in-\\ncluding the whole amount of whal was laid out for the army,) the\\nlatter must be allowed to be very inconsiderable, and there must be\\na constant drain of money from the west to pay for the public lands.\\nIt might, indeed, be said, that this was no more than the refluence\\nof capital which had previously gone over Ihe mountains. Be it so.\\nStill its practical effect was to produce inconvenience, if not dis-\\ntress, by absorbing the money of Ihe people.\\nI contended, that the public lands ought not to be treated merely\\nas a fund for revenue; that they ought not to be hoarded as a\\ngreat treasure. On this point, the senator expressed himself thus:\\nGovernment, I believe, lias received eighteen or twenty millions\\nof dollars from Ihe public lands, and it is with the greatest .satisfac-\\ntion I advert to the change which has been introduced in the mode\\nof paying for them yet lean never think the national domain is to\\nbe regarded as any great source of revenue. The great object of the\\ngovernment in respect to these lands, was not so much the money\\nderived from their sale, as it was the getting them settled. What I\\nmean to say is, do not think they ought to hug that domain iS a\\nGRictT TREASURE, v hich is to enrich the exchequer.\\nNow, Mr. President, it will be seen that the very doctrines which\\nthe gentleman so indignantly abandons, were urged by him in\\n1825; and if I had actually borrowed my sentiments from those\\nwhich he then avowed, I could not have followed more clo.sely in\\nhis footsteps. Sir, it is only since the gentleman quoted this book,\\nyesterday, that my attention has been turned to the sentimenls he", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n387\\ndecided course, made him tenfold more popular than 1\\nbefore.\\nWhereas, a convention assembled in the state of\\nexpressed in 1825; and, if I had remembered Ihem, I might possi-\\nbly have been deterred from uttering senlimenls here, which it\\nmight well be supposed I had borrowed from ihat gentleman.\\nIn 1825, the gentleman told the world, that the public lands\\nought not to be treated as a treasure. He now tells us, that\\nthey must be treated as so much treasure. What the delibe-\\nrate opinion of the gentleman on this .subject may be, belongs not\\nto me to determine; but, I do not think he can, with the shadow\\nof justice or propriety, impugn my sentiments, while his own re-\\ncorded opinions are identical with my own. Wlien the gentleman\\nrefers to the conditions of the grants under which the United States\\nhave acquired these lands, and insi.sLs Ihatj as they are declared to\\nbe for the common benefit of all the states, they can only be\\ntreated as so much treasure, I think he has applied a rule of con-\\nttruction too narrow for the case. If, in the deeds of cession, it\\nhas been declared that the grants were intended for the common\\nbenefit of all the stales, it is clear, from other provisions, that they\\nwere not intended merely as so muck property; for, it is expressly\\ndeclared, that the object of the giants is the erection of new states\\nand the United States, in accepting the trust, bind themselves to\\nfacilitate the foundation of these slates, to be admitted into the\\nunion with all the rights and privileges of the original states.\\nThis-, sir, was the great end to which all parties looked, and it is\\nby the fulfilment of ihis high trust, that the common benefit of all\\nthe states is to be best promoted. Sir, let me tell the gentleman,\\nthat in the part of the country in which I live, we do not measure\\npolitical benefits by the vioncy slandurd. We consider as more\\nvaluable than gold, liberty, principle, and justice. But, sir, if we\\nare bound to act on the narrow principles contended for by the\\ngentleman, I am wholly at a loss to conceive how he can reconcile\\nhis principles with his own practice. The lands are, it seems, to\\nbe treated as so much treasure, and inust be applied to the\\ncommon benefit of all the states. Now, if this be so, whence\\ndoes he derive the right to appropriate them for partial and local\\nobjects 1 How can the gentleman consent to vote aw ay immense\\nbodies of lhe.se lands, for canals in Indiana and Illinois, lo the\\nLouisville and Portland canal, to Kenyon college, in Ohio, lo\\nschools for the deaf and dumb, and other objects of a similar de-\\nscription 1 If grants of this character can fairly be considered as\\nmade for the common benefit of all the states, it can only be, be-\\ncause all the stales are interested in the welfare of each a princi-\\nple which, carried to the full extent, destroys all distinction between\\nlocal and national objects; and is certainly broad enougk to em-\\nbrace the principles for which I have ventured to contend. Sir,\\nthe true difference between us, I take to be this the gentleman\\nwishes to treat the public lands as a great treasure, just as so much\\nmoney in the treasury, to be applied to all objects, constitutional\\nand unconstitutional, to which the public money is now constantly\\napplied. I consider it as a sacred trust, which we ought to fulfil,\\non the principles for which I have contended.\\nThe senator from Massachusetts has thought proper to present,\\nin strong contrast, the friendly feelings of the east towards the west,\\nwith sentiments of an opposite character displayed by the south in\\nrelation lo appropriations for internal iviprovcvienl. Now, sir, let it\\nbe recollected, that the south have made no professions I have\\ncertainly made none in their behalf, of regard for the west. It has\\nbeen reserved to the gentleman from Massachusetts, while he\\nvaunts his own personal devotion to western interests, to claim for\\nthe entire section of country to which he belongs, an ardent friend-\\nship for the west, as manifested by their support of the system of\\ninternal improvement, while he casts in our teeth the reproach,\\nthat the south has manifested hostility to western interests, in op-\\nposing approiirialions for such objects. That gentleman, at the\\nsame lime, acknowledged that the south enteitains conslituHo-nal\\nicruplcs on this subject. Are we then, sir, to understand, that the\\ngentleman considers it a just subject of reproach, that we respect\\nour oaths, by which we are bound to preserve, protect, and defend\\nthe constitution of the United States V Would the gentleinan have\\nUS manifest our love to the west, by trampling under foot our con-\\nSouth Carolina, have passed an ordinance, by which\\nthey declare, That the several acts and parts of act.s\\nof the congress of the United Stales, purporting to\\nstiiutional scruples I Does he not perceive, that if the south is In\\nbe reproached with unkindness to the west, in voting against appro-\\npriations, which the gentleman admits they could not vote foi\\nW ilhout doing violence to their constitutional opinions, that he ex-\\nposes himself to the question, whether, if he was in our situation,\\nhe could vote for these appropriations, regardless of his scruples?\\nNo, sir, I will not do the gentleman so great injustice. He has\\nfallen into this error from not having duly weighed the force and\\neffect of the reproach which he was endeavouring lo cast upon the\\nsouth. In relation to the other point, the friendship manifested by\\nNew England towards the west, in their su]iport of the system of\\ninternal improvement, the gentleman will pardon me for saying,\\nthat I think he is equally unfortunate in liaving introduced that\\ntopic. As that gentleman has forced it upon us, howevei, I can\\nnot sufler it to pass unnoliced. When the gentleman tell us, that\\nthe appropriations for internal improvement in the west, would, in\\nalmost every instance, have failed, but for New England votes, he\\nhas forgotten to tell us the when, the hov:, and the wherefore, this\\nnew-born zeal for the west sprung up in the bosom of New Eng-\\nland. If we look back only a few years, we will find, in both\\nhouses of congress, a uniform and steady opposition, on the part\\nof the members from the eastern stales, generally, to all appropria-\\ntions of this character. At the time I became a member of this\\nhouse, and for some time afterwards, a decided majority of the\\nNew England senators were opposed to the very measures which\\nthe senator from Massachusetts tells us they now cordially support.\\nSir, the journals are before me, and an examination of them will\\nsatisfy every gentleman of that fact.\\nIt must be well known to every one whose experience dates back\\nas far as 1825, that np to a certain period. New England was gene-\\nrally opposed to appropriations for internal improvements in the\\nwest. The gentleman from Massachusetts may be himself an ex-\\nception but if he went for the system before 1825, it is certain\\nthat his colleagues did not go with him. In the session of 1824\\nand 25, however, (a memorable era in the history of this country,)\\na wonderful change took place in New England, in relation to\\nwestern interests. Sir, an extraordinary union of sympathies and\\nof interests was then effected, which brought the east and the west\\ninto close alliance. The book from which I have before read, con-\\ntains the first public annunciation of that happy reconciliation of\\nconflicting interests, personal and political, which brought the east\\nand west together, and locked in a fraternal embrace the two great\\norators of the east and the west. Sir, it was on the 18th of Janua-\\nry, 1825, while the result of the presidential election, in the house\\nof representatives, was still doubtful, while the whole country was\\nlooking with intense anxiety to that legislative hall, where the\\nmighty drama was soon to be acted, that we saw the leaders of\\ntwo great parties in the house and in the nation, taking sweet\\ncounsel together, and in a celebrated debate on the Curnherland\\nroad, fighting side by side for western interests. It was on that me-\\nmorable occasion that the senator from Massachusetts held out the\\nwhite flag to the ivest, and uttered those liberal sentiments, which he\\nyesterday so indignantly repudiated. Then it was, that that happy\\nuni(in, between the members of the celebrated coalition, was con-\\nsummated, whose immediate issue was a president from one quarter\\nof the union, with the succession (as it was supposed) secured to\\nanother. The American system, before a rude, disjointed, and\\nmisshapen mass, now assumed form and consistency then it was,\\nthat it became the settled p(dicy of the government, that this\\nsystem should be so administered as to create a reciprocity of in-\\nterests, and a reciprocal distribution of government favours, east\\nand west, (the tariff and internal improvement,) while the south\\nyes, sir, the impracticable south was to be out of your protec-\\ntion. The gentleman may boast as much as he pleases of the\\nfriendship of New England for the west, as displayed in their sup-\\nport of internal improvement; but, when he next introduces that\\ntopic, I trust that he will tell us u hen thai friendship commenced,\\nhow it was brought about, and why it was established. Before I\\nleave this topic, 1 must be permitted lo say, that the true chari-cter", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "388\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nbe laws for the imposing of duties and imposts on the\\nimportation of foreign commodities, and now liaving\\nactual operation and effect within the United States,\\nof (he policy now pursued by the genileman from Massachusetts\\nand his friends, in relation to appropriations of land and money,\\nfor the benefit of the west, is, in rny estimation, very similar to that\\npursued by Jacob of old towards his brother Esau it robs ihem\\nof their birthright fur a mess of pottage.\\nThe gentleman from Massachusetts, in alluding to a remark of\\nmine, that, before any disposition could be made of the public lands,\\nthe national debt, (for which they stand pledged) must be first paid,\\ntook occasion to intimate, that the extraordinary fervour which\\nseems to exist ia a certain quarter, [meaning the south, sir,] far the\\npayment of the debt, arises from a disposition to weaken the ties\\nwhich bind the people to the union. While the gentleman deals us\\nthis blow, he professes an ardent desire to see the debt speedily ex-\\ntinguished. He must excuse me, however, for feeling some dis-\\ntrust on that subject, until I find this disposition manifested by\\nsomething stronger than professions. I shall look for acts, decided\\nand unequivocal acts for the performance of which an opportunity\\nwill very soon (if I am not greatly mistaken) be afforded. Sir, if\\nI were at liberty to judge of tlie course which that gentleman would\\npursue, from the principles which he has laid down in relation to\\nthis matter, I shotdd be bound to conclude, that he will be found\\nacting with those M-ith whom it is a darling object to prevent the\\npayment of the public debt. ?Ie tells us he is desirous of paying\\nthe debt, because we are under an obligation to discharge it.\\nNow, sir, suppose it should happen that the public creditors, with\\nwhom we have contracteil the obligation, should release us from it,\\nso fai as to declare their willingness to wait for payment for fifty\\nyears to come, provided only, the interest shall be punctually dis-\\ncharged. The gentleman from Massachusetts will then be released\\nfrom the obligation which now makes hira desirous of paying the\\ndebt; and, let me tell the gentleman, the holders of the stock will\\nnot only release us from this obligation, but they will implore, nay,\\nthey will even pay us not to.pay them. But, adds the gentleman,\\nso far as the debt may have an effect in binding the creditors to\\nthe country, and thereby serving as a link to hold the states to-\\ngether, he would be glad that it should exist for ever. Surely,\\nthen, sir, on the gentleman s own principles, he must be opposed\\nto the payment of the debt.\\nSir, let me tell that gentleman, that the south repudiates the idea\\nthat a pecuniary dependance on the federal government is one of the\\nlegitimate means of holding the states together. A monied interest\\nin the government is essentially a base interest; and just so far as\\nit operates to bind the feelings of those who are subjected to it, to\\nthe government; just so far as it operates in creating sympathies\\nand interests that would not otherwise exist, is it opppsed to all the\\nprinciples of free government, and at war with virtue and patriot-\\nism. Sir, the link which binds the public creditors, as .WicA, totheir\\ncountry, binds them equally to all governments, whether arbitrary\\nor free. In a free government, this principle of abject dependance,\\nif extended through all the ramihcations of society, must be fatal\\nto liberty. Already have we made alarming strides in that direc-\\ntion. The entire class of manufacturers, the holders of stocks, with\\ntheir hundreds of millions of capital, are held to the government\\nby the strong link of pecuniary interests millions of people entire\\nsections of country, interested, or believing themselves to be so, in\\nthe public lands, and the public treasure, are bound to the govern-\\nment by the expectation of pecuniary favours. If this system is\\ncarried much further, no man can fail to see, that every generous\\nmotive of attachment to the country will be destroyed, and in its\\nplace will spring up those low, grovelling, base, and selfish feelings,\\nwhich bind men to the footstool of a despot, by bonds as strong and\\nas enduring as those which attach them to free insiilutions. Sir, I\\nwould lay the foundation of this government in the affections of the\\npeople I would teach them to cling to it, by dispensing equal ju.s-\\ntice, and, above all, by securing the blessings of liberty to them-\\nselves, and to their posterity.\\nThe honourable gentleman from Massachusetts has gone out of\\nhis way, to pass a high eulogium on the state of Ohio. In the most\\nimpassioned tones of eloquence, he described her majestic march\\nand more especially two acts for the same i)urposes,\\npassed on the 29th of May, 1828, and on the 14th of\\nJuly, 1832, are unauthorized by the Constitution of\\nto greatness. He told us, that having alrep ty left all the other\\nstates far behind, she was now passing by Virginia and Pennsylva-\\nnia, and about to take her station by the side of New York. To all\\nthis, sir, I was disposed most cordially to respond. When, however,\\nthe gentleman proceeded to contrast the state of Ohio with Ken-\\ntucky, to the disadvantage of the latter, I listened to him wilh re-\\ngret; and when he proceeded further to attribute the great, and,\\nas he supposed, acknowledged superiority of the former in popula-\\ntion, wealth, and geneial prosperuy, to the policy of Nathan Done\\nof Massachusetts, which had secured to the people of Ohio (by the\\nordinance of 87) a population of freemen, I will confess, that my\\nfeelings suffered a revulsion, which I am now unable to describe,\\nin any language sufficiently respectful towards the gentleman from\\nMassachusetts. In contrasting the state of Ohio wilh Kentucky,\\nfur the purpose of pointing out the superiority of the former, and of\\nattributing that superiority to the existence of slavery in the one\\nstate, and its absence in the other, I thought I could discern the\\nvery spirit of the Missouri question intruded into this debate, for ob-\\njects best known to the gentleman himself Did that gentleman,\\nsir, when he formed the deieruiinatiou to cross the southern border,\\nin order to invade the stale of South Carolina, deem it prudent or\\nnecessary to enlist under his banners the prejudices of the uortd,\\nwhich, like Swiss troops, may be engaged in any cause, and are\\nprepared to serve under any leader? Did he desire to avail him-\\nself of those remorseless allies, the passio^lS of mankind, of which it\\nmay be more truly said, than of the savage tribes of the wilderness,\\nthat their known rule of warfare is an indiscriminate slaughter\\nof all ages, sexes, and conditions T Or was it supposed, sir.\\nthat in a premeditated and nnjirovoked attack upon the south, it\\nwas advisable to begiu by a gentle admonition of our supposed weak-\\nness, in o der to prevent us lium making that firm and manly re-\\nsistance due to our own character, and our dearest interests?\\nWas the sisnificant hint of the weakjiess of slaee-holdmg xta/es,\\nwhen contrasted with the sruperior strength of free stales, like the\\nglare of the weapon half drawn from its scabbard, intended to en-\\nforce the lessons of prudence and of patriotism, which the gentle-\\nman had resolved, out of his abundant generosity, gratuitously to\\nbestow upon us? Mr. President, the impression which has gone\\nabroad, of the weakness of the south, as connected with the slave ques-\\ntion, exposes us to such constant attacks, has done us .so much in-\\njury, and is calculated to produce such infinite mischiefs, that I em-\\nbrace the occasion presented by the remarks of the gentleman of\\nMa.ssachusetts, to declare, that we are ready to meet the question\\npromptly, and fearlessly. It is one from which we are not disposed\\nto shrink, in whatever form, or under whatever circumstances it\\nmay be pressed upon us. We are ready to make up the issue with\\nthe gentleman, as to the influence of s lavcry on individual and na-\\ntional character on the prosperity and greatness, either of the\\nUnited Stales, or of particular states. Sir, when arraigned before\\nthe bar of public opinion, on this charge of slavery, we can stand\\nup with conscious rectitude, plead not guilly, and put ourselves\\nupon God and our country. Sir, we will not consent to look at\\nslavery in the abstract. We will not stop to inquire whether the\\nblack man, as some philosophers have contended, is of an inferior\\nrace, nor whether his colour and condition are the effects of a curse\\ninflicted for the offences of his ancestors 1 We deal in no abstrac-\\ntions. We will not look hack to inquire, whether our fathers were\\nguiltless in ititroducing slaves into this country? n an inquiry\\nshould ever be instituted in the.se matters, however, it will be found\\nthat the profits of the slave trade were not confined to the south.\\nSouthern ships and southern sailors were not the instruments of\\nbringing slaves to the shores of America, nor did our merchants\\nreap the prt)fils of that accursed traffic. But, sir, we will pass\\nover all this. If slavery, as it now exists in this country, be an\\nevil, we of the present day found it ready made to our hands. Find-\\ning our lot cast among a people, whom God had manifestly com-\\nmitted to our care, we did not sit down to speculate on abstract\\nquestions of theoretical liberty. We met it as a practical question\\nof obligation and duty. We^resolved to make the best of the silua-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n389\\nthe United States, and violate the true meaning and\\nintent thereof, and are null and void, and no law,\\nnor binding on the citizens of that state or its officers\\ntion in which Providence had placed us, and to fulfil the high trust\\nwhich had devolved upon us as the owners of slaves, in the only\\nway in which such a trust could be fulfilled, without spreading iniscry\\nand ruin throughout the land. We found that we had to deal with\\na people whose physical, moral, and intellectual habits and charac-\\nter, totally disqualified them from the enjoyment of the blwsings of\\nfreedom. We could not send them back lo the shores from whence\\ntheir fathers had been taken; their numbers forbade liie thought,\\neven if we did not know that I heir condition here is infinitely pre-\\nferable to what it possibly could be among tlie barren sands and\\nsavage tribes of Africa; and it was wholly irreconcilable with all\\nour notions of humanity to tear asunder the lender ties which they\\nhad formed among us, to gratify the feelings of a false philanthropy.\\nWhat a commentary on the wisdom, justice, and humanity of the\\nsouthern slave owner is presented by the example of certain benevo-\\nlent associations and charitable individuals elscioliere. Shedding\\nwnak tears over suflferings which had existence only in their own\\nsickly imaginations, these friends of humanity set themselves\\nsystematically to work to seduce the slaves of the south from their\\nmasters. B3 means of mi.ssionaries and political tracts, the scheme\\nv/as in a great measure successful. Thousands of these deluded\\nvictims of fanaticism were seduced into the enjoyment of freedom\\nin our northern cities. And what has been the consequence Go\\nto these cities now, and ask the question. Visit the dark and nar-\\nrow lanes, and obscure recesses which have been assigned by com-\\nmon consent as the abodes of those outcasts of the world the free\\npeople of colour. Sir, there does not exist, on the face of the whole\\nearth, a population so poor, so wretched, so vile, so loathsome, so\\nutterly destitute of all the comforts, conveniences, and decencies of\\nlife, ao the unfortunate blacks of Philadelphia, and New York, and\\nBoston. Liberty has been to them the greatest of calamities, the\\nheavie.st of curses. Sir, I have had some opportunities of making\\ncomparisons between the condition of the free negroes of the north,\\nand the slaves of the south, and the comparison has left not only an\\nindelible impression of the superior advantages of the latter, but\\nhas gone far to reconcile me to slavery itself. Never have I felt\\nso forcibly that touching description, the foxes have holes, and\\nthe birds of the air have nests, but the son of man hath not where\\nlo lay his head, as when I have seen this unhappy race, naked\\nand houseless, almost starving in the streets, and abandoned by all\\nthe world. Sir, I have seen in the neighbourhood of one of the\\nmost moral, religious, and refined cities of the north, a family of\\nfree blacks, driven lo the eaves of the rock, and there obtaining a\\nprecarious subsistence I rom charily and plunder.\\nWhen the gentleman from Massachusetts adopts and reiterates\\nthe old charge of weakness as resulting from slavery, I must be\\npermitted to call for the proof of those blighting effects which he\\nascribes to its influence. I suspect, that when the subject is closely\\nexamined, it will be found that there is not much force even in the\\nplausible objection of the want of physical power in slave-holding\\nstates. The power of a country is compounded of its population\\nand its wealth, and, in modern times, where, froin ihe very form\\nand structure of society, by far the greater portion of the people\\nmust, even during the continuance of the most desolating wars, be\\nemployed in the cultivation of the soil and other peaceful pursuits,\\nit may be well doubted, whether slave-holding stales, by reason of\\nthe superior value of their productions, are not able to maintain a\\nnumber of troops in the field, fully equal to what could be support-\\ned bv states with a larger while population, but not possessed of\\nequal resources.\\nIt is a popular error to suppose that in any possible state of\\nthings, the people of a country could ever be called out en vuisse, or\\nthat a half, or a third, or even a fifth part of the physical force of\\nany country, could ever be brought into the field. The difficulty\\nis not to procure men, but to provide the means of maintaining them\\nand in this view ^f the subject, it may be asked, whether ihe south-\\nern states are not a source of strength and pmeer, and not of weak-\\niicss to the country 1 whether they have not contributed, and are not\\nnow contributing, largely to the wealth and prosperity of every state\\nand by the said Ordinance, it is further declared to\\nbe unlawful for any of the constituted authorities of\\nthe statej or of the United States, to enforce the pay-\\nin this union? From a statement which I hold in my hand, it appears\\nthat in ten years\u00e2\u0080\u0094 from 1813 to 1827, inclusive\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the whole amount\\nof the domestic exports of the Uniled States was S 521,81 1,045. Ol\\nwhich three articles, {the prodnct of slave labour,) viz. cotlon, rice,\\nand tobacco, amounted to S339, 203,232\u00e2\u0080\u0094 equal to about two thirds\\nof the whole. It is not true, as has been supposed, that the advanta-\\nges of this labour are confined almost exclusively lo the soulhern\\nstates. Sir, I am thoroughly convinced, that at this lime, the states\\nnorth nf the Potomac, actually derive greater profits from the labour\\nof our slaves, than we do ourselves. It appears from our public docu-\\nments, that in seven years, from 1821 to 1827, inclusive, ihe six\\nsouthern states (;.T;7Ortt (J3190, 337, 281, and m/ or/eei on lyS55,646, 301.\\nNow the difference between these two sums, (near \u00c2\u00a9140, 000, 000,)\\npassed through the hands of the northe -n vicrchants, and enabled them\\nto cany on their commercial operations with all the world. Such\\npan of these goods as found its way back to our hands, came charged\\nwith Ihe duties, as well as the profits of the merchant, the ship\\nowner, and a host of others, who found employment in carrying on\\nthese immense exchanges; and for such part as was consumed at\\nthe north, we received in exchans^e northern mamifaclures, charged\\nwith an increased price, to cover all the taxes which the northern\\nconsumer had been compelled to pay on the imported article. It\\nwill be seen, therefore, at a glance, how much slave labour has\\ncontributed to the wealth and prosperity of the United Stales, and\\nhow largely our northern brethren have participated in the profiis\\nof that labour. Sir, on this subject I will quote an authority, which\\nwill, 1 doubt not, be considered by the senator from lUas.sacliuselts\\nas entitled to high respect. It is from the great father of the\\nAmerican system, honest Matthcv; Carey no great friend, it is\\ntrue, at this time, to southern right? and southern interests, but not\\nthe worst authority on that account, on the point in question.\\nSpeaking of the relative importance to the union of the socxnERN\\nand EASTEUN states, Matthew Carey, in the sixth edition of his Olive\\nBranch, (page 27 8,) after exhibiting a number of statistical tables\\nto show the decided superiority of the former, Ihus proceeds:\\nBut I am tired of ihis investigation- 1 sicken for the honour of\\nthe human species. What idea must tlie world form of the arro-\\ngance of the pretensions on the one side, [the east,] and of the lolly\\nand weakness of the rest of the union, to have so long suffered\\nthem to pass without exposure and deteclion. The naked fact is,\\nthat the demagogues in the eastern states, noi satisfied with deri-\\nving all the benefits from the southern section of the union, that they\\nn-ouldfrom so many wealthy colonies with making princely fortunes\\nby the carriage and exportation of ils bulky and valuable produc-\\ntions, and supplying it with their own manufactures, and the produc-\\ntions of Europe and Ihe East and West Indies, lo an enormous\\namount, and at an immense profit, have uniformly treated il with\\noutrage, insult, and injury. And regardless of iheir vital inltrests,\\nthe eastern states were lately courting their ovn destruction, ly al-\\nlowing a few restless, turbulent men, lo lead them blindfolded to a\\nseparation which was pregnant with their certain ruin. Whenever\\nthat event takes place, they sink into insignificance. If a separa-\\ntion were desirable to any part of the union, it would he to the\\nmiddle and soulhern stales, particularly to the lalltr, who have\\nbeen so long hara.ssed with the complaints, the restlessness, the tur-\\nbulence, and the ingratitude of the eastern slates, that Iheir paiience\\nhas been tried almost beyond endurance. Jcshuran v;axed fa! and\\nkicked; and he will be severely punished for his kicking, in the\\nevent of a dissolution of the union.\\nSir, I wish it to be distinctly understood, that I do not adopt these\\nsentiments as my own. I quote t^em to show that very different\\nsentiments have prevailed in former times, as lo the weakness ot\\nthe slave-holding stales, from those which now seem to have become\\nfashionable in certain quarters. I know il has been supposed by\\ncerlain ill-informed persons, that the south exists only by the coun-\\ntenance and protection of the north. Sir, this is the idlest of all\\nidle and ridiculous fancies, that ever entered inio the mind of man.\\nIn every stale of this union, except one, the free white population\\nactually preponderates while in the British West India islands.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "390\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmeiit of the duties imposed by the said acts within\\nthe same state, and that it is the duty of the legisla-\\nture to pass such laws as may be necessary to give\\nfull effect to the said ordinance.\\n(where the average white population is less than ten per cent, of the\\nwhole,) the slaves are kept in entire subjection; it is preposterous\\nto suppose that the southern slates could ever find the smallest dif-\\nficulty in this lespect. On this subject, as in all others, we ask\\nnothing of our northern brethren but to let us alone. Leave us\\nto the undisturbed management of our domestic concerns, and the\\ndirection of our own iudustry, and we will ask no more. Sir, all\\nour difficulties on this subject have arisen from interference from\\nabroad, which has disturbed, and may again disturb, our domestic\\ntranquillity, just so far as to bring down punishment upon the lieads\\nof the unfortunate victims of a fanatical and mistaken humanity.\\nThere is a spirit, which, like the father of evil, is constantly\\nwalking to and fio about the earth, seeking whom it may de-\\nvour: it is the spirit of false philanthropy. The persons whom\\nit possesses, do not indeed throw themselves into the flames, but they\\nare employed in lighting up the torches of discord throughout the\\ncommunity. Their first principle of action is to leave their own\\naffairs, and neglect their own duties, to regulate the afiairs and the\\nduties of others. Theirs is the task to feed the hungry, and clothe\\nthe naked, of other lands, while they thrust the naked, famished,\\nand shivering beggar, from their own doors to instruct the heathen,\\nwhile their own children want the bread of life. When this spirit\\ninfuses itself into the bosom of a statesman, (if one so possessed can\\nbe called a statesman,) it converts him at once into a visionary en-\\nthusiast. Then it is, that he indulges in golden dreams of national\\ngreatness and prosperity. He discovers that liberty is power;\\nand not content with vast schemes of improvement at home, which\\nit would bankrupt the treasury of the world to e.xpcute, lie flies to\\nforeign lands, to fulfil obligations to the human race, by incul-\\ncating the principles of political and religious liberty, and pro-\\nmoting the general welfare of the whole human race. It is a\\nspirit which has long been busy with the slaves of the south, and is\\neven now displaying itself in vain efforts, to drive the government\\nfrom its wise policy in relation to the Indians. It is this spirit\\nwhich has filled the land with thousands of wild and visionary pro-\\njects, which can have no effect but to waste the energies and dissi-\\npate the resources of the country. It is the spirit of which the as-\\npiring politician dexterously avails himself, when, by inscribing on\\nhis banner the magical words, liberty and philanthropy, he draws\\nto his support that entire class of persons who are ready to bow\\ndown at the very names of their idols.\\nBut, sir, whatever difference of opinion may exist as to the effect\\nof slavery on national wealth and prosperity, if we may trust to ex-\\nperience, there can be no doubt, that it has never yet produced any\\ninjurious effect on individual or national character. Look through\\nthe whole history of the country, from the commencement of ijie\\nrevolution down to the present hour; where are there to be found\\nbrighter examples of intellectual and moral greatness, than have\\nbeen exhibited by tlie sons of the south Prom the fathi^r of his\\nCOUNTBV, down to the distinglmshed chieftain, who has been eleva-\\nted by a grateful people to ihe highest office in their gift, the inter-\\nval is filled up by a long line of orators, of statesmen, and of heroes,\\njustly entitled to rank among the ornaments of their country, and\\nthe benefactors of mankind. Look at the old dominion, great\\nand magnanimous Virginia, whose jewels are her sons, Is there\\nany state in this union which has contributed so much to the honour\\nand welfare of the country Sir, I will yield the whole question\\nI will acknowledge the fatal efl^ects of slavery upon character, if\\nany one can say, that for noble disinterestedness, ardent love of\\ncountry, exalted virtue, and a pure and holy devotion to liberty,\\nthe people of the southern stales have ever been surpassed by any\\nin the world. I know, sir, that this devotion to liberty has some-\\ntimes been supposed to be at war with our institutions; but it is, in\\nEome degree, the result of those very institutions. Burke, the most\\nphilosophical of slalesnien, as he was Ihe most accomplished of\\norators, well understood the operation of this principle, in elevating\\nthe sentiments and exalting the principles of the people in slave-\\nAnd whereas, by the said ordinance it is further\\nordained, that in no case of law or equity, decided\\nin the courts of the said state, wherein shall be\\ndrawn in question the validity of the said ordinance,\\nholding stales. I will conclude ray remarks on this branch of the\\nsubject, by reading a few passages from his speech, on moving\\nhis resolutions for conciliation with the colonies, the 22d of March,\\n1775.\\nThere is a circumstance attending the sonthern colonies, which\\nmakes the spirit of liberty still more high and haughty than in those\\n10 the northward. It is, that in Virginia and the Carolinas they\\nhave a vastmuliilude of slaves. AVhere this is thecase,in any part\\nof the world, those who are free are by far the most proud and\\njealous of their freedom. Freedom is to them not only an enjoy-\\nment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing there, as in\\ncountries where it is a common blessing, and as broad and general\\nas the air, thai it may be united wilh much abject toil, with great\\nmisery, with all the exterior of servitude, liberty looks among thera\\nlike something more noble and liberal. I do not mean, sir, to com-\\nmend the superior morality of this sentiment, which has, at least,\\nas much of pride as virtue in it; but I can not alter the nature of\\nman. The fact is so, and these people of the southern colonies are\\nmuch more strongly, and with a higher and more stubborn spirit,\\nallached to liberty, than those to the northward. Such were all the\\nancient commonwealths; such were our Gothic ancestors; such,\\nin our days, were the Poles and siich will be all masters of slaves,\\nwho are not slaves thcmselres. In such a people, Ihe haughtiness of\\ndomination combines with the spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and\\nrenders it invincible.\\nIn the course of my former remarks, Mr. President, I took occa-\\nsion to deprecate, as one of the greatest of evils, the consolidation of\\nthis government. The gentleman lakes alarm at the .sound. Co-n-\\nsolidation, like the tariff, grates upon his ear. He fells us, we\\nhave heard much, of late, about consolidation that it is the rally-\\ning word for all w ho are endeavouring to weahenthe union, by add-\\ning to the power of the slates. But consolidation, spys the gen-\\ntleman, was the very object for which the union was formed; and\\nin support of that opinion, he lead a passage from the address of\\nthe president of the convention to congress, (which he assumes to\\nbe authority on his side of the question.) But, sir, the gentleman\\nis mistaken. The object of the framers of Ihe constitution, as dis-\\nclosed in that address, was not the consolidation of the government,\\nbut, the consolidation of the union. It was not to draw power\\nfrom the states, in order to transfer it to a great national govern-\\nment, but, in the language of the constitution itself, to form a more\\nperfect union; and by what means by establishing justice,\\npromoting domestic tranquillity, and securing the blessings of\\nliberty to ourselves and our posterity. This is the true reading of\\nthe constitution. But according to the gentleman s reading, the\\nobject of the constitution was to consolidate the government, and the\\nmeans would seem to be, the promotion of injustice, causing do-\\nmestic discord, and depriving the states and the people of the\\nblessings of liberty for ever. The gentleman boasts of belonging\\nto the parly of Natio.mal Republicans National reptiblicans a\\nnew name, sir, for a very old thing. The national republicans of\\nthe present day were ihe federalists of 98, who became federal re-\\npMicans during the war of 1812, and were manufactured into na-\\ntional republicans somewhere about the year 1 825. As a party, (by\\nwhatever name distinguished,) they have always been animated by\\nthe same principles, and have kept steadily in view a common ob-\\nject the consolidation of the government.\\nSir, the party to which I am proud of having belonged from the\\nvery commencement of my political life to the present day, were\\nthe democrats o[ OS; anarchists, anti-federalists, revolutionists, I think\\nthey were sometimes called. They assumed the name of democratic\\nrepublicans in 1812, and have retained tneir name and their princi-\\nples lip to the present hour. True to their political faith, they have\\nalways, as a party, been in favour of limitations of power they have\\ninsisted that all pow-ers not delegated to Ihe federal government are\\nreserved, and have been constantly struggling, as ibey are now\\nstrnggling, to preserve the rights of the slates, and to prevent them", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n391\\nor of the acts of the legislature that may be passed\\nto give it effect, or of the said laws of the United\\nStates, no appeal shall be allowed to the Supreme\\nCourt of the United States, nor shall any copy of the\\nfrom being drawn into the vorlex, and swallowed up by one great\\nconrolidated government. Sir, any one acquainted Willi the histo-\\nry of parties in this country, will recognise in the points, now in\\ndispute between the senator from Massachusetts and myself, the\\nvery grounds which have, from the beginning, divided the two\\ngreat parties in this country, and which (call these parties by what\\nname you will, and amalgainale ihem as you may) will divide them\\nfor ever. The true distinction between those parties is laid down\\nin a celebrated manifesto issued by the convention of the federalists\\nof Massachusetts, assembled in Boston, in Fehiuary, 1824, on the\\noccasion of organizing a party opposition to the re-election of Go-\\nvernor Eustis. The gentleman will recognise this as the Ca-\\nnonical Boole of political scripture, and it instructs us, that when\\nthe American colonies redeemed themselves from British bondage,\\nand became so many iruicpendent notions, they proposed to form a\\nNATIONAL UNION, [not 3. federal union, sir, but a maiioiml union.]\\nThose who were in favour of a union of th,: stales in this form, be-\\ncame known by the name of federalist s those who wanted no union\\nof the slates, or disliked the proposed form of union, became known\\nby the name oi anti-fcderalisls. By means which need not be enu-\\nmerated, the anti-federalists became, after Ihe expiration of twelve\\nyears, our national rulers; and, for a period of sixteen years, until\\nihe close of Mr. Madison s administration of 1817, continued to\\ne.xercise the exclusive direction of our public affairs. Here, sir,\\nis the true history of the origin, rise, and progress of the parly of\\nnational republicans, who date back to the very origin of Ihe govern-\\nment, and who, then as now, chose to consider the eonslilulion as\\nhaving created not a federal, but a national union, who regarded\\nconsolidation as no evil, and who, doubtless, consider it a con-\\nsummation devoutly to be wished, to build up a great central\\ngovernment, one and indMsible. Sir, there have existed in\\nevery age and every country, two distinct orders of men, the lovers\\nof freedom, and the Aevo\\\\e(.\\\\ advocates of power. The same great\\nleading principles, modified only by peculiarities of manners, habits,\\nand institutions, divided parties in the ancient republics, animated\\nthe whigs and lories of Great Britain, distinguished in our own\\ntimes, the liberals and ultras of France, and may be traced even in\\nthe bloody struggles of unhappy Spain. Sir, when the gallant\\nRiego, who devoted himself, and all that he possessed, to the liberties\\nof his country, was dragged to the scaffold, followed by the tears\\nand lamentations of every lover of freedom throughout the world,\\nhe perished amidst the deafening cries of long live the absolute\\nking. The people whom I represent, Mr. President, are the de-\\nscendants of those who brought with them, to this country, as the\\nmost precious of their possessions, an ardent love of liberty, and\\nwhile that shall be preserved, they will always be found manfully\\nstruggling against iAe consolidation of the government, ks the worst\\nOF EVILS.\\nThe senator from Massachusetts, in alluding to the tariff, be-\\ncomes quite facetious. He tells us, that he hears of nothing but\\ntariff, tariff, tariff, and if a word could be found to rhyme irith it, he\\npresumes it would be celebrated in verse, and set to music. Sir,\\nperhaps the gentleman, in mackenj of our complaints, may be himself\\ndisposed to sing the praises of the tariff in doggrel verse, to the\\ntune of Old Hundred. I am not at all surprised, however, at\\nthe aversion of the gentleman to the very name of tariff. I doubt\\nnot that it must always bring up some very unpleasant recolleclions\\nto his mind. If I am not greatly mistaken, the senator from Mas-\\nsachusetts was a leading actor at a great meeting got up in Boston,\\nin 1820, against the tariff. It has generally been supposed, that he\\ndrew up the resolutions adopted by that meeting, denouncing the\\ntariff system, as unequal, oppressive, and unjust, and, if I am not\\nmuch mistaken, denying its constitutionality. Certain it is, that the\\ngentleman made a speech on that occasion, in support of those re-\\nsolutions, denouncing Ihe system in no very measured terms, and,\\nif my memory serves me, calling its constitutionality in question. I\\nregret that I have not been able to lav my hands on those proceed-\\n50\\nrecord be permitted or allowed for that purpose, and\\nthat any person attempting to take such appeal shall\\nbe punished as for a contempt of court\\nAnd, finally, the said ordinance declares, that\\nings, but I have seen them, and I can not be mistaken in their\\ncharacter. At that time, sir, the senator from Massachusetts en-\\ntertained the very sentiments, in relation to the tariff, which the\\nsouth now entertains. We next find the senator from Massachu-\\nsetts expressing his opinion on the tariff as a member of the house\\nof representatives from the city of Boston, in 1821. On Ihat occa-\\nsion, sir, the genlleman assumed a position which commanded the\\nrespect and admiration of his country. He stood forth, the powei-\\nfnl and fearless champion of free trade. He met in that conflict\\nthe advocates of restriction and monopoly, and they Hed from be-\\nfore his face. AVilh a profound sagacitv, a fulness of knowledge,\\nand a richness of illuslralion, that has never been surpassed, he\\nmaintained and established the principles of commercial freedom\\non a foundation never to be shaken. Great indeed was the victo-\\nry achieved by the genlleman on that occasion, most striking the\\ncontrast between Ihe clear, forcible, and convincing arguments by\\nwhich he carried away the understandings of his hearers, and the\\nnarrow views and wretched sophistry of another distinguished ora-\\ntor, who may be truly said to have held up his farthing candle\\nto the sun. Sir, the senator from Massachusetts, on that, Ihe\\nproudest day of his life, like a mighty giant, bore away upon his\\nshoulders the pillars of the temple of error and delusion, escaping\\nhimself unhurt, and leaving his adversaries overwhelmed in its\\nruins. Then it was that he erected to free trade a beautiful and\\nenduring monument, and inscribed the marble with his name.\\nMr. President, it is with pain and regret that I now go forward to the\\nnext great era in the political life of that gentleman, when he was\\nfound on this floor, supporting, advocating, and finally voting for\\nthe tariff of 1828\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that bill of abominations. By that act, sir,\\nthe senator from Massachusetts has destroyed the labours of his\\nwhole life, and given a wound to the cause of free trade, never to\\nbe healed. Sir, wh.en I recollect the position which that genlleman\\nonce occupied, and that which he now holds in public estimation,\\nin relation to this subject, it is not at all surprising that the tariff\\nshould be hateful to his ears. Sir, if I had erected to my own fame\\nso proud a monument as that which the genlleman built np in 1 824,\\nand I could have been tempted to destroy it wiih my own hands, I\\nshould hate the voice thai should ring the accursed tariff in my\\nears. I doubt not the gentleman feels very much in relation to the\\ntariff as a certain knight did to instinct, and with him would be\\ndisposed to exclaim,\\nAh, no more of that Hal, an thou lov st me.\\nBut, Mr. President, to be serious, what are we, of the south, to\\nIhink of what we have heard this day 7 The senator from Massa-\\nchusetts tells us, that the tariff is not an eastern measure, and treals\\nit as if the east had no interest in it. The senator from Missouri\\ninsists it is not a western measure, and that it has done no good to\\nthe west. The south comes in, and in the most earnest manner\\nrepresents to you, that this measure, which we are told is of no\\nvalue to Ihe east or the west, is utterly destructive of our inte-\\nrests. We represent to you, that it has spread ruin. and devasta-\\ntion through the land, and prostrated our hopes in Ihe dust. We\\nsolemnly declare, that we believe the .system to be wholly nnconsti-\\nlulional, and a violation of the compact between the slates and the\\nunion, and our brethren turn a deaf ear to our complaints, and re-\\nfuse to relieve us from a system which not enriches them, but\\nmakes us poor indeed. Good God Mr. President, has it come\\nlo this? Do gentlemen hold the feelings and wishes of their\\nbrethren at so cheap a rate, that they refuse to gratify them at so\\nsmall a price 1 Do gentlemen value so lightly the peace and har-\\nrnony of the country, that they will not yield a measure of this de-\\nscription to the affectionate entreaties and earnest remonstrances of\\ntheir friends 7 Do gentlemen estimate Ihe value of the union at so\\nlow a price, that they will not even make one effort to bind the\\nstates together with the cords of affection? And has it come to\\nthis 1 Is this the spirit in which this government is to be adminis-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0302\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe people of South Carolina will maintain the said\\nordinance at every hazard and that they will con-\\nsider the passage of any act by congress abolishing\\ntered t If so, let me tell gentlemen, the seeds of dissolution are al-\\nready sown, and our children will reap the bitter fruit.\\nThe honourable gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster,)\\nwhile he exonerates me personally from the charge, intimates that\\nthere is a party in the country who are looking to disunion. Sir, if\\nthe gentleman had stopped there, the accusation would have pass-\\ned by me as the idle wind, which I regard not. But, when he\\ngoes on to give to his accusation a local habitation and a name, by\\nquoting the expression of a distinguished citizen of South Caroli-\\nna, (Dr. Cooper,) that it was time for the south tn calculate the\\nvalue of the union, and, in the language of the bitterest sarcasm,\\nadds, surely, then, the union can not last longer than July, 1831,\\nIt is impossible to mistake either the allusion or the object of the\\ngentleman. Now, Mr. President, I call upon every one who hears\\nme to bear witness, that this controversy is not of my seeking.\\nThe senate will do me the justice to remember, that at the time\\nthis unprovoked and uncalled for attack was made upon the south,\\nnot one word had been uttered by me in disparagement of New-\\nEngland, nor had I ma.de the most distant allusion, either to the\\nsenator from Massachusetts, or the stale he represents. But, sir,\\nthat gentleman has thought proper, for purposes best known to him-\\nself, to strike the south through me, the most unworthy of her ser-\\nvants. He has cro.ssed the border, he has invaded the stale of\\nSouth Carolina, is making war upon her citizens, and endeavour-\\ning to overthrow her principles and her inslilutions. Sir, when\\nIhe gentleman provokes me to such a conflict, I meet him at the\\nthreshold. I will struggle while I have life, for our altars and our\\nfire-sides, and if God gives me strength, I will drive back the inva-\\nder discomfited. Nor shall I stop there. If the gentleman pro-\\nvokes the war, he shall have war. Sir, I will not stop at the bor-\\nder, I will carry the war into the enemies territory, and not consent\\n10 lay down my arms, until I shall have obtained indemnity for\\nthe past, and security for the future. It is with unfeigned reluc-\\ntance, Mr. President, that I enter upon the performance of this part\\nof my duty. I shrink almost instinctively from a course, however\\nnecessary, which may have a tendency to excite sectional feelings,\\nand sectional jealousies. But, sir, the task has been forced upon\\nme, and I proceed right onward to the performance of my dulv;\\nbe the consequences what they may, the responsibility is with those\\nwho have imposed upon me this necessity. The senator from\\nMassachusetts has thought proper to cast the first stone, and if he\\nshall find, according to a homely adage, that he lives in a glass\\nhouse, on his head be the consequences. The gentleman has made\\na great flourish about his fidelity to M^assachusetts. I shall make\\nno professions of zeal for the interests and honour of South Caro-\\nlina of that my constituents shall judge. If there be one slate in\\nthis union, Mr. President, (and I say it not in a boastful spirit,)\\nthat may challenge comparison with any other, for a uniform,\\nzealous, ardent, and uncalculating devotion to the union, that slate\\nis South Carolina. Sir, from the very commencement of the revo-\\nlution, up to this hour, there is no sacrifice, however great, she has\\nnot cheerfully made; no service she has ever hesitated to perform.\\nShe has adhered to you in your prosperiiy, but in your adversity,\\nshe has clung to you with more than filial affection. No matter\\nwhat was the (;ondition of her domestic affairs, though deprived of\\nher resources, divided by parties, or surrounded by difficulties, the\\ncall of the country has been to her as the voice of God. Domestic\\ndi.scord ceased at the sound every man became at once reconciled\\nto his brethren, and the sons of Carolina were all seen crowding\\ntogether on the tempie, bringing their gifts to the allar of their\\ncommon country. What, sir, was the conduct of the south during\\nthe revolution Sir, I honour New England for her conduct in\\nthat glorious struggle. But great as is the praise which belorgs to\\nher, I think at least equal honour is due to the south. They espoused\\nthe quarrel of their brethren, with a generous zeal, which did not\\nsuffer them to stop to calculate their interest in the dispute. Fa-\\nvourites of the mother country, possessed of neither ships nor sea-\\nmen to create commercial rivalship, they might have found in their\\nsituation a guarantee, that their trade would be for ever fostered\\nor closing the ports of the said state, or otherwise\\nobstructing the free ingress or egress of vessels to\\nand from the said ports, or any other act of the federal\\nand protected by Great Britain. But, trampling en all considera-\\ntions either of interest or of safely, they rushed into the conflict,\\nand, fighting for principle, periled all in the sacred cause of free-\\ndom. Never was there exhibited in the history of the world, higher\\nexamples of noble daring, dreadful sutfering, and heroic endurance,\\nIhan by ihe whigs of Carolina, during the revolution. The whole\\nstate, from the mountains to the sea, was overrun by an over-\\nwhelming force of the enemy. The fruits of industry perished on\\nthe spot where they weie produced, or were consumed by the foe.\\nThe plains of Carolina drank up the most precious blood of her\\ncitizens! Black and smoking ruins marked the places which had\\nbeen the habitations of her children Driven from their homes,\\ninto the gloomy and almost iinpenetrable swamps, even there the\\nspirit of liberty survived, and South Carolina (sustained by the ex-\\nample of her Sumpters and her Marions) proved, by her conduct,\\nthai though her soil might be overrun, the spirit of her people wa.s\\ninvincible.\\nBut, sir, our country was soon called upon to engage in another\\nrevolutionary struggle, and that too was a struggle for principle. I\\nmean the political revolution which dates back to 98, and which, if\\nit had not been successfully achieved, would have left us none of\\nthe fruits of the revolution of 76. The revolution of 98 restored\\nthe conslrtulion, rescued the liberly of the citizen from the grasp of\\nthose who were aiming at its life, and, in the emphatic language of\\nMr. Jefferson, saved the conslitution at its last gasp. And by\\nwhom was it achieved 1 By the south, sir, aided only by the de-\\nmocracy of the north and west.\\nI come now to the war of 1812, a war which I well remember\\nwas called, in derision, (while its even! was doubtful,) ihe .southern\\nwar, and sometimes the Carolina war but which is now univer-\\nsally acknowledged to have done more for Ihe honour and pros-\\nperity of Ihe couniry, than all other events in our history put to-\\ngether. What, sir, were the object* of that war 1 Free trade\\nand sailors rights! It was for the protection of northern ship-\\nping, and New England seamen, that the country flew to arms.\\nWhat interest had the south in that contest If they had sat down\\ncoldly to calculate the value of their interests involved in il, they\\nwould have found that ihey had every thing lo lose, and nothing to\\ngain. But, sir, with that generous devotion to country so charac-\\nteristic of the south, Ihey only asked, if the rights of any portion of\\ntheir fellow-cilizens had been invaded and when told that northern\\nships and New England seamen had been arrested on the common\\nhighway of nations, they felt that the honour of their couniry was\\nassailed and acting on that exalted sentiment, which feels a slain\\nlike a wound, they resolved lo seek, in open war, for a redre.ss of\\nthose injuries, which it did not become freemen to endure. Sir, Ihe\\nwhole south, animated as by a common impulse, cordjally united\\nin declaring and promoting that war. Soulh Carolina sent to your\\ncouncils, as Ihe advocates and supporters of that war, the noblest\\nof her .sons. How they fulfilled that trust, let a grateful country\\ntell. Not a measure was adopted, not a battle fought, not a victo-\\nry won, which contributed, in any degree, to the success of that\\nwar, lo which southern councils and southern valour did not largely\\ncontribute. Sir, since Soulh Carolina is assailed, I must be sufler-\\ned to speak it to her praise, that at the very moment when, in one\\nquarter, we heard it solemnly proclaimed, that it did not become\\na religious and moral people to rejoice at the victories of our army\\nor our navy, her legislature unanimously\\nRcaolicd, That we will cordially support the government in the\\nvigorous prosecution of the war, until a peace can be obtained on\\nhonourable terms; and we will cheerfully submit to every priva-\\ntion that may be required of us, by our government, for the accom-\\nplishment of this object.\\nSoulh Carolina redeemed that pledge. She threw open her\\ntreasury to the government. She put at the absolute disposal of\\nthe officers of the United Slates all that she possessed her men,\\nher money, and her arms. She appropriated half a million of dol-\\nlars, on her own account, in defence of her maritime frontier; or-\\ndered a brigade of state troops lo be raised and, when left lo pro-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n393\\ngovernment to coerce the state, shut up her ports,\\ndestroy or harass her commerce, or to enforce the\\nsaid acts otherwise than through the civil tribunals\\nlect herself by her own means, never suffered the enemy to touch\\nher soil, without being instantly driven off or captured.\\nSuch, sir, was the conduct oi the south such the conduct of my\\nown state, in that dark hour which tried men s souls.\\nWhen I look back and contemplate the spectacle exhibited at that\\ntime, in another quarter of the union when I think of the conduct\\nof certain portions of New England, and remember the part w hich\\nwas acted on that memorable occasion by the political associates of\\nthe gentleman from Massachusetts; nay, when I follow that gen-\\ntleman into the councils of the nation, and listen to his voice during\\nthe darkest period of the war, I am indeed astonished Ihat he should\\nventure to touch upon the topics which he has introduced into this\\ndebate. South Carolina reproached by Massachusetts! And from\\nwhom does the accusation come 1 Not from the democracy of New\\nEngland for they have been in limes past, as they are now, the\\nfriends and allies of the south. No, sir, the accusation comes from\\nthat party whose acts, during the most trying and eventful period\\nof our national history, were of such a character, that their own\\nlegislature, but a few years ago, actually blotted them out from their\\nrecords, as a stain upon the honour of the country. But how can\\nthey ever be blotted out from the recollection of any one who had\\na heart to feel, a mind to comprehend, and a memory to retain, the\\nevents of that day Sir, I shall not attempt to write the history of\\nthe party in New England, to which I have alluded the war party\\nin peace, and the peace party in war. That task I shall leave to\\nsome future biographer of Nathan Dane, and I doubt not it will be\\nfound quite easy to prove, Ihat the peace parly of Massachusetts\\nwere the only defenders of their country, during the war, and ac-\\ntually achieved all our victories, by land and sea. In the mean\\ntime, sir, and until that history shall be written, I propose, with the\\nfeeble and glimmering lights which I possess, to review the conduct\\nof this party, in connexion with the war, and the events which im-\\nmediately preceded it.\\nIt will be recollected, sir, that our great cause of quarrel with\\nGreat Britain, were her depredations on northern commerce, and\\nthe impressment of New England seamen. From every quarter\\nwe were called upon for protection. Importunate as the west is\\nnow represented to be, on another subject, the importunity of the\\neast, on that occasion, was far greater. I hold in my hands the\\nevidence of the fact. Here are petitions, memorials, and remon-\\nstrances, from all parts of New England, selling forth the injustice,\\nthe oppressions, the depredations, the insulls, the outrages, com-\\nmilled by Great Britain against the unoffending commerce and sea-\\nmen of New England, and calling upon congress for redress. Sir,\\nI can not stop to read these memorials. In that from Boston, after\\nstaling the alarming aud extensive condemnation of our vessels by\\nGreat Britain, whicli threatened to sweep our commerce from the\\nface of the ocean, and to involve our merchants in bankruptcy,\\nthey called upon the government to assert our rights, and to adopt\\nsuch measures as will support the dignity and honour of the United\\nStates.\\nFrom Salem, we heard a language still more decisive they call\\nexplicitly for an appeal to arms, and pledge their lives and pro-\\nperty in support of any measures which congress might adopt.\\nFrom Newburyporl, an appeal was made to the firmness and jus-\\nlice of the government to obtain compensation and protection. It\\nwas here, I think, that when the war was declared, it was resolved\\nto resist our own government, even unto blood I (Olive Branch,\\np. 101.)\\nIn other quarters, the common languase of that day was, that\\nour commerce and our seamen were entitled to protection, and that\\nit was the duly of the government to afford it at every hazard.\\nThe conduct of Great Britain, we were then told, was an outrage\\nupon our national independen -e. These clamours, which com-\\nmenced as early as January, 1S06, were continued up to 1812. In\\na message from the governor of one of the New England stales, as\\nlate as the lOth of October, 1811,tliis language is held a manly\\nand decisive course has become indispensable a course to satisfy\\nforeign nations, thai while we desire peace, we have the means and\\nof the country, as inconsistent with the longer con-\\ntinuance of South Carolina in the Union and that\\nthe people of the said state will thenceforth hold\\nthe spirit to repel aggression. We aie false to ourselves, when our\\ncommerce or our territory is invaded with impunity.\\nAbout this time, however, a remarkable change was observable\\nin the tone and temper of those who had been endeavouring to\\nforce the counliy into a war. The language of complaint was\\nchanged into that of insult, and calls for protection converted into\\nreproaches smoke, smoke, (says one writer,) my life on it,\\nour executive has no more idea of declaring war, than my grand-\\nmother. The committee of ways and means, (says another,)\\nhave come out with their Pandora s box of taxes, and yet nobody\\ndreams of war. Congress do not mean to declare war they\\ndare not. But why multiply examples An honourable member\\nof the other house, from the city of Boston, (Mr. duincy,) in a\\nspeech delivered on the 3d of April, 1812, says, Neither promises,\\nnor threats, nor asseverations, nor oaths, will make me believe that\\nyou will go to war. The navigation slates are sacrificed, and the\\nspirit and character of the country prostrated by fear and avarice.\\nYou can not, said the same gentleman, on another occasion, be\\nkicked inlo a war.\\nWell, sir, the war at length came, and what did we behold\\nThe very men who had been for six years clamorous for war, and\\nfor whose protection it was waged, became at once equally clamo-\\nrous against it. They had received a miraculous vi.sitalion a new\\nlight suddenly beamed upon their minds the scales fell ftom their\\neyes, and it was discovered that the war w?s declared from sub-\\nserviency to France; and that congress and the executive had\\nsold themselves to Napoleon that Great Britain had, in fact,\\ndone us no essential injury that she was the bulwark of our\\nreligion that where she took one of our ships, she protected\\ntwenty; and that if Great Britain had impressed a few of our sea-\\nmen, it was because she could not distinguish them from her\\nown. And so far did this spirit extend, that a committee of the\\nMassachusetts legislature actually fell to calculation, and discover-\\ned, 10 their infinite satisfaction, but to the astonishment of all the\\nworld beside, that only eleven Massachusetts sailors had ever been\\nimpressed. Never shall I forget the appeals that had been made\\nto the .sympathies of the south, in behalf of the thousands of im-\\npressed Americans, who had been torn from their families and\\nfriends, and immured in the floating dungeons of Britain. The\\nmost touching pictures were drawn of the hard condition of the\\nAmerican sailor, treated like a slave, forced to fight the battles\\nof his enemy, lashed to the mast to be shot at like a dog. But,\\nsir, the very moment w-e had taken up arms in their defence, it was\\ndiscovered that all these were mere fictions of Ihe brain, and\\nthat the whole number in the state of Massachusetts was hut eleven\\nand that even these had been taken by mistake. Wonderful dis-\\ncovery The secretary of state had collected authenlic lists of no\\nless than six thousand impre. ^sed Americans. Lord Casllereagh\\nhimself acknowledged sixteen hundred. Calculations on the basis\\nof the number found on board of the Guerriere, the Macedonian, the\\nJava, and other British sliips, (captured by the skill and gallantry\\nof those heroes, whose achievements are the treasured monuments of\\ntheir country s glory,) fixed the number at seven ihousanit and yet,\\nitseems, Massachusetts had lost but eleven Eleven Massachusetls\\nsailors taken by mistake A cause of war indeed I Their ships,\\nloo, Ihe capture of which had threatened universal bankruptcy,\\nit was discovered that Greal Britain was their friend and protector\\nwhere she had taken one, she had protected twenty. Then was\\nthe discovery made, that subserviency to France, hostilily to com-\\nmerce, a determination on the part of the south and the west to\\nbreak down the eastern stales; and especially, (as reported by a\\ncommittee of the Massachusetts legislature,) to force the sons of\\ncommerce to populate Ihe wilderness, were the true causes of the\\ni war. (Olive Branch, pages 134,291.)\\nBut lei us look a liille further into the conduct of the peace parly\\nof New England, at, that important crisis. Whatever difference of\\nopinion might have existed as to the causes of the war, the country\\nhad a right to expect, that when once involved in the contest, all\\nAmerica would have cordially united in its support. Sir, the war", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "394\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthemselves absolved from all furthe^^ obligation to\\nmaintain or preserve their political connexion -with\\nthe people of tlie other states, and will forthwith\\neffected, in its progress, a union of all parlies at the south. But\\nnot so in New England there, great efforts were made to slir up\\nthe minds of the people to oppose it. Nothing was left undone to\\nembarrass the financial operations of the government, to prevent\\nthe enlistment of troops, to keep baclc the men and money of New\\nEngland from the service of the union, to force the president from\\nhis seat. Yes, sir, the island of Elba or a halter were the al-\\nternatives they presented to the excellent and venerable James\\nMadison. Sir, the war w-as further opposed, by openly carrying\\non illicit trade with the enemy; by permitting that enemy to esta-\\nblish herself on the very soil of Massachusetts; and by opening a\\nfree trade between Great Britain and America, with a separate\\ncustom-house. Yes, sir, those who can not endure the thought\\nthat we sliould insist on a free trade in time of profound peace, could,\\nwithout scruple, claim and exercise the right of carrying on a free\\ntrade with the enemy in a time of war and, finally, by getting up\\nthe renowned Hartford convention, and prepaiing the way for\\nan open resistance to the government, and a separation of the\\nstates. Sir, if I am asked for the proof of those things, I fearlessly\\nappeal to contemporary history, to the public documents of the\\ncountry, to the recorded opinion and acts of public assemblies, to\\nthe declaration and acknowledgments, since made, of the executive\\nand legislature of Massachusetts herself\\nSir, the time has not been allowed me to trace this subject through,\\neven if I had been disposed to do so. But I can not refrain from\\nreferring to one or two documents, which have fallen in my way\\nsince this debate began. I read, sir, from the Olive Branch of\\nMatthew Carey, in which are collected the actings and doings\\nof the peace party of New England, during the continuance of the\\nembargo and the war. I know the senator from Massacliuselts\\nwill respect the high authority of his political friend and fellow-\\nlabourer in the great cause of domestic industry.\\nIn page 301 of this work, is a detailed account of the measures\\nadopted in Massachusetts during the war, for the express purpose of\\nembarrassing the financial operations of the government, by pre-\\nventing loans, and thereby driving our rulers from their seats, and\\nforcing the country into a dishonourable peace. It appears that\\nthe Boston banks commenced an operation, by which a run was to\\nhe made upon all the banks to the south at the same time stopping\\ntheir own discounts, the efl ect of which was to produce a sudden\\nand most alarming diminution of the circulating medium, and uni-\\nversal distress over the whole country, a distress which they failed\\nnot to attribute to the unholy war.\\nTo such an extent was this system carried, that it appears from\\na statement of the condition of the Boston banks, made up in Janua-\\nry, 1814, that with nearly $5,000,000 of specie in their vaults, they\\nhad but S2, 000, 000 of bills in circulation. It is added by Carey,\\nthat at this very time an extensive trade was carried on in British\\ngovernment hills, for which specie was sent to Canada, for the pay-\\nment of the British troops, then laying waste our northern frontier,\\nand this too at the very moment when New England ships, sailing\\nunder British licenses, (a trade declared to be lawful by the courts\\nboth of Great Britain and Massachusetts,) were supplying with\\nprovisions those very armies destined for the invasion of our own\\nshores. Sir, the author of the Olive Branch, with a holy indigna-\\ntion, denounces these acts as treasonable! giving aid and com-\\nfort to the enemy. I shall not follow his example. But I will\\nHsk, with what justice or propriety can the south be accused of dis-\\nloyalty from that quarter? If we had any evidence that the sena-\\ntor from Massachusetts had admonished his brethren then, he\\nmight, with a belter grace, assume the office of admonishing us now.\\nWhen I look at the measures adopted in Boston at that day, to\\ndejirive the government of the necessary means for carrying on the\\nwar, and think of the success and the consequences of these mea-\\nsures, I feel my pride as an American humbled in the dust. Hear,\\nsir, the language of .that day I read from pages 301 and 302 of the\\nOlive Branch: Let no inan who wishes to sontinue the war, by\\nactive means, by vote, or lending money, dare to prostrate himself\\nat the altar on the fast day. Will federalists subscribe to the\\nproceed to organize a separate government, and do all\\nother acts and things which sovereign and independ-\\nent states may of right do:\\nloan 1 Will they lend money to our national rulers 1 It is impos-\\nsible. First, because of the principal; and, secondly, because of\\nthe principal and interest. Do not prevent Ihe abusers of their\\ntrust from becoming bankrupt. Do not prevent them from becoming\\nodious to the public, and being replaced by better men. Any\\nfederalist who lends money to government, must go and shake\\nhands with James Madison, and claim fellowship with Felix Grun-\\ndy. (I beg paidon of my honourable friend from Tennessee; but\\nhe is in good company. I had thought it was Jaines Madison,\\nFelix Grundy, and the devil. Let hira no more call himself a\\nfederalist, and a friend to his country he will be called by others\\ninfamous, c.\\nSir, the spirit of the people sunk under these appeals. Such was\\nthe effect produced by them on the public mind, that the very agents\\nof the government (as appears from their public advertisements,\\nnow before me) could not obtain loans, without a pledge that the\\nnames of the subscribers should not be known. Here are the ad-\\nverlisemenls the names of all subscribers (say Gilbert and Dean,\\nthe brokers employed by government) shall be known only to the\\nundersigned. As if those who came forward to aid their country\\nin the hour of her utmost need, were engaged in some dark and\\nfoul conspiracy, they were assured that their names should not\\nbe known. Can any thing show more conclusively the unhappy\\nstale of public feeling, which prevailed at that day, than this single\\nfact Of the same character with these measures was the conduct\\nof Massachusetts, in withholding her militia from the service of\\nthe United Slates, and devising measures for withdrawing her\\nquota of the taxes, thereby attempting, not merely to cripple the re-\\nsources of the country, but actually depriving the government (as\\nfar as depended upon her) of all the means of carrying on the war\\nof the hone, and muscle, and sinews of war of man and steel\\nthe soldier and his sword. But it seems Massachusetts was to\\nreserve her resources for herself\u00e2\u0080\u0094 she was to defend and protect\\nher own shores. And how was that duty performed In some\\nplaces on the coast neutralit} was declared, and the enemy was\\nsuffered to invade the soil of Massachusetts, and allowed to occupy\\nher territory, until the peace, without one efl ort to rescue it from\\nhis grasp. Nay, more, while our own government and our rulers\\nwere considered as enemies, the troops of the enemy were treated\\nlike friends the most intimate commercial relations were establish-\\ned with them, and maintained up to the peace. At this dark pe-\\nriod of our national affairs, where was the senator from Massa-\\nchusetts 1 How were his political associates employed Calcu-\\nlating the value of the union 1 Yes, sir, that was the propitious\\nmoment, when our country stood alone, Ihe last hope of the world,\\nstruggling for her existence against the colossal power of Great\\nBritain, concentrated in one mighty effort to crush us at a blow\\nthat was the chosen hour to revive Ihe grand scheme of building\\nup a great norlhern confederacy a scheme which, it is stated\\nin the work before me, had ils origin as far back as the year 1796,\\nand which appears never to have been entirely abandoned. In ihe\\nlanguage of the writers of that day, (1796,) rather ihan have a\\nconslilution such as the anti-federalists were conleijding for, (such\\nas we now are contending for,) the union ought to be dis.solved\\nand 10 prepare the way for that measure, the same methods were\\nresorted to then, that have always been relied on for that purpose,\\nexciting prejudice against the south. Yes, sir, our norlhern brethren\\nwere then told, that if the negroes were good for food, their south-\\nern masters would claim the right to destroy them at pleasure.\\n(Olive Branch, p. 267.) Sir, in 1814, all these topics were revived.\\nAgain we heard of a northern confederacy; the slave slates\\nby themselves; the mountains aie the natural boundary; we\\nwant ncilher the counsels nor the power of the west, c. c.\\nThe papers teemed with accusations against the sovik and ihen-est,\\nand Ihe calls for a dissolution of all connexion with them, were\\nloud and strong. I can not consent to go through the disgusting\\ndetails. But to show Ihe height to which the spirit of disaffection\\nwas carried, I will take you to the temple of the living God, and\\n.show you that sacrtd place (which should be devoted to the exien-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n395\\nAnd whereas, the said ordinance prescribes to\\nthe people of South Carolina a course of conduct in\\ndirect violation of thfeir duty as citizens of the United\\nsionof peaceon earlh and good will towards men, where one day s\\ntruce oiiglit surely to be allowed to ilie dissensions and animosities\\nof mankind converted iulo a fierce arena of political strife, where,\\nfrom the lips of the priest standing between the horns of the altar,\\nthere went forth the most terrible deaunciations against all who\\nshould be true to their country, in the hour of her utmost need.\\nIf you do not wish, said a reverend clergyman, in a sermon\\npreached in Boston, on the 23d of July, 1812, to become the slaves\\nof those who own slaves, and who are themselves the slaves of\\nFrench slaves, you must either, in the language of the day, cut the\\nCONNEXION, or so far alter the national compact, as to ensure to\\nyourselves a due share in the government. (Olive Branch, page\\n319.) The union, says the same writer, (page 320,) has been\\nlong since virtually dissolved, and it is full time that this part of\\nthe disunited states should lake care of itself.\\nAnother reverend gentleman, pastor of a church at Medford,\\n(page 321,) issues his anathema let him stand accursed against\\nall who, by their personal services, or loans of money, con-\\nversation, or writing, or influence, gives countenance or sup-\\nport to the unrighteous war, in the following terms that man is\\nan accomplice in the wickednes.s he loads his conscience with the\\nblackest crimes he brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, and, in\\nthe sight of God and his law, he is a murderer.\\nOne or two more quotations, sir, and 1 shall have done. A reve-\\nrend doctor of divinity, the pastor of a church at Byfield, Massa-\\nchusetts, on the 7th of April, 1814, thus addresses his flock, (page\\n321) The Israelites became weary of yielding the fruit of their\\nlabour to pamper their splendid tyrants. They left their political\\nwoe.s. .They separated. Where is our Hoses Where the rod\\nof his miracles? Where is our Aaron 7 Alas! no voice from\\nthe burning bush has directed them here.\\nWe must trample on the mandates of despotism, or remain\\nslaves for ever. (Page 322.) You must drag the chains of\\nVirginian despotism, unless you discover some other mode of es-\\ncape. Those western stales, which have been violent for this\\nabominable war, those slates which have thirsted for blood God\\nhas given them blood to drink. (Page 323.) Mr. President, I\\ncan go no further. The records of the day are full of such senti-\\nments, i.ssued from the press, spoken in public assemblies, pouring\\nout from the sacred desk! God forbid, sir, that I should charge\\nthe people of Massachusetts with participating in these sentiments.\\nThe south and the west had there, their friends men who stood\\nby their country, though encompassed all around by their enemies.\\nThe senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Silsbee) was one of them\\nthe senator from Connecticut (Mr. Fool) was another and there\\nare others now on this floor. The sentiments I have read were the\\nsentiments of a party embracing the political associates of the gen-\\ntleman from Massachusetts. If they could only be found in the\\ncolumns of a newspaper, in a few occasional pamphlets, issued by\\nmen of intemperate feeling, 1 should not consider them as afford-\\ning any evidence of the opinions even of the peace party of New\\nEngland. But, sir, they were the common language of that day;\\nthey pervaded the whole land they were issued from the legisla-\\ntive hall, from the pulpit, and the pre.ss. Our books are full of\\nthem. And there is no man who now hears me, but knows, that\\nthey were the sentiments of a party, by whose members they were\\npromulgated. Indeed, no evidence of this would seem to be re-\\nquired, beyond the fact, that such sentiments found their way even\\ninto the pulpits of New England. What must be the state of pub-\\nlic opinion, where any respectable clergyman would venture to\\npreach, and to print sermons, containing the sentiments I have\\nquoted I doubt not the piety or moral worth of these gentlemen.\\nI am told they were respectable and pious men. But they were\\nmen, and they kindled in a common blaze. And now, sir, I\\nmust be suffered to remark, that at this awful and melancholy pe-\\nriod of our national history, the gentleman fiom Massachusetts,\\nwho now manifests so great a devotion to the union, and so much\\nanxiety lest it should be endangered from the south, was with\\nhis brethren in Israel. He saw all these thmgs passing before his\\nStates, contrary to the laws of their country, subver-\\nsive of its constitution, and having for its object the\\ndestruction of the union that union which, coeval\\neyes he heard these sentiments uttered all around him. I do not\\ncharge that gentleman with an) participation in these acts, or with\\napproving of^ these sentiments.\\nBut 1 will ask why, if he was animated by th same sentiments\\nthen, which he now professes, if he can augur disunion at a dis-\\ntance, and snulF up rebellion in every tainted breeze, why he did\\nnot, at that day, exert his great talents and acknowledged influence\\nwith the political associates by whom he was surrounded, (and\\nwho then, as now, looked up to him for guidance and direction,)\\nin allaying this general excitement; in pointing out to his deluded\\nfriends the value of the union, in instructing them, that, instead of\\nlooking to some prophet to lead them out lium the land of Egypt,\\nthey should become reconciled to their brethren, and unite with\\nthem in the support of a just and necessary war Sir, the gentle-\\nman must excuse me for saying, that if the records of our country\\nafforded any evidence that he had pursued such a course, then if\\nwe could find it recorded in the history of those times, that, like\\nthe immortal Dexter, he had breasted that mighty torrent, which\\nwas sweeping before it all that was great and valuable in our po-\\nlitical institutions if, like him, he had stood by his country in op-\\nposition to his party, sir, we would, like little children, listen to his\\nprecepts, aud abide by his counsels.\\nAs soon as the public mind was suflSciently prepared for the\\nmeasure, the celebrated Hartford convention was got up; not ns\\nthe act of a few unauthorized individuals, but by authority of the\\nlegislature of Ma.ssachuseits; and, as has been shown by the able\\nhistorian of that convention, in accordance with the views and\\nwishes of the parly, of which it was the organ. Now, sir, I do not\\ndesire to call in question the motives of the gentlemen who com-\\nposed that assembly I knew many of them to be, in private life,\\naccomplished and honourable men, ami I doubt not there were\\nsome among them who did not perceive the dangerous tendency o\\ntheir pioceedings. I will even go further, and say, ihat if the au-\\nthors of the Hartford convention believed, that gross, deliberate,\\nand palpable violations of the constitution had taken place, utterly\\ndestructive of their rights and interests, I should be the last man\\nto deny their fight to resort to any constitutional measures for re-\\ndress. But, sir, in any view of the case, the lime when, and the\\ncircumstances under which that convention assembled, as well as\\nthe measures recommended, render their conduct, in my opinion,\\nwholly indefensible. Let us contemplate, for a moment, the spec-\\ntacle then exhibited to the view of the world. I will not go over\\nthe disasters of the war, nor describe the difficulties in which the\\ngovernment was involved. It will be recollected, that its credit\\nwas nearly gone, Washington hod fallen, the whole coast was\\nblockaded, and an immense force collected in the West Indies, was\\nabout to make a descent, which it was supposed we had no means\\nof resisting. In this awful state of our public aflaiis, when the go-\\nvernment seemed almost to be tottering on its base, when Great\\nBritain, relieved from all her other enemies, had proclaimed her\\npurpose of reducing us to unconditional submission, we beheld\\nthe peace parly of New England (in the language of the work be-\\nfore us) pursuing a course calculated to do more injury to their\\ncountry, and to render England more efl^ective service, than all her\\narmies. Those who could not find it in their hearts to rejoice at\\nour victories, sang Te Dcum at the king s chapel in Boston, for\\nthe restoration of the Bourbons. Those who could not consent to\\nilluminate their dwellings for the capture of the Guerriere, could\\ngive visible tokens of their joy at the fall of Detroit. The bea-\\ncon fires of their hills were lighted up, not for the encouragement\\nof their friends, hut as signals to the enemy and, in the gloomy\\nhours of midnight, the very lights burned blue. Such were the\\ndark and portentous signs of the times, which ushered into bei-ng\\nthe renowned Hartford convention. That convention met, and\\nfrom their proceedings it appears, lhat their chief object was to\\nkeep back the men and money of New England from the service oi\\nthe union, and to effect radical changes in the government changes\\nthat can never be effected without a dissolution of the union.\\nLet us now, sir, look at their proceedings. I read from a short", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "396\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwith our political existence, led our fathers, without\\nany other ties to unite them than those of patriotism\\nand a common cause, through a sanguinary struggle\\naccount of the Hartford convention, (written by one of its mem-\\nbers,) a very rare book, of which I was fortunate enough, a few\\nyears a^o, lo obtain a copy.\\nIt appears at page 6 of the account, that by a vote of the house\\nof representatives of Massachusetts, [260 to 90,] delegates to this\\nconvention were ordered to be appointed, to consult upon the sub-\\nject of their public grievances and concerns, and upon the best\\nmeans of preserving their resources, and for procuring a revision\\nof the constitution of the United Slates, more effectually to secure\\nthe support and attachment of all the people, by placing all upon the\\nbasis ol fair representation.\\nThe convention assembled at Hartford on the 15th of December,\\n1814. On the next day it was\\nResolved, That the most inviolable secrecy shall be observed\\nby each member of this convention, including the secretary, as to\\nall propositions, debates, and proceedings thereof, until this injunc-\\ntion shall be suspended or altered.\\nOn the 24lh of December, the committee appointed to prepare\\nand report a general project of such measures as may be proper for\\nthe convention to adopt, reported, among other things,\\n1. That it was expedient to recommend to the legislatures of\\nthe states, the adoption of the most effectual and decisive measures\\nto protect the militia and the states from the usurpations contained\\nin these proceedings. [The proceedings of congress and the ex-\\necutive, in relation to the militia and the war.]\\n2. That it was expedient also to prepare a statement e.^chibiting\\nthe necessity which the improvidence and inability of the general\\ngovernment have imposed upon the states of providing for their\\nown defence, and the impossibility of their discharging this duty,\\nand at the same time fulfilling the requisitions of the general go-\\nvernment and also to recommend to the legislatures of the several\\nstates to make provision for mutual defence, and to make an earnest\\napplication to the government of the United States, with a view to\\nsome arrangement whereby the states may be enabled to retain a\\nportion of the taxes levied by congress, for the purposes of self-de-\\nfence, and for the reimbursement of expenses already incurred on\\naccount of the United Slates.\\n3. That it is expedient to recommend to the several state legis-\\nlatures certain amendments to the constitution, viz.:\\nThat the power to declare or make war by the congress of the\\nUnited States be restricted.\\nThat it is expedient to attempt to make provision for restrain-\\ning congress in the exercise of an unlimited power to make new\\nstates, and admit them into the union.\\nThat an amendment be proposed respecting slave representa-\\ntion and slave taxation.\\nOn the 29lh of December, 1814, it was proposed that the capa-\\ncity of naturalized citizens lo hold offices of trust, honour, or profit,\\nought to be restrained, c.\\nThe subsequent proceedings are not given at large but it seems\\nthat the report of the committee was adopted, and also a recom-\\nmendation of certain measures (of the character of which we are\\nnot inforined) lo the slates for their mutual defence and having\\nvoted that the injunctien of secrecy, in regard to all the debates\\nand proceedings of the convention, (except so far as relates to the\\nreport finally adopted,) be continued, the convention adjourned sine\\ndie, but (as it was supposed) to meet again when circumstances\\nshould require it.\\nIt i* unnecessary to trace Ihe matter further, or to ask what\\nwould have been the next chapter in this history, if the measures\\nrecommended had been carried into effect; and if, with the men\\nand money of New England withheld from the government of the\\nUnited States, she had been withdrawn from the war if New Or-\\nleans had fallsn into the hands of the enemy; and if, without troops\\nand almost destitute of money, the southern and the western states\\nhad been thrown upon their own resources for the prosecution of\\nIhe war, and the recovery of New Orleans 1 Sir, whatever may\\nhave been the issue of the contest, the union must have been dis-\\nsolved. But a wise and just Providence, which shapes our ends,\\nto a glorious independence that sacred union,\\nhitherto inviolate, which, perfected by our happy\\nconstitution, has brought us, by the favour of Heaven,\\nrough-hew them as we will, gave us the victory, and crowned our\\nefforts with a glorious peace. The ambassadors of Hartford were\\nseen retracing their steps from Washington, the bearers of the\\nglad tidings of great joy. Courage and patriotism triumphed\\nthe country was saved the union was preserved. And aie we,\\nMr. President, who stood by our country then who threw open\\nour cofters who bared our bosoms who freely periled all in that\\nconflict, to be reproached with want of attachment to the union\\nIf, sir, we are to have lessons of patriotism read to us, they must\\ncome from a different quarter. The senator from Massacbuseils,\\nwho is now so sensitive on all subjects connected with the union,\\nseems to have a memory forgetful of the political events that have\\npassed away. I must, therefore, refresh his recollection a liltle\\nfurther on these subjects. The history of disunion has been written\\nby one whose authority stands too high with the American people\\nto be questioned f mean Thomas Jefferson. I know not how the\\ngentleman may receive this authority. When that great and good\\nman occupied the presidential chair, I believe he commanded no\\nportion of that gentleman s respect.\\nI hold in my hand a celebrated pamphlet on Ihe embargo, in\\nwhich language is held in relation to Mr. Jefferson, which my re-\\nspect for his memory will prevent me from reading unless any\\ngentleman should call for it. But the senator fiom Massachusetts\\nhas since joined in singing hosannas to his name he has assisted\\nat his apotheosis, and has fixed him as a brilliant star in the clear\\nupper siiy. I hope, therefore, he is now prepaied lo receive with\\ndei erence and respect the high authority of Mr. Jefferson. In the\\nfourth volume of liis memoirs, which has just issued from the piess,\\nwe have the following history of disunion from the pen of thai il-\\nlustrious statesman: Mr. Adams called on me pending the em-\\nbargo, and while endeavours were making to obtain its repeal he\\nspoke of the dissatisfaction of the eastern portion of our confedera-\\ncy with the restraints of the embargo then existing, and their rest-\\nlessness under it; that there was nothing which might not be at-\\ntempted to rid themselves of it that he had information of the\\nmost unquestionable certainty, that certain citizens of the eastern\\nslates (I think he named Massachusetts particularly) were in nego-\\ntiation with the agents of the British government, the object ol\\nwhich was an agreement, that the New England stales should take\\nno further part in the war [ihe commercial war, the war of re-\\nstrictions, as it was called] then going on; and that without for-\\nmally declaring their separation from the union, they should with-\\ndraw from all aid and obedience to them, c. From that moment,\\nsays Mr. Jefferson, I saw the necessity of abandoning it, [the em-\\nbargo,] and, instead of effecting our purpose by this peaceful\\nweapon, we must fight it out, or break the union. In another let-\\nter, Mr. Jefferson adds: I doubt whether a single fact known to\\nthe world, will carry as clear conviction to it of the correctness of\\nour knowledge of the treasonable views of the federal party of that\\nday, as that disclosed by this the most nefarious and daring attempt\\nto dissever the union, of which Ihe Hartford convention was a sub-\\nsequent chapter; and both of these having failed, consolidation be-\\ncomes Ihe founh chapter of Ihe next book of their histoiy. Bui\\nthis opens with a vast accession of strength from their 3 ounger re-\\ncruits, who, having nothing in them of the feelings and principles\\nof 76, now look to a single and spkndid government, c., riding\\nand ruling over the plundered ploughman and beggared yeoman-\\nry. (4th vol. p. 419, 422.)\\nThe last chapter, says Mr. Jefferson, of that history, is to be\\nfound in the conduct of those who are endeavouring to bring about\\nconsolidation: aye, sir, Ihat very consolidation for which the gen-\\ntleman from Massachusetts is contending the exercise by the fede-\\nral government, of powers not delegated in relation to internal\\nimprovements, and the protection of manufactures. And why,\\nsir, does Mr. Jefferson consider consolidation as leading directly to\\ndisunion Because he knew that Ihe exercise by the federal go-\\nvernment of the powers contended for, would make this a go-\\nvernment without Mmitation of powers, the submission to which\\nhe considered as a greater evil thpn disunion itself. There is one", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n397\\n\\\\o a state of prosperity at home, and high considera-\\ntion abroad, rarely, if evfer, equalled in the history of\\nnations. To preserve this bond of our political ex-\\nchapler ia this history, however, which Mr. Jefferson has not filled\\nup, aud I must therefore supply the deficiency. It is to be found in\\nthe protests made by New England against the acquisition of Lou-\\nisiana. In relation to that subject, the New England doctrine is\\nthus laid down hy one of her learned political doctois of that day,\\nnow a doctor of laws, at the head of the great literary institution of\\nthe east; I mean Josiah Cluincy, president of Harvard College. I\\nquote from the speech delivered by that gentleman on the floor of\\ncongress, on the occasion of the admission of Louisiana into the\\nunion.\\nMr. Gluincy repeated and justified a remark he had made, which,\\nto save all misapprehensions, he had committed to writing, in ihe\\nfollowing words: If this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion,\\nthat it is virtually a dissolution of the union that it will free the\\nstates from their moral obligation and as it will be the right of\\nall, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare for a separation, ami-\\ncably if they can, violently if they must.\\nJVir. President, I wish it to be distinctly understood, that all the\\nremarks I have made on this subject, are intended to be exclusively\\napplied ta a party, which I have described as the peace party of\\nNew England embracing the political associates of the senator\\nfrom Ma.ssachusetts a party which controlled the operations of\\nthat state during the embargo and the war, and who are justly\\nchargeable with all the measures I have reprobated Sir, nothing\\nhas been further from my thoughts than to impeach the character\\nor conduct of the people of New England. For their steady habits\\nand hardy virtues, I trust I entertain a becoming respect. I fully\\nsubscribe to the truth of the description given before the revolution,\\nby one whose praise is the highest eulogy, tliat the perseverance\\nof Holland, the activity of France, and the dexterous and firm sa-\\ngacity of English enterprise, have been more than equalled by this\\nrecent people. Hardy, enterprising, sagacious, industrious, and\\nmoral, the people of New England, of the present day, are worthy\\nof their ancestors. Still less, Mr. President, has it been my inten-\\ntion to say any thing that could be construed into a want of respect\\nfor that party, who, trampling on all narrow, sectional feelings,\\nhave been true to their principles in the worst of times I mean the\\ndemocracy of New England.\\nSir, I will declare, that, highly as I appreciate the democracy of\\nthe south, I consider even higher praise to be due to the democracy\\nof New England who have maintained their principles through\\ngood and through evil report who, at every period of our na-\\ntional history, have stood up manfully for their country, their\\nwhole country, and nothing but their country. In the great poli-\\ntical revolution of 98, they were found united with the democracy\\nof the south, marching under the banner of the constitution, led on\\nby the patriarch of liberty, in search of the land of political promise,\\nwhich they lived not only to behold, but to possess and to enjoy.\\nAgain, sir, in the darkest and most gloomy period of the war, when\\nour country stood single handed against the conqueror of the\\nconquerors of the world when all about and around them was\\ndark and dreary, disastrous and discouraging, they stood a Spar-\\ntan band in that narrow pass, where the honour of their country\\nwas to be defended, or to find its grave. And in the last great\\nstruggle, involving, as we believe, the very existence of the princi-\\nple of popular sovereignty, where were the democracy of New Eng-\\nland 1 Where they always have been found, sir struggling, side\\nby side, with their brethren of the south and the west, for popular\\nrights, and assisting in that glorious triumph by which the man of\\nthe people was elevated to the highest office in their gift.\\nWho, then, Mr. President, are the true friends of the union\\nThose who would confine the federal government strictly within\\nthe limits prescribed by the constitution; who would preserve to\\nihe states and the people all powers not expressly delegated who\\nwould make this a federal, and not a national union, and who, ad-\\nministering the government in a spirit of equal justice, would make\\nit a blessing, and not a curse. And who are its enemies Those\\nwho are in favour of consolidation who are constantly stealing\\npower from the states, and adding strength to the federal govern-\\nistence from destruction to maintain inviolate this\\nstate of national honour and prosperity, and to iustify\\nthe confidence my fellow citizens have reposed in\\nment. Who, assuming an unwarrantable jurisdiction over the\\nstates and the people, undertake to regulate the whole industry and\\ncapital of the country. But, sir, of all descriptions of men, I con-\\nsider those as the worst enemies of the union, who sacrifice the\\nequal rights which belong to every member of the confederacy\\nto combinations of interested majorities, for personal or political\\nobjects. But the gentleman apprehends no evil from the depend-\\nance of the states on the federal government he can see no danger\\nof corruption from the influence of money or of patronage. Sir, I\\nknov/ that it is supposed to be a wise saying, that patronage is a\\nsource of weakness, and in support of that maxim, it has been\\nsaid, that every ten appointments makes a hundred enemies.\\nBut I am rather inclined to think, with the eloquent and sagacious\\norator now reposing on his laurels the banks of the Roanoke,\\nthat the power of conferring favours creates a crowd of depend-\\nants he gave a forcible illustration of the truth of the remark,\\nwhen he told us of the effect of holding up the savouiy morsel to\\nthe eager eyes of the hungry hounds gathered around his door. It\\nmattered not whether the,gifl was bestowed on Towser or Sweet-\\nlips, Tray, Blanch, or Sweetheart, while held in suspense, they\\nwere all governed by a nod, and when the morsel was bestowed,\\nthe expectation of the favours of to-morrow kept up the subjection\\nof to-day.\\nThe senator from Massachusetts, in denouncing what he ia\\npleased to call the Carolina doctrine, has attempted to throw ridi-\\ncule upon the idea, that a state has any constitutional remedy, by\\nthe exercise of its sovereign authority, against a gross, palpable,\\nand deliberate violation of the constitution. He calls it an idle,\\nor a ridiculous notion, or something to that efl^ect, and added\\nthat it would make the union a mere rope of sand. Now, sir,\\nas the gentleman has not condescended to enter into any examina-\\ntion of the question, and has been satisfied with throwing ihe\\nweight of his authority into the scale, I do not deem it necessary\\nto do more than to throw into the opposite scale the authority on\\nwhich South Carolina relies, and there, for the present, I am per-\\nfectly willing to leave the controversy. The South Carolina doc-\\ntrine, that is to say, the doctrine contained in an exposition report-\\ned by a committee of the legislature, in December, 1828, and pub-\\nlished by their authority, is the good old republican doctrine of 98-\\nthe doctrine of the celebrated Virginia resolutions of that year,\\nand of Madison s report of 99. It will be recollected, that the\\nlegislature of Virginia, in December, 98, took into consideration\\nthe alien and sedition laws, then considered by all the republicans\\nas a gross violation of the constitution of the United States, and on\\nthat day passed, among others, the following resolution^:\\nThe general assembly doth explicitly and peremploi*ily declare,\\nthat it views the powers of the federal government, as resulting\\nfrom the compact to which the states are parties, as limited by the\\nplain sense and intention of the instrument constituting that com-\\npact, as no further valid than they are authorized by^ the grants\\nenumerated in that compact; and that in case of a deliberate, pal-\\npable, and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted by the\\nsaid compact, the states who are parties thereto, have the right, and\\nare in duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of the\\nevil, and for maintaining within their respective limits, the authori-\\nties, rights, and liberties, appertaining to them.\\nIn addition to these resolutions, the general assembly of Virginia\\nappealed to the other states, in the confidence that they would\\nconcur with that commonwealth, that the acts aforesaid [the alien\\nand sedition laws] are unconstitutional, and that the necessary and\\nproper measures would be taken by each for co-operating with Vir-\\nginia in maintaining unimpaired the authorities, rights, and liber-\\nties, reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.\\nThe legislatures of several of the New England slates having,\\ncontrary to the expectation of the legislature of Virginia, expressed\\ntheir dissent from these doctrines, the subject came up again for\\nconsideration during Ihe se.ssion of 1799, 1800, when it was refer-\\nred to a select committee, by whom was made that celebrated re-\\nport, which is familiarly known as Madison s report, and which", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "39S\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nme, I, Andrew Jackson, President of the United\\nSlates, have thought proper to issue this my PRO-\\nCLAMATION, stating my views of the constitution\\ndeserves to last as long as the constitution itself. In that report,\\nwhich was subsequently adopted by the legislature, the whole sub-\\nject was deliberately re-examined, and the objections urged against\\nthe Virginia doctrines carefully considered. The result was, Ihal\\nthe legislature of Virginia re-affirmed all Ihe principles laid down\\nin the resolulions of 1798, and issued to the world that admirable\\nreport, which has stamped the character of Mr. Madison as the\\npreserver of that constitution which he had contributed so largely\\nto create and establish. 1 will heie quote from Mr. Madison s re-\\nport one or two passages which bear more immediately on the point\\nin controversy. The resolution having talien this view of the\\nfederal compact, proceeds to infer, that in case of a deliberate,\\npalpable, and dangerous exeraise of other powers, not granted by\\nthe said compact, the states who are parties thereto have the right,\\nand are in duty bound, lo interpose for arresting the progress of\\nthe evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits, the au-\\nthorities, rights, and liberties, appertaining lo them.\\nIt appears to your coinmiltee to be a plain principle, founded on\\ncommon sense, illustrated by common practice, and essential to the\\nnature of compacts, that, where resort can be had to no tribunal,\\nsuperior lo the authority of the parlies, the parlies themselves must be\\nthe rightful judses in the last resort, whether the bargain made has\\nbeen pursued or violated. The constitution of the United States\\nwas formed by the sanction of the states, given by each in its sove-\\nreign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as lo\\nthe authority of the constitution, that it rests on this legitimate and\\n.^olid foundation. The states, then, being Ihe parlies to the consti-\\ntutional compact, and, in their sovereign capacity, it follows of ne-\\ncessity, Ihal there can be 7W tribunal above their aulhoritij, to decide\\nin the last resort, whetlier the compact made by them be violated,\\nand consequently, that as the parlies lo it, they must themselves\\ndecide, in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient\\nmagnitude to require their interposition.\\nThe resolution has guarded against any misapprehen.sion of its\\nobject, by expressly requiring for such an interposition the case of\\na deliberate, palpable, and dangeroiis breach of the constitution, by\\nthe exercise of powers not granted by it. It must be a case, not of\\na light and transient nature, but of a nature dangerous to the great\\npurposes for which ihe consliuition was established.\\nBut the resolution has done more than guard against miscon-\\nstruction, by expressly referring to cascs^f a deliberate palpable,\\nand dangerous nature. It specifies the object of the interposition,\\nwhich it contemplates to be solely that of arresting ihe progress of\\nthe evil of_ ysurpation, and of maintaining the authorities, rights,\\nand liberties, appertaining lo the slates, as parlies to the consli-\\ntution.\\nFrom this view of the resolution, it would seem inconceivable\\nthat it can incur any just disapprobation from those who, laying\\naside all momentary impressions, and recollecting the genuine\\nsource and object of the federal constitution, shall candidiv and ac-\\ncurately interpret the meaning of the general assembly. If the de-\\nliberate exercise of dangerous powers, palpably withheld by the\\nconstitution, could not justify the parties lo it, in interposing even\\nso far as to arrest the progress of the evil, and thereby lo preserve\\nthe constitution itself, as well as to provide for Ihe safely of the\\nparlies to it, there would be an end lo all relief from usurped power,\\nand a direct subversion of the rights specified or recognised under\\nall the slate constitutions, as well as a plain denial of the funda-\\nmental principles on which our independence itself was declared.\\nBut, sir, our authorities do not stop here. The slate of Ken-\\ntucky responded to Virginia, and on the lOlh of November, 1798,\\nadopted those celebrated resolulions, well known to have been\\npenned by the author of the declaration of American independence.\\nIn those resolulions, the legislature of Kentucky declare, that the\\ngovernment created by this compact, was not made the exclusive or\\nfinal judge of the extent of the powers delegated to ilself, since that\\nWould have made its discretion, and not the constitution, the mea-\\nsure of its powers hut that, as in all other cases of compact among\\nand laws applicable to the measures adopted by the\\nconvention of South Carolina, and to the reasons\\nthey have put forth to sustain them, declaring the\\nparlies having no common judge, each party has an equal right to\\njudge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure\\nof redress.\\nAt the ensuing session of the legislature, the subject was re-ex-\\namined, and on ihe 14th of November, 1799, the resolutions of the\\npreceding year were deliberately re-affirmed, and it was, among\\nother things, solemnly declared,\\nThat if those wtio administer the general government be per-\\nmitted to transgress the limits fixed by that compact, by a total dis-\\nregard to the special delegations of power therein contained, an an-_\\nnihilation of Ihe stale governments, and the erection upon their\\nruins of a general consolidated government, will be the inevitable\\nconsequence. That the principle and construction contended for\\nby sundry of the state legislatures, that the general government is\\ntlie exclusive judge of Ihe extent of the powers delegated to it, .stop\\nnothing short of despotism; since the discretion of those who ad-\\nminister the government, and not the constilulion, would be the\\nmeasure of their powers. That the several states who formed that\\ninstrument, being sovereign and independent, have the unqtiestiona-\\nble right to judge of its infraction, and that a nullification by those\\nsovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under colour of that\\ninstrument, is the rightful remedy.\\nTime and experience confirmed Mr. Jefferson s opinion on this\\nall important [loint. In the year 1821, he expressed himself in this\\neinphalic manner: It is a fatal heresy lo suppose that either our\\nstale governments are superior to the federal, or the federal lo the\\nstale neither is authorized literally lo decide which belongs to\\nilself or its copartner in government; in differences of opinion be-\\ntween their different sets of public servants, the appeal is lo neither,\\nbut to their employers, peaceably assembled by their representa-\\ntives in convention. The opinion of Mr. Jefferson on this subject\\nhas been so repeatedly and so solemnly expressed, that they may\\nbe said to have been among the most fixed and settled convictions\\nof his mind.\\nIn Ihe prolest prepared by him for Ihe legislature of Virginia, in\\nDecember, 1825, in respect lo the powers exercised by the federal\\ngovernment in relation to the tariff and internal improvements,\\nwhich he declares to be usurpations of the powers retained by\\nthe stales, mere interpolations into the compact, and direct infrac-\\ntions of it, he solemnly reasserts all the principles of Ihe Vir-\\nginia resolulions of 98 protests against these acts of the federal\\nbranch of the government, as null and void, and declares, tliat al-\\nthough Virginia would consider a dissolution of the union as\\namong the greatest calamities that could befall them, yet it is not\\nthe greatest. There is one yet greater submission to a govern-\\nment of unlimited powers. It is only when the hope of this shall\\nbecome absolutely desperate, that further forbearance could not be\\nindulged.\\nIn his leiier to Mr. Giles, written about the same time, he says;\\nI see, as you do, and with the deepest affliction, the rapid strides\\nwith which the federal branch of our government is advancing to-\\nwards ihe usurpation of all the rights reserved to ihe state, and the\\nconsolidalinn in ilself of all powers, foreign and domestic, and that\\nloo, by constructions which leave no limits to their powers, c.\\nUnder Ihe power lo regulate commerce, they assume indefinitely\\nthat also over agriculture and manufactures, c. Under the au.\\nIhorily lo establish post roads, they claim that of cutting down\\nmountains for Ihe construction of roads and digging canals, c.\\nAnd what is our resource for the preservation of the constitution 1\\nReason and argument t You might as well reason and argue with\\nthe marble columns encircling them, c. Are we then to stand\\nto our arms, with the hol-headed Georgian 1 No [and I say no,\\nand South Carolina has said no] that must be the last resource.\\nWe must have patience and long endurance with our brethren, c.\\nand separate from our companions only when Ihe sole alternaliveo\\nleft are a dissolution of our union with them, or submission to a\\ngovernment without limitation of powers. Between these two evils,\\nwhen we must make a choice, there can be no hesitation.*", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n399\\ncourse which duty will require me to pursue, and\\nappealing to the understanding and patriotism of the\\npeople, warn them of the consequences that muat\\nSuch, sir, are the high and imposing authorities in support of\\nthe Carolina doctrine, whicli is, in lact, the doctrine of the Vir-\\nginia resolutions of 1798.\\nSir, at that day the whole country was divided on this very ques-\\ntion. It formed the line of demarcation between the federal and\\nrepublican parties, and the great political revolution which then\\ntook place turned upon the very question involved in these resolu-\\ntions. That question was decided by the people, and by that de-\\ncision the constitution was, in the emphatic language of Mr. Jeffer-\\nson, saved at its last gasp. I should suppose, sir, it would re-\\nquire more self-respect than any gentleinan liere would be willing\\nto assume, to treat lightly doctrines derived from such high sources.\\nResting on authority like this, I will ask genllemen whether South\\nCarolina has not manifested a high regard for the union, when\\nunder a tyranny ten times more grievous than the alien and sedi-\\ntion laws, she has hitherto gone no further than to petition, remon-\\nstrate, and solemnly to protest against a scries of measures which\\nshe believes to be wholly unconstitutional, and utterly destructive\\nof her interests Sir, South Carolina has not gone one step fur-\\nther than Mr. Jefferson hitnself was disposed to go, in relation to\\nthe very subject of our present complaints; not a step further than\\nthe statesmen from New England were disposed to go under simi-\\nlar circumstances no further than the senator from Massachusetts\\nhimself once considered as within the limits of a constitutional\\nopposition. The doctrine thai it is .the right of a slate to judge of\\nthe violations of the constitution on the part of the federal govern-\\nment, and to protect her citizens from the operations of unconsiilu-\\ntional laws, was held by the enlightened citizens of Boston, who as-\\nsembled in Paneuil Hall, on the 25th of January, 1809. They\\nslate, in that celebrated memorial, that they looked only to the\\nstate legislature, who were competent to devise relief against the\\nunconstitutional acts of the general government. That your power\\n(say they) is adequate to that object, is evident from the organiza-\\ntion of the confederacy.\\nA distinguished senator from one of the New England states,\\n[Mr. Hillhouse,] in a speech delivered here, on a bill for enforcing\\nthe embargo, declared, 1 feel myself hound in conscience to de-\\nclare, (lest the blood of those who shall fall in the execution of this\\nmeasure, shall be on my head,) that I consider this to be an act\\nwhich directs a mortal blow at the liberties of my country an act\\ncontaining unconstitutional provisions, to which the people are not\\nbound to submit, and to which, in my opinion, they will not submit.\\nAnd the senator from Massachusetts himself, in a speech deli-\\nvered on the same subject, in the other house, said, This opposition\\nis constitutional and legal it is also conscientious. It rests on\\nsettled and sober conviction, that such policy is destructive to the\\ninterests of the people, and dangerous to the being of the govern-\\nment. The experience of every day confirms these sentiments.\\nMen who act from .such motives, are not to be discouraged by tri-\\nfling obstacles, nor awed by any dangers. They know the limit of\\nconstitutional opposition up to that limit, at their own discretion,\\nthey will walk, and walk fearlessly. How the being of the go-\\nvernment was to be endangered by constitutional opposition to\\nthe embargo, I leave to the gentleman to explain.\\nThus, it will be seen, Mr. President, that the South Carolina\\ndoctrine is the republican doctrine of 98; that it was first promul-\\ngated by the fathers of the faiih that it was maintained by Vir-\\nginia and Kentucky in the worst of times that it constituted the\\nvery pivot on which the political revolution of that day turned\\nthat it embraces the very principles, the triumph of which, at that\\ntime, saved- the constitution at its last gasp, and which New Eng-\\nland statesmen were not unwilling to adopt, when they believed\\nthemselves lobe the victims of uneonslitulional fegislalion. Sir, as\\nto the doctrine that the federal government is ihr exclusive judge of\\nthe extent, as well as the limitations of its po vers, it seems to me\\nto be lUterly st; versive of the sovereignty and independence of the\\nstates. It makes but little difference, in my estimation, whether\\ncongress or the supreme court are invested with this power. If the\\nfederal sovernment, in all, or any of its departments, are to pre-\\n51\\ninevitably result from an observance of the dictates\\nof the convention.\\nStrict duty would require of me nothing more than\\nscribe the limits of its own authority, and the stales are bound tc\\nsubmit to the decision, and are not to be allowed to examine anc\\ndecide for themselves, when the barriers of the constitution shall\\nbe overleaped, this is practically a government without limitation\\nof powers. The states are at once reduced to mere petty corpo-\\nrations, and the people are entirelj at your mercy. I have but one\\nword more to add. In all the efforts that have been made by South\\nCarolina, to resist the unconstitutional laws which congress has\\nextended over them, she has kept steadily in view the preservation\\nof the union, by the only means by which she believes it can be\\nlong preserved a firm, manly, and steady resistance against usur-\\npation. The measures of the federal government have, it is true,\\nprostrated her interests, and will soon involve the whole south in\\nirretrievable ruin. But even this evil, great as it is, is not the chiei\\nground of our complaints. It is the principle involved in the con-\\ntest, a principle which, substituting the discretion of congress for\\nthe limitations of the constitution, bring the states and the people\\nto the feet of the federal government, and leaves them nothing they\\ncan call their own. Sir, if the measures of the federal government\\nwere less oppressive, we should still strive against this usurpation\\nThe south is acting on a principle she has always held sacred re\\nsistance to unauthorized taxation. These, sir, are the principles\\nwhich induced the immortal Plampden to resist the payment of a\\ntax of twenty shillings. Would twent} shillings have ruined liis\\nfortune 1 No; Inil the payment of half twenty shillings, on the\\nprinciple on which it was demanded, would have made him a slave\\nSir, if, in acting on these high motives if animated by that ardent\\nlove of liberty which has always been the most prominent trait in\\nthe southern character we should be hurried beyond the bounds o)\\na cold and calculating prudence, who is there, with one noble and\\ngenerous sentiment in his bosom, that would not be disposed, in the\\nlanguiige of Burke, to exclaim, you must pardon something to the\\nspirit of liberty\\nAfter Mr. Hayne had concluded, Mr. Webster made the follow-\\ning reply to his speech\\nMr. President When the mariner has been tossed, for manv\\ndays, in thick weather, and on an unknown sea, he naturally avails\\nhimself of the first pause in the storm, the earliest glance of the\\nsun, to take his latitude, and ascertain how far the elements have\\ndriven him from his true course. Let us imitate this prudence, and,\\nbefore we float further, refer to the point from which we departed,\\nthat we may at least be able to conjecture where we now are.\\nask for the reading of the resolution.\\n[The secretary read the resolution as follows:\\nRe olved, that the committee on public lands be instructed to\\ninquire and report the quantity of the public lands remaining un-\\nsold within each stale and territory, and whether it be expedient to\\nlimit, for a certain period, the sales of the public lands to such\\nlands only as have heretofore been offered for sale, and are now\\nsubject to entry at the minimum price. And, also, whether the\\noffice of surveyor general, and some of the land offices, may not be\\nabolished without detriment to the public interest or whether it be\\nexpedient to adopt measures to hasten the sales, and extend more\\nrapidly the surveys of the public lands.\\nWe have thus heard, sir, what the resolution is, which is actu-\\nally before us for consideration and it will readily occur to every\\none, that it is almost the only subject about which something has not\\nbeen said in the speech, running through two days, by which the\\nsenate has been now entertained by the gentleman from South Ca-\\nrolina. Every topic in the wide range of our public affaiis, whclh-\\ner past or present -every thing, general or local, -whether belonging\\nto national politics or party politics, seems to have attracted more\\nor less of the honourable member s attention, save only the resolu-\\ntion before us. He has spoken of every thing but the public lands.\\nThey have escaped his notice. To that subject, in all his excur-\\nsions, he has not paid even the cold respect of a pa.ssing glance.\\nWhen this debate, sir, w-as (o be resumed, on Thursday morning,\\nit so happened that it would have been convenient for me to be\\nelsewhere. The honourable member, however, did not incline to", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "400\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe exercise of those powers with which I am now,\\nor may hereafter be invested, for preserving the peace\\nof the union, and for the execution of the laws. But\\nfiut off the discussion to anolher day. He had a shot, he said, to\\nreturn, and he wished to discharge it. That shot, sir, which it\\nwas kind thus to inform us was coming, that we might stand out\\nof the way, or prepare ourselves to fall before it, and die with de-\\ncency, has now been received. Under all advantages, and with\\nt .\\\\pectation awakened by the tone which preceded it, it has been\\ndischarged, and has spent \\\\\\\\.n force. It may become me to say no\\nmore of its effect, than that, if nobody is found, after all, either\\nkilled or wounded by it, it is not the iirst time, in the history of\\nhuman affairs, that the vigour and success of the war have not\\nquite come up to the lofty and sounding phrase of the manifesto.\\nThe gentleman, sir, in declining to postjione the debate, told the\\nsenate, with the emphasis of his hand upon his heart, that there\\nwas something rankling here which he wished to relieve. [Mr.\\nHayne rose, and disclaimed having used the word rayikling.] It\\nwould not, Mr. President, be safe for the honourable member to\\nappeal to those around him, upon the question, whether he did, in\\nfact, make use of that word. But he may have been unconscious\\nof it. At any rate, it is enough that he disclaims it. But still, with\\nor without the use of that particular word, he had yet something\\nhere, he said, of which he wished to rid himself by an imiuediate\\nreply. In this respect, sir, I have a great advantage over the ho-\\nnourable gentleman. There is nothing Acre, sir, which gives me\\nthe slightest uneasiness; neither fear, nor anger, nor that which is\\nsometimes more troublesome than either, the consciousness of\\nhaving been in the wrong. There is nothing, either originating\\nkcre, or now received here, by the gentleman s shot. Nothing ori-\\nginal, for I had not the slightest feeling of disiespect or unkindness\\ntowards the honourable member. Some passages, it is true, had\\noccurred since our acquaintance in this body, which I could have\\nwished might have been otherwise; but I had used philosophy, and\\nforgotten them. AVhen the honourable member rose, in his first\\n.speech, I paid him the respect of attentive listening; and when he\\nsat down, though surprised, and I must say even astonished, at\\nsome of his opinions, nothing was further from my intention, than\\nto commence any personal warfare and through the whole of the\\nfew remarks I made in answer, 1 avoided, studiously and carefully,\\nevery thing which I thought possible to be construed into disre-\\nspect. And, sir, while there is thus nothing originating here, which\\nI wished at any time, or now wish to discharge, I must repeat, also,\\nthat nothing has been received here which rankles, or in any way\\ngives me annoyance. I will not accuse the honourable member of\\nviolating the rules of civilized war I will not soy that he poisoned\\nhis arrows. But whether his shafts were, or were not, dipped in\\nthat which would have caused rankling, if they had reached, there\\nwas not, as it happened, quite strength enough in the bow to bring\\nIhem to their mark. If he wishes now to gather up those shai is,\\nhe must look for them elsewhere they will not be found fixed and\\nquivering in the object at which they were aimed.\\nThe honourable member complained that I had slept on his .speech.\\nI must have slept on it, or not slept at all. The moment the ho-\\nnourable member sal down, his friend from Missouri rose, and\\nwith much honeyed commendation of the speech, suggested that the\\nimpressions which it had produced were too charming and delight-\\nful to be disturbed by other sentiments or other sounds, and pro-\\nposed that the senate should adjourn. Would it have been quite\\namiable in me, sir, to interrupt this excellent good feeling? Must\\nI not have been absolutely malicious, if I could have thrust myself\\nforward to destroy sensations thus pleasing 7 Was it not mucn\\nbelter and kinder, both to sleep upon them myself, and to allow\\nothers, also, the pleasure of sleejiing upon ihem 1 But if it be\\nmeant, by sleeping upon his speecli, that I took time to prepare a\\nreply to it, it is quite a mistake owing to other engagements, I\\ncould not employ even the interval between the adjournment of the\\nsenate, and its meeting the next morning, in attention to the subject\\nof this debate. Nevertheless, sir, the mere matter of fact is un-\\ndoubtedly true I did sleep on the gentleman s speech, and slept\\nsoundly. And I slept equally well on his speech of yesterday, to\\nV liicli I am now replying. It is quite possible, that, in this re.spect\\nthe imposing aspect which opposition has assumed m\\nthis case, by clothing itself with state authority, and\\nthe deep interest which the people of the United\\nalso, I possess some advantage over the honourable member, attri-\\nbutable, doubtless, to a cooler temperament on my part; for, in\\ntruth, I slept upon his .speeches remarkably well. But the gentle-\\nman inquires, why he was made the object of such a replyl Why\\nwas he singled outl If an attack had been made on the east, he\\nhe assures us, did not begin it it was the gentleman from Missouri.\\nSir, I answered the gentleman s speech, because I happened to lieai\\nit and because, also, I chose to give an answer to that speech,\\nwhich, if unanswered, I thought most likely to produce injurious\\nimpressions. I did not slop to inquire who was the original drawer\\nol the bill. 1 found a responsible endorser before me, and it was\\nmy purpos^ to hold him liable, and to bring him lo his just respon-\\nsibility, without delay. But, sir, this interrogatory of the honoura-\\nble member was only introductory to another. He proceeded to\\nask me, whether I had turned upon him, in this debate, from the\\nconsciou.sness that 1 should find an over-match, if I ventured on a\\ncontest with his friend from Missouri. If, sir, the honourable\\nmember, ex ernlia vwdestitr, had chosen thus to defer to his friend,\\nand lo pay him a complinncnt, without intentional disparagement\\nto others, it would have been quite according to the friendly cour-\\ntesies of debate, and not at all ungrateful to my own feelings. 1\\nam not one of those, sir, who esteem any tribute of regard, whether\\nlight and occasional, or more serious and deliberate, which may he\\nbestowed on others, as so much unjustly wiihholden from them-\\nselves. But the lone and manner of the gentleman s question, for-\\nbid me that I thus interpret it. I am not at liberty lo consider\\nit as nothing more than a civility to his friend. It had an air ol\\ntaunt and disparagement, a little of the loftiness of asserted supe-\\nriority, which does no\\\\ allow me lo pass it over without notice. It\\nwas put as a question for me to answer, and so put, as if it w ere\\ndifficult for me to answer, whether I deemed the member from Mis-\\nsouri an over-match for myself, in debate here. It seems to me,\\nsir, that this is extraordinary language, and an extraordinary tone,\\nfor the discussions of this body.\\nMatches and over-matches Those terms are more applicable\\nelsewhere than here, and filler for other assemblies than this. Sir,\\nthe gentleman seems to forget where and what we are. This is a\\nsenate; a senate of equals; of men of individual honour and per-\\nsonal character, and of absolute independence. We know no\\nmasters we acknowledge no dictators. This is a hall for mutua\\nconsultation and discus.sion not an arena for the exhibition o.\\nchampions. I offer myself, sir, as a match for no man I throw\\nthe challenge of debate at no man s feel. But then, sir, since the\\nhonourable member has put the question, in a manner that calls for\\nan answer, I will give him an answer; and I tell him, that, hold-\\ning myself lo be Ihe humblest of the members here, 1 yet know\\nnothing in the arm of his friend from Missouri, either alone or\\nwhen aided by the arm of Ms friend from South Carolina, that need\\ndeter even me from espousing whatever opinions 1 may choose to\\nespouse, from debating whenever I may choose lo debate, or from\\n.speaking whatever I may see fit to say, on the floor of the senate.\\nSir, when uttered as matter of commendation or compliment, I\\nshould dissent from nothing which the honourable member might\\nsay of his friend. Still le.ss do I put forth any pretensions of my\\nown. But, when put to me as mailer of taunt, I throw it back,\\nand say to the gentleman, that he could possibly say nothing less\\nlikely than such a comparison, lo wound my pride of personal cha-\\nracler. The anger of ils lone rescued the remark from intentional\\nirony, which otherwise, probably, would have been its general ac-\\nceptation. Bui, sir, if it be imagined thai by this mutual quotation\\nand commendation; if it be supposed that, by casting the charac-\\nters of the drama, assigning to each his parl^lo one the attack, lo\\nanolher ihe cry of onset or if it he ihoughl Ihal, by a loud and\\nempty vaunt of aniicipaied victory, any laurels are to be won here;\\nif ii he imagined, especially, that any or all Ihese things will shake\\nany purpose of mine, I can lell Ihe honourable member, once for\\nall, that he is greatly mistaken, and that he is dealing with one of\\nwhose temper and character he hasyel much to learn. S. r, I shall\\nnot allow myself, on this occasion, I hope on no oceaiion, to be be-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n401\\nStates must all feel in preventing a resort to stronger\\nmeasures, while there is a hope that any thing will be\\nyielded to reasoning and remonstrance, perhaps de-\\ntrayed into any loss of temper; but, if provoked, as I trust I never\\nshall allow myself lo be, into crimination and recrimination, the\\nhonourable member may perhaps find, that, in that contest, there\\nwill be blows to take as well as blows to give that others can\\nstate comparisons as significant, at least, as his own; and that his\\nimpunity may, perhaps, ilemand of him whatever powers of taunt\\nand sarcasm he may possess. I commend him lo a prudent hus-\\nbandry of his resources.\\nBut, sir, the coalition The coalition Ay, the murdered coa-\\nlition The gentleman asks, if I were led or frighted into this\\ndebate by the spectre of the coalition. Was it the ghost of the\\nmurdered coalition, he exclaims, which haunted the member\\nfrom Massachusetts, and which, like the ghost of Eanquo, would\\nnever down V The murdered coalition! Sir, this charge of\\na coalition, in reference to the late administration, is not original\\nwith the honourable member. It did not spring up in the senate.\\nWhether as a fact, as an argument, or as an embellishment, it is\\nall borrowed. He adopts it, indeed, from a very low origin, and a\\nstill lower present condition. It is one of the thousand calumnies\\nwith which the press teemed during an e.xcited political canvass.\\nIt was a charge pf which there was not only no proof or probabili-\\nty, but which was, in itself, wholly impossible to be true. No man\\nof common information ever believed a syllable of it. Yet it was\\nof that class of falsehoods, which, by continued repetition, through\\nall the organs of detraction and abuse, are capable of misleading\\nthose who are already far misled, and of further fanning passion,\\nalready kindling into flame. Doubtless, it served in its day, and,\\nin greater or less degree, the end designed by it. Having done\\nthat, it has sunk into the general mass of stale and loathed calum-\\nnies. It is the very cast-off slough of a polluted and shameless\\npress. Incapable of further mischief, it lies in the sewer, lifeless\\nand despised. It is not now, sir, in the power of the honourable\\nmember to give it dignity or decency, by attempting to elevate it,\\nand to introduce it into the senate. He can not change it from\\nwhat it is, an object of general disgust and scorn On the contra-\\nry, the contact, if he choose to touch it, is more likely to drag him\\ndown, down, to the place where il lies itself.\\nBut, sir, the honourable member was not, for other reasons, en-\\ntirely happy in his allusion to the story of Banquo s murder and\\nBanquo s ghost. It was not, I think, the friends, bul the enemies\\nof the murdered Banquo, at whose bidding his spirit would not\\ndown. The honourable gentleman is fresh in his reading of the\\nEnglish classics, and can put me right, if I am wrong; but, ac-\\ncording to my poor recollection, il was at those who had begun with\\ncaresses, and ended with foul and treacherous murder, that the gory\\nlocks were shaken. The ghost of Banquo, like that of Hamlet, was\\nan honest ghost. It disturbed no innocent man. It knew where\\nits appearance would strike terror, and who would cry out, a ghost!\\nIt made itself visible in the right quarter, and compelled the guilty\\nand the conscience-smitten, and none others, to start, with\\nPry thee, see there behold look lo I\\nIf I stand here, I saw him\\nT%ar eye-balls were seared (was it not so, sir?) who had thought\\nto shield themselves, by concealing their own hand, and laying the\\nimputation of the crime on a low and hireling agency in wicked-\\nness, who had vainly attempted to stifle the workings of their own\\ncoward consciences, by ejaculating, through v. hite lips and chatter-\\ning teeth, Thou canst not say I did it I have misread the\\ngreat poet, if it was those who had no way partaken in the deed of\\nthe death, who either found that they were, or feared tkai they should\\nhe, pushed from their stools by thf ghost of the slain or who ex-\\nclaimed, to a spectre created by their own fears, and their own re-\\nmorse, Avaunt and quit our sight!\\nThere is another particular, sir, in which the honourable mem-\\nber s quick perception of resemblances might, I should think, have\\n.seen something in the story of Banquo, making it not altogether a\\nsubject of the most pleasant contemplation. Those who rtiurdered\\nmand, and will certainly justify a full exposition to\\nSouth Carolina and the nation of the views I entertain\\nof this important question, as well as a distinct enun-\\nBanquo, what did they win by it Substantial good 1 Permanent\\npower 1 Or disappointment, rather, and sore mortification dusl\\nand ashes the common late of vaulting ambition, overleaping it-\\nself? Did not even-handed justice, ere long, commend the poi-\\nsoned chalice to their own lipsl Did they not soon find that for\\nanother they had filled their mind that their ambition, though\\napparently for the moment successful, had but put a barren sceptre\\nin 4heir grasp 1 Ay, sir,\\nA barren sceptre in their gripe,\\nThence to be wrenched by an nnlineal hand,\\nA^ S07L of their^s succeeding.\\nSir, I need pursue the allusion no further. I leave the honoura-\\nble gentleman to run it out at his leisure, and to derive from it all\\nthe gratification it is calculated to administer. If he finds himsell\\npleased with the associations, and prepared to be quite satisfied,\\nthough the parallel should be entirely completed, I had almost said,\\nI am satisfied also; but that I shall think of. Yes, sir, I will think\\nof that.\\nIn the course of my observations, the other day, Mr. President,\\nI paid a passing tribute of respect to a very worthy man, Mr. Dane,\\nof Massachusetts. It so happened, that he drew the ordinance ot\\n1787, for the government of the Northwestern Territory. A man\\nof so much ability, and so little pretence of so great a capacity to\\ndo good, and so unmixed a disposition to do it for its own sake a\\ngentleman who acted an important part, forty years ago, in a mea-\\nsure, the influence of which is still deeply felt in the very matter\\nwhich was the subject of debate, might, I thought, receive from me\\na commendatory recognition.\\nBut the honourable member was inclined to be facetious on the\\nsubject. He was rather di.sposed to make it matter of ridicule, that\\nI had introduced into the debate the name of one Nathan Dane, of\\nwhom, he assures us, he had never before heard. Sir, if the ho-\\nnourable member had never before heard of Mr. Dane, I am sorry\\nfor it. It shows him less acquainted with the public men of the\\ncountry than I had sujiposed. Let me tell him, however, that a\\nsneer from him, at the mention of the name of Mr. Dane, is in bad\\ntaste. It may well be a high mark of ambition, sir, either with the\\nhonourable gentleman or myself, to accomplish as much to make\\nour names known to advantage, and remembered with gratitude,\\nas Mr. Dane has accomplished. But the truth is, sir, I suspect,\\nthat Mr. Dane lives fl, little too far north. He is of Massachusetts,\\nand too near the north star to be reached by the honourable gentle-\\nman s telescope. If his sphere had happened to range south ot\\nMason s and Dixon s line, he might, probably, have come within\\nthe scope of his vision\\nI spoke, sir, of the ordinance of 1787, which prohibited slavery,\\nin all future times, northwest of the Ohio, as a measure of great\\nwisdom and foresight, and one which had been attended with highly\\nbeneficial and permanent consequences. I suppose, that, on this\\npoint, no two gentlemen in the senate could entertain diffeient\\nopinions. But, the simple expression of this sentiment has led the\\ngentleman, not only into a laboured defence of slavery, in the ab-\\nstract, and on principle, but also into a warm accu.sation against\\nme, as having attacked the system of domestic slavery, now exist-\\ning in the southern slates. For all this, there was not the slightest\\nfoundation, in any thing said or intimated by me. I did not utter\\na single word, which any ingenuity could torture into an attack on\\nthe slavery of the south. I said only, that it was highly wise and\\nuseful, in legislating for the northwestern country, while it was yet\\na wilderness, to prohibit the introduction of slaves; and added,\\nthat, I presumed, in the neighbouring slate of Kentucky, there was\\nno reflecting and intelligent gentleman, who would doubt, that if\\nthe same prohibition had been extended, at the same early period,\\nover Ihat commonwealth, her strength and population would, at this\\nday, have been far greater than they are. If these opinions be\\nthought doubtful, they are, nevertheless, I trust, neither extraordi-\\nnary nor disrespectful. They attack nobodv, and menace nobody,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "402\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES\\nciation of the course which my sense of duty will\\nrequire me to pursue.\\nThe ordinance is founded, not on the indefeasi-\\nAnd yet, sir, the gentleman s optics have discovered, even in tlie\\nmere expression of this sentiment, what he calls the very spirit of\\nthe Missouri question He represents me as making an onset on\\nthe whole south, and manifesting a spirit which would interfere\\nwith, and disturb their domestic condition Sir, this injustice no\\notherwise surprises me, than as it is done here, and done without\\nthe slightest pretence of gronnd for it. I say it only surprises me,\\nas being dune here for I know full well, that it is, and has been,\\nthe settled policy of some persons in the south, for years, to repre-\\nsent the people of the north as disposed to interfere with them in\\ntheir own exclusive and peculiar concerns. This is a delicate and\\nsensitive point in southern feeling; and of late yea\u00c2\u00bbB it has alwaj s\\nbeen touched, and generally with effect, whenever the object has\\nbeen to unite the whole south against northern men, or northern\\nmeasures. This feeling, always carefully kept alive, and main-\\ntained at too intense a heat to .idmit discrimination or reflection, is\\na lever of great power in our political machine. It moves vast\\nbodies, and gives to them one and the same direction. But the\\nfeeling is without all adequate cause, and the suspicion which ex-\\nists wholly groundless. There is not, and never has been, a di.spo-\\nsition in the north to interfere with these interests of the south.\\nSuch interference has never been supposed to be within the power\\nof government nor has it been in any way attempted. It has al-\\nways been regarded as a matter of doinestic policy, left with the\\nstates themselves, and with which the federal^ government had\\nnothing to do. Certainly, sir, I am, and ever have been, of that\\nopinion. The gentleman, indeed, argues that slavery, in the ab-\\nstract, is no evil. Most assuredly, I need not say I Jitfer with him\\naltogether and most widely on that point. I regard domestic slave-\\nry as one of the greatest of evils, both moral and political. But,\\nthough it be a malady, and whether it be curable, and if so, by\\nwhat means; or, on the other hand, whether it be the vulnus im-\\nmedicaode of the social system, I leave it to tho.se whose right\\nand duty it is to inquire and to decide. And this, I believe, sir, is,\\nand uniformly has been, the sentiment of the north. Let us look\\na little at the history of this matter.\\nWhen the present constitution was submitted for the ratification\\nof the people, there were those who imagined that the powers of\\nthe government which it proposed to establish, might, perhaps, in\\nsome possible mode, be exerted in measures tending to the abolition\\nof slavery. This suggestion would of course attract much atten-\\ntion in the southern conventions. In that of Virginia, Governor\\nRandolph said\\nI hope there is none here who, considering the subject in the\\ncalm light of philosophy, will make an objection dishonourable to\\nVirginia that, at the moment they are securing the rights of their\\ncitizens, an objection is started, that there is a spark of hope that\\nthose unfortunate men now held in bondage, may, by the operation\\nof the general government, be made free.\\nAt the very first congress, petitions on the subject were presented,\\nif I mistake not, from different states. The Pennsylvania Society\\nfor promoting the Abolition of Slavery, took a lead, and laid be-\\nfore congress a memorial, praying congress to promote the aboli-\\ntion by such powers as it possessed. This memorial was referred,\\nin the house of representatives, to a select committee, consisting of\\nMr. Fosier,.of New Hampshire; Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts;\\nMr. Huntington, of Connecticut; Mr. Lawrence, of New York:\\nMr. Sinnickson, of New Jersey; Mr. Hartley, of Pennsylvania;\\nand Mr. Parker, of Virginia. All of them, sir, as you will ob-\\nserve, northern men, but the last. This committee made a report,\\nwhich was committed to a committee of the whole house, and there\\nconsidered and discussed on several days; and being amended, al-\\nhough in no material respect, it was made to express three distinct\\nuropositions on the subjects of^ .slavery and the slave trade. First,\\nin the words of the constitution, that congress could not, prior to\\nthe year 1808, prohibit the migration or importation of such per-\\nsons as any of the stales, then existing, should think proper to\\nodmit. Second, that congress had authority to restrain the citizens\\nof the United States from carrying on the African slave trade, for\\nble right of resisting acts which are plainly unconsti-\\ntutional and too oppressive to be endured but on\\nthe strange position that any one state may not only\\nthe purpose of supplying foreign countries. On this proposition,\\nour early laws against those who engage in that traffic are found-\\ned. The third proposition, and that which bears on the present\\nquestion, was expressed in the following terms:\\nBi soht d, That congress have no authority to interfere in llie\\nemancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them in any of the\\nstates; it remaining with the several states alone to provide rules\\nand regulations therein, which humanity and true policy may re-\\nquire.\\nThis resolution received the sanction of the house of representa-\\ntives so early as March, 1790. And now, sir, the honourable\\nmember will allow me to remind him, that not only were the select\\ncommittee who reported the resolution, with a single exception, all\\nnorthern men, but also that of the members then composing the\\nhouse of representatives, a large majority, I believe nearly two\\nthirds, were northern men also.\\nThe house agreed to insert these resolutions in its journal and,\\nfrom that day to this, it has never b%en maintained or contended,\\nthat congress had any authority to regulate, or interfere with, the\\ncondition of slaves in the several states. No northern gentleman,\\nto my knowledge, has moved any such question in either house of\\ncongress.\\nThe fears of the south, whatever fears they might have enter-\\ntained, were allayed and quieted by this early decision and so re-\\nmained, till they were excited afresh, without cause but for collate-\\nral and indirect purposes. When it became necessary, or was\\nthought so, by some political persons, to find an unvarying ground\\nfor the exclusion of northern men from confidence and from lead\\nin the affairs of the republic, then, and not till then, the cry was\\nraised, and the feeling industriously excited, that the influence of\\nnorthern men in the public councils would endanger the relation of\\nmaster and slave. For myself, I claim no other merit, than that\\nthis gross and enormous injustice towards the whole north, has\\nnot wrought upon me to change my opinions, or. my political con-\\nduct. I hope I am above violating any principles, even under the\\nsmart of injury and false imputations. Unjust suspicions and un-\\ndeserved reproach, whatever pain I may experience from them,\\nwill not induce nie, I trust, nevertheless, to overstep the limits of\\nconstitutional duty, or to encroach on the rights of others. The\\ndomestic slavery of the south, I leave where I find it.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 in the hands\\nof their own governments. It is their affair, not mine. Nor do I\\ncomplain of the peculiar effect which the magnitude of that popu-\\nlation has had in the distribution of power under this federal go-\\nvernment. We know, sir, that the representation of the stales in\\nthe other house, is not equal. We know that great advantage, in\\nthat respect, is enjoyed by the slave-holding states; and we know,\\ntoo, that the intended equivalent for that advantage, that is to say,\\nthe imposition of diiect taxes in the same ratio, has become merely\\nnominal the habit of the government being almost invariably to\\ncollect its revenues from other sources, and in other modes. Never-\\ntheless, I do not complain, nor would I countenance any movement\\nto alter this ariangemcnt of representation. It is the original bar-\\ngain, the compact let it stand: let the advantage of it be fully en-\\njoyeil. The union itself is too full of benefit to be hazarded in pro-\\npositions for changing its original basis. I go for the constitution\\nas it is, and for the union as it is. But I am resolved not to sub-\\nmit in silence to accusations, either against myself individually, or\\nagainst the north, wholly unfounded and unjust; accusations which\\nimpute to us a disposition to evade the constitutional compact, and\\nto extend the power of the government over the internal laws and\\ndomestic condition of the states. All such accusations, wherever\\nand whenever made; all insinuations of the existence of any such\\npurposes, I know and feel to be groundless and injurious, And w-e\\nmust confide in southern gentlemen themselves; we must trust to\\nthose W hose integrity of heart and magnanimity of feeling will lead\\nthem to a desire to maintain and disseminate truth, and who pos-\\nsess the means of its diffusion with the southern public; we must\\nleave it to them to disabuse that public of its prejudices. But, in\\nthe mean time, for my own part, I shall continue to act jastly,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n403\\ndeclare an act of cons^ress void, but prohibit its ex-\\necution that they may do tliis consistently with the\\nconstitution that the true construction of that\\nwhether those towards whom justice is exercised receive it with\\ncandour or with contumely.\\nHaving had occasion to recur to the ordinance of 17.87, in order\\nto defend myself against the inferences which the honourable mem-\\nber has chosen to draw from my observations on that subject, I am\\nnot willing now entirely to take leave of it without another remark.\\nIt need hardly be said, that that paper expresses just sentiments on\\nthe great subject of civil and religious liberty. Such senlimenis\\nwere common, and abound in all our slate papers of that day. But\\nthis ordinance did that which was not so common, and which is not,\\neven new, universal that is, it set forth and declared, as a high\\nand binding duty of government itself, to encourage schools, and\\nadvance the means of education on the plain reason, that religion,\\niforality, and knowledge, are necessary to good government, and\\nto the hai)piness of mankind. One observation further. The im-\\nportant provision incorporated into the constitution of the United\\nSlates, and several of those of the states, and recently, as we have\\nseen, adopted into the reformed constitution of Virginia, restrain-\\ning legislative power, in questions of private right, and from im-\\npairing the obligation of contracts, is first introduced and establish-\\ned, as far as I am informed, as matter of express written constitu-\\ntional law, in this ordinance of 1787. And I must add, also, in\\nregard to the author of the ordinance, who has not had the happi-\\nness to attract the gentleman s notice, heretofore, nor to avoid his\\nsarcasm now, that he was chairman of that select comraiiiee of\\nthe old congress, whose report first expressed the strong sense of\\nthat body, that the old confederation was not adequate to the exi-\\ngencies of the country, and recommending to the states to send\\ndelegates to the convention which formed the present constitution.\\nAn attempt has been made to transfer from the north to the\\nsouth, the honour of this exclusion of slavery from the Northwest-\\nern Territory. The journal, without argument or comiuent, re-\\nfutes such attempt. The cession by Virginia was made March,\\n1784. On ihe 19lh of April following, a committee, corisisting of\\nMessrs. Jefferscm, Chase, and Howell, reported a plan for a tempo-\\nrary government of the territory, in which was this article: thai,\\nafter the year 1800, there shall be neither slavery, nor involuntary\\nservitude, in any of the said states, otherwise than in punishment\\nof crimes, whereof the party shall have been convicted. Mr.\\nSpaight, of North Carolina, moved to strike out this paragraph.\\nThe question was put, according to the form then practised\\nshall these words stand as part of the plan, c. New Hamp-\\nshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New\\nJersey, and Pennsylvania seven stales, voted in the affirmative.\\nMaryland, Virginia, and South Carolina, in the negative. North\\nCarolina was divided. As the consent of the nine slates was ne-\\ncessary, the words could not stand, and were struck out according-\\nly. Mr. Jefferson voted for the clause, but was overruled by his\\ncolleagues.\\nIn March of tne next year, (1785,) Mr. King, of Massachusetts,\\nseconded by Mr. Ellery, of Rhode Island, proposed the formerly re-\\njected article, with this addition And that this regulation shall be\\nan article of compact, and remain a fundamental principle of the con-\\nslitulions between the thirteen original stales, and each of the stales de-\\nscribed in the resolve c. On this clause, which provided the\\nadequate and thorough security, the eight northern states at that\\ntime voted aflirmatively, and the four southern stales negatively.\\nThe votes of nine states were not yet obtained, and thus, the pro-\\nvision has again rejected by the southern states. The perseverance\\not the north held out, and two years afterwards the object was at-\\ntained. It is no derogation from the credit, whatever that maybe,\\nof drawing the ordinance, that its principles had before been pre-\\npared and discussed, in Ihe form of resolutions. If one should rea-\\nson in that way, what would become of the distinguished honour\\nof the author of the declaration of independence 1 There is not\\na sentiment in that paper which had not been voted and resolved in\\nIhe assemblies, and other popular bodies in the country, over and\\nover again.\\nBut the honourable member has now found out that this gentle-\\ninstrument permits a state to retain its place in the\\nunion, and yet be bound by no other of its laws\\nthan those it m;iy choose to consider as constitution-\\nman, Mr. Dane, was a member of the Hartford convention. How-\\never uninformed the honourable member may be of characters and\\noccurrences at the north, it would seem that he has at his elbow on\\nthis occasion, some high-minded and lofty spirit, some magnani-\\nmous and true-hearled monitor, possessing the means of local know-\\nledge, and ready to supply the honourable member with every thing,\\ndown even to forgotten and molh-eaten twopenny pamphlet.s, which\\nmay be used to the disadvantage of his own country. But as to\\nthe Hartford coiivehtion, sir, allow me to say, that the proceedings\\nof that body seem now to be less read and studied in New England\\nthan further south. They appear to be looked to, not in New Eng-\\nland, but elsewhere, for the purpose of seeing how far they may\\nserve as a precedent. But they will not answer the purpose they\\nare quite loo tame. The latitude in whicli they originated was too\\ncold. Other conventions, of more recent existence, have gone a\\nwhole bar s length beyond it. The learned doctors of Colleton and\\nAbbeville have pushed their commentaries on the Hartford collect\\n.so far, that tlie original text-writers are ihiown entiiely into the\\nshade. I have nothing to do, sir, with the Hartford convention.\\nIts journal, which the gentleman has quoted, I never read. So far\\nas the honourable member may discover in its proceedings a spirit\\nin any degree resembling that which was avowed and justified in\\nthose other conventions to which I have alluded, or so far as those\\nproceedings can be shown to be disloyal to the constitution, or tend-\\ning to disunion, so far I shall be as ready as any one to bestow on\\nthem reprehension and censure.\\nHaving dwelt long on this convention, and other occurrences of\\nthat day, in the hope, probably, (which will not be gratified,) that\\nI should leave the course of this debate to follow him at length in\\nthose discussions, the honourable member returned, and attempted\\nanother object He referred to a speech of mine in the other house,\\nthe same which I had occasion to allude to myself the other day,\\nand has quoted a passage or two from it, with a bold, though un-\\neasy and labouring air of confidence, as if he had delected in me\\nan inconsistency. Judging from the gentleman s manner, a stranger\\nto the course of the debate, and to the point in discussion, would\\nhave imagined, from so triumphant a tone, that the honourable\\nmember was about to overwhelm me with a manifest contradiction.\\nAny one who heard him, and who had not heard what I had, in\\nfact, previously said, must have thought me routed and discomfited,\\nas the gentleman had promised. Sir, a breath blows all this tri-\\numph away. There is not the .slightest difl^erence in the senti-\\nments of my remarks on the two occasions. What 1 said here on\\nWednesday, is in exact accordance with the opinions expressed by\\nme in the other house, in 1825. Though the gentleman had the\\nmetaphysics of Hudibras though he were able\\nTo sever and divide\\nA hair Iwixt north and northwest side,\\nhe yet could not insert his metaphysical sci.ssors between the fair\\nreading of my remarks in 1825, and what I said here last week.\\nThere is not only no contradiction, no difierence, but, in truth, too\\nexact a siinilarity, both in thought and language, to be c-itirely in\\njust taste. I had myself quoled the same speech had recuired to\\nit, and spoke with it open before me and much of hat I said wa=\\nlittle more than a repetition from it. In order to make, tnishing\\nwork with this alleged contradiction, permit me to recur lo the\\norigin of this debate, and review its coui^e. This seems expedi-\\nent, and may be done as well now as at any time.\\nWell, then, its history is this: The honourable member from\\nConnecticut moved a resolution, which constitutes the first branch\\nof that which is now before us that is to say, a resolution, instruct-\\ning the committee on public lands lo inquire into the expediency\\nof limiling, for a certain period, the sales of the public lands, to\\nsuch as have heretofore been offered for sale; and whether sundry\\noffices, connected with the sales of the lands, might not be abolish-\\ned, without detriment to the public service.\\nIn the progress of the discussion which irose on this resolutior,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "404\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nal. It is true, the/ add, that to justify this abroga-\\ntion of a law, it must be palpably contrary to the\\nconstitution but it is evident, that to give the right\\nan honourable member from New Hampshire moved to amend the\\nresolution, so as entirely lo reverse its object that is, to strike it all\\nout, and insert a direction tc the committee to inquire into the ex-\\npediency of adopting measures to hasten the sales, and extend more\\nrapidly the surveys of the lands.\\nThe honourable member from Maine, (Mr. Sprague,) suggested,\\nthat both those propositions might well enough go, for considera-\\ntion, to the committee; and in this state of the question, the mem-\\nber from South Carolina addressed the senate in his first speech.\\nHe rose, he said, to give us his own free thoughts on the public\\nlands. I saw him rise with pleasure, and listened with expecta-\\ntion, though, before he concluded, I was filled with surprise. Cer-\\ntainly, I was never more surprised, than to find him following up,\\nto the extent he did, the sentiments and opinions which the gentle-\\nman fiom Missouii had put forth, and which it is known he has\\nlong entertained.\\nI need not repeat, at large, the general topics of the honourable\\ngentleman s speech. When he said, yesterday, that he did not at-\\ntack the ea.stern slates, he certainly must have forgotten, not only\\nparticular remarks, but the whole drift and tenor of his speech\\nunless he means, by not attacking, that he did not commence hos-\\ntilities but that another had preceded him in the attack. He, in\\nthe first place, disapproved of the whole course of the government,\\nfor forty years, in regard to its dispositions of the public land and\\nthen, turning northward and eastward, and fancying he had found\\na cause for alleged narrowness and niggardliness in the accurs-\\ned policy of the tarifl! lo which he represented the people of New\\nEngland as wedded, he went on, for a full hour, with remarks, the\\nwhole scope of which was lo exhibit the results of this policy, in\\nfeelings and measures unfavourable to the west. I thought his\\nopinions unfounded and erroneous, as to the general course of the\\ngovernment, and ventured to reply to them.\\nThe gentleman remarked on the analogy of other cases, and\\nquoted the conduct of European governments towards their own\\nsubjects, settling on this continent, as in point, to show, that we had\\nbeen harsh and rigid in selling, when we should have given the\\npublic lands to settlers. I thought the honourable member had suf-\\nfered his judgmeni to be betrayed by a false analogy; that he was\\nstruck with an appearance of resemblance, where there was no real\\nsimilitude. I think so still. The first settlers of North America\\nwere enterprising spirits, engaged in private adventure, or fleeing\\nfrom tyranny at home. When arrived here, they were forgotten\\nby the mother country, or remembered only to be oppres^*d. Car-\\nried away again by Ihe appearance of analogy, or struck with the\\neloquence of the passage, the honourable member yesterday obser-\\nved, that the conduct of government towards the western emigrants,\\nor my representation of it, brought to his mind a celebrated speech\\nin the British parliament. It was, sir, the speech of Col. Barre.\\nOn the question of the stamp act, or tea lax, I forget which. Col.\\nBarre had heard a member on the treasury bench argue, that the\\npeople of the United Slates, being British colonists, planted by the\\nmaternal care, nourished by the indulgence, and protected by the\\nariTK of England, would not grudge their mite lo relieve the mother\\ncountry from the heavy burden under which she groaned. The\\nlanguage of Col. Barre, in reply to this, was They planted by\\nvour care Your oppression planted them in America. They fled\\nfrom your tyranny, and grew by your neglect of them. So soon as\\nyon began to care for them, you showed your care by sending per-\\nsons to spy out their liberties, misrepresent their character, prey\\nupon them, and eat out their substance.\\nAnd now, does the honourable gentleman mean to maintain, that\\nlanguage like this is applicable lo the conduct of the government\\nof the United States towards the western emigrants, or lo any re-\\npresentation given by me of that conduct Were Ihe settlers of\\nthe west driven thither by our oppression 1 Have they flourished\\nonly by our neglect of them Has the government done nothing\\nbut to prey upon them, and eat out their substance? Sir, this fer-\\nvid eloquence of the British speaker, just when and where it was\\n-ittcred, and fit to remain an exercise for the schools, is not a little\\nof resisting laws of that description, coupled with the\\nuncontrolled right to decide what laws deserve that\\ncharacter, is to give the power of resisting all laws.\\nout of place, when it is brought thence to be applied here, lo the con-\\nduct of our own country towards her own cilizens. From America\\nto England, it may be true; from Americans to their own govern-\\nment; ii would be strange language. Let ns leave it to be declaim-\\ned by our boys against a foreign nation; not introduce it here to\\nrecile and declaim ourselves againsi our own.\\nBut I come lo the point of the alleged contradiction. In my\\nremarks on Wednesday, I contended, that we could not give away\\ngratuitously all the public lands that we held them in trust; that\\nthe government had solemnly pledged itself to dispose of them as a\\ncommon fund for the common benefit, and to sell and settle them\\nas its discretion should dictate. Now, sir, what contradiction does\\nthe gentleman find lo Ihis sentiment, in the .speech of 1825 1 He\\nquotes me as having then said, that we ought not to hug these lai^ls\\nas a very great treasure. Very well, sir, supposing me to be accu-\\nrately reported, in that expression, what is the contradiction 1 I\\nhave not now said, that we should hug these lands as a favourite\\nsource of pecuniary income. No such thing. It is not my view.\\nWhat I have said, and what I do say, is, that they are a common\\nfund to be disposed of for the common benefit to be sold al low\\nprices, for the accommodation of settlers, keeping the object of set-\\ntling the lands as much in view, as that of raising money from\\nthem. This I say now, and this I have always said. Is this hug-\\nging them as a favourite treasure 1 Is there nodifierence between\\nhugging and hoarding this fund, on the one hand, as a great trea-\\nsure, and, on the other, of disposing of it at low prices, placing Ihe\\nproceeds in Ihe general treasury of ihe union My opinion is, that\\nas much is to be made of the land, as fairly and reasonably may\\nbe, selling it all the while at such rales as to give Ihe fullest efiect\\nto setilemenl. This is not giving it all away to the stales, as the\\ngentleman would propose nor is it hugging the fund closely and\\ntenaciously, as a favourite treasure but it is, in my judgmeni, a\\njust and wise policy, perfectly according with all the various duties\\nwhich rest on government. So much for my contradiction. And\\nwhat is it Where is Ihe ground of the gentleman s triumph\\nWhat inconsistency, in word or doctrine, has he been able lo de-\\nlect t Sir, if this be a sample of that discomfiture with which the\\nhonourable member threatened me, commend me lo the word dis-\\ncomfiliire for the rest of my life.\\nBut, after all, this is not the point of Ihe debate and I must now\\nbring the gentleman back to that which is the point.\\nThe real question between him and me is, where has the doc-\\ntrine been advanced, at Ihe south or Ihe east, thai Ihe population o)\\nthe west should be retarded, or at least need not be hastened, on ac-\\ncount of ils efiecl lo drain ofi the people from Ihe Atlantic slates\\nIs this doctrine, as has been alleged, of eastetn origin Thai is\\nthe question. Has the gentleman found any thing, by which he\\ncan make good his accusation 1 I submit lo the senate, that he has\\nentirely failed; and, as far as this debate has shown, the only per-\\nson who has advanced such senlimenis, is a gentleman from Souih\\nCarolina, and a friend lo the honourable member himself The\\nhonourable gentleman has given no answer lo this; there is none\\nwhich can be given. The simple fact, while it requires no com-\\nment lo enforce it, defies all argument lo refule it. I could refer\\nto Ihe speeches of another southern gentleman, in years before, of\\nthe same general character, and lo Ihe same effect, as that which\\nhas been quoted but I will not consume the lime of the senate by\\nthe reading of Ihem.\\nSo ihen, sir, New England is guiltless of the policy of retarding\\nwestern population, and of all envy and jealousy of the growth of\\nthe new stales. Whalever ihcre be of that policy in the country,\\nno part of it is her s. If it has a local habitation, the honourable\\nmember has probably seen, by Ihis time, where he is to look for it\\nand if it has now received a name, he has himself christened il.\\nWe approach, at length, sir, lo a more important part of Ihe ho-\\nnourable gentleman s observations. Since it does not accord with\\nmy views of justice and policy lo give away the public lands alto-\\ngether, as mere matter of graluily, I am asked by Ihe honourable\\ngentleman, on what ground it is, that I con.sent to vote them away", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n405\\nFor, as by the theory, tnere is no appeal, the reasons\\nalleged by the state, good or bad, must prevail. If\\nit sliould be said, that public opinion is a sufficient\\nin particular instances 1 How, he inquires, do I reconcile with these\\nprofessed ^;entiments, my support of measures appropriating por-\\ntions of the lands to particular roads, particular canals, particular\\nrivers, and particular institutions of education in the west 1 This\\nleads, sir, to the real and wide difference in political opinion be-\\ntween the honourable gentleman and myself. On my part, I look\\nnpon all these objects as connected with the coinmon good, fairly\\nembraced in its object and its terms; he, on the contrary, deems\\nthem all, if good at all, only local good. This is our difference.\\nThe interrogatory which he proceeded to put, at once e.xjilains this\\ndifference. What interest, asl;s he, has South Carolina in a\\ncanal in Ohio I Sir, this very question is full of significance. It\\ndevelops the gentleman s whole political system and its answer\\ne.xpounds mine. Here we differ, loto ccclu. I look upon a road\\nover the Alleghany, a canal round Ihe falls of the Ohio, or a canal\\nor railway from the Atlantic to the western waters, as being objects\\nlarge and extensive enough to be fairly said to be for the common\\nbenefit. The gentleman thinks otherwise, and this is the key to\\nopen his construction of the powers of the government. He may\\nwell ask, upon his system, what interest has South Carolina in a\\ncanal in Ohio 1 On that system, it is true, she has no interest. On\\nthat system, Ohio and Carolina are different governments, and dif-\\nferent countries, connected here, it is true, by some slight and ill-\\ndefined bond of union, but in all main respects, separate and diverse.\\nOn that system, Carolina has no more interest in a canal in Ohio,\\nthan in Mexico. The gentleman, therefore, only follows out his\\nown principles; he does no more than arrive at the natural con-\\nclusions of his own doctrines; he only announces the true results\\nof that creed which he has adopted himself, and would persuade\\nothers to adopt, when he thus declares that South Carolina has no\\ninterest in a public work in Ohio. Sir, we narrow-minded people\\nof New England do not reason thus. Our notion of things is en-\\ntirely different. We look npon the stales not as separated, but as\\nunited. We love to dwell on that union, and on Ihe mutual hap-\\npiness which it has so much promoted, and Ihe common renown\\nwhich it has so greatly contribuled lo acquire. In our contempla-\\ntion, Carolina and Ohio are parts of the same country states,\\nunited under the same general government, having interests, com-\\nmon, associated, intermingled. In whatever is within the proper\\nsphere of the consiitutinnal power of this government, we look upon\\nihe stales as one. We do not impose geographical limits to our\\npatriotic feeling or regard we do not follow rivers, and mountains,\\nand lines of latitude, to find boundaries beyond which public im-\\nprovements do not benefit us. We who come here, as agents and\\nrepresentatives of these narrow-minded and selfish men of New\\nEngland, consider ourselves as bound lo regard, with equal eye,\\nthe good of the whole, in whatever is within our power of legisla-\\ntion. Sir, if a railroad or a canal, beginning in South Carolina,\\nand ending in South Carolina, appeared to me to be of national im-\\nportance and national magnitude, believing, as I do, that the power\\nof government extends to the encouragement of works of that de-\\nscription, if I were to stand up here, and ask, what interest has\\nMassachusetts in a railroad in South Carolina, I should rot be\\nwilling to face my constituents. These same narrow-minded men\\nwould tell me, that they had sent me to act for the whole counlrv,\\nand that one who possessed too little comprehension, either of intel-\\nlect or feeling; one who was not large enough, in mind and heart,\\nto embrace the whole, was not fit to be entrusted with the interest\\nof any part. Sir, I do not desire to enlarge the powers of the go-\\nvernment, by unjustifiable construciion nor to exercise any not\\nwithin a fair interpretation. But when it is believed, that a power\\ndoes exist, then it is, in my judgment, to be exercised for the gene-\\nral benefit of the whole: so far as respects the exercise of such a\\npoowr, Ihe states are one. It was the very object of the constitu-\\ntion to create unity of interests to the extent of the powers of the\\ngeneral government. In war and peace, we are one; in commerce\\none; because the authority of Ihe general government reaches to\\nwar and peace, and to the regulation of commerce. I have never\\nseen any more difficulty in erecting light-houses on the lakes, than\\ncheck against the abuse of this power, it may be\\nasked, why it is not deemed a sufficient guard against\\nthe passage of an unconstitutional act by congress.\\non the ocean in improving the harbours of inland seas, than if\\nthey were within the ebb and flow of the tide or of removing ob-\\nstructions in the vast streams of the west, more than in any work\\n10 facilitate commerce on the Atlantic coast. If there be power for\\none, there is power also for the other and Ihey are all and equally\\nfor the country.\\nThere are other objects, apparently more local, or the benefit of\\nwhich is less general, towards which, nevertheless, I have concur\\nred with others lo give aid, by donations of land. It is proposed to\\nconstruct a road in or through one of the new states in which this\\ngovernment possesses large quantities of land. Have the United\\nStales no right, as a great and untaxed proprietor Are Ihey under\\nno obligation to contribute lo an object thus calculated to promote\\nthe common good of all the proprietors, themselves included And\\neven with respect to education, which is the extreme ca. e, let the\\nquestion be considered. In the first place, as we have seen, it was\\nmade mailer of compact with these stales, that they should do their\\npart to promote education. In the next place, our whole system of\\nland laws proceeds on Ihe idea that education is for the coinmon\\ngood because, in every division, a certain portion is uniformly re-\\nserved and appropriated for the use of schools. And, finally, have\\nnot these new slates singularly strong claims, founded on the ground\\nalready staled, that Ihe government is a great untaxed proprietor in\\nthe ownership of the soil I It is a consideration of great import-\\nance, that probably there is in no part of the country, or of the world,\\nso great a call for the means of education, as in those new slates\\nowing to Ihe vast numbers of persons within those ages, in which\\neducation and instruction are usually received, if received at all.\\nThis is the natural consequence of recency of settlement and rapid\\nincrease. The census of these states shows how great a proportion\\nof the whole population occupies the classes between infancy and\\nmanhood. These are the wide fields, and here is. the deep and\\nquick soil for Ihe seeds of knowledge and virtue; and this is the\\nfavoured season, the spring time for sowing them. Let them be\\ndisseminated without stint. Let them be scattered with a bountiful,\\nbroad cast. Whatever the government can fairly do towards these\\nobjects, in my opinion, ought lo be done.\\nThese, sir, are the groimds, succincily slated, on which my votes\\nfor grants of lands for particular objects rest while I maintain, at\\nIhe same time, that it is all a common fund, for the coinmcm benefit.\\nAnd reasons like these, I presume, have influenced the votes of\\nother gentlemen from New England. Those who have a different\\nview of the powers of the government, of course, come to difl erent\\nconclusions, on these, as on other questions. I observed, when\\nspeaking on this subject before, ihat if we looked to any measure,\\nwhether for a road, a canal, or any thing else, intended for Ihe im-\\nprovement of the west, it would be found, that if the New England\\nayes were struck out of the lists of votes, the southern -nncs would\\nalways have rejected the measure. The truth of this has not been\\ndenied, and can not be denied. In stating this, I thought it just Ic\\nascribe it to the constitutional scruples of the south, rather than lo\\nany other less favourable or less charitable cause. But, no sooner\\nhad I dohe this, than Ihe honourable genlleman asks, if I reproach\\nhim and his friends with their constitutional scruples Sir, I re-\\nproach nobody. I stated a fact, and gave the most respectful rea-\\nson for it that occurred to me. The gentleman can not deny the\\nfact; he may, if he-choo.se, disclaim the reason. It is not long\\nsince 1 had occasion, in presenting a petition from his own stale, tc\\naccount for its being entru.sted to my hands, by saying, that ;he\\nconstitutional opinions of the gentleman and his worthy colleague,\\nprevented them from supporting it. Sir, did I stale this as a mas-\\nter of reproach Far from it. Did I attempt to find any other\\ncause than an honest one for these scruples Sir, I did not. It\\ndid not become me lo doubt nor to insinuate that ihe gentleman had\\neither changed his sentiments, or lhat he had made up a set of con-\\nstitutional opinions, accomm odaled to any particular combination\\nof political occurrences. Had I done so, I should have felt, that\\nwhile I was entitled to little credit in thus questioning other peo-\\nple s motives, I justified the whole world in suspecting my own,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "4C6\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThere is, however, a restraint in this last case, which\\nmakes the assumed power of a state more indefensi-\\nble, and which does not exist in the other. There\\nBill how has the genllemaii returned this respect for others opinions\\nIlis own candour and justice, how have they been exhibited towards\\nthe motives of others, while he has been at so much pains to main-\\ntain, what nobody has disputed, Ihc purity of his own t Why, sir,\\nhe has aslied, wheii, and hoii\\\\ and v/iy, New England votes were\\nfound going for measures favourable to the west; he has demand-\\ned to be informed, whether all this did not begin in 1825, and irhile\\nthe election of -president was still pending Sir, to these questions\\nretort would be justified and it is both cogent and at hanil.\\nNevertheless, I will answer the inquiry, not by relort, but by facts.\\nI will tell the gentleman mhcn, and hoio, and lukii, New England has\\nsupported measures favourable to the west. I have already refer-\\nred to the early history of the government to the first acquisition\\nof the lands to the original laws for disposing of them, and for\\ngoverning the territories where they lie and have shown the in-\\nfluence of New England men and New England principles in all\\nthese leading measures. Ishould not be pardoned were I to go 1\\nover that ground again. Coming to more recent times, and to\\nmeasures of a less general character, I have endeavoured to prove\\nthat everv thing of this kind, designed for western improvement,\\nhas depended on the voles of New England; all this is true, beyond\\nthe power of contradiction.\\nAnd now, sir, there are two, measures to which I will refer, not\\nso ancient as to belong to the early history of the public lands, and\\nnot so recent as to be on this side of the period when the gentleman\\ncharitably imagines a new direction may have been given the New\\nEngland feeling, and New England votes. These measures, and\\nthe New England votes in support of them, may be taken as sam-\\nples and specimens of all the rest. In 1820, observe, iVIr. Presi-\\ndent, in 1820, the people of the west besought congress for a rednc-\\nlion in the price of lands. In favour of that reduction. New Eng-\\nland, with a delegation of forty members in the other house, gave\\nthirty-three votes, and one only against it. The four southern\\nstates, with fifty members, gave thirty-two votes for it, and seven\\nagainst it. Again, in 1821, (observe again, sir, the time,) the law\\npassed for the relief of the purchasers of the public lands. This\\nwas a measure of vital importance to the west, and more especially\\nto the southwest. It authorized the relini|uishment of contracts for\\nlands, which had been entered into at high prices, and a reduction\\nin the other cases of not less than 37 1-2 per cent, on the purchase\\nmoney. Many millions of dollars, six or seven, I believe, at least,\\nprobably much more, were relinquished by this law. On this\\nbill. New England, with her forty members, gave more affirmative\\nvotes than the four southern states, with their fifly-two or three\\nmembers. These two are far the most important measures, re-\\nspecting the public lands, which have been adopted within the last\\ntwenty years. They took place in 1820 and 1821. That is the\\nlime leken. And as to the manner/iOTC, the gentleman already.sees\\nthat it was by voting, in solid column, for the required relief; and,\\nlastly, as to the cause w/ti/, I tell the gentleman, it was because the\\nmembers from New England thought the measures just and saluta-\\nry because they entertained towards the west neither envy, ha-\\ntred, nor malice because thev deemed it becoming them, as just\\nand enlightened public men, to meet the exigency which had arisen\\nin the west, with the appropriate measure of relief; because they\\nfelt it due to their own characters, and the characters of their New\\nEngland predecessors in this government, to act towards the new\\nstates in the spirit of a liberal, patronizing, magnanimous policy.\\nSo much, sir, for the cause vhy and I hope that by this time, sir,\\nthe honourable gentleman is satisfied if not, I do not know when,\\nor Aot or lehy, he ever will be.\\nHaving recurred to these two important measures, in answer to\\nthe gentleman s inquiries, I must now beg permission to go back to\\na period ye. something earlier, for the purpose of still further show-\\ning how much, or rather, how little reason there is for the gentle-\\nman s insinuation, that political hopes, or fears, or party associa-\\ntions, were the grounds of these New England votes. And after\\nwhat has been said, I hope it may be forgiven me, if I allude to\\nBome political opinions and votes of my own, of very little public\\nare two appeals from an unconstitutional act passed\\nby congress one to the judiciary, the other to the\\npeople and the states. There is, no appeal from\\nimportance, certainly, but which, from the time at which they were\\ngiven and expressed, may pass for good witnesses on this occasion.\\nThis governiTient, Mr. President, from its origin to the peace of\\n1815, had been too much engrossed with various other important\\nconcerns, to be able to turn its thoughts inward, and look to the\\ndevelopment of its vast internal resources. In the early part of\\nPresidenl Washington s administration, it was fully occupied with\\norganizing the government, providing for the public debt, defend-\\ning the frontiers, and maintaining domestic peace. Before the ter-\\nmination of that administration, the fires of the French revolution\\nblazed forth, as from a new opened volcano, and ihe whole breadth\\nof the ocean did not entirely secure us from its effects. The smoke\\nand the cinders reached us, though not the burning lava. Difficult\\nand agitating questions, embarrassing to government, and dividing\\npublic opinion, sprung out of the new state of our foreign relations,\\nand were succeeded by others, and yet again by others, equally em-\\nbarrassing, and equally exciting division and discord, through the\\nlong series of twenty years till they finally i.ssued in the war with\\nEngland. Down to the close of that war, no distinct, marked, and\\ndeliberate attention, had been given, or could have been given, to\\nthe internal condition of the country, its capacities of improvement,\\nor the constitutional power of the government, in regard to objects\\nconnected wilh such improveiuent.\\nThe ))eace, Mr. President, brought about an entirely new, and a\\nmost interesting state of things: it opened to us other prospects,\\nand suggested other duties. AVe ourselves were changed, and the\\nwhole world was changed. The pacification of Europe, after June,\\n1815, assumed a firm and permanent aspect. The nations evident-\\nly manifested that they were disposed for peace. Some agitation\\nof the waves might be expected, even after the storm had subsided,\\nhut the tendency was, strongly and rapidly, towards settled repose.\\nIt so happened, sir, that I was at that time a member of congress,\\nand, like others, naturally turned my attention to the contemplation\\nof ihe newly altered condition of the country, and of the world. It\\nappeared plainly enough to me, as well as to wiser and more ex-\\nperienced men, that the policy of the government would necessari-\\nly lake a start, in a new direction because new directions would\\nnecessarilv be given to the pursuits and occupations of the people.\\nWe had pushed our commerce far and fast, under the advantage of\\na neutral flag. But there were now no longer flags, either neutral\\nor belligerent. The harvest of neutrality had been great, but we\\nhad gathered it all. With the peace of Europe, it was obvious\\nthere would spring up in her circle of nations, a revived and in-\\nvigorated spirit of trade, and a new activity in all the business\\nand objects of civilized life. Hereafter, our commercial gains\\nwere to be earned only by success in a close and intense competi-\\nlion. Other nations would produce for themselves, and carry for\\nthemselves, and manufacture for themselves, to the full extent of\\ntheir abilities. The crops of our plains would no longer sustain\\nEuropean armies, nor our ships longer supply those whom war had\\nrendered unable to supply themselves. It was obvious, that, under\\nthese circumstances, the country would begin to survey itself, and\\nto estimate its own capacity of improvement. And this improve-\\nment, how was it to be accomplished, and who was to accomplish\\nit 1 We were ten or twelve millions of people, spread over almost\\nhalf a world. We were twenty-four states, some stretching along\\nthe same seaboard, some along the same line of inland frontier, and\\nothers on opposite banks of the same vast rivers, Tw-o considera-\\ntions at once presented themselves, in looking at this state of things,\\nwith great force. One was, that that great branch of improvement,\\nwhich consisted in furnishing new facilities of intercourse, necessa-\\nrily lan into diffeient .stales, in every leading instance, and would\\nbenefit the citizens of all such slates. No one state, therefore, in\\nsuch cases, would assume the whole expense, nor was the co-opera-\\ntion of several stales to be expected. Take the instance of the\\nDelaware Breakwater, It will cost several millions of money.\\nWould Pennsylvania alone have ever constructed it Certainly\\nnever, while this union lasis, because it is not for her sole benefit.\\nWould Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware, have united to", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n407\\nthe state decision in theory, and the practical illus-\\ntration shows that the courts are shut against an\\napplication to review it, both judges and jurors being\\naccomplish it al their joint expense Certainly not, for the same\\nreason. It could not be done, therefore, but by the general go-\\nvernment. The same may be said of the larfje inland nnderta-\\nking s, except that, in them, government, instead of bearing the\\nwhole expense, co-opeiales with others who bear a part. The\\nother consideration is, that the United Slates have the means.\\nThey enjoy the revenues derived from commerce, and the stales\\nhave no abundant and easy sources of public income. The cus-\\ntom-houses fill the general treasury, while the slates have scanty\\nresources, e.tcept by resort to heavy direct taxes.\\nUnder this view of things, I thought it nece.ssary to settle, al\\nleast for myself, some definite notions, with respect to the powers\\nof the government, in regard to internal affairs. It may not sa-\\nvour too much of self-commendation to remark, that, willi this ob-\\nject, I considered the constitution, its judicial conslruclion, its co-\\ntemporaneous exposition, and the whole history of the legislation\\nof congress under it; and I arrived at the conclusion, hpl govern-\\nment had power to accomplish sundry objects, or aid m their ac-\\ncomplishment, which are now commonly spoken of as internal jm-\\nPR0VEMEKT15. That couclusion, sir, may have been right, or it may\\nhave been wrong. I am not about to argue the grounds of it at\\nlarge. I only say, that it was adopted and acted on even so early as\\nin 1816. Yes, Mr. President, I made up my opinion, and determined\\non my intended course of political conduct, on these subjects, in the\\nfourteenth congress, in 1816. And now, Mr. President, I have\\nfurther to say, that I made up these opinions, and entered on this\\ncourse of political conduct, Tcucro duce. Yes, sir, I pursued, in\\nall this, a South Carolina track. On the doctrines of internal im-\\nprovement, South Carolina, as she was then represented in the\\nother house, set forth, in 1816, under a fresh and leading breeze, and\\nI was among the followers. But if my leader sees new lights, and\\nturns a sharp corner, unless I see new lights also, I keep straight\\non in the same path. I repeat, that leading gentlemen from South\\nCarolina were first and foremost in behalf of the doctrines of in-\\nternal improvements, when those doctrines first came to be consi-\\ndered and acted upon in congress. The debate on the bank ques-\\ntion, on the tarifl^ of 1816, and on the direct tax, will show who\\nwas who, and what was what, at that time. The tariff of 1816,\\none of the plain cases of oppression and usurpation, from which,\\nif the government does not recede, individual states may justly\\nsecede from the governinent, is, sir, in truth, a South Carolina\\ntariff, supported by South Carolina votes. But for those votes, it\\ncould not have passed in the form in which it did pass; whereas,\\nif it had depended on Massachusetts votes, it would have been lost.\\nDoes not the honourable gentleman well know all this 1 There are\\ncertainly those who do, full well, know it all. I lo not say this to\\nreproach South Carolina. I only state the fact and I think it w ill\\nappear to be true, that among the earliest and boldest advocates of\\nthe tariff, as a measure of protection, and on the express ground of\\nprotection, were leading gentlemen of South Carolina, in congress.\\nI did not then, and can not now, understand their language in any\\nother sense. While this tariff of 1816 was under discussion, in the\\nhouse of representatives, an honourable gentleman from Georgia,\\nnow of this house, (Mr. Forsyth,) moved to reduce the proposed\\nduty on cotton. He failed, by four voles, South Carolina giving\\nthree votes (enough to have turned the scale) against his motion.\\nThe act, sir, then passed, and received on its passage the support\\nof a majority of the representatives of South Carolina present and\\nvoting. This act is the first, in the order of those now denounced\\nas plain usurpations. We see it daily, in the list, by the side of\\nthose of 1824 and 1828, as a case of manifest oppression, justifying\\ndisunion. I put it home to the honourable member from South\\nCarolina, that his own state was not only art and part in this\\nmeasure, but the causa cauwns. Without her aid, this seminal\\nprinciple of mischief, this root of Upas, could not have been plant-\\ned. I have already said, and it is true, that this act proceeded on\\nthe ground of protection. It interfered, directly, with existing in-\\nterests of great value and amount. It cut up the Calcutta cotton\\ntrade by the roots, but it passed, nevertheless, and it passed on the\\n52\\nBut reasoning on this\\nsworn to decide in its favour.\\nsubject is superfluous, when our social compact iu\\nexpress terms declares, that the laws of the United\\nprinciple of protecting manufactures, on the principle against free\\ntrade, on the principle opposed to ikat which lets vs alone.\\nSuch, Mr. President, were the opinions of important and leading\\ngenllemen from South Carolina, on the subject of internal improve-\\nment, in 1816. I went out of congress the next year; and return-\\ning again in 1823, thought I found South Carolina where I had\\nIclt her. I really supposed that all things remained as they were,\\nand that the South Carolina doctrine of internal improvements\\nwould be defended by the same eloquent voices, and the same strong\\narms, as formerly. Jn the lapse of these six years, it is true, politi-\\ncal associations had assumed a new aspect, and new divisions. A\\nparty had arisen in the south, hostile to the doctrine of internal\\nimprovements, and had vigorously attacked that doctrine. Anti\\ncon.solidation was the flag under which this party fought and its\\nsupporters inveighed against internal improvements, much after the\\nmanner in which the honourable gentleman has now inveighed\\nagainst them, as part and parcel of the systetn of consolidation\\nWhether this party arose in South Carolina herself, or in hei\\nneighbourhood, is mote than I know. I think the latter. How\\never that may have been, there were those found in South Carolina\\nready to make war upon it, and who did make intrepid war upon\\nit. Names being regarded as things, in such controversies, they\\nbestowed on the anti-improvement genllemen the appellation of ra-\\ndicals. Yes, sir, the name of radicals, as a term oi^ dislinclion, ap-\\nplicable and applied to those who denied the liberal doctrines of\\ninternal imjirovements, originaled, according to the best of my re-\\ncollection, somewhere between North Caiolina and Georgia. Well,\\nsir, these mischievous radicals were to be put down, and the strong\\narm of Soulh Carolina was stretched out to put them down. About\\nthis time, sir, I returned to congress. The liattle with the radicals\\nhad been fought, and our Soulh Carolina champions of the doc-\\ntrines of internal improvement had nobly maintained their ground,\\nand wore understood to have achieved a victory. They had driven\\nback the enemy with discomfiture a thing, by the way, sir, which\\nis not ahvays performed when it is promised. A gentleman, to\\nwhom I have already referred in this debate, had come into con-\\ngress, during my absence from it, from South Carolina, and had\\nbrought with him a high reputation for ability. He came from a\\nschool with which we have been acquainted, ct voscitiir a sociis. I\\nhold in my hand, sir, a printed speech of this distinguished gentle-\\nman, (Mr. M Duflie.) on iNTERNALiMPRnvi ,MENT.s, deliveredabout\\nthe period to which I now refer, and printed with a few introduc-\\ntory remarks upon consolidation in which, sir, I think he quite\\nconsolidated the arguments of his opponents, the radicals, \\\\i \\\\o crush\\nbe to consolidate. I give you a short, but subsianlive quotation,\\nfrom these remarks. He is speaking of a pamphlet, then recently\\npublished, entitled, Consolidation and having alluded to the\\nquestion of renewing the charier of the former bank of the United\\nStates, he says, Moreover, in the early history of parties, and\\nwhen Mr. Crawford advocated a renewal of the old charier, it was\\nconsidered a federal measure; which internal improvements Tirecr\\nvas, as this author erroneously slates. This latter measure origi-\\nnaled in the administration of Mr. Jefferson, with the appropriation\\nfor the Cumberland road and was first proposed, as a system, by\\nMr. Calhoun, and carried through the house of representatives by\\na large majority of the republicans, in(duding alinosL every one of\\nthe leadino- men who carried us through the lute war.\\nSo, then, internal improvement is not one of the federal heresies.\\nOne paragrajih more, sir:\\nThe author in question, not content with denouncing as fede\\nlalists General Jackson, Mr. Adams, Mr. Calhoun, and the majori.\\nty of the South Carolina delegation in congress, modestly extends\\nthe denunciation to Mr. Monroe, and the whole republican party.\\nHere are his words: During the administration of Mr. Monroe,\\nmuch has passed which the republican party would be glad to aj)-\\nprove if they could. But the principal feature, and that which has\\nchiefly elicited these observations, is the renewal of the system of\\nINTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. Now this mcasure was adopted by a vote\\nof 115 to 86, of a republican congress, and sanctioned by a repub-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "408\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nStates, its constitution and treaties made under it,\\nare the supreme law of the land and for greater\\ncaution adds, that the judges in every state shall be\\nlicaQ president. Who, Ihen, is this aulhor, who assumes the high\\nprerogative of denouncing, in the name of the republican parly, the\\nrepublican administration of the country A denunciation inclu-\\nding within its sweep Calhoun, Lownics, and Chevcs men who will\\nbe regarded as the brightest ornaments of South Caiolina, and the\\nstrongest pillars of the republican party, as long as the late war\\nshall be remembered, and talents and patriotism shall be regarded\\nas the proper objects of the admiration and gratitude of a free\\npeople.\\nSuch are the opinions, sir, which were maintained by South\\nCarolina gentlemen, in the house of represcntiitives, on the subject\\nof internal iinprovements, when I took my seal there as a member\\nfrom Massachusetts, in 1823. But this is not all: we had a bill\\nbefore us, and passed it in that house, entitled, An act to procure\\nthe necessary surveys, plans, and estimates, upon the subject of\\nroads and canals. It avthori::ed Ike president to canse surrtys and\\nesiiTn^tes to be made of tke routes of suck roads and, canals as he might\\ndeem, of nationalhnportancc, in a commercial or military point of vien\\nor for the transportation of the mail, and appropriated thirty thousand\\ndollars, out of the treasury, to defray the expense. This act, though\\npreliminary in its nature, covered the whole ground. It took for\\ngranted the complete power of internal improvement, as far as any\\nof its advocates had ever contended for it. Having passed the\\nother house, the bill came up to the senate, and was here consider-\\ned and debated in April, 1824. The honouralile member from\\nSouth Carolina was a member of the senate at that time. While\\nthe bill was under consideration here, a motion was made to add\\nthe following proviso\\nProvided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to\\naffirm or admit a power in congress, on their own authority, to\\nmake roads or canals, within any of the states of the union.\\nThe yeas and nays were taken on this proviso, and the honoura-\\nble member voted in the negative! The proviso failed. A motion\\nwas Ihen made to add this proviso, viz.\\nProvided, That the faith of the United States is hereby pledged,\\nthat no money shall ever be expended for roads or canals, except\\nit shall be among the several states, and in the same proportion as\\ndirect taxes are laid and assessed by the provisions of the constitu-\\ntion.\\nThe honourable meinber voted against this proviso also, and it\\nfailed. The bill was then put on its passage, and the honourable\\nmember voted /or it, and it passed, and became a law.\\nNow, it strikes me, sir, that there is no maintaining these votes,\\nbut upon the power of internal improvement, in its broadest sense.\\nIn truth, these bills for surveys and estimates have always been\\nconsidered as test questions they show who is for and who against\\ninternal improvement. This law itself went the whole length, and\\nassumed the full and complete power. The gentleman s vote sus-\\ntained that power, in every form in which the various propositions\\nto amend presented it. He went for the entire and unrestrained\\nauthority, without consulting the states, and without agreeinf tr\\nany proportionate distribution. And now suffer me to remind you,\\nMr. President, that it is this very same power, thus sanctioned, in\\nevery form, by the gentleman s own opinion, that is so plain and\\nmanifest a usurpation, that the state of South Carolina is supposed\\nto be justified in refusing submission to any laws carrying the power\\ninto effect. Truly, sir, is not this a little too hard 1 May we not\\ncrave some mercy, under favour and protection of the gentleman s\\nown authority Adinitling that a road, or a canal, must be writ-\\nten down llal usurpation as ever was committed, may we find no\\nmitigation in our respect for his place, and his vote, as one that\\nknows the law\\nThe tajiff, which South Carolina had an efl^cient hand in esta-\\nblishing, in 1816, and this asserted power of internal improvement,\\nadvanced by her in the saine year, and, as we have seen, approved\\nand sanctioned by her representatives in 182-1, these two measures\\nnre the great grounds on which she is now thought to be justified\\nin breaking up the union, if she sees fit to break it up!\\nI may now safely say, I think, that we have had the authority of\\nbound thereby, any thing in the constitution- or laws\\nof any state to the contrary notwithstanding. And\\nit may be asserted without fear of refutation, that no\\nleading and distinguished gentlemen from Soulli Carolina, in sup-\\nport of the doctrine of internal improvement. I repeat, that, up to\\n1824, I, for one, followed South Carolina; but, when that star, in\\nits ascension, veered oS in an unexpected direction, I relied on its\\nlight no longer. [Here the Vice-President said, Does the Chair\\nunderstand the gentleman from Ma.ssachusetts to say, that the per-\\nson now occupying the chair of the senate has changed his opinions\\non the subject of internal improvement From nothing ever said\\nto me, sir, have I had reason to know of any change in the opinions\\nof the person filling the chair of the senate. If such change has\\ntaken place, I regret it. I speak generally of the state of South\\nCarolina. Individuals, we know there are, who hold opinions fa-\\nvourable to the power. An application for its exercise, in behalf\\nof a public work in South Carolina itself, is now pending, I believe,\\nin the other house, presented by members from that state.\\nI have thus, sir, perhaps not without some tediousness of detail,\\nshown that if I am in error, on the subjects of internal impiovement,\\nhow, and in what company, I fell into that error. If I am wrong,\\nit is apparent who misled me.\\nI go to other remarks of the honourable member, and I have to\\ncomplain of an entire misapprehensitm of hat I said on the subject\\nof the national debt, though I can hardly perceive how any one\\ncould misunderstand me. What 1 said was, not that I wished to\\nput off the payment of the debt, but, on the contrary, that I had al-\\nways voted for every measure for its reduction, as uniformly as the\\ngentleman himself. He seems to claim the exclusive merit of a\\ndisposition to reduce the public charge. I do not allow it to him.\\nAs a debt, I was, I am for paying it, because it is a charge on our\\nfinances, and on the industry of the country. But I observed, that\\nI thought I perceived a morbid fervour on that subject an exces-\\nsive anxiety to pay off the debt, not so much because it is a debt\\nsimply, as because, while it lasts, it furnishes one objection to dis-\\nunion. It is a tie of common interest, while it lasts. I did rot\\nimpute such motives to the honourable member himself, but that\\nthere is such a feeling in existence, I have not a particle of doubt.\\nThe most I said was, that if one effect of the debt was to strengthen\\nour union, that effect itself was not regretted by me, however much\\nothers might regret it. The gentleman has not seen how to reply\\nto this, otherwise than by supposing me to have advanced the doc-\\ntrine that a national debt is a national blessing. Others, I must\\nhope, will find le.ss difficulty in understanding me. I distinctly and\\npointedly cautioned the honourable member not to understand me\\nas expressing an opinion favourable to the continuance of the debt.\\nI repeated this caution, and repeated it more than once but it was\\nthrown away.\\nOn yet another point, I was still more unaccountably misunder-\\nstood. The gentleman had harangued against consolidation. I\\ntold him, in reply, that there was one kind of consolidation to which\\nI was attached, and that was the consolioation of our dnion and\\nthat this was precisely that con. -olidation to which I feared others\\nM-e e not attached. That such consolidation was the very end of\\nthe constitution\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the leading object, as they had informed us them-\\nselves, which its framcrs had kept in view. I turned to their com-\\nmunication, and read their very words the consolidation of the\\nunion and expressed my devotion to this sort of consolidation. I\\nsaid, in terins, that I wished not, in the slightest degree, to augment\\nthe powers of this government that my object was to preserve, not\\nto enlarge; and that by consolidating the union, I understood no\\nmore than the strengthening of the union, and perpetuating it.\\nHaving been thus explicit; having thus read, from the printed\\nbook, the precise words which I adopted, as expressing my own\\nsentiments, it passes comprehension, how any man could under-\\nstand me as contending for an extension of the powers of the go-\\nvernment, or for consolidation, in that odious sense, in which it\\nmeans an accumulation in the federal government of the powers\\nproperly belonging to the states.\\nI repeat, sir, that in adopting the sentiment of the framers of the\\nconstitution, I read their language audibly, and word for word and\\nI pointed out the distinction, just as fully as I have now done, be-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n409\\nfederative government could exist without a similar\\nprovision. Look for a moment to the consequence.\\nIf South Carolina considers the revenue laws uncon-\\ntween the consolidation of the union, and that other obnoxious con-\\nsolidation which I disclaimed. And yet the honourable member\\nmisunderstood me. ^The gentleman had said that he wished for no\\nfixed revenue not a shilling. If, by a word, he could convert the\\ncapitol into gold, he would not do it. Why all this fear of reve-\\nnue 1 Why, sir, because, as the gentleman told us, it tends to con-\\nsolidation. Now, this can mean neither more nor less than that a\\ncommon revenue is a common interest, and that all common inte-\\nrests lend to hold the union of the states together. I confess I like\\nthat tendency; if the gentleman dislikes it, he is right in depreca-\\nting a shilling s fixed revenue. So much, sir, for consolidation.\\nAs well as I recollect the course of his remarks, the honourable\\ngentleman next recurred to the subject of the tariff. He did nut\\ndoubt the word must be of unpleasant sound to me, and proceeded,\\nwith an effort, neither new, nor attended with new success, to in-\\nvolve me and my votes in inconsistency and contradiction. 1 am\\nhappy the honourable gentleman has furnished mo an opportunity\\nof a timely remark or two on that subject. I was glad he approach-\\ned it, for it is a question I enter upon without fear from any body.\\nThe strenuous toil of the gentleman has been to raise an incon-\\nsistency between my dissent to the tariff in 1824, and my vote in\\n1828. It is labour lost. He pays undeserved compliment to my\\nspeech in 1824; but this is to raise me high, that my fall, as he\\nwould have it, in 1828, may be more signal. Sir, there was no\\nfall at all. Between the ground I stood on in 1824, and that I\\ntook in 1828, there was not only no precipice, but no declivity. It\\nwas a change of position, to meet new circumstances, but on the\\nsaine level. A plain lale explains the whole matter. In 1816, I\\nhad not acquiesced in the tariff, then supported by South Carolina.\\nTo some parts of it, especially, I felt and expressed great repug-\\nnance. I held the same opinions in 1821, at the meeting in Faneuii\\nHall, to which the gentleman has alluded. I said then, and say\\nnoiv, that, as.an original question, the authority of congress to ex-\\nercise the revenue power, with direct reference to the protection of\\nmanufactures, is a questionable authority, far more questionable, in\\nmy judgment, than the power of internal improvements. I must\\nconfess, sir, that, in one respect, some impression has been made on\\nmy opinions lately. Mr. Madison s publication has put the power\\nin a very strong light. He has placed it, I must acknowledge,\\nupon grounds of construction and argument, which seem impreg-\\nnable. But even if the power were doubtful, on the face of the\\nconstitution itself, it had been assumed and asserted in the first\\nrevenue law ever passed under that same constitution and, on\\nthis ground, as a matter settled by contemporaneous practice, I had\\nrefrained from expressing the opinion, that the tariff laws tran-\\nscended constitutional limits, as the gentleman supposes. What I\\ndid say at Paneuil Hall, as far as I now remember, was, that this\\nwas originally matter of doubtful construction. The gentleman\\nhimself, I suppose, thinks there is no doubt about it, and that the\\nlaws are plainly against the constitution. Mr. Madison s letters,\\nalready referred to, contain, in my judgment, by far the most able\\nexposition extant, of this part of the constitution. He has satisfied\\nme, so far as the practice of the government had left it an open\\nquestion.\\nWith a great majority of the representatives of Massachusetts, I\\nvoted against the tariff of 1824. My reasons were then given, and\\nI will not now repeat them. But, notwithstanding our dissent, the\\ngreat states of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky,\\nwent for the bill, in almost unbroken column, and it pa.ssed. Con-\\ngress and the president sanctioned it, and it became the law of the\\nland. What, then, were we to dol Our only option was, either\\nto fall in with this settled course of public policy, and accommo-\\ndate ourselves to it as well as we could, or to embrace the South\\nCarolina doctrine, and talk of nullifying the statute by stale inter-\\nference.\\nThis last alternative did not suit our principles, and, of course,\\nwe adopted the former. In 1827, the subject came again before\\ncongress, on a proposition favourable to wool and woollens. We\\nlooked upon the system of protection as being fixed and settled.\\nstitutional, and has a right to prevent their execution\\nin the port of Charleston, there would be a clear\\nconsthutional objection to their collection in every\\nThe law of 1824 remained. It had gone into full operation, and\\nin regard to some objects intended by it, perhaps most of them, had\\nproduced all its expected effects. No man proposed to repeal it\\nno man attempted to renew the general contest on its principle.\\nBut, owing to subsequent and unforeseen occurrences, the benefit\\nintended by it to wool and woollen fabrics had not been realized.\\nEvents, not known here when the law passed, had taken place,\\nwhich defeated its object in that particular respect. A measure\\nwas accordingly brought forward to meet this precise deficiency, to\\nremedy this particular defect. It was limited to wool and woollens.\\nWas ever any thing more reasonable If the policy of the tarifi\\nlaws had become established in principle, as the permanent policy ol\\nthe government, should they not be revised and amended, and made\\nequal, like other laws, as exigencies should arise, or justice require I\\nBecause we had doubted about adopting the system, were we to re-\\nfuse to cure its manifest defects, after it became adopted, and when\\nno one attempted its repeal 1 And this, sir, is the inconsistency so\\nmuch bruited. I had voted against the tariff of 1824\u00e2\u0080\u0094 but it pass-\\ned; and in 1827 and 1828, I voted ro amend it, in a point essential\\nto the interest of my constituents. Where is the inconsistency!\\nCould I do otherwise Sir, does political consistency consist in\\nalways giving negative votes 1 Does it require of a public man to\\nrefuse to concur in amending laws, because they passed against\\nhis consent 1 Having voted against the tariff originally, does con-\\nsistency demand that I should do all in my power to maintain an\\nunequal tariff burdensome to my own constituents, in many re-\\nspects, favourable in none? To consistency of that sort, I lay no\\nclaim and there is another sort to which 1 lay as little and th at\\nis, a kind of consistency by which persons feel themselves as much\\nbound to oppose a proposition after it has become a law of the land,\\nas before.\\nThe bill of 1827, limited, as I have said, to the single object m\\nwhich the tariff of 1824 had manifestly failed in its efli ect, passed\\nthe house of representatives, but was lost here. We had then the\\nact of 1828. I need not recur to the history of a measure so recent.\\nIts enemies spiced it with whatsoever they thought would render it\\ndistasteful; its friends took it, drugged as it was. Vast amounts\\nof property, many millions, had been invested in manufactures,\\nunder the inducements of the act of 1824. Events called loudly,\\nas I thought, for further regulation to secure the degree of protec-\\ntion intended by that act. I was disposed to vote for such regula-\\ntions, and desired nothing more but certainly was not to be ban-\\ntered out of my purpose by a threatened augmentation of duty on\\nmolasses, put into the bill l^or the avowed purpose of making it ob-\\nnoxious. The vote may have been right or wrong, wise or un-\\nwise but it is little less than absurd to allege against it an incon-\\nsistency with opposition to the former law.\\nSir, as to the general subject of the tariff, I have little now to say\\nAnother opportunity may be presented. I remarked the other day,\\nthat this policy did not begin with us in New England and yet,\\nsir. New England is charged, with vehemence, as being avourable,\\nor charged with equal vehemence, as being unfavourable to the ta-\\nriffs policy, just as best suits the time, place, and occasion for making\\nsome charge again.st her. The credulity of the public has been\\nput to its extreme capacity of false impression, relative to her con-\\nduct in this particular. Through all the. south, during the late con-\\ntest, it was New England policy, and a New England administra-\\ntion, that was afflicting the country with a tariff policy beyond all\\nendurance while on ihe other side of the Alleghany, even the act\\nof 182S itself, the very sublimated essence of oppression, according\\nto southern opinions, was pronounced lo be one of those blessings,\\nfor which the west was indebted to the generous south.\\nWith large investments in manufacturing establishments, and\\nmany and various interests connected with and dependent on them,\\nit IS not to be expected that New England, any more than other\\nportions of the country, will now consent to any measure, destruc-\\ntive or highly dangerous. The duty of the government, at the pre-\\nsent moment, would seem to be to preserve, not to destroy to main-\\ntain the position which it has assumed and, for one, I shall feel it", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "410\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nother port, and no revenue could be collected any-\\nwhere, for all imposts must be equal. It is no answer\\nto repeat, that an unconstitutional law is no law, so\\nan indispensable obligation to hold it steady, as far as in my power,\\nto that degree of protection which it has undertaken to bestow. No\\nmore of the tariff.\\nProfessing to be provoked by what he chose to consider a charge\\nmade by me against South Carolina, the honourable member, Mr.\\nPresident, has taken up a new crusade against New England.\\nLeaving altogether the subject of the public lands, in which his\\nsuccess, perhaps, had been neither distinguished nor satisfactory,\\nand letting go, also, of the topic of the tariff, he sallied forth, in a\\ngeneral assault on the opinions, politics, and parlies of New Eng-\\nland, as they have been exhibited in the last thirty years. This is\\nnatural. The narrow policy of the public lands had proved a\\nlegal settlement in South Carolina, and was not to be removed.\\nThe accursed policy of the tariff, also, had established the fact\\nof its birth and parentage, in the same state. No wonder, there-\\nfore, the gentleman wished to carry the war, as he expressed it,\\ninto the enemy s country. Prudently willing to quit these subjects,\\nhe was, doubtless, desirous of fa.stening on others, which could not\\nbe transferred south of Mason and Dixon s line. The politics of\\nNew England became his theme and it was in this part of his\\nspeech, I think, that he menaced me with such sore discoinfilure.\\nDiscomfiture! Why, sir, when he attacks any thing which I\\nmaintain, and overthrows it when he turns the right or left of any\\nposition which I take up when he drives me from any ground I\\nchoose to occupy; he may then talk of discomfiture, Ijut not till\\nthat distant day. What has he done t Has he maintained his own\\ncharges! Has he proved what he alleged 1 Has he sustained\\nhimself in his attack on the government, and on the history of the\\nnorth, in the matter of the public lands 1 Has he disproved a fact,\\nrefuted a proposition, weakened an argument, maintained by met\\nHas he come within beat of drum of anj position of mine Oh,\\nno, but he has carried the war into the enemy s country I Car-\\nried the war into the enemy s country I Yes, sir, and wliat sort of\\na war has he made of it? Why, sir, he has stretched a drag-net\\nover the whole surface of perished pamphlets, indiscreet sermons,\\nfrothy paragraphs, and fuming popular addresses; over whatever\\nthe pulpit, in its moments of alarm, the press in its heats, and par-\\nlies in their extravagance, have severally thrown off, in times of\\ngeneral excitement and violence. He has thus swept together a\\nmass of such things as, but that they are now old, the public health\\nwould have required him rather to leave in their state of dispersion.\\nFor a good long hour or two, we had the unbroken pleasure of\\nlistening to the honourable member, while he recited, with his usual\\ngrace and spirit, and with evident high gusto, speeches, pamphlets,\\naddresses, and all the ct ccteras of the political press, such as warm\\nheads produce in warm times; and such as it would be discomfi-\\nture, indeed, for any one, whose taste did not delight in that sort\\nof reading, to be obliged to peruse. This is his war. This it is to\\ncarry the war into the enemy s country. It is in an invasion of this\\nsort, that he flatters himself with the expectation of gaining laurels\\nfit to adorn a senator s brow\\nMr. President, I shall not, it will, I trust, not be expected that I\\nshould, either now, or at any time, separate this farrago into parts,\\nand answer and examine its components. I shall hardly bestow\\nupon it all, a general remark or two. In the run of forty years,\\nsir, under this constitution, we have experienced sundry successive\\nviolent party contests. Party arose, indeed, with th,e constitution\\nitself, and, in some form or other, has attended it through the\\ngieater part of its historj Whether any other constitution than\\nthe old articles of confederation, was desirable, was, itself, a ques-\\ntion on which parties formed if a new constitution were framed,\\nwhat powers should be given to it, was another question; and,\\nwhen it had been formed, what was, in fact, the just extent of the\\npowers actually conferred, was a third. Parties, as we know, ex-\\nisied, under the first administration, as distinctly marked as those\\nwhich manifested themselves at any subsequent jieriod. The con-\\ntest immediately preceding the political change in 1801, and that,\\nagain, which existed at the commencement of the late war, are\\nsther instances of party excitement, of something more than usual\\nlong as the question of its legality is to be decided\\nby the state itself; for every law operating injuriously\\nupon any local interest will be perhaps thought, and\\nstrength and intensity. In all these conflicts, there was, no doubt,\\nmuch of violence on both and all sides. It would be impossible, il\\none had a fancy for such employment, to ailjust the relative q-uan-\\nInm of violence belw een these contending parties. There was\\nenough in each, as must always be exjiected in popular govern-\\nments. With a great deal of proper and decorous discussion, there\\nwas mingled a great deal, also, of declamation, virulence, crimina-\\ntion, and abuse. In regard to any party, probably, at one of the\\nleading ej)ochs in the history of parties, enough may be found to\\nmake out another equally inflamed exhibition, as that with which\\nthe honourable member has edified us. For myself, sir, I shall not\\nrake among the rubbish of by-gone times, to see what I can find, or\\nwhether I can not find something, by which I can fix a blot on the\\nescutcheon of any stale, any party, or any part of the country.\\nGeneral Wa hington s administration was steadily and zealously\\nmaintained, as we all knoiv, by New England. It was violently\\nopposed elsewhere. We know in what quarter he had the most\\nearnest, constant, and persevering support, in all his great and\\nleading measures. We know where his private and jiersonal cha-\\nracter were held in the highest degree of attachment and venera-\\ntion and we know, too, where his measures were opposed, his\\nservices slighted, and his character vilified. We know, or we\\nmight know, if we turned to the journals, who expressed respect,\\ngratitude, and regret, when he retired from the chief magistracy;\\nand who refused to express either respect, gratitude, or regret. I\\nshall not open those journals. Publications more abusive or scur-\\nrilous never saw the light, than were sent forth against Washing-\\nton, and all his leading measures, from presses south of New Eng-\\nland. But I shall not look them up. I employ no scavengers^no\\none is in attendance on me, tendering such means of retaliation\\nand, if there were, with an ass s load of them, with a bulk as huge\\nas that which the gentleman himself has produced, I would not\\ntouch one of them. I see enough of the violence of our own times,\\nto be no w-ay anxious to rescue from forgetfulness the extravagan-\\nces of times past. Besides, what is all this to the present purpose?\\nIt has nothing to do with the public lands, in regard to which the\\nattack was begun and it has nothing to do with those sentiments\\nand opinions, which, I have thought, tend to disunion, and all oi\\nwhich (he honourable member seems to have adopted himself, and\\nundertaken to deiend. New England has, at times, so argues the\\ngentleman, held opinions as dangerous as those which he now\\nholds. Suppose this were so; why should Ae, therefore, abuse\\nNew England l If he finds himself countenanced b) acts of hers,\\nhow is it that, while he relies on these acts, he covers, or seeks to\\ncover, their authors with reproach 1 But, sir, if, in the course of\\nforty years, there have been undue effervescences of party in New\\nEngland, has the same thing happened nowhere else 1 Party ani-\\nmosity and party outrage, not in New England, but elsewhere, de-\\nnounced President Washington, not only as a federali. -t, but as a\\ntoiy, a British agent, a man who, in his high office, sanctioned cor-\\nruption. But does the honourable member suppose, that, if I had\\na tender here, who should put such an effusion of wickedness and\\nfolly in tiry hand, that I would stand up and read it against the\\nsouth 1 Parties ran into great heats, again, in 1799 and 1800.\\nWhat was said, .sir, or rather, what was not said, in those years,\\nagainst John Adams, one of the signers of the declaration of inde-\\npendence, and its admitted ablest defender on the floor of congressi\\nIf the gentleman wishes to increase his stores of party abuse and\\nfrothy violence if he has a determined proclivity to such pursuits,\\nthere are treasures of that sort south of the Potomac, much to his\\ntaste, yet untouched I shall not touch them.\\nThe parties which divided the country at the commencement of\\nthe late war, were violent. But, then, there was violence on both\\nsides, and violence in every state. Minorities and majorities were\\nequally violent. There was no more violence against the war in\\nNew England, than in other states; nor any more appearance ol\\nviolence, except that, owing to a dense population, greater facility\\nof assembling, and more presses, there may have been more in\\nquantity spoken and printed there, than in some other places. In,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n411\\ncertainly represented, as unconstitutional, and, as has\\nbeen shown, there is no appeal.\\nIf this doctrine had been established at an earlier\\nthe article of sermons, too, New England is somewhat more ahnn-\\ndant than South Carolina; and, for that reason, the chance of find-\\ning here and there an exceptionable one, may be greater. I hope,\\ntoo, there are more good ones. Opposition may have been more\\nformidable in New England, as it embraced a larger portion of the\\nwhole population but it was no more unrestrained in its principle,\\nor violent in manner. The minorities dealt quite as harshly with\\ntheir own state governments, as the majorities dealt with the ad-\\nministration here. There were presses on both sides, popular\\nmeetings on both sides, ay, and pulpits on both sides, also. The\\ngentleman s purveyors have only catered for him among the pro-\\nductions )f one side. I certainly shall not supply the deficiency by\\nfurnishing saihples of the other. I leave to him, and to them, the\\nwhole concern.\\nIt is enough for me to say, that if, in any part of this, their\\ngrateful occupation if, in all their researches, they find any thing\\nin the history of Massachusetts, or New England, or in the proceed-\\nings of any legislative, or other public body, disloyal to the union,\\nspeaking slightly of its value, proposing to break it up, or recom-\\nmending non-intercourse with neighbouring states, on account of\\ndifference of political opinion, then, sir, I give them all up to the\\nhonourable gentleman s unrestrained rebuke; excepting, however,\\nthat he will extend his hufl etings, in like manner, to all simitar\\nproceedings, wherever the found.\\nThe gentleman, sir, has spoken at large of former parties, now\\nQO longer in being, by their received appellations, and has underta-\\nken to instruct us, not only in the knowledge of their principles,\\nbut of their respective pedigrees, also. He has ascended to the\\norigin, and run out their genealogies. With most exemplary mo-\\ndesty, he speaks of the party to which he professes to have be-\\nlonged himself, as the true Pure, the only honest, patriotic party,\\nderived by regular descent, from father to son, from the time of the\\nvirtuous Romans! Spreading before us \\\\he family tree of political\\nparties, he lakes e.^pecial care to show himself snugly perched on a\\npopular bough He is wakeful to the expediency of adopting such\\nrules of descent, as shall bring him in, in exclusion of others, as an\\nheir to the inheritance of all public virtue, and all true political\\nprinciple. His parly, and his opinions, are sure to be orthodox\\nheterodoxy is confined to his opponents. He spoke, sir, of the\\nfederalists, and I thought I saw some eyes begin to open and stare\\na little, when he ventured on that ground. I expected he would\\ndraw his sketches rather lightly, when he looked on the circle\\nround him, and, especially, if he should cast his thoughts to the\\nhigh places, out of the senate. Nevertheless, he went back to\\nRome, ad annum urbe condita, and found the fathers of the fede-\\nralists, in the primeval aristocrats of that renowned empire! He\\ntraced the flow of federal blood down, through successive ages and\\ncenturies, till he brought it into the veins of the American tories,\\n(of whom, by the way, there were twenty in the Carolinas, for one\\nin Massachusetts.) Prom the tories he followed it to the federal-\\nists and, as the federal parly was broken up, and there wa.s no\\npossibility of transmitting it further on this side the Atlantic, he\\nseems to have discovered, that it has gone off, collaterally, though\\nagainst all the canons of descent, into the ultras of France, and\\nfinally become extinguished, like exploded gas, among the adhe-\\nrents of Don Miguel! This, sir, is an abstract of the gentleman s\\nhistory of federalism. I am not about t,o controvert it. It is not,\\nat present, worth the pains of refutation because, sir, if, at this\\nday, any one feels the sin of federalism lying heavily on his con-\\nscience, he can easily obtain remission. He may even obtain an\\nindulgence, if he be desirous of repeating the same Iriinsgre.ssion.\\nIt is an afl^air of no difficulty to get into this same right line of pa-\\ntriotic descent. A man, now-a-daj s, is at liberty to choose his po-\\nlitical parentage. He may elect his own father. Federalist, or\\nnot, he may, if he choose, claim to belong to the favoured stock,\\nand his claim will be allowed. He may carry back his pretensions\\njust as far as the honourable gentleman himself; nay, he may make\\nhimself out the honourable gentleman s cousin, and prove, satisfac-\\ntorily, that he is descended I rom the same political great grandfa-\\nday, the union would have been dissolved in its in-\\nfancy. The excise law in Pennsylvania, the embargo\\nand. non-intercourse law in the eastern states, the\\nther. All this is allowable. We all know a process, sir, by which\\nthe whole Essex Junto could, in one hour, be all washed white from\\ntheir ancient federalism, and come out, every one of them, an ori-\\nginal democrat, dyed in the wool Some of them have actually\\nundergone the operation, and lliey say it is quite easy. The only\\ninconvenience it occasions, as they tell us, is a slight tendency of\\nthe blood to the face, a soft suflusion, which, however, is very tran-\\nsient, since nothing is said by those whom they join, calculated to\\ndeepen the red on the cheek, but a prudent silence observed, in re-\\ngard to all the past. Indeed, sir, some smiles of approbation have\\nbeen bestowed, and some crumbs of comfort have fallen, not a thou-\\nsand mites from the door of the Hartford convention itself. And if\\nthe author of the ordinance of 1787 possessed the other requisite\\nqualifications, there is no knowing, notwithstanding his federalism,\\nto what heights of favour he might not yet attain.\\nMr. President, in carrying his warfare, such as it was, into New\\nEngland, the honourable gentleman all along professes to be acting\\non the defensive. He elects to consider me as having assailed\\nSouth Carolina, and insists that he comes forth only as her cham-\\npion, and in her defence. Sir, I do not admit that I made any at-\\ntack whatever on South Carolina., Nothing like it. The honoura-\\nble member, in his first speech, expressed opinions, in regard to\\nrevenue, and some other topics, which 1 heard both with pain and\\nwith surprise. I told the gentleman that I was aware that such\\nsentiments were entertained out of the government, but had not ex-\\npected to find them advanced in it that I knew there were persons\\nin the south who speak of our union with inditference or doubt, ta-\\nking pains to magnify its evils, and to say nothing of its benefits;\\nthat the honourable member himself, I was sure, could never be\\nerne of these and I regretted the expression of such opinions as he\\nhad avowed, because I thought their obvious tendency was to en-\\ncourage feelings of disrespect to the union, and to weaken its con-\\nnexion. This, sir, is the surn and substance of all I said on the\\nsubject. And this constitutes the attack, which called on the\\nchivalry of the gentleman, in his opinion, to harry us with such a\\nforay, among the party pamphlets and party proceedings of Massa-\\nchusetts! If he means that I spoke with dissatisfaction or disre-\\nspect of the ebullitions of individuals in South Carolina, it is true.\\nBut, if he means that I had assailed the character of the state, her\\nhonour, or patriotism that I had reflected on her history or her\\nconduct; he had not the slightest giound for any such assumption.\\nI did not even refer, I think, in my observations, to any collection\\nof individuals. I said nothing of the recent conventions. I spoke\\nin the most guarded and careful mcnner, and only expressed my\\nregret for the publication of opinions which I presumed the honour-\\nable member disapproved as much as myself In this, it seems, I\\nwas mistaken. I do not remember that the gentleman has dis-\\nclaimed any sentiment, or any opinion, nf a supposed anti-union\\ntendency, which on all, or any of the recent occasions, has been\\nexpressed. The whole drift of his speech has been rather to prove,\\nthat, in divers times and manners, sentiments equally liable to\\nobjection have been promulged in New England. And one would\\nsuppose that his object, in this reference to Massachusetts, was to\\nfind a precedent to justify proceedings in the south, were it not for\\nthe reproach and contumely with which he labours, all along, to\\nload these, his own chosen precedents. By way of defending South\\nCarolina from what he chooses to think an attack on lier, he first\\nquotes the example of Massachusetts, and then denounces that ex-\\nample, in good set terms. This two-fold purpose, net very con-\\nsistent with itself, one would think, was exhibited more than once\\nin the course of his speech. He referred, for instance, to the Hart-\\nford convention. Did he do this for authority, or for a topic of re-\\nproach 1 Apparently for both for he told us that he should find no\\nfault with the mere fact of holding such a convention, and consider\\ning and discussing such questions as he supposes were then and\\nthere discussed hut what rendered it obnoxious was the time it\\nwas holden, and the circumstances of the country then existing\\nWe were in a war, he said, and the country needed all our aid\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nthe hand of government required to be strengthened, not weaken-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "412\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncarriage tax in Virginia, were all deemed unconstitu-\\ntional, and were more unequal in their operation than\\nany of the laws now complained of; but fortunately\\ned and pairiotism should have postponed such proceedings to\\nanother day. The thing itself, then, is a precedent the time and\\nmanner of it, only, a subject of censure. Now, sir, I go much fur-\\nther, on this point, than the honourable member. Supposing, as the\\ngentleman seems to, that the Hartford convention assembled for any\\nsuch purpose as breaking up the union, because they thought un-\\nconstitutional laws had .been passed, or to consult on that subject,\\nor to calculate the valve of theunion; supposing this to be their pur-\\npose, or any part of it, then, I say the meeting itself was disloyal,\\nand was obnoxious to censure, whether lield in lime of peace or\\nlime of war, or under whatever circumstances. The_ material\\nijuestion is the object. Is dissolution the object If it be, external\\neitcumslances may make it a more or less aggravated case, but\\ncan not affect the principle. I do not hold, therefore, sir, that the\\nHartford convention was pardonable, even to the extent of the\\ngentleman s admission, if its objects were really such as have been\\nimputed lo it. Sir, there never was a lime, under any degree of\\nexcitement, in which the Hiirtford convention, or any other con-\\nvention, could maintain itself one moment in New England, if as-\\nsembled for any such purpose as the gentleman says would have\\nbeen an allowable purpose. To hold conventions to decide ques-\\ntions of constitutional law lo try the binding validity of statutes,\\nby votes in a convention Sir, the Hartford convention, I presume,\\nwould not desire that the honourable gentleman should be Iheir\\ndefender or advocate, if he puts their case upon such untenable and\\nextravagant grounds.\\nThen, sir, the gentleman has no fault to find with these recently\\npromulgated South Carolina opinions. And, certainly, he need\\nhave none; for his own senliments, as now advanced, and advan-\\nced on reflection, as far as I have been able to comprehend them,\\ngo the full length of all these opinions. I propose, sir, to say some-\\nthing on these, and lo consider how far they are just and constitu-\\ntional. Before doing that, however, let me observe, that the eulo-\\ngium pronounced on the character of the slate of South Carolina,\\nby the honourable gentleman, for her revolulionaiy and other\\nmerits, meets my hearty concurrence. I shall not acknowledge\\nthat the honourable member goes before me in regard for whatever\\nof distinguished talent, or distinguished character. South Carolina\\nhas [iroduced. I claim. part of the honour, I partake in the pride,\\nof her great names. I claim them for countrymen, one and all.\\nThe Laurenses, the Rutledges, the Pinckneys, the Sumpters, the\\nMarions Americans, all whose fame is no more to he hemmed\\nin by state lines, than their talents and pairiotism were capable of\\nbeing circumscribed within the same narrow limits. In their day\\nand generation, they served and honoured the country, and the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0whole country; and their renown is of the treasures of the whole\\ncounlry. Him, whose honoured name the gentleman himself bears\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094does he suppose me less capable of gratitude for his pairiotism, or\\nsympathy for his sufferings, than if his eyes had first opened upon\\nthe light in Massachusetts, instead of South Carolina 1 Sir, does\\nhe suppose it in his power to exhibit a Carolina name, so bright, as\\nto produce envy in my bosom? No, sir, increased gratification and\\ndelight, rather. Sir, I thank God, that, if I am gifted with little of\\nthe .spirit which is able to raise mortals to the skies, I have yet\\nnone, as I trust, of- that other spirit, which would drag angels\\ndown. When I shall be found, sir, in my place here, in the Se-\\nnate, or elsewhere, lo sneer at public merit, because it happened to\\nspring up beyond the little limits of my own state, or neighbour-\\nhood when I refuse, for any such cause, or for any cause, the ho-\\nmage due to American talent, to elevated patriotism, to sincere\\ndevotion to liberty and the counlry; or, if I see an uncommon en-\\ndowment of heaven\u00e2\u0080\u0094 if I see extraordinary capacity and virtue in\\nany son of the south and if, moved by local prejudice, or gan-\\ngrened by stale jealousy, I get up here to abate the tithe of a hair\\nfrom his just charac er and just fame, may my tongue cleave to the\\nroof of my mouth\\nSir, let me recur to pleasing recollections let me indulge in\\nrefreshing rem^ibrance of the past let. me remind you that in\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2arly times no states cherished greater harmony, both of principle\\nnone of those states discovered that they had the\\nright now claimed by South Carolina. The war\\ninto which we were forced, to support the dignity of\\nand of feeling, ihan Massachusetts and South Carolina. Would\\nto God, that harmony might again return! Shoulder to shoulder\\nthey went thiough the revolution hand in hand they stood round\\nthe administration of Washington, and felt his own great arm lean\\non them for support. Unkind feeling, if it exist, alienation and\\ndistrust, are the growth, unnatural to such soils, of false principles\\nsince sown. They are weeds, the seeds of which that same great\\narm never scattered.\\nMr. President, I shall enter on no encomium upon Massachusetts\\n-she needs none. There she is behold her, and judge for j our-\\nselves. There is her hislorj the world knows it by heart. TI.e\\npast, at least, is secure. Theie is Boslon, and Concord, and Lex-\\nington, and Bunker Hill and there they will remain for ever.\\nThe bones of her sons, falling in the greal .struggle for independ-\\nence, now lie mingled with the soil of every slate, from New Eng-\\nland lo Georgia and there they will lie for ever. And, sir, where\\nAmerican liberty raised ils first voice; and where its youth was\\nnurtured and sustained, there it slill lives, in ihe strength of its\\nmanhood, and full of its original s])irit. If discord and disunion\\nshall wound it if party strife and blind ambition shall hawk at\\nand lear il if folly and madness if uneasiness, under salutary and\\nnecessary restraint shall succeed to separate it from that Union,\\nby which alone its existence is made sure, it will stand, in the end,\\nby the side of that cradle in which ils infancy was rocked it will\\nstretch forth its arm, with whatever vigour it may still retain, over\\nthe friends who gather round it and it will fall at last, if fall it\\nmust, amidst the proudest monuments of its own glory, and on the\\nvery spot of its origin.\\nThere yet remains to be performed, Mr. President, by far the\\nmost grave and imporlant duty, which I feel lo be devolved on me,\\nby this occasion. Ii is to stale, and lo defend, what I conceive to\\nbe the true principles of the constilulion under which we are here\\na.ssembled. I might well have desired that so weighty a task should\\nhave fallen into other and abler hands. I could have wished that\\nit should have been executed by those, whose character and expe-\\nrience give weight and influence lo their opinions, such as cannot\\npossibly belong to mine. But, sir, I have met the occasion, not\\nsought it; and I shall proceed to slate my own senliments, without\\nchallenging for them any particular regard, with studied plainness,\\nand as much precision as possible.\\nI understand the honourable gentleman from South Carolina to\\nmaintain, that it is a right of the state legislatures to interfere,\\nwhenever, in their judgment, this government transcends its con-\\nstitutional limits, and to arrest the operation of its laws.\\nI understand him to maintain this right, as a right existing under\\nthe conslitution not as a right to overthrow it, on the ground of\\nnecessity, such as would justify violent revolution.\\nI ijndersland him to maintain an authority, on the part of the\\nstates, thus to interfere, for the purpose of correcting the exercise of\\npo\u00c2\u00ab er by the general government, of checking il, and of compel-\\nling it to conform lo their opinion of the extent of ils powers.\\nI understand him to maintain, that the ultimate power of judging\\nof the constitutional extent of ils own aulhorily, is not lodged ex-\\nclusively in the general government, or any branch of it, but that,\\non Ihe contrary, the stales may lawfully decide for themselves, and\\neach stale for itself, whether, in a given case, the act of the gene-\\nral government transcends ils power.\\nI understand him to insist, that if the exigency of the case, in\\nthe opinion of anj slate government, require it, such state govern-\\nment may, by its own sovereign authority, annul an act of the gene-\\nral government, which it deems plainly and palpably unconstitu-\\ntional.\\nThis is the sum of what I understand from him to be the South\\nCarolina doctrine, and the doctrine which he maintains. I propose\\nto consider it, and to compare it with the constitution. Allow me\\nto say, as a preliminary remark, that I call this the South Carolina\\ndoctrine, only because the gentleman himself has so denominated\\nit. I do not feel at liberty lo say that Soulh Carolina, as a slate,\\nhas ever advanced these senliments I hope she has not, and never", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n413\\nthe nation and the rights of our citizens, might have\\nended in defeat and disgrace instead of victory and\\nhonour, if the states wlio supposed it a ruinous and\\nmay. That a greal majority of her people are opposed to the tariff\\nlaws, is doubtless true. That a majority, somewhat less than that\\nju.st mentioned, conscientiously believe these laws unconstitutional,\\nmay probably also be true. But that any majority holds to the\\nright of direct state interference, at state discretion, the right of\\nnullifying acts of congress, by acts of slate legislation, is more than\\nI know, and what I shall be slow to believe.\\nThat there are individuals, besides the honourable gentleman,\\nwho do maintain these opinions, is quite certain. I recollect the\\nrecent expression of a sentiment, which circumstances attending its\\nutterance and publication justify us in supposing was not unpre-\\nmeditated. The sovereignty of the state-i-never to be controlled,\\nconstrued, or decided on, but by her own feelings of honourable\\njustice.\\n[IMr. Hayne here rose, and said, that for the purpose of being\\nclearly understood, he would state, that his proposition was in the\\nwords of the Virginia resolution, as follows\\nThat this assemby doth explicitly and peremptorily declare,\\nthat it views the powers of the federal government as resulting\\nfrom the compact, to which the stales are parties, as limited by the\\nplain sense and intention of the instrument constituting that com-\\npact, as no farther valid than they are authorized by the grants\\nenumerated in ihat compact; and Ihai, in case of a deliberate, pal-\\npable, and. dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the\\nsaid compact, the states who are parties thereto have the right, and\\nare in duty bound to interpose, for arresting the progress of the\\nevil, and for maintaining, wilhin their respective limits, the authori-\\nties, rights, and liberties, appertaining to them.\\nMr. Webster resumed\\n1 am quite aware, Mr. President, of the existence of the resolu-\\ntion which the gentleman read, and has now repeated, and that he\\nrelies on it as his authority. I know the source, too, from which\\nit is understood to have proceeded. I need not say that I have\\nmuch respect for the constitutional opinions of Mr. Madison; they\\nwould weigh greatly with me, always. But, before the authority\\nof his opinion be vouched for the gentleman s proposition, it will he\\nproper to consider what is the fair interpretation of that resolution,\\nto which Mr. Madison is understood to have given his sanction.\\nAs the gentleman construes it, it is an authority for him. Possibly,\\nhe may not have adopted the right construction. That resolution\\ndeclares, that, in the case of the dangcrnus exercise of powers not\\ngranted, by tke general government, the states may interpose to arrest\\nthe progress of the evil. But how interpose, and what does this\\ndeclaration purport 1 Does it mean no more, than that there may\\nbe extreme cases, in which the people, in any mode of assembling,\\nmay resist usurpation, and relieve themselves from a tyrannical\\ngovernment 1 No one will deny this. Such resistance is not only\\nacknowledged to be just in America, but in England also. Black-\\nstone admits as much, in the theory, and practice, too, of the Eng-\\nlish constitution. We, sir, who oppose the Carolina doctrine, do\\nnot deny that the people may, if they choose, throw off any govern-\\nment, when it become oppressive and intolerable, and erect abetter\\nin its stead. We all know that civil institutions are established for\\nthe public benefit, and that when they cease to answer the ends of\\ntheir existence, they may be changed. But I do not understand\\nthe doctrine now contended for to be that which, for the sake of\\ndistinctness, we may call the right of revolution. I understand the\\ngentleman to maintain, that, without revolution, without civil com-\\nmotion, without rebellion, a remedy for supposed abuse and trans-\\ngression of the powers of the general government lies in a direct\\nappeal to the interference of the state governments.\\n[Mr. Hayne here rose He did not contend, he said, for the mere\\nright of revolution, but for the right of constitutional resistance.\\nWhat he maintained, was, that, in case of a plain, palpable viola-\\ntion of the constitution, by the general government, a state may in-\\nterpose; and that this interposition is constitutional.]\\nMr. Webster resumed:\\nSo, sir, I understood the gentleman, and am happy to find that I\\ndid not misunderstand him. What he contends for, is, Ihat it is\\nunconstitutional measure, had thought they possessed\\nthe right of niiUifying the act by which it was de-\\nclared, and denying suppHes for its prosecution.\\nconstiiutional to interrupt the administration of the con. titution\\nitself, in the hands of those who are chosen and sworn to adminis-\\nter it, by the direct interference, in form of law, of the stales, iii\\nvirtue of their sovereign capacity. The inherent right in the peo-\\nple to reform their government, I do not deny; and they have\\nanother right, and that is, to resist unconstitutional laws, without\\noverturning the government. It is no doctrine of mine, that un-\\nconstitutional laws bind the people. The great question is, whose\\nprerogative is it to decide on the constitutionality or unconstitutional-\\nity of the lau-s? On Ihat, ihe main debate hinges. The proposi-\\ntion, that, in case of a supposed violation of the constitution by\\ncongress, the slates have a constitutional right to inlerfere, and\\nannul the law of congress, is Ihe proposition of the gentleman I\\ndo not admit it. If the gentleman had intended no more than to\\nassert the right of revolution, for justifiable cause, he would have\\nsaid only what all agree to. But 1 cannot conceive that there can\\nhe a middle course, between submission to the laws, when regularly\\npronounced constitutional, on the one hand, and open resistance,\\nwhich is revolulion, or rebellion, on the other. I say, the right of\\na slate to annul a law of congress, can not be maintained, but on\\nIhe ground of the unalienable right of man to resist oppression that\\nis to say, upon the ground of revolution. I admit thai there is an\\nultimate violent remedy above the conslilulion, and in defiance ol\\nthe constitution, which may be resorted lo when a revolution is to\\nbe justified. But I do not admit, that, under Ihe constitution, and\\nin conformily with it, there is any mode in which a state govern-\\nment, as a member of the union, can interfere and stop the progress\\nof the general government, by force of her own laws, under any\\ncircumstances whatever.\\nThis leads us lo inquire into the origin of this government, and\\nthe source of its power. Whose agent is it 1 Is it the creafure ol\\nthe slate legislalures, or the creature of Ihe peopled If the govern-\\nnjent of the United Slates be the agent of the state governments,\\nthen they may control it, provided Ihey can agree in the manner ol\\ncontrolling it; if it be the agent of the people, then the people\\nalone can control it, restrain it, modify, or reform it. It is observ-\\nable enough, that the doctrine for which the honourable gentleman\\ncontends, leads hira lo Ihe necessity of maintaining, not only thai\\nthis general government is the creature of the stales, but that it if\\nthe creature of each of the stales severally; so that each may\\nassert the power, for itself, of determining whether it acts wilhir\\nthe limits of its \u00e2\u0080\u00a2aiilhorily. It is the servant of four-and-twenty\\nmasters, of different wills and difterent purposes, and yet bound to\\nobey all. This absurdity (for it seems no less) arises from a mis-\\nconception as to the origin of this government and its true charac-\\nter. It is, sir, the people s conslilulion, the people s government;\\nmade for the people; made by the people; and answerable lo the\\npeople. The people of Ihe United Stales have declared ihat this\\nconslilulion shall be the supreme law. We must either admit Ihe\\nproposition, or dispute their authority. The stales are, unques-\\ntioiiably, sovereign, so far as Iheir sovereignly is not affected by\\nthis supreme law. But the state legislalures, as political bodies,\\nhowever sovereign, are yet not sovereign over Ihe people. So far\\nas the people have given power to the general government, so far\\nthe grant is unquestionably good, and the government holds of the\\npeople, and not of Ihe state governments. We are all agents of the\\nsame supreme power, ihe people. The general government and\\nthe stale governments derive Iheir authority from the same source.\\nNeither can, in relation to Ihe other, be called primary, though one\\nis definite and restricted, and the other general and residuary. The\\nnational government possesses those powers which it can be ^howTi\\nthe people have conferred on it, and no more. All the rest belongs\\nto the slate governments or to the people themselves. So far a.s\\nthe people have restrained slate sovereignly, by the expression o\\ntheir will, in ihe conslilulion of ihe Uniled States, so far, it must\\nbe admitted, state sovereignly is effectually controlled. I do not\\ncontend that it is, or ought lo be controlled farther. The sentiment\\nlo which I have referred, propounds that state sovereignty is only\\nto be controlled by its own feeling of justice j that is to say, it is", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "414\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nHardly and unequally as those measures bore upon\\nseveral members of the Union, to the legislatures of\\nnone did this etHcient and peaceable remedy, as it is\\nnoi lo be controlled at all for one who is to follow his own feel-\\ning is under no legal control. Now, however men may think this\\nought to be, the fact is, that the people of the United States have\\nchosen to impose control on state sovereignties. There are those,\\ndoubtless, who wish they had been left without restraint; but the\\nconstitution has ordered the matter differently. To make war, for\\ninstance, is an exercise of sovereignty but the constitution de-\\nclares that no state shall make war. To coin money is another\\nexercise of sovereign power but no state is at liberty to coin\\nmoney. Again, the constitution says that no sovereign state shall\\nbe so sovereign as to make a treaty. These prohibitions, it must\\nbe confessed, are a control on the state sovereignty of South Caro-\\nlina, as well as of the other states, which does not arise from her\\nown feelings of honourable justice. Such an opinion, therefore,\\nis in defiance of the plainest provisions of the constitution.\\nThere are other proceedings of public bodies which have already\\nbeen alluded to, and to which I refer again for the purpose of as-\\ncertaining, more fully, what is the length and breadth of that doc-\\ntrine, denominated the Carolina doctrine, which the honourable\\nmember has now stood up on this floor to maintain. In one of\\nthem I find it resolved, that the tariff of 1828, and every other\\ntariff designed to promote one branch of industry at the expense of\\nothers, is contrarj to the meaning and intention of the federal com-\\npact and, as such, a dangerous, palpable, and deliberate usurpa-\\ntion of power, by a determined majority, wielding the general go-\\nvernment beyond the limits of its delegated powers, as calls upon\\nthe slates which compose the suffering minority, in their sovereign\\ncapacity, to exercise the powers which, as sovereigns, necessarily\\ndevolve upon them, when their compact is violated.\\nObserve, sir, that this resolution holds the tariff of 1828, and\\nevery other tariff, designed to promote one branch of industry\\nat the expense of another, to be such a dangerous, palpable,\\nand deliberate usurpation of power, as calls upon the states, in\\ntheir sovereign capacity, to interfere by their own authority.\\nThis denunciation, Mr. President, you will please to observe, in-\\ncludes our old tariff of 1816, as well as all others; because that\\nwas established to promote the interest of the manufactures of\\ncotton, to the manifest and admitted injury of the Calcutta cotton\\ntrade. Observe, again, that all the qualifications are here re-\\nhearsed and charged upon the tariff, which are necessary to bring\\nthe case within the gentleman s proposition. The tariff is a usur-\\npation it is a dangerous usurpation it is a palpable usurpation\\nit is a deliberate usurpation. It is such a usurpation, therefore, as\\ncalls upon the states to exercise their right of interference. Here\\nis a case, then, within the gentleman s principles, and all his\\nqualifications of his principles. It is a case for action. The con-\\nstitution is plainly, dangerously, palpably, and deliberately viola-\\nted and the states must interpose their own authority to arrest\\nthe law. Let ns suppose the state of South Carolina lo express\\nthis same opinion, by the voice of her legislature. That would be\\nvery imposing but what then 1 Is the voice of one state conclu-\\nsive 1 It so happens, that at the very moment when South Caro-\\nlina resolves that the tariff laws are unconstitutional, Pennsylvania\\nand Kentucky resolve exactly the reverse. The-i/ hold those laws\\nto be both highly proper and strictly constitutional. And now, sir,\\nhow does the honourable member propose to deal with this case 1\\nHow does he relieve us from this difl^culty, upon any principle of\\nhis His construction gets us into it how does he propose to get\\nus out 1\\nIn Carolina, the tarifl; is a palpable, deliberate usurpation\\nCarolina, therefore, may nullifi/ it, and refuse to pay the duties.\\nIn Pennsylvania, it is both clearly constitutional, and highly expe-\\ndient and there, the duties are to he paid. And yet, we live un-\\nder a government of uniform laws, and under a constitution, too,\\nwhich contains an express provision, as it happens, that all duties\\nshall be equal in .all the states Does not this approach absurdity\\nIf there be no power to settle such questions, independent of\\neither of the states, is not the whole union a rope of sand Are\\nve not thrown back again, precisely, upon the old confederation\\ncalled, suggest itself. The discovery of this impor\\ntant feature in our constitution was reserved to the\\npresent day. To the statesmen of South Carolina\\nIt is too plain to be argued. Four and twenty interpreters of\\nconstitutional law, each with a power to decide for itself, and none\\nwith authority to bind any body else, and this constitutional law\\nthe only bond of their union What is such a state of things, but\\na mere connexion during pleasure, or, to use the phraseology ol\\nthe limes, during fixling And that feeling, too, not the feeling\\nof the people who established the constitution, but the feeling ol\\nthe stale governments.\\nIn another of the South Carolina addresses, having premised\\nthat the crisis requires all ihe concentrated energy of passion,\\nan attitude of open resistance to the laws of the union is advised.\\nOpen resistance to the laws, then, is the constitutional remedy, the\\nconservative power of the state, which the South Carolina doc-\\ntrines teach for the redress of political evils, real or imaginary.\\nAnd its authors further say, that, appealing with confidence to the\\nconstitution itself, to justify their opinions, they can not consent lo\\ntry their accuracy by the courts of justice. In one sense, indeed,\\nsir, this is assuming an attitude of open resistance in favour of\\nliberty. But what sort of liberty 1 The liberty of establishing\\ntheir own opinions, in defiance of the opinions of all others; the\\nliberly of judging and of deciding exclusively themselves, in a\\nmatter in which others have as much right to judge and decide as\\nthey the liberty of placing their own opinions above the judgment\\nof all others, above the laws, and above the constitution. This is\\ntheir liberly, and this is the fair result of the proposition contend-\\ned for by the honourable gentleman. Or it may be more properly\\nsaid, it is identical with it, rather than the result from it.\\nIn the same publication, we find the following: Previously to\\nour revolution, when the arm of oppression was stretched ovej:\\nNew England, where did our northern brethren meet with a braver\\nsympathy than that which sprung from the bosoms of Carolinians\\nWc had no extortio^i^ no oppression^ no collision wilk the king^s mi-\\nnisters, no navigation interests springing tip, in envious rivalry oj\\nEngland.\\nThis seems extraordinary language. South Carolina no colli-\\nsion with the king s ministers, in 1775! No extortion No op-\\npression! But, sir, it is also most significant language. Does any\\nman doubt the purpose for which it was penned 1 Can any one\\nfail to see that it was designed to raise in the reader s mind the\\nquestion, whether, at this time that is to say, in 1828 South\\nCarolina has any collision with the king s ministers, any oppres-\\nsion, or extortion, to fear from England 1 Whether, in short, Eng-\\nland is not as naturally the friend of Soulh Carolina as New Eng-\\nland, with her navigation interests springing up in envious rivalry\\nof England i\\nIs it not strange, sir, that an intelligent man in South Carolina,\\nin 1828, should thus labour lo prove, that, in 1775, there was no\\nhostility, no cause of war, between South Carolina and England?\\nThat she had no occasion, in reference to her own interest, or from\\na regard to her own welfare, to take up arms in the revolutionary\\ncontest 1 Can any one account for the expression of such strange\\nsentiments, and their circulation through the state, otherwise than\\nby supposing the object to be, what I have already intimated, to\\nraise the question, if they had no (mark the expression)\\nwith the ministers of King George the Third, in 1775, what col-\\nlision have they, in 1828, with the ministers of King George the\\nFourth 1 What is there now, in the existing state of things, to\\nseparate Carolina from Old, more, or rather, than from New Eng-\\nland I\\nResolutions, sir, have been recently passed by the legislature ot\\nSouth Carolina. I need not refer to them they go no further than\\nthe honourable gentleman himself has gone and, I hope, not so far.\\nI content myself, therefore, with debating the matter with him.\\nAnd now, sir, what I have first to say on this subject is, that, at\\nno time, and under no circumstances, has New England, or any\\nstate in New England, or any respectable body of persons in New\\nEngland, or any public man of standing in New England, put forth\\nsuch a doctrine as this Carolina doctrine.\\nThe gentleman has found no case, he can find none, to support", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n416\\nbelongs the invention, and upon the citizens of that\\nstate will unfortunately fall the evils of reducing it to\\npractice.\\nhis own opinions by New England authority. New England has\\nstudied the constitution in other schools, and under other teachers.\\nShe looks upon it with other regards, and deems more highly and\\nreverently, both of its just authority, and its utility and excellence.\\nThe history of her legislative proceedings maj be traced the\\nephemeral effusions of temporary bodies, called together by the ex-\\ncitement of the occasion, maybe hunted up they have been hunt-\\ned up. The opinions and votes of her public men, in and out of\\ncongress, may be explored\u00e2\u0080\u0094 it will all be iu vain. The Carolina\\ndoctrine can derive from her neither countenance nor support.\\nShe rejects it now; she always did reject it; and till she loses her\\nsenses, she always will reject if. The honourable member has re-\\nferred to expressions, on the subject of the embargo law, made in\\nthis place, by an honourable and venerable gentleman, (Mr. Hill-\\nhouse,) now favouring us with his presence. He quotes that di.s-\\ntinguished senator as saying, that, in his judgment, the embargo\\nlaw was unconstitutional, and that, therefore, in his opinion, the\\npeople were not bound to obey it. That, sir, is perfectly constitu-\\ntional language. An unconstitutional law is not binding bul. Ihen\\nit does not rest ivith a rcsolutum or a Jaw nf a state U gislatiiTC to U:~\\ntide whether an act of congress he, or be no!, const itidional. An un-\\nconstitutional act of congress would not bind the people of this\\ndistrict, although they have no legislature to interfere in their be-\\nhalf; and, on tlie other hand, a constitutional law of congress does\\nbind the citizens of every state, although all their legislatures\\nshould imdertake to annul it, by act or resolution. The venera-\\nble Connecticut senator is a constitutional lawyer, of sound prin\\nciples, and enlarged knowledge; a statesman practised and expe-\\nrienced, bred in the company of Washington, and holding just\\nviews upon the nature of our governments. He believed the em-\\nbargo unconstitutional, and so did others; but what then 1 Who\\ndid he suppose was to decide that question! The stale legisla-\\ntures Certainly not. No such sentiments ever escaped his lips.\\nLet us follow up, sir, this New England opposition to the embargo\\nlaws; let us trace it, till we discern the principle which controlled\\nand governed New England throughout the whole course of that\\nopposition. We shall then see what similarity there is between\\nthe New England school of constitutional opinions, and this modern\\nCarolina school. The gentleman, I think, read a petition from\\nsome single individual, addres,5ed to the legislature of Massachu-\\nsetts, asserting the Carolina doctrine\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that is, the right of state in-\\nterference to arrest the laws of the union. The fate of that peti-\\ntion shows the sentiment of the legislature. It met no favour.\\nThe opinions of Massachusetts were otherwise. They had been\\nexpressed, in 1798, in answer to the resolution? of Virginia, and\\nshe did not depart from them, nor bend them to the times. Mis-\\ngoverned, wronged, oppressed, as she felt herself to be, she still\\nheld fast her integrity to the union. The gentleman may find in\\nher proceedings much evidence of dissatisfaction with the measures\\nof government, and great and deep dislike to the embargo all\\nthis makes the case so much the stronger for her for, notwith-\\nstanding all this dissatisfaction and dislike, she claimed no right,\\nstill, to sever asunder the bonds of the union. There was heat,\\nand there was anger, in her political feeling be it so her heat or\\nher anger did not, nevertheless, betray her into infidelity to the\\ngovernment. The gentleman labours to prove that she disliked\\nthe embargo, as much as South Carolina dislikes the tariff, and ex-\\npressed her dislike as strongly. Be it so t\u00c2\u00bbd did she propose the\\nCarolina remedy 7 did she threaten to interfere, by stale avthoritij, to\\nannul the laws of the union? That is the question for the gentle-\\nman s consideration.\\nNo doubt, sir, a great majority of the people of New England\\nconscientiously believed the embargo law of 1807 unconstitutional\\nas conscientiously, certainlv. as the people of South Carolina hold\\nthat opinion of tie tariff. They reasoned thus: congress has power\\nto regulate commerce; but here is a law, they said, stopping all\\ncommerce, and stopping it indefinitely. The law is perpetual;\\nthat is, it is not limited in point of time, and mu.st, of course, con-\\ntiDUt until it shall be repealed bv some other law. It is as per-\\n53\\nIf the doctrine of the state veto upon the laws of\\nthe Union carries with it internal evidence of its im-\\npracticable absurdity, our constitutional history will\\npelual, therefore, as the law against treason or murder. Now, Is\\nthis regulating commerce, or destroying it 1 Is it guiding, con-\\ntrolling, giving the rule to commerce, as a subsisting thing; or is\\nit putting an end to it altogether 1 Nothing is more certain, than\\nthat a majority in New England deemed this law a violation of the\\nconstitution. The very case required by the gentleman, to justify\\nstate interference, had then arisen. Massachusetts believed this\\nlaw to be a deliberate, pHlpnlilc, and danscrovs exercise of a power,\\nnot granted by the conslihitiun. Deliberate it was, for it was long\\ncontinued palpable, she thought it, as no words in the constitu-\\ntion gave the power, and only a construction, in her opinion most\\nviolent, raised it; dangerous it was, since it threatened utter rum\\nto her most important interests. Here, then, was a Carolina case.\\nHow did Massachusetts deal with ill It was, as she thought, a\\nplain, manifest, palpable violation of the constitution and it\\nbrought ruin to her doors. Thousands of families, and hundreds\\nof thousands of individuals, were beggared by it. While she saw\\nand felt all this, she saw and felt, also, that, as a measure of na-\\ntional policy it was perfectly futile; that the country was no way\\nbenefitted by that which caused so much individual distress; that\\nit was efficient only for the production of evil, and all that evil in-\\nflicted on ourselves. In such a case, under such circumstances,\\nhow did Massachusetts demean herself! Sir, she remonstrated,\\nshe memorialized, she addressed herself to the general govern-\\nment, not exactly with the concentrated energy of pa.ssion, but\\nwith her own strong sense, and the energy of sober conviction.\\nBut she did not interpose the arm of her oivn power to arrest the\\n.law, and break the embargo. Far from it. Her principles bound\\nher to two things and she followed her principles, lead where\\nthey might. First, to submit to every constitutional law of con-\\ngress and, secondly, if the constitutional validity of the law be\\ndoubted, to refer that question to the decision of the proper tribu-\\nnals. The first principle is vain and ineffectual without the se-\\ncond. A majority of us in New England believed the embargo\\nlaw unconstitutional but the great question was, and always will\\nbe, in such cases, who is to decide this 1 Who is to judge between\\nthe people and the government 1 And, sir, it is quite plain, that\\nthe constitution of the United States confers on the government\\nitself, to be exercised by its appropriate department, and under its\\nown responsibility to the people, this power of deciding ultimately\\nand conclusively, upon the just extent of its own authority. If\\nthis had not been done, we should not have advanced a single step\\nbeyond the old confederation.\\nBein? fully of opinion that the embargo law was unconstitu-\\ntional, the people of New England were yet equally clear in the\\nopinion it was a matter they did not doubt upon that the ques-\\ntion, after all, must be decided by the judicial tribunals of the Uni-\\nted States. Before those tribunals, therefore, they brought the\\nquestion. Under the provisions of the law, they had given bonds,\\nto millions in amount, and which were alleged to be forfeited.\\nThey suffered the bonds to be sued, and thus raised the question.\\nIn the old-fashioned way of settling disputes, they went to law.\\nThe case came to hearing, and solemn argument and he who\\nespoused their cause, and stood up for them against the validity of\\nthe embargo act, was none other than that great man, of whom\\nthe gentleman has made honourable mention, Samuel Dexter. He\\nwas then, sir, in the fulne.ss of his knowledge, and the maturity ol\\nhis strength. He had retired from long and distinguished public\\nservice here, to the renewed pursuit of professional duties; carry-\\niugwith him all that enlargement and expansion, all the newstrength\\nand force, which an acquaintance with the more general subjects,\\ndiscussed in the national councils, is capable of adding to profes-\\nsional attainment, in a mind of true greatness and comprehension.\\nHe was a lawyer, and he was also a statesman. He had studied\\nthe constitution, when he filled public station, that he might de-\\nfend it he had examined its principles, that he might maintain\\nthem. More than all men, or at least as much as any man, he\\nwas attached to the general government and to the union of the\\nstates. His feelings and opinions all ran in that direction. A", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "416\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nalso afford abundant proof that it would have been\\nrepudiated with indignation had it been proposed to\\nform a feature in our government.\\nquestion of constitutional law, too, was, of all subjects, that one\\nwhich was best suited to his talents and learning. Aloof from\\ntechnicality, and unfettered by artificial rule, such a question gave\\nopportunity for that deep and clear analysis, that mighty grasp of\\nprinciple, which so much distinguished his higlier efforts. His\\nvery statement was argument; his inference seemed demonstra-\\ntion. The earnestness of his own conviction, wrought conviction\\nin others. One was convinced, and believed, and assented, be-\\ncause it was gratifying, delightful to think, and feel, and believe,\\nin unison with an intellect of such evident superiority.\\nMr. Dexter, sir, such as I have described him, argued the New\\nEngland cause. He put into his effort his whole heart, as well as\\nall the powers of his understanding for he had avowed, in the\\nmost public manner, his entire concurrence with his neighbours,\\non the point in dispute. He argued the cause, it was lost, and\\nNew Engl.ind submitted. The established tribunals pronounced\\nthe law constitutional, and New England acquiesced. Now, sir,\\nis not this the exact opposite of the doctrine of the gentleman from\\nSouth Carolina 1 According to him, instead of referring to the\\njudicial tribunals, we should have broken up the embargo by laws\\nof our own we should have repealed it, quoad New England\\nfor %ve had a strong, palpable, and oppressive case. Sir, we be-\\nlieved the embargo unconstitutional but still, that was matter of\\nopinion, and who was to decide it t We thought it a clear case\\nbut, nevertheless, we did not take the law into our own hands, be-\\ncause we did not wish to bring about a revolution, nor to break up the\\nnnion for, I maintain, that, between submission to the decision\\nof the constituted tribunals, and revolution, or disunion, there is\\nno middle ground there is no ambiguous condition, half allegi-\\nance, and half rebellion. And, sir, how futile, how very futile it\\nis, to admit the right of state interference, and then attempt to save\\nit from the character of unlawful resistance, by adding terms of\\nqualification to the causes and occa-sions, leaving all these qualifi-\\ncations, like the case itself, in the discretion of the slate govern-\\nments. It must be a clear case, it is said a deliberate case; a\\npalpable case; a dangerous case. But then the state is still left at\\nliberty to decide for herself, what is clear, what is deliberate, what\\nis palpable, what is dangerous. Do adjectives and epithets avail\\nany thing 1 Sir, the human mind is so constituted, that the merits\\nof both sides of a controversy appear very clear and very palpa-\\nble, to those who respectively espouse them and both sides usual-\\nly grow clearer, as the controversy advances. South Carolina sees\\nimconstitutionality in the tariff; she sees oppression there, also;\\nand she sees danger. Pennsylvania, with a vision not less sharp,\\nlooks at the same tariff, and sees no such thing in it she sees it\\nall constitutional, all useful, all safe. The faith of South Carolina\\nis strengthened by opposition, and she now not only sees, but rc-\\nsolves, that the tariff is palpably unconstitutional, oppressive, and\\ndangerous; but Pennsylvania, not to be behind her neighbours,\\nand equally willing to strengthen her own faith by a confident as-\\nseveration, resolves, also, and gives to every warm affirmative of\\nSouth Carolina, a plain, downright, Pennsylvania negative. South\\nCarolina, to show the strength and itnity of her opinion, brings her\\nassembly to a unanimity, within seven voices; Pennsylvania, not\\nto be outdone in this respect more than others, reduces her dissen-\\ntient fraction to a single vote. Now, sir, again, I ask the gentle-\\nman, what is to be done Are these states both right 1 Is he\\nbound to consider them both right? If not, which is in the wrong?\\nor rather, which has the best right to decide 1 and if he, and if I,\\nare not to know what the constitution means, and what it is, till\\nthose two state legislatures, and the twenty-two others, shall agree\\nin its construction, what have we sworn to, when we have sworn\\nto maintain it 1 I was forcibly struck, sir, with one reflection, as\\nthe gentleman went on in his speech. He quoted Mr. Madison s\\nresolutions to prove that a state may interfere, in a case of delibe-\\nrate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of a power not granted.\\nThe honourable member supposes the tariff law to be such an ex-\\nercise of power and that, consequently, a case has arisen in which\\ntlie state may, if it see fit, interfere by its own law. Now it so i\\nIn our colonial state, although dependent on an-\\nother power, we very early considered ourselves as\\nconnected by common interest with each other.\\nhappens, nevertheless, that Mr. Madison himself deems this same\\ntariff law quite constitutional. Instead of a clear and palpable\\nviolation, it is, in his judgment, no violation at all. So that, while\\nthey use his authority for a hypothetical case, they reject it in the\\nvery case before them. All this, sir, shows the inherent futility\\nI had almost used a stronger word of conceding this power of in-\\nterference to the states, and then altempting to secure it from abuse\\nby imposing qualifications, of which the -states themselves ore to\\njudge. One of two things is true; either the laws of the union\\nare beyond the discretion, and bej ond the control of the slates; oi\\nelse we have no constitution of general government, and are thrust\\nback again to the days of the confederacy.\\nLet me here say, sir, that if the gentleman s doctrine had been\\nreceived and acted upon in New England, in the times of the em-\\nbargo and non-intercourse, we should probably not now have been\\nhere. The government would, very likely, have gone to pieces,\\nand crumbled into dust. No stronger case can ever arise than ex-\\nisted under those laws no states can ever entertain a clearer con-\\nviction than the New England states then entertained and if they\\nhad been under the influence of that heresy of opinion, as I must\\ncall it, which the honourable member espouses, this union would,\\nin all probability, have been scattered to the four winds. I ask\\nthe gentleman, therefore, to apply his principles to that case I ask\\nhim to come forth and declare, whether, in his opinion, the New\\nEngland states would have been justified in interfering to break\\nup the embargo system, under the conscientious opinions which\\nthey held upon it 1 Had they a right to annul that law 1 Does\\nhe admit or deny 1 If that which is thought palpably unconstitu-\\ntional in South Carolina, justifies that state in arresting the pro-\\ngress of the law, tell me, whether that which was thought palpa-\\nbly unconstitutional also in Massachusetts, would have justified\\nher in doing the same thing 1 Sir, I deny the whole doctrine. It\\nhas not a foot of ground in the constitution to stand on. No pub-\\nlic man of repulation ever advanced it in Massachusetts, in the\\nwarmest times, or could mainlain himself upon it there at anytime.\\nI wish now, sir, to make a remark upon the Virginia resolutions\\nof 1798. I can not undertake to say how these resolutions were\\nunderstood by those who passed them. Their language is not a\\nlittle indefinite. In the case of the exercise, by congress, of a dan-\\ngerous power, not granted to them, the resolutions assert the right,\\non the part of the stale, to interfere, and arrest the progress of the\\nevil. This is susceptible of more than one interpretation. It may\\nmean no more than that (he states may interfere by complaint and\\nremonstrance or by proposing to the people an alteration of the\\nfederal constitution. This would all be quite unobjectionable; or,\\nit may be, that no more is meant than to assert the general right of\\nrevolution, as against all governments, in cases of intolerable op-\\npression. This no one doubts; and this, in my opinion, is all that\\nhe who framed ihe resolutions could have meant by it: for I shall\\nnot readily believe, that he was ever of opinion that a state, under\\nthe constitution, and in conformity with it, could, upon the ground\\nof her o mi opinion of its unconstitutionality, however clear and\\npalpable she might think the case, annul a law of congress, so far\\nas it should operate on herself, by her own legislative power.\\nI must now beg to ask, sir, whence is this supposed right of the\\nstates derived I Where do they find the power to interfere with\\nthe laws of the union 1 Sir, the opinion which the honourable gen-\\ntleman maintains, is a notion, founded in a total misapprehension,\\nin my judgment, of the origin of this government, and of the\\nfoundation on which it stands. I hold it to be a popular govern-\\nment, erected by the people those who administer it responsible\\nto the people and itself capable of being amended and modified,\\njust as the people may choose it should be. It is as popular, just\\nas truly emanating from the people, as the .state governments. It\\nis created for one purpose tlie state governments for another. It\\nhas its own powers they have theirs. There is no more authori-\\nty with them to arrest the operation of a law of congress, than with\\ncongress to arrest the operation of their laws. We are here to\\nadminister a constitution emanating immediately from the people", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n417\\nLeagTies were formed for common defence, and before\\nthe Declaration of Independence we were known in\\nour aggregate character as thp United Colonies\\nand trusted by them to our administration. It is not the creature\\nof the state governments. It is of no moment to the argument,\\nthat certain acts of the state legislatures are necessary to fill our\\nseats in this body. That is not one of their original state powers,\\na part of the sovereignty of the state. It is a duty which the peo-\\nple, by the constitution itself, have imposed on the state legisla-\\nture and which they might have left to be performed elsewhere,\\nif they had seen fit. So they h-Tve left the choice of president with\\nelectors; but all this does not affect the proposition, that this whole\\ngovernment, president, senate, and house of representatives, is a\\npopular government. It leaves it still all its popular character.\\nThe governor of a state (in some of the states) is chosen, not di-\\nrectly by the people, but by those who are chosen by the people,\\nfor the purpose of performing, among other duties, that of electing\\na governor. Is the government of the state, on that accoimt, not\\na popular government This government, sir, is the independent\\ncffspring of the popular will. It is not the creature of state legis-\\nlatures nay, more, if the whole truth must be told, the people\\nbrought it into existence, established it, and have hitherto support-\\ned it, for the very purpose, amongst others, of imposing certain\\nsalutary restraints on state sovereignties. The states can not now\\nmoke war; they can not contract alliances; they can not make,\\neach for itself, separate regulations of commerce they can not\\nlay imposts they tan not coin money. If this constitution, sir,\\noe the creature of state legislatures, it must be admitted that it\\nhas obtained a strange control over the volitions of its creators.\\nThe people, then, sir, erected this government. They gave it\\na constitution, and in that constitution they have enumerated the\\npowers which they bestow on it. They have made it a limited\\ngovernment. They have defined its authority. They have re-\\nstrained it to the exercise of such powers as are granted and all\\nolliers, they dcctere, are reserved to the states or the people. But,\\nsir, they have not stopped here. If they had, they would have ac-\\ncomplished but half their work. No definition can be so clear, as\\nto avoid possibility of doubt no limitation so precise, as to ex-\\nclude all uncertainty. Who, then, shall construe this grant of\\nthe people 1 Who shall interpret their will, where it may be sup-\\nposed they have left it doubtfull With whom do they repose this\\nultimate right of deciding on the powers of the government 7 Sir,\\nthey have settled all this in the fullest manner. They have left\\nit with the government itself, in its appropriate branches. Sir,\\nthe very chief end, the main design, for which the whole constitu-\\ntion was framed and adopted, was to establish a government that\\n.should not be obliged to act through state agency, or depend on\\nstate opinion and state discretion. The people had had quite\\nenough of that kind of government, under the confederacv. Un-\\nder that system, the legal action the application of law to indi-\\nviduals belonged exclusively to the stales. Congress could only\\nrecommend their acts were not of binding force, till the states\\nhad adopted and sanctioned them. Are we in that condition still l\\nAre we yet at the mercy of state discretion and state construction 1\\nSir, if we are, then vain will be our attempt to maintain the con-\\nstitution under which we sit.\\nBut, sir, the people have wisely provided, in the constitution it-\\nself, a proper, suitable mode and tribunal for settling questions of\\nconstitutional law. There are, in the constitution, grants of pow-\\ners to congress; and restrictions on these powers. There are,\\nalso, prohibitions on the states. Soine authority must, therefore,\\nnecessarily exist, having the ultimate jurisdiction to fix and ascer-\\ntain the inlerprctati m of these grants, restrictions, and prohibi-\\ntions. The constitulion has itself pointed out, ordained, and esta-\\nblished that authority. How has it accomplished this great and\\nessential end By declaring, sir, that the constitution and the laws\\nof Ike United States, made in jyitrsvajue thereof, shall be the supreme\\nlaw of the land, any thiiis; in the constitution or lairs of any state to\\nthe contrary notwithstanding\\nThis, sir, was the first great step. By this, the supremacv of\\nthe constitution and laws of the United States is declared. The\\npeople so wiU it. No state law is to be valid, which comes in con-\\nOF America. That decisive and important step was\\ntaken jointly. We declared ourselves a nation by a\\njoint, not by several acts, and when the terms of our\\ndiet with the constitulion, or any law of the United States. But\\nwho shall decide this question of interference To whom lies the\\nlast appeal 1 This sir, the constitution itself decides, also, by de-\\nclaring, that the judicial power shall extend to all cases arising\\nunder the constitution and laws of the United States. These two\\nprovisions, sir, cover the whole ground. They are, in truth, the\\nkey-stone of the arch. With these, it is a constitution; without\\nthem, it is a confederacy. In pursuance of these clear and ex-\\npress provisions, congress established, at its very first session, in\\nthe judicial act, a mode for carrying them into full effect, and for\\nbringing all questions of constitutional power to the final decision\\nof the supreme court. It then, sir, became a government. It\\nthen had the means of self-protection and, but for this, it would,\\nin all probability, have been now among things which are past.\\nHaving constituted the government, and declared its powers, the\\npeople have further said, that since somebody must decide on the\\nextent of these powers, the government .shall itself decide subject,\\nalways, like other popular governments, to its responsibility to the\\npeople. And now, sir, I repeat, how is it that a slate legislature\\nacquires any power to interfere 1 Who, or what, gives them the\\nright to say to the people, We, who are your agents and servants\\nfor one purpose, will undertake to decide, that your other agents\\nand servants, appointed by you for another purpose, have tran-\\nscended the authority j-ou gave them The reply would be, I\\nthink, not impertinent, Who made you a judge over another s\\nservants 1 To their own masters they stand or fall.\\nSir, I deny this power of slate legislatures altogether. It can\\nnot stand the test of examination. Gentlemen may say, that, in\\nan extreme case, a state government might protect the people from\\nintolerable oppression. Sir, in such a case, the people might pro-\\ntect themselves, without the aid of the state governments. Such a\\ncase warrants revolution. It must rr.ake, when it corpes, a law for\\nitself. A nullifying act of a slate legislature can not alter the case,\\nnor make resistance any more lawful. In maintaining these senti-\\nments, sir, I am but a.sserting the rights of the people. I slate\\nwhat they have declared, and insist on their right to declare it.\\nThey have chosen to repose this power in the general government,\\nand I think it my diHy to support it, like other constitulional powers.\\nFor myself, sir, I do not admit the jurisdiction of South Caroli-\\nna, or any other state, to prescribe my constitutional duty, or to\\nsettle, between me and the people, the validity of laws of con-\\ngress, for which I have voted. I decline her umpirage. I have\\nnot sworn to support the constitution according to her construction\\nof its clauses. I have not stipulated, by my oath of office, or other-\\nwise, to come under any responsibility, except to the people, and\\nthose whom they have appointed to pass upon the question, whether\\nlaws, supported by my votes, conform to the constitution of the\\ncountry. And, sir, if we look to the general nature of the case,\\ncould any thing have been more preposterous, than to make a go-\\nvernment for the whole union, and yet leave its powers subject, not\\nto one interpretation, but to thirteen, or twenty-four, interpreta-\\ntions Instead of one tribunal, established by all, responsible to\\nall, with power to decide for all, shall constitulional questions be\\nleft to four and twenty popular boflies, each at liberty to decide for\\nitself, and none bound to respect the decisions of others and each\\nat libertv, too, to give a new construction on ever) new election oi\\nits own members 1 Would any thing, with such a principle in it,\\nor rather, with such a destitution of all principle, be fit to be called\\na government 1 No, sir. It should not be denominated a consti-\\ntution. It should be called, rather, a collection of topics, for ever-\\nlasting controversy heads of debate for a disputatious people. It\\nwould not be a government. It would not be adequate to any\\npraclical good, nor fit for any country to live under. To avoid\\nall possibility of being misunderstood, allow me to repeat again, in\\nthe fullest manner, that I claim no powers for the government by\\nforced or unfair construction. I admit, that it is a government oi\\nsiricllv limited powers of enumerated, specified, and particulari-\\nzed powers and that whatsoever is not granted, is withheld. But\\nnotwithstanding all this, and however the grant of power? iiaay be", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "418\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nconfederation were reduced to form, it was in that of\\na solemn league of several states, by which they\\nagreed that they would collectively form one nation\\nexpressed, its limit and extent may yet, in some cases, admit of\\ndoubt I and the general government would be good for nothing, it\\nwould be incapable of long existing, if some mode had not been\\nprovided, in which Those doubts, as they should arise, might be\\npeaceably, but authoritatively, solved.\\nAnd now, Mr. President, let me run the honourable gentleman s\\niloctrine a little into its practical application. Let us look at his\\nprobable modus operandi. If a thing can be done, an ingenious\\nman can tell hom it is to be done. Now, 1 wish to be informed hov}\\nlhi.5 state interference is to be put in practice, without violence,\\nbloodshed, and rebellion. We will take the existing case of the\\ntariiflaw. South Carolina is said to have made up her opinion\\nupon it. If we do not repeal it, (as we probably shall not,) she\\nwill then apply to the case the remedy of her doctrine. She will,\\nwe must suppose, pass a law of her legislature, declaring the seve-\\nral acts of congress, usually called the tariff laws, null and void,\\nso far as the) respect South Carolina or the citizens thereof. So\\nfar, all is a paper transaction, and easy enough. But the collector\\nat Charleston is collecting the duties imposed by these tariif laws\\nhe, therefore, must be stopped. The collector will seize the goods\\nif the tariff duties are not paid. The state authorities will under-\\ntake their rescue the marshal, with his posse, will come to the\\ncollector s aid, and here the contest begins. The militia of the\\nstate will be called out to sustain the nullifying act. They will\\ninarch, sir, under a very gallant leader: for I believe the honour-\\nable member himself commands the militia of that part of the\\nstate. He will raise the nhllifying aot on his standard, and spread\\nit out as his banner It will have a preamble, bearing, that the\\ntariff laws are palpable, deliberate, and dangerous violations of\\nthe constitution He will proceed, with his banner flying, to the\\ncustom-house in Charleston\\nAll the while,\\nSonorous metal blowing martial sounds.\\nArrived at the custom-house, he will tell the collector that he must\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0collect no more duties under any of the tariff laws. This, he will\\nbe somewhat puzzled to say, by the way, with a grave coimteuance,\\nconsidering what hand South Carolina herself had in that of 1816.\\nBut, .sir, the collector would, probably, not desist at his bidding\\nhere w ould ensue a pause for they say, that a certain stillness\\nprecedes the tempest. Before this military array should fall on\\nthe custom-house, collector, clerks, and all, it is very probable some\\nof those composing it would request of their gallant commander in\\nchief, to be informed a little upon the point of law for they have,\\ndoubtless, a just respect for his opinions as a lawyer, as well as\\nfor his bravery as a soldier. They know he has read Blackstone\\nand the constitution, as well as Turenne and Vauban. They would\\na^k him, therefore, something concerning their rights in this mat-\\nter. They would inquire, whether it was not somewhat danger-\\n)HS to resist a. law of the United Slates 1 What would be the na-\\nture of their offence, they would wish to learn, if they, by military\\nforce and array, resisted the execution in Carolina of a law of the\\nUnited States, and it should turn out, after all, that the law irns\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0tmslitutional He would answer, of course, treason. No lawyer\\ncould give any other answer. John Fries, he would tell them, had\\nlearned that some years ago. How, then, they would ask, do you\\npiopose to defend usi We are not afraid of bullets, but treason\\nhas a way of taking people off, that we do not much relish. How\\ndo you propose to defend us Look at my floating banner, he\\nwould reply; see there the nullifyiiig law! Is it your opinion,\\ngallant commander, they would then say, that if we should be in-\\ndicted for treason, that same floating banner of yours would make\\na good plea in bar 1 South Carolina is a sovereign state, he\\nwould reply. That is true; but would the jud-re admit our plea^\\nThese tariff laws, he would repeat, are unconstitutional, pal-\\nuably, deliberately, dangerously. That all may he so hut if the\\ntribunals .should not happen to be of that opinion, shall we swing\\nfor it 1 We are ready to die for our country, but it is rather an\\nfor the purpose of conducting some certain dofticstic\\nconcerns and all foreign relations. In the instrument\\nforming that union, is found an article which declares\\nawkward business, this dying without touching the ground Af-\\nter all, that is a sort oi hemp tax, worse than any part of the tariff.\\nMr. President, the honourable gentleman would be in a dilem-\\nma, like that of another great general. He would have a knot be-\\nfore him, which he could not untie. He must cut it with his\\nsword. He must say to his followers, defend yourselves with your\\nbayonets and this is war civil war.\\nDirect collisions, therefore, between force and force, is the un-\\navoidable result of that remedy for the revision of unconstitutional\\nlaws, which the gentleman contends for. It must happen in the\\nvery first case to which it is applied. Is not this the plain result I\\nTo resist, by force, the execution of a law, generally, is treason.\\nCan the courts of the United States take notice of the indulgence\\nof a state to commit treason The common saying, that a .state\\ncan not commit treason herself, is nothing to the purpose. Can\\nshe authorize others to do itl If John Fries had produced an act\\nof Pennsylvania, annulling the law of congress, would it have\\nhelped his case 1 Talk about it as we will, these doctrines go the\\nlength of revolution. They are incompatible with any peaceable\\nadministration of the government. They lead directly to dis-\\nunion and civil commotion and, therefore, it is, that at their com-\\nmencement, when they are first found to he maintained by respecta-\\nble men, and in a tangible form, I enter my public protest against\\nthem all.\\nThe honourable gentleman argues, that if this government be\\nthe sole judge of the extent of its own powers, whether that right\\nof judging be in congress or the supreme court, it equally subverts\\nstate sovereignty. This the gentleman sees, or thinks he sees, al-\\nthough he can not perceive how the right of judging, in this mat-\\nter, if left to the exerci.se of state legislatures, has any tendency tc\\nsubvert the government of the union. The gentleman s opinion\\nmay be, that the right ovgU not to have been lodged with the ge-\\nneral government he may like better such a constitution, as we\\nshould have under the right of state interference but I ask him\\nto meet me on the plain matter of fact I a5k him to meet me on\\nthe constitution itself; I ask him if the power is not found there\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nclearly and visibly found there 1\\nBut, sir, what is this danger, and what the grounds of it 1 Let\\nit be remembered, that the constitution of the United States is not\\nunalterable. It is to continue in its present form no longer than\\nthe people who established it shall choose to continue it. If they\\nshall become convinced that they have made an injudicious or in-\\nexpedient partition and distribution of power, between the state\\ngovernments and the general government, they can alter that dis-\\ntribution at will.\\nIf any thing be found in the national constitution, either by ori-\\nginal provision, or subsequent interpretation, which ought not to\\nbe in it, the people know how to get rid of it. If anj eonstrnctiou\\nhe established, unacceptable to them, so as to become, practically,\\na part of the constitution, they will amend it, at their own sove-\\nreign pleasure. But while the people choose to maintain it, as it\\nis while they are satisfied with it, and refuse to change it, Avho\\nhas given, or who can give, to the slate legislatures a right to alter\\nit, either by interference, construction, or otherwise 1 Gentlemen\\ndo not seem to recollect that the people have any power to do any\\nthing for themselves; they imagine there is no safety for them,\\nany longer than they are under the close guardianship of the state\\nlegislatures. Sir, tlie people have not trusted their safety, in re-\\ngard to the general constitution, to these hands. They have re-\\nquired other security, and taken other bonds. They have chosen\\nto trust themselves, first, to the plain words of the instrument, and\\nto such construction as the government itself, in doubtful cases,\\nshould put on its own powers, under their oaths of cflSce, and sub-\\nject to their responsibility to them just as the people of a stale\\ntrust their own state governments with a similar power. Secondly\\nthey have reposed their trust in the efficacy of frequent elections,\\nand in their own power to remove their own servants and agents,,\\nwhenever they see cause. Thirdly, they have reposed trust in the\\njudicial power, which, in order that it might be trust worthy, they", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n419\\nthat every state shall abide by the determination of\\ncongress an all questions which by that confedera-\\ntion should be submitted to them.\\nUnder the confederation, then, no state could\\nlegally annul a decision of the congress, or refuse\\nto submit to its execution but no provision was\\nmade to enforce these decisions. Congress made re-\\nquisitions, but they were not complied with. The\\ngovernment could not operate on individuals. They\\nhad no judiciary, no means of collecting revenue.\\nBut the defects of the confederation need not be\\ndetailed. Under its operation we could scarcely be\\ncalled a nation. We had neither prosperity at home\\nnor consideration abroad. This state of things could\\nnot be endured, and our present happy constitution\\nwas formed, but formed in vain, if this fatal doctrine\\nprevails. It was formed for important objects that\\nare announced in the preamble, made in the name,\\nand by the authority of the people of the United\\nStates, whose delegates framed, and whose conven-\\ntions approved it. The most important among these\\nhave made as respectable, as disinterested, and as independent as\\nwas practicable. Fourthly, they have seen fit to rely, in case of\\nnecessity, or high expediency, on their known and admitted power,\\nto alter or amend the constitution, peaceably and quietly, whenever\\ne.xperience shall point out delects or imperfections. And, finally,\\nthe people of the United States have, at no lime, in no way, direct-\\nly or indirectly, authorized any state legislature to construe or in-\\nterpret their high instrument of government much less to inter-\\nfere, by their own power, to arrest its course and operation.\\nIf, sir, the people, in these respects, had done otherwise than\\nthey have done, their constitution could neither have been pre-\\nserved, nor would it have been worth preserving. And, if its\\nplain provisions shall now be disregarded, and these new doctrines\\ninterpolated in it, it will become as feeble and helpless a being as\\nits enemies, whether early or more recent, could possibly desire.\\nIt will exist in every state, but as a poor dependant on slate per-\\nmission. It must borrow leave to be and will be no longer than\\nstate pleasure, or state discretion, sees fit to grant the indulgence,\\nand to prolong its poor existence.\\nBut, sir, although there are fears, there are hopes also. The\\npeople have preserved tliis, their own chosen constitution, for forty\\nyears, and have seen their happiness, prosperity, and renown, grow\\nwith its growth, and strengthen with its strength. They are now,\\ngenerally, strongly attached to it. Overthrown by direct assault,\\nit can not be evaded, undermined, nullified, it will not be, if we,\\nand those who shall succeed us here, as agents and representatives\\nof the people, shall conscientiously and vigilantly discharge the two\\ngreat branches of our public trust faithfully to preserve, and\\nwisely to administer it.\\nMr. President, I have thus stated the reasons of my dissent to the\\ndoctrines which have been advanced and maintained. I am con-\\nscious of having detained 3 ou and the senate much too long. I\\nWis drawn into the debate, with no previous deliberation, such as\\nis suited to the discussion of so grave and important a subject.\\nBut it is a subject of which my heart is full, and I have not been\\nwilling to suppress the utterance of its spontaneous sentiments. I\\ncan not even now persuade mj self to relinquish it, without express-\\ning, once more, my deep conviction, that, since it respects nothing\\nless than the union of the states, it is of most vital and essential\\nimportance to the public happiness. I profess, sir, in my career,\\nhitherto, to have kept steadily in view the prosperity and honour\\nof the whole country, and the preservation of our federal union.\\nIt is to that union we owe our safety at home, and our consideration\\nobjects, that which is placed first in rank, on which\\nall the others rest, is to form a more perfect Union.\\nNow, is it possible that even if there were no express\\nprovision giving supremacy to the constitution and\\nlaws of the United States over those of the states\\nit can be co .iceived, that an instrument made for the\\npurpose of ^forming a more perfect Union than\\nthat of the confederation, could be so constructed by\\nthe assembled wisdom of our country, as to substitute\\nfor that confederation a form of government, depen-\\ndent for its existence on the local interest, the party\\nspirit of a state, or of a prevailing faction in a state 1\\nEvery man of plain, unsophisticated understanding,\\nwho hears the question, will give such an answer as\\nwill preserve the union. Metaphysical subtlety, in\\npursuit of an impracticable theory, could alone have\\ndevised one that is calculated to destroy it.\\nI consider, then, the power to annual a law of the\\nUnited States, assumed by one state, incompatible\\nWITH THE EXISTENCE OF THE UnION, CONTRADICT-\\nED EXPRESSLY BY THE LETTER OF THE CONSTI-\\nand dignity abroad. It is to that union that we are chiefly indebt-\\ned for whatever makes us most proud of our country. That union\\nwe reached only by the discipline of our virtues in the severe\\nschool of adversity. It had its origin in the necessities of disor-\\ndered finance, prostrate commerce, and ruined credit. Under ilu\\nbenign influences, these great interests immediately awoke, as from\\nthe dead, and sprang forth w ith newness of life. Every year of\\nits duration has teemed with fresh proofs of its utility and its\\nblessings; and, although our territory has stretched out wider and\\nwider, and our population spread further and further, they have\\nnot outrun its protection or its benefits. It has been to us all a co-\\npious fountain of national, .social, and personal happiness. I have\\nnot allowed myself, sir, to look beyond the union, to see what might\\nlie hidden in the dark recess beliind. I have not coolly weighed\\nthe chances of preserving liberty, when the bonds that unite us to-\\ngether shall be broken asunder. I have not accustomed myself to\\niiang over the precipice of disunion, to see whether, with my short\\nsight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss below; nor could I re-\\ngard him as a safe coimsellor in the affairs of this government,\\nwhose thoughts should be mainly bent on considering, not how the\\nunion should be best preserved, but how tolerable might be the\\ncondition of the people when it shall he broken up and destroyed.\\nWhile the union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects\\nspread out before us, for us and our children. Beyond that I seek\\nnot to penetrate the veil. God grant that, in my day, at least, that\\ncurtain may not rise. God grant that on my vision never may be\\nopened what lies behind. When my eyes shall be turned to be-\\nhold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shi-\\nning on the broken and dishonoured fraginenis of a once glorious\\nunion on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent on a land\\nrent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood\\nLet their last feeble and lingering glance, rather behold the gor-\\ngeous ensign of the republic, now known and honoured throughout\\nthe earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming\\nin their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single\\nstar obscured bearing for its motto, no such miserable interroga-\\ntory as, Wliat is all this worth? not those other words of delusion\\nand folly, liberln first, and union afterwards but every where,\\nspread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its\\nample folds, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in\\nevery wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to\\nevery true American heart\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Liberty a\u00c2\u00bb i Unicn, now and forever,\\none and inseparable", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "420\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nTUTION, UNAUTHORIZED BY ITS SPIRIT, INCONSIST-\\nENT WITH EVERY PRINCIPLE ON WHICH IT WAS\\nFOUNDED, AND DESTRUCTIVE OF THE GREAT OBJECT\\nFOR WHICH IT WAS FORMED.\\nAfter this general view of the leading principle,\\nwe must examine the particular application of it\\nwhich is made in the ordinance.\\nThe preamble rests its justification on these\\ngrounds It assumes as a fact, that the obnoxious\\nlaws, although they purport to be laws for raising reve-\\nnue, were in reality intended for the protection of manu-\\nfactures, which purpose it asserts to be unconstitu-\\ntional; that the operation of these laws is unequal;\\nthat the amount raised by them is greater than is\\nrequired by the wants of the government and, final-\\nly, that the proceeds are to be applied to objects\\nunauthorized by the constitution. These are the\\nonly causes alleged to justify an open opposition to\\nthe laws of the country, and a threat of seceding\\nfrom the union, if any attempt should be made to\\nenforce them. The first virtually acknowledges that\\nthe law in question was passed under a power ex-\\npressly given by the constitution, to lay and collect\\nimposts but its constitutionality is drawn in question\\nfrom the motives of those who passed it. However\\napparent this purpose may be in the present case,\\nnothiuir can be more dana:erous than to admit the\\nposition, that an unconstitutional purpose, entertain-\\ned by the members who assent to a law enacted under\\na constitutional power, shall make that law void for\\nhow is that purpose to be ascertained Who is to\\nmake the scrutiny How often may bad purposes\\nbe falsely imputed 7 in how many cases are they\\nconcealed by false professions in how many is no\\ndeclaration of motive made Admit this doctrine,\\nand you give to the states an uncontrolled right to\\ndecide, and every law may be annulled under this pre-\\ntext. If, therefore, the absurd and dangerous doctrine\\nshould be admitted, that a state may aniuil an un-\\nconstitutional law, or one that it deems such, it will\\nnot apply to the present case.\\nThe next objection is, that the laws in question\\noperate unequally. This objection may be made\\nwith truth to every law that has been or can be\\npassed. The wisdom of man never yet contrived a\\nsystem of taxation that would operate with perfect\\nequality. If the unequal operation of a law makes it\\nunconstitutional, and if all laws of that description may\\nbe abrogated by any state for that cause, then indeed\\nis the federal constitution unworthy of the slightest\\neffort for its preservation. We have hitherto relied\\non it as the perpetual bond of our union. We have\\nreceived it as the work of the assembled wisdom of\\nthe nation. We have trusted to it as to the sheet an-\\nchor of our safety, in the stormy times of conflict\\nwith a foreign or domestic foe. We have looked to\\nit with sacred awe as the palladium of our liberties,\\nand, with all the solemnities of religion, have pledged\\nto each other our lives and fortunes here, and our\\nhopes of happiness hereafter, in its defence and sup-\\nport. Were we mistaken, my countrymen, in attach-\\ning this importance to the constitution of our country?\\nWas our devotion paid to the wretched, inefficient,\\nclumsy contrivance, which this new doctrine would\\nmake it Did we pledge ourselves to the support of\\nan airy nothing, a bubble that must be blown away\\nby the first breath of disaflection Was this self-de-\\nstroying, visionary theory, the work of the profound\\nstatesmen, the exalted patriots, to whom the task of\\nconstitutional reform was intrusted Did the name\\nof Washington sanction, did the states deliberately\\nratify, such an anomaly in the history of fundamental\\nlegislation No. We were not mistaken The\\nletter of this great instrument is free from this radical\\nfault its language directly contradicts tlie imputation\\nits spirit, its evident intent, contradicts it. No, we\\ndid not err Our constitution does not contain the\\nabsurdity of giving power to make laws, and another\\npower to resist them. The sages, whose memory\\nwill always be reverenced, have given us a practical,\\nand, as they hoped, a permanent constitutional com-\\npact. The Father of his country did not affix his\\nrevered name to so palpable an absurdity. Nor did\\nthe states, when they severally ratified it, do so\\nunder the impression that a veto on the laws of the\\nUnited States was reserved to them, or that they\\ncould exercise it by implication. Search the debates\\nin all their conventions examine the speeches of\\nthe most zealous opposers of federal authority\u00e2\u0080\u0094 look\\nat the amendments that were proposed. They are\\nall silent not a syllable uttered, not a vote given,\\nnot a motion made, to correct the explicit supremacy\\ngiven to the laws of the union over those of the\\nstates or to show that implication, as is now con-\\ntended, could defeat it. No, we have not erred\\nThe constitution is still the object of our reverence,\\nthe bond of our luiion, our defence in danger, the\\nsource of our pro.sperity in peace. It shall descend,\\nas we have received it, uncorrupted by sophistical\\nconstruction, to our posterity and the sacrifices of\\nlocal interest, of state prejudices, of personal animo-\\nsities, that were made to bring it into existence, will\\nagain be patriotically offered for its support.\\nThe two remaining objections made by the or\\ndinance to these laws are, that the sums intended to\\nbe raised by them are greater than are required, and\\ni", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n42\\nthat the proceeds will be unconstitutionally employ-\\ned. The constitution has given expressly to con-\\ngress the right of raising revenue, and of determining\\nthe sum the public exigencies will require. The\\nstates have no control over the exercise of this right,\\nother than that which results from the power of\\nchanging the representatives who abuse it, and thus\\nprocure redress. Congress may undoubtedly abuse this\\ndiscretionary power, but the same may be said of others\\nwith which they are vested. Yet the discretion must\\nexist somewhere. The constitution has given it to\\nthe representatives of all the people, checked by the\\nrepresentatives of the states, and by the executive\\npower. The South Carolina construction gives it to\\nthe legislature or the convention of a single state,\\nwhere neither the people of the different states, nor\\nthe states in their separate capacity, nor the chief\\nmagistrate elected by the people, have any represen-\\ntation Which is the most discreet disposition of\\nthe power I do not ask you, fellow-citizens, which\\nis the constitutional disposition that instrument\\nspeaks a language not to be misunderstood. But if\\nyou were assembled in general convention, which\\nwould you think the safest depository of this discre-\\ntionary power in the last resort? Would you add a\\nclause giving it to each of the states, or would you\\nsanction the wise provisions already made by your\\nconstitution If this should be the result of your\\ndeliberations when providing for the future, are\\nyou can you be ready to risk all that we hold dear,\\nto establish, for a temporary and local purpose, that\\nwhich you must acknowledge to be destructive, and\\neven absurd, as a general provision Carry out the\\nconsequences of this right vested in the different\\nStates, and you must perceive that the crisis your\\nconduct presents at this day would recur whenever\\nany law of the United States displeased any of the\\nstates, and that we should soon cease to be a nation.\\nThe ordinance, with the same knowledge of the\\nfuture that characterizes a former objection, tells you\\nthat the proceeds of the tax will be unconstitutionally\\napplied. If this could be ascertained with certainty,\\nthe objection would, with more propriety, be reserved\\nfor tlie law so applying the proceeds, but surely\\ncannot be urged against the laws levying the duty.\\nThese are the allegations contained in the ordi-\\nnance. Examine them seriously, my fellow- citizens,\\njudge for yourselves. I appeal to you to determine\\nwhether they are so clear, so convincing, as to leave\\nno doubt of their correctness and even if you should\\ncome to this conclusion, how far they justify the\\nreckless, destructive course, which you are directed\\nto pursue. Review these objections and the conclu-\\nsions drawn from them, once more. What are they\\nEvery law, then, for raising revenue, according to\\nthe South Carolina ordinance, may be rightfully an-\\nluilled unless it be so framed as no law ever will or\\ncan be framed. Congress -have a right to pass laws\\nfor raising revenue, and each state has a right to\\noppose their execution, two rights directly opposed to\\neach other and yet is this absurdity supposed to be\\ncontained in an instrument drawn for the express\\npurpose of avoiding collisions between the states and\\nthe general government, by an assembly of the most\\nenlightened statesmen and purest patriots ever embo-\\ndied for a similar purpose.\\nIn vain have these sages declared that congress\\nshall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties,\\nimposts, aiid excises in vain have they provided\\nthat they shall have power to pass laws which shall\\nbe necessary and proper to carry those powers into\\nexecution that those laws and that constitution\\nshall be the supreme law of the land and that the\\njudges in every state shall be bound thereby, any\\nthing in the constitution or laws of any state to the\\ncontrary notwithstanding. In vain have the people\\nof the several states solemnly sanctioned these pro-\\nvisions, made them their paramoimt law, and indivi-\\ndually sworn to support them v. henever they were\\ncalled on to execute any office. Vain provisions\\nineffectual restrictions vile profanation of oaths 1\\nmiserable mockery of legislation if a bare majority\\nof the voters in any one state may on a real or sup-\\nposed knowledge of the intent with which a law hat;\\nbeen passed, declare themselves free from its opera-\\ntion say here it gives too little, there too much, and\\noperates unequally here it suffers articles to be free\\nthat ought to be taxed, there it taxes those that ought\\nto, be free in this case the proceeds are intended to\\nbe applied to purposes which we do not approve, in\\nthat the amount raised is more than is wanted. Con-\\ngress, it is true, are invested by the constitution with\\nthe right of deciding these questions according to\\ntheir sound discretion. Congress is composed of the\\nrepresentatives of all the states, and of all the people\\nof all the states but we, part of the people of one\\nstate, to whom the constitution has given no power\\non the subject, from whom it has expressly taken it\\naway we, who have solemnly agreed that this con-\\nstitution shall be our law toe, most of whom have\\nsworn to support it we now abrogate this law, and\\nswear, and force others to swear, that it shall not be\\nobeyed, and we do this, not because congress have\\nno right to pass such laws, this we do not allege\\nbut because they have passed them with improper\\nviews. They are unconstitutional from the motives", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "422\\nHISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES.\\nof those who passed them, which we can never with\\ncertainty know from their unequal operation, al-\\nthough it is impossible from the nature of things that\\nthey should be equal and from the disposition\\nwhich we presume may be made of their proceeds,\\nalthough that disposition has not been declared.\\nThis is the plain meaning of the ordinance in rela-\\ntion to laws which it abrogates for alleged unconsti-\\ntutionality. But it does not stop there. It repeals,\\nin express terms, an important part of the constitution\\nItself, and of laws passed to give it effect, which have\\nnever been alleged to be unconstitutional. The\\nconstitution declares that the judicial powers of the\\nUnited States extend in cases arising under the laws\\nof the United States, and that such laws, the consti-\\ntution, and treaties, sliall he paramount to the state\\nconstitutions and laws. The judiciary act prescribes\\nthe mode by which tlie case may be brought before\\na court of the United States by appeal, when a state\\ntribunal shall decide against this provision of the\\nconstitution. The ordinance declares there shall be\\nno appeal makes the state law paramount to the\\nconstitution and laws of the United States forces\\njudges and jurors to swear that they will disregard\\ntheir provisions and even makes it penal in a suitor\\nto attempt relief by appeal. It further declares that\\nit shall not be lawful for the authorities of the United\\nStates, or of that stale, to enforce the payment of\\nduties imposed by the revenue laws within its limits.\\nHere is a law of the United States, not even\\npretended to be unconstitutional, repealed by the\\nauthority of a small majority of the voters of a single\\nstate. Here is a provision of the constitution which\\nis solemnly abrogated by the same authority.\\nOn such expositions^and reasonings, the ordinance\\ngrounds not only an assertion of the right to annul\\nthe laws of which it complains, but to enforce it by\\na threat of seceding from the union, if any attempt is\\nmade to execute them.\\nThis right to secede is deduced from the nature\\nof the constitution. Avhich. they say, is a compact\\nbetween sovereign states, who have preserved their\\nwhole sovereignty, and, therefore, are subject to no\\nsuperior that, because they made the compact, they\\ncan break it when, in their opinion, it has been de-\\nparted from by the other states. Fallacious as this\\ncourse of reasoning is, it enlists state pride, and finds\\nadvocates in the honest prejudices of those who have\\nnot studied the nature of our government sufliciently\\nto see the radical error on which it rests.\\nThe people of the United States formed the con-\\nstitution, acting through the state legislatures in ma-\\nKing the compact, to meet and discuss its provisions,\\nand acting in separate conventions when they ratified\\nthose provisions but the terms used in its construc-\\ntion, show it to be a government in which the people\\nof all the states collectively are represented. We are\\nONE PEOPLE in the choice of the president and vice\\npresident. Here the states have no other agency\\nthan to direct the mode in which the votes shall be\\ngiven. The candidates having the majority of all\\nthe votes are chosen. The electors of a majority of\\nstates may have given their votes for one candidate,\\nand yet another may be chosen. The people, then,\\nand not the states, are represented in the executive\\nbranch.\\nIn the house of representatives there is this dif-\\nference, that the people of one state do not, as in the\\ncase of president and vice president, all vote for the\\nsame officers. The people of all the states do not\\nvote for all the members, each state electing only its\\nown I epresentatives. But this creates no material\\ndistinction. When chosen, they are all representa-\\ntives of the United States, not representatives of the\\nparticular state from which they come. They are\\npaid by the United States, not by the state nor are\\nthey accountable to it for any act done in the per-\\nformance of their legislative functions and however\\nthey may in practice, as it is their duty to do, consult\\nand prefer the interests of their particular constitu-\\nents when they come in conflict with any other par-\\ntial or local interests, yet it is their tirst and highest\\nduty, as representatives of the United States, to pro-\\nmote the general good.\\nThe constitution of the United States, then, forms\\na government, not a league and whether it be form-\\ned by compact between the states, or in any other\\nmanner, its character is the same. It is a govern-\\nment in which all the people are represented, which\\noperates directly on the people individually, not upon\\nthe states they retained all the power they did not\\ngrant. But each state having expressly parted with\\nso many powers as to constitute jointly with the other\\nstates, a single nation, cannot from that period pos-\\nsess any right to secede, because such secession does\\nnot break a league, but destroys the unity of a nation\\nand any injury to that unity is not only a breach,\\nwhich would result from the contravention of a com-\\npact, but it is an offence against the whole union.\\nTo say that any state may at pleasure secede from\\nthe union, is to say that the United States are not a\\nnation because it would be a solecism to contend\\nthat any part of a nation might dissolve its connexion\\nwith the other parts, to their injury or ruin, without\\ncommitting any offence. Secession, like anjr other re-\\nvolutionary act, may be morally justified by the ex-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n423\\ntremity of oppression but to call it a constitutional\\nright is confounding the meaning of terms and can\\nonly be done through gross error, or to deceive those\\nwho are willing to assert a right, but would pause\\nbefore they made a revolution, or incur the penalties\\nconsequent on a failure.\\nBecause the union was formed by compact, it is\\nsaid the parties to that compact may, when they feel\\nthemselves aggrieved, depart from it but it is pre-\\ncisely because it is a compact that they cannot. A\\ncompact is an agreement or binding obligation. It\\nmay, by its terms, have a sanction or penalty for its\\nbreach, or it may not. If it contains no sanction, it\\nmay be broken with no other consequence llian mo-\\nral guilt if it have a sanction, then the breach in-\\ncurs the designated or implied penalty. A league\\nbetween independent nations, generally has no sanc-\\ntion other than a moral one or, if it should contain\\na penalty, as there is no common superior, it cannot\\nbe enforced. A government, on the contrary, always\\nhas a sanction, express or implied and, in our case,\\nit is both necessarily implied and expressly given.\\nAn attempt by force of arms to destroy a government,\\nis an offence, by whatever means the constitutional\\ncompact may have been formed and such govern-\\nment has the right, by the law of self-defence, to pass\\nacts for punishing the offender, unless that right is\\nmodified, restrained, or resumed, by the constitutional\\nact. In our sj^stem, although it is modified in the\\ncase of treason, yet authority is expressly given to\\npass all laws necessary to carry its powers into effect,\\nand under this grant provision has been made for\\npunishing acts which obstruct the due administration\\nof the laws.\\nIt would seem superfluous to add any thing to\\nshow the nature of that union which connects us\\nbut as erroneous opinions on this subject are the\\nfoundation of doctrines the most destructive to our\\npeace, I must give some further development to my\\nviews on this subject. No one, fellow-citizens, has a\\nhigher reverence for the reserved rights of the states,\\nthan the magistrate who now addresses you. No one\\nwould make greater personal sacrifices, or official\\nexertions, to defend them from violation but equal\\ncare must be taken to prevent on their part an im-\\nproper interference with, or resumption of, the rights\\nthey have vested in the nation. The line has not\\nbeen so distinctly drawn as to avoid doubts in some\\ncases of the exercise of power. Men of the best in-\\ntentions and soundest views may differ in their con-\\nstruction of some parts of the constitution but there\\nare others on which dispassionate reflection can leave\\nno doubt. Of this nature appears to be the assumed\\n54\\nright of secession. It rests, as we have seen, on the\\nalleged undivided sovereignty of the states, and on\\ntheir having formed in this sovereign capacity a com-\\npact whicli is called the constitution, from which, be-\\ncause they made it, they have the right to secede.\\nBoth of these positions are erroneous, and some of\\nthe arguments to prove them so have been anticipated.\\nThe states severally have not retained their entire\\nsovereignty. It has been shoMm that in becoming\\nparts of a nation, not members of a league, they sur-\\nrendered many of their essential parts of sovereignty.\\nThe right to make treaties declare war levy taxes\\nexercise exclusive judicial and legislative powers, were\\nall of them functions of sovereign power. The states\\nthen, for all these important purposes, were no longer\\nsovereign. The allegiance of their citizens was trans-\\nferred, in the first instance, to the government of the\\nUnited States they became American citizens, and\\nowed obedience to the constitution of the United States,\\nand to the laws made in conformity with the powers it\\nvested in congress. This last position has not been, and\\ncan not be denied. How then can that state be said\\nto be sovereign and independent, whose citizens owe\\nobedience to laws not made by it, and whose magis-\\nj trates are sworn to disregard those laws, when they\\ncome in conflict with those passed by another What\\nshows conclusively that the states can not be said to\\nhave reserved an undivided sovereignty, is, that\\nthey expressly ceded the right to punish treason not\\ntreason against their separate power but treason\\nagainst the United States. Treason is an offence\\nagainst sovereignty, and sovereignty must reside with\\nthe power to punish it. But the reserved rights of\\nthe states are not less sacred, because they have for\\nI their common interest made the general government\\nthe depository of these powers. The unity of our\\npolitical character (as has been shown for another\\npurpose) commenced with its very existence. Under\\n1 the royal government we had no separate character\\ni our opposition to its oppression began as United\\nColonies. We were the United States under the\\nI confederation, and the name was perpetuated, and\\nthe union rendered more perfect, by the federal con-\\nstitution. In none of these stages did we consider\\nourselves in any other light than as forming one na-\\ntion. Treaties and alliances were made in the name\\nof all. Troops were raised for the joint defence.\\nHow, then, with all these proofs, that under all\\nchanges of our position we had, for designated pur-\\nposes and with defined powers, created national go-\\nvernments how is it, that the most perfect of those\\nseveral modes of union should n^^-w be considered as\\na mere league, that may be dissolved at pleasure It", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "424\\nHISTORY OF THE UiMTED STATES.\\nis from an abuse of terms. Compact is used as sy-\\nnonymous witli league, although tlie true term is not\\nemployed, because it would at once show the fallacy\\nof the reasoning. It would not do to say that our\\nconstitution was only a league but, it is laboured\\nto prove it a compact, (which in one sense it is,) and\\nthen to argue that as a league is a compact, every\\ncompact between nations must of course be a league,\\nand from such an engagement every sovereign power\\nhas a right to secede. But it has been shown, that\\nin this sense the states are not sovereign, and that\\neven if they were, and the national constitution had\\nbeen formed by compact, there would be no right in\\nany one state to exonerate itself from its obligations.\\nSo obvious are the reasons which forbid this\\nsecession, that it is necessary only to allude to them.\\nThe union was formed for the benefit of all. It\\nwas produced by mutual sacrifices of interests and\\nopinions. Can those sacrifices be recalled Can the\\nstates who magnanimously surrendered their title to\\nthe territories of the west, recall the grant Will\\nthe inhabitants of the inland states agree to pay the\\nduties that may be imposed without their assent by\\nthose on the Atlantic or the Gulf, for their own bene-\\nfits Shall there be a free port in one state, and on-\\nerous duties in another 7 No one believes that any\\nright exists in a single state to involve all the others\\nin these and countless other evils, contrary to the\\nengagements solemnly made. Every one must see\\nthat the other states, in self-defence, must oppose at\\nall hazards.\\nThese are the alternatives that are presented by\\nthe convention a repeal of all the acts for raising\\nrevenue, leavinsf the orovernment without the means\\nof support or an acquiescence in the dissolution of\\nour union by the secession of one of its members.\\nWhen the first was proposed, it was known that it\\ncould not be listened to for a moment. It was\\nknown if force was applied to oppose the execution\\nof the laws, that it must be repelled by force that\\ncongress could not, without involving itself in dis-\\ngrace, and the country in ruin, accede to the propo-\\nsition and yet, if this is not done in a given day,\\nor if any attempt is made to execute the laws, the\\nstate is, by the ordinance, declared to be out of the\\nunion. The majority of a convention assembled\\nfor the purpose have dictated these terms, or rather\\nthis rejection of all terms, in the name of the people\\nof South Carolina. It is true that the governor of\\nthe state speaks of the submission of their grievan-\\nces to a convention of all the states which, he\\nsays, they sincerely and anxiously seek and desire.\\nYet this obvious and constitutional mode of ob-\\ntaining the sense of the other states on the construc-\\ntion of the federal compact, and amending it, if ne-\\ncessary, has never been attempted by those who\\nhave urged the state on to this destructive measure.\\nThe state might have proposed the call for a gene-\\nral convention to the other states and congress,\\nif a sufficient number of them concurred, must have\\ncalled it. But the first magistrate of South Caroli-\\nna, when he expressed a hope that, on a review by\\ncongress and the functionaries of the general go-\\nvernment of the merits of the controversy, such a\\nconvention will be accorded to them, must have\\nknown that neither congress nor any functionary of\\nthe general government has authority to call such a\\nconvention, unless it be demanded by two thirds of\\nthe states. This suggestion, then, is another in-\\nstance of the reckless inattention to the provisions of\\nthe constitution with which this crisis has been\\nmadly hurried on, or of the attempt to persuade the\\npeople that a constitutional remedy had been sought\\nand refused. If the legislature of South Carolina\\nanxiously desire a general convention to con-\\nsider their complaints, why have they not made ap-\\nplication for it in the way the constitution points\\nout The assertion that they earnestly seek it is\\ncompletely negatived by the omission.\\nThis, then, is the position in which we stand.\\nA small majority of the citizens of one state in the\\nunion have elected delegates to a stale convention\\nthat convention has ordained that all the revenue\\nlaws of the United States must be repealed, or that\\nthey are no longer a member of the union. The\\ngovernor of the state has recommended to the le-\\ngislature the raising of an army to carry the seces-\\nsion into effect, and that he may be empowered\\nto give clearances to vessels in the name of the\\nstate. No act of violent opposition to the laws has\\nyet been committed, but such a state of things is\\nhourly apprehended, and it is the intent of this in-\\nstrument to PROCLAIM, not only that the duty impo-\\nsed on me by the constitution, to take care that\\nthe laws be faithfully executed, shall be performed\\nto the extent of the powers already invested in me\\nby law, or of such others as the wisdom of congress\\nshall devise, and entrust to me for the purpose but\\nto warn the citizens of South Carolina, who have\\nbeen deluded into an opposition to the laws, of the\\ndanger they incur by obedience to the illegal and\\ndisorganizing ordinance of the convention to exhort\\nthose who liave refused to support it to persevere in\\ntheir determination to uphold the constitution and\\nlaws of their country, and to point out to all, the\\nperilous situation into which the good people of tliaJ", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0452.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "HIsfoRY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n425\\nstate have been led^ and that the course that they\\nare urged to pursue is one of ruin and disgrace to\\nthe very state whose rights they affect to support.\\nFellow-citizens of my native state Let me not\\nonly admonish you, as the first magistrate of our\\ncommon country, not to incur the penalties of its\\nlaws, but use the influence that a father would\\nover his children whom he saw rushing to a certain\\nruin. In that paternal feeling, let me tell you, my\\ncountrymen, that you are deluded by men who are\\neither deceived themselves, or wish to deceive you.\\nMark under what pretences you have been led on\\nto the brink of insurrection and treason, on which\\nyou stand First a diminution of the value of your\\nstaple commodity, lowered by over production in\\nother quarters, and the consequent diminution in the\\nvalue of your lands, were the sole effect of the\\ntariff laws. The effect of those laws are confessed-\\nly injurious, but the evil was greatly exaggerated by\\nthe unfounded theory yoii were taught to believe,\\nthat its burdens were in proportion to your exports,\\nnot to your consumption of imported articles. Your\\npride was roused by the assertion that a submission\\nto those laws was a state of vassalage, and that re-\\nsistance to them was eqtial, in patriotic merit, to the\\nopposition our fathers offered to the oppressive laws\\nof Great Britain. You were told that this opposi-\\ntion might be peaceably might be constitutionally\\nmade\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that you might enjoy all the advantages of\\nthe union, and bear none of its burdens.\\nEloquent appeals to your passions, to your state\\npride, to your native courage, to your sense of real\\ninjury, were used to prepare you for the period when\\nthe mask which concealed the hideous features of\\nDISUNION should be taken ofl It fell, and you\\nwere made to look with complacency on objects\\nwhich, not long since, you would have regarded with\\nhorror. Look back at the arts which have brought\\nyou to this state\u00e2\u0080\u0094 look forward to the consequences\\nto which it must inevitably lead Look back to what\\nwas first told you as an inducement to enter into this\\ndangerous course. The great political truth was\\nrepeated to you, that you had the revolutionary\\nright of resisting all laws that were palpably uncon-\\nstitutional and intolerably oppressive it was added,\\nthat the right to nullify a law rested on the same\\nprinciple, but that it was a peaceable remedy 1 This\\ncharacter which was given to it, made you receive,\\nwith too much confidence, the assertions that were\\nmade of the unconstitutionality of the law, and its\\noppressive effects. Mark, my fellow-citizens, that by\\nthe admission of your leaders, the unconstitutionality\\nmust be palpable, or it will not justify either resist-\\nance or nullification What is the meaning of the\\nword palpable, in the sense in which it is here used?\\nthat which is apparent to every one that which no\\nman of ordinary intellect will fail to perceive. Is\\nthe unconstitutionality of these laws of that descrip-\\ntion let those among your leaders who once ap\\nproved and advocated the principle of protective du-\\nties, answer the question and let them choose\\nwhether they will be considered as incapable, then,\\nof perceiving that which must have been apparent to\\nevery man of common understanding, or as imposing\\nupon your confidence, and endeavouring to mislead\\nyou now. In either case, they are unsafe guides in\\nthe perilous path they urge you to tread. Ponder\\nwell on this circumstance, and you will know how\\nto appreciate the exaggerated language they address\\nto you. They are not champions of liberty, emula-\\nting the fame of our revolutionary fathers nor are\\nyou an oppressed people, contending, as they repeat\\nto you, against worse than colonial vassalage. You\\nare free members of a flourishing and happy union.\\nThere is no settled design to oppress you. You\\nhave indeed felt the unequal operation of laws which\\nmay have been unwisely, not unconstitutionally\\npassed but that inequality must necessarily be re-\\nmoved. At the very moment when you were madly\\nurged on to the unfortunate course you have begun,\\na change in public opinion had commenced. The\\nnearly approaching payment of the public debt, and\\nthe consequent necessity of a diminution of duties,\\nhad already produced a considerable reduction, and\\nthat too on some articles of general consumption in\\nyour state. The importance of this change was un-\\nderrated, and you were authoritatively told, that no\\nfurther alleviation of your burdens was to be expected,\\nat the very time when the condition of the country\\nimperiously demanded such a modification of the\\nduties as should reduce them to a just and equitable\\nscale. But, as if apprehensive of the effect of this\\nchange in allaying your discontents, you were preci-\\npitated into the fearful state in which you now find\\nyourselves.\\nI have urged you to look back to the means that\\nwere used to hurry you on to the position you have\\nnow assumed, and forward to the consequences it\\nwill produce. Something more is necessary. Con-\\ntemplate tlie condition of that country of which you\\nstill form an important part Consider its govern-\\nment, uniting in one bond of common interest and\\ngeneral protection so many difl erent states, giving to\\nall their inhabitants the proud title of American\\nCitizens, protecting their commerce, securing their\\nliterature and the arts, facilitating their intercoinmu-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0453.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "426\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ntiication, defending their frontiers, and making their\\nname respected in the remotest parts of tiie earth\\nConsider the extent of its territory, its increasing and\\nhappy population, its advance in arts, which render\\nlife agreeable, and the sciences which elevate the\\nmind See education spreading the lights of religion,\\nmorality, and general information, into every cottage\\nin this wide extent of our territories and states Be-\\nhold it as the asylum where the wretched and the\\noppressed find a refuge and support Look on this\\npicture of happiness and honour, and say we too,\\nAKK CITIZENS OF AMERICA I Carolina is one of these\\nproud states her arms have defended, her best blood\\nhas cemented this happy union And then add, if\\nyou can, without horror and remorse, this happy\\nunion we will dissolve this picture of peace and pros-\\nperity we will deface this free intercourse we will\\ninterrupt these fertile fields we will deluge with\\nblood the protection of that glorious flag we re-\\nnounce the very name of Americans we discard\\nAnd for what, mistaken men for what do you throw\\naway these inestimable blessings for what would\\nyou exchange your share in the advantages and\\nhonour of the union 1 For the dream of a sepa-\\nrate independence a dream interrupted by bloody\\nconflicts with your neighbours, and a vile depen-\\ndence on a foreign power. If your leaders could\\nsucceed in establishing a separation, what would be\\nyour situation Are you united at home are you\\nfree from the apprehension of civil discord, with all\\nits fearful consequences? Do our neighbouring re-\\npublics, every day suffering some new revolution, or\\ncontending with some new insurrection do they ex-\\ncite your envy But the dictates of a high duty oblige\\nme solemnly to announce that you can not succeed.\\nThe laws of the United States must be executed.\\nI have no discretionary power on the subject my\\nduty is emphatically pronounced in the constitution.\\nThose who told you that you might peaceably pre-\\nvent their execution, deceived you they could not\\nhave been deceived themselves. They know that a\\nforcible opposition could alone prevent the execution\\nof the laws, and they know that such opposition\\nmust be repelled. Their object is disunion but be\\nnot deceived by names disunion by armed force is\\nTREASON. Are you really ready to incur its guilt\\nIf you are, on the heads of the instigators of the act\\nbe the dreadful consequence, on their heads be the\\ndishonour, but on yours may fall the punishment\\non your unhappy state will inevitably fall all the\\nevils of the conflict you force upon the government\\nof your country. It can not accede to the mad pro-\\niect of disunion, of which you would be the first vic-\\ntims its first magistrate can not, if he would, avoid\\nthe performance of his duty the consequence must\\nbe fearful for you, distressing to your fellow-citizens\\nhere, and to the friends of good government through-\\nout the world. Its enemies have beheld our pros-\\nperity, with a vexation they could not conceal it\\nwas a standing refutation of their slavish doctrines,\\nand they will point to our discord with a triumph of\\nmalignant joy. It is yet in your power to disap-\\npoint them. There is yet time to show that the\\ndescendants of the Pinckneys, the Sumpters, the\\nRutledges, and of the thousand other names which\\nadorn the pages of your revolutionary history, will\\nnot abandon that union, to support which, so many\\nof them fousfht, and bled, and died. I adjure you,\\nas you honour their memory as you love the cause\\nof freedom, to which they dedicated their lives as\\nyou prize the peace of your country, the lives of its\\nbest citizens, and your own fair fame, to retrace your\\nsteps. Snatch from the archives of your state the\\ndisoro-anizing- edict of its convention bid its mem-\\nbers to re-assemble and promulgate the decided ex-\\npressions of your will to remain in the path which\\nalone can conduct you to safety, prosperity, and ho-\\nnour tell them that compared to disunion, all other\\nevils are light, because that brings with it an accu-\\nmulation of all declare that you will never take the\\nfield unless the star spangled banner of your country\\nshall float over you that you will not be stigmatized\\nwhen dead, and dishonoured and scorned, while\\nyou live, as the authors of the first attack on the\\nconstitution of your country its destroyers you can\\nnot be. You may disturb its peace you may in-\\nterrupt the course of its prosperity you may cloud\\nits reputation for stability but its tranquillity will\\nbe restored, its prosperity will return, and the stain\\nupon its national character will be transferred, and\\nremain an eternal blot on the memory of those who\\ncaused the disorder.\\nFellow-citizens of the United States The threat\\nof unhallowed disunion the names of those once\\nrespected, by whom it is uttered the array of mili-\\ntary force to support it denote the approach of a\\ncrisis in our afl^iirs on which the continuance of our\\nunexampled prosperity, our political existence, and\\nperhaps that of all free governments, may depend.\\nThe conjunction demanded a free, a full, and expli-\\ncit enunciation, not only of my intentions, but of my\\nprinciples of action and as the claim was asserted\\nof a right by a state to annul the laws of the union,\\nand even to secede from it at pleasure, a frank expo-\\nsition of my opinions in relation to the origin and\\nform of our government, and the construction I give", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0454.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n427\\nto the instrument by which it was created, seemed to\\nbe proper. Having the fullest confidence in the just-\\nness of the legal and constitutional opinion of my\\nduties which has been expressed, I rely with equal\\nconfidence on your undivided support in my deter-\\nmination to execute the laws to preserve the union\\nby all constitutional means to arrest, if possible, by\\nmoderate but firm measures, the necessity of a re-\\ncourse to force and, if it be the will of heaven that\\ntiie recurrence of its primeval curee on man for the\\nshedding of a brother s blood should fall upon our\\nland, that it be not called down by any ciffensive act\\non the part of the United States.\\nFellow-citizens 1 The momentous case is before\\nyou. On your undivided support of your govern-\\nment depends the decision of the great question it\\ninvolves, whether your sacred union will be pre-\\nserved, and the blessings it secures to us as one peo-\\nple, shall be perpetuated. No one can doubt that the\\nunanimity with which that decision will be expressed,\\nwill be such as to inspire new confidence in republi-\\ncan institutions, and that the prudence, the wisdom,\\nand the courage which it will bring to their defence,\\nwill transmit them unimpaired and invigorated to our\\nchildren.\\nMay the great ruler of nations grant that the\\nsignal blessings with which he has favoured ours,\\nmay not, by the madness of party, or personal ambi-\\ntion, be disregarded and lost and may his wise\\nprovidence bring those who have produced this crisis\\nto see the folly, before they feel the misery of civil\\nstrife and inspire a returning veneration for that\\nunion which, if we may dare to penetrate his de-\\nsigns, he has chosen as the only means of attaining\\nthe high destinies to which we may reasonably\\naspire.\\nThe language of the proclamation is too precious\\nto be forgotten. The second election of General\\nJackson was of a decided character. The opposition\\nwas overwhelming. After this event, he made a tour\\nto the eastern and northern states. Every where he\\nwas received with enthusiasm. Party feelings were\\nforgotten, and the president alone was considered.\\nA brave and generous people received a gallant com-\\nmander, with every demonstration of respect and ad-\\nmiration. The most ancient university in the country\\nmade him a Doctor of Laws. He visited Bunker\\nHill, saw the plains of Lexington, ground sacred to\\nthe descendants of the Pilgrims, and returned with\\ntheir warmest wishes for his prosperity.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0455.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "Several events which occurred during the first\\nterm of the presidency of General Jackson, may with\\npropriety be referred to, before we proceed to consider\\nthe measures of his second administration. His ele-\\nvation to the chief magistracy is regarded as the\\nperiod from which is to be dated the introduction of\\nseveral new doctrines and practices in the adminis-\\ntration of the national government. These were\\nadopted and pursued also by his successor, and consti-\\ntuted the chief ground for the nomination and elec-\\ntion of General Harrison. President Jackson claimed\\npowers which had never been assumed by any of his\\npredecessors. Soon after his inauguration, he dis-\\nsolved his cabinet because they ditfered upon points\\nof etiquette quite unconnected with public affairs.\\nHe appointed Mr. Moore minister to Colombia, thus\\nrecalling General William Henry Harrison, who had\\nbeen residing at Bogota a short time in that capacity,\\nhaving received his appointment from Mr. Adams.\\nThe contest between Bolivar and the friends of liber-\\nty in the republic of Colombia was, at that time,\\nwarm and violent. The great champion of national\\nindependence had become the leader of a powerful\\nparty opposed to constitutional republicanism, and had\\nproposed to establish over the Hispano-South-Ameri-\\ncan countries a vast hereditary monarchical and aristo-\\ncratical government, with himself at its head. His\\nsplendid project for a strong government first received\\nthe support of the auxiliary army which he com-\\nmanded in Peru, and afterwards of many of the peo-\\nple of Colombia. Certain foreign agents at Bogota\\ncherished this anti-American project, and the presses,\\nwriters, and orators, enlisted in the interest of the new\\nparty, advocated principles far better suited to the old,\\nthan to the new world. The vice-president of Co-\\nlombia, General Francisco de Paila Santander took the\\nfront rank in opposition to these attempts; and he,\\n\u00c2\u00bbith his friends, turned with confidence for sympathy\\nto the United States. But they found their object and\\nmotives generally misunderstood in the country whicli\\nthey had made their political model.\\nGeneral Harrison s presence at Bogota was very\\nopportune, and his sound principles, frankness, and\\nhonesty, boldness and decision, soon conciliated the\\nconfidence and encouraged the hopes of the friends of\\nfreedom. One of the earliest acts of General Jackson\\nwas the recall of our minister, and the transmission\\nof a letter to General Bolivar, which was thought to\\nhold language of rather doubtful import, if not decid-\\nedly favourable to the ambitious project which he was\\npursuing; and a contrast was drawn between it and\\nthe frank and glowing terms of an appeal which\\nGeneral Harrison had made to the same distinguished\\nSouth American. On his landing in New York, he\\nreceived marked tokens of respect from the citizens,\\non account of the course which he had adopted.\\nGeneral Jackson was in favour of a course of policy\\ntowards the Indian nations residing within the bounds\\nof some of the Southern States, which had been pro-\\nposed, and recommended for some time before his\\naccession to office. The Cherokees had claimed\\nthe protection of the United States against the en-\\ncroachments of Georgia, showing fourteen treaties in\\nwhich their right in perpetuity to their lands in that\\nstate had been acknowledged by the government\\nseveral of these treaties bore the signature of Andrew\\nJackson as agent for the United States. The presi-\\ndent, however, recommended to them the abandon-\\nment of their lands for a reasonable consideration, that\\nthey might remove beyond the Misjissippi and at the\\nsame time he declined to interfere for their protection,\\non the ground that it would be an unwarrantable\\nencroachment on the jurisdiction of a sovereign state.\\nA large territory was designated, by act of congress,\\nwest of the Mississippi, which was divided into suit-\\nable portions for several different nations, and a title\\n41", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0456.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n429\\nas promised, upon a nation s faith, that should be\\nsecure forever. It is hardly to be wondered at that\\nthe Cherokees generally rejected the offer, expressing\\na strong attachment to their native land and pe-\\ntitions were sent to congress in their behalf from the\\nnorthern parts of the Union, but in vain. The legis-\\nlature of Georgia passed acts calculated to force the\\nIndians into emigration, and forbidding any white\\nman to reside in their territory without taking an oath\\nto support the constitution and laws of the state.\\nThere were at that time three gentlemen, mission-\\naries of the American Board of Commissioners for\\nForeign Missions, residing in the Cherokee country,\\nwho had established schools and churches, and were\\nfast bringing the people into a more civilized state.\\nHaving declined the oath prescribed, on the ground\\nthat the acts of the legislature were opposed to the\\nconstitution of the United States, they were arrested,\\ntried, condemned, and imprisoned in the Penitentiary\\nof Georgia, (September, 1831,) where they remained\\nat hard labour, until the United States Supreme Court\\ndeclared the law under which they had been sen-\\ntenced unconstitutional, null, and void soon after\\nwhich they were released, but were left without re-\\ndress. Georgia prosecuted her plans for the removal\\nof the Indians, and, by dividing their valuable lands\\namong the inhabitants, enlisted the population warmly\\nin its favour. Two parties were formed among the\\nCherokees, one in favour of removal, and the other\\nopposed to it, and each claiming the power of holding\\nor disposing of the lands. The claims of the party in\\nfavour of removal were acknowledged by our govern-\\nment, and the Indians gradually emigrated to the new\\nterritory, though with loud complaints of broken faith,\\nnational injustice, and cruel oppression. The Choc-\\ntaws, Chickasaws, c., were also induced to remove\\nbut some large bodies of these reluctant emigrants suf-\\nfered severely fiom privations, fatigue, and change of\\nclimate, on their way, and hundreds of lives were lost\\nbefore they reached the place of their destination.\\nGeneral Jackson, soon after his inauguration, dis-\\ntinctly avowed the intention of putting his own inter-\\npretation on the terms of the constitution, and of\\nacting as his own judgment might dictate. As it\\nwas understood that he thought himself at liberty, or\\nrather bound in duty, to disregard and to set aside all\\nprevious interpretations, by whomsoever made and\\nsanctioned, whenever they might appear to him in-\\ncorrect, this declaration created some alarm. Before\\nPresident Jackson s election, the veto power had been\\nbut very rarely used, and it was generally regarded as\\na power intrusted with the chief magistrate only foi\\na few extraordinary possible emergencies. He first in-\\ntroduced the practice of resorting to it with frequency\\nat the same time, he claimed powers which had never\\nbeen before allowed to the president, viz., of being a\\ncoordinate branch of the government, meaning that a\\npart of the legislation was intrusted to him. On this\\nprinciple he acted in a number of instances, chiefly by\\nputting his veto on bills which had been passed by\\ncongress. In some cases, however, he withheld bills\\nso long that they could not become laws and this\\nwas complained of as being a still greater stretch of\\npower. A striking instance occurred in the case of a\\nbill making appropriations for coast surveys, which it\\nwas thought would have received the votes of two\\nthirds of each house; he did not return it with his\\nreasons for withholding his signature, but retained it\\nuntil the term when the existing congress had ex-\\npired, so that it never could be brought up again,\\nexcept as a new bill. General Jackson had repeat-\\nedly expressed a wish for an amendment of the con-\\nstitution, to limit the election of president to one term\\nof four or six years and his acceptance of a nomi-\\nnation for a second term was therefore regarded as\\nbeing an act in opposition to his avowed opinions.\\nWith Great Britain there was still pending the\\nquestion of the unsettled north-eastern boundary.\\nIt had been referred for arbitration to the king of the\\nNetherlands but his award was not accepted by the\\nUnited States, because m it he had proposed the\\ncession to Great Britain of a large tract of land de-\\nscribed in the treaty of 1783, and allowed in that of\\nGhent, in 1815, as belonging to us. The question\\nwas therefore left unsettled, and has continued to give\\nrise to disturbances and difficulty to the present time.\\nIn the year 1832, a new apportionment was made\\nof representation, founded on the results of the census\\ntaken in 1831. In 1791, it was enacted that one\\nrepresentative in congress should be chosen for every\\nthirty thousand persons in 1801, for thirty-three\\nthousand; in 1811, for forty thousand: in 1831_.\\nthe number was raised to forty-seven thousand. In\\n1832, a new pension law was passed, which made a\\nprovision for all surviving soldiers of the revolution,\\nwho had served six months or more they were\\ngranted a sum of money annually, equal to the pay at\\nthat time in the army. The same year congress\\nadopted a new tariff, by which the former high duties\\non high-priced woollen goods were contmued with", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0457.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "430\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nI\\nlittle diminution, but those on low-priced ones were\\ngreatly reduced. Those valued below thirty-five\\ncents per yard had previously been subject to a duty\\nof more than one hundred per cent. Wool had been\\nsubject to a duty of four cents per pound, and an\\nad valorem, duty of fifty per cent. Now, that which\\ncost under eight cents per pound was free from duty,\\nwhile that above eight cents was subject to a duty of\\nfour cents, and an ad valorem duty of forty per cent.\\nThe duties on silk, teas, and wines, were greatly\\nreduced, and those on cotton cloths and iron in a\\nless proportion. All duties whatever were taken ofi\\nfrom common teas imported directly from beyond the\\nCape of Good Hope. The new tariff, however, was\\nnot satisfactory to the Southern States; they had\\nstrongly urged the repeal of that adopted in 1828,\\nbecause it was still regarded as founded upon the\\nprinciple of protecting domestic manufactures, or the\\nAmerican system, as the plan of fostering native in-\\ndustry was denominated. In 1831, the difficulties\\nwhich had for some time existed between the United\\nStates and Mexico were brought to a favourable ter-\\nmination, by a treaty of boundaries, and one of\\ncommerce and navigation. A convention was also\\nconcluded with France, by which were allowed most\\nof the claims of American citizens for depredations\\non commerce in the periods of the directory, the\\nfirst consulship, and the empire. The French, in\\nprevious negotiations on this subject, had presented\\na claim founded on the failure of the United States\\nto fulfil an engagement to assist them in the defence\\nof the West Indies against Great Britain a reply had\\nbeen made that the course of events subsequent to\\nthat engagement fully excused the United States\\nfrom performing it but with this explanation the\\nFrench commissioners had never been satisfied. The\\njustice of our claim and the futility of the opposing\\none were admitted, and a promise was given that the\\namount due should be paid, excepting a certain sum\\nwhich was to be retained on Eiccount of claims on the\\nUnited States at the same time, the French agreed\\nto waive certain important commercial privileges,\\nwhich they claimed under their construction of the\\ntreaty for the cession of Louisiana; and it was also\\narranged that the duties on French wines imported\\ninto the United States, and those on cotton imported\\ninto France, should be reduced. When the time of\\npayment arrived, however, the money was not sent;\\nand a long delay led to a threatening state of things\\nbetween the two countries, three years afterwards.\\nThe French government, at the latter period, showing\\na disposition still longer to avoid the fulfilment of\\ntheir stipulation. General Jackson made an impe-\\nrative demand, in terms which were at first retorted\\nby the French. Some time after, the chamber of\\ndeputies voted the supply of the amount due, which\\nwas received in successive instalments, and distri-\\nbuted among the holders of claims through the Union.\\nThe contest cost the French on one occasion a\\nchange of ministry a more particular account of the\\nmatter will be found in its proper place. Much time\\nwas occupied by congress in discussing the question\\nrespecting the disposition of the public lands. As\\nthese lay in the new states, some of the western\\nmembers proposed that they should be given up to\\nthose states within whose boundaries they were com-\\nprehended. But there were other plans presented by\\nother members, such as the sale of them at low prices\\nand on long credit, for the purpose of encouraging\\nrapid settlement. At length a bill upon the subject\\npassed both houses, in 1833, and was sent to the\\npresident for his signature but he refused to sign it,\\nand it was lost for want of a majority of two thirds\\nin both houses. The vote in the senate was twenty-\\nfour to twenty, and that of the house of represen-\\ntatives, ninety-six to forty.\\nAmong the most remarkable events which tran-\\nspired in the course of the few preceding years, we\\nmay mention the following In June, 1831, the\\ngreater part of the capital of the state of North Caro-\\nlina was accidentally destroyed by fire, with the\\nmuch admired statue of Washington, which had been\\nsculptured in Italy by the celebrated Canova, and\\npurchased at great expense. James Monroe, ex-presi-\\ndent of the United States, died in New York on\\nthe 4th of July of the same year, being the third\\nex-president who deceased on the anniversary of our\\nnational independence. In consequence of the mas-\\nsacre of the crew of an American trading vessel at\\nQualloh Battoo, in the Island of Sumatra, the United\\nStates frigate Potomac had been ordered to stop at\\nthat place on her voyage round the world, with in-\\nstructions to destroy the town, if satisfaction should\\nbe refused. On the 3d of February, 1831, after an\\nunsuccessful attempt to negotiate, the forts were sur-\\nprised in the night, the town was burnt, and about\\none hundred and fifty of the natives killed, including\\nseveral women. This severe measure against a tribe\\nof ignorant savages was condemned by many as\\nuseless, inhuman, and disgraceful to an enlightened", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0458.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0459.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "=i.r 1 11 inT l|\u00c2\u00abfl MJF PH Vl 1I1 |P \u00c2\u00abI11 fl TIIin iW\\nI\\nliiiiiUttiliiilitiJiilliii \u00e2\u0080\u00a2i*h\\\\l\\\\ltt\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00abiyilJ||H^^\\nijii{||iiililllillilliiii{i!ti\u00c2\u00bbk^", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0460.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "1^\\nlllliMliiiyiiii iU4iWiiiyiki MUii i l li i m iiiiiitiiHliliitUlllil\\n4^ ,-ry", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0461.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0462.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n431\\nand Christian nation. In April, a treaty was formed\\nwith the Greek Indians, by which they suirendered\\nall their land east of the Mississippi River. The build-\\ning occupied by the treasury department in Wash-\\nington, wEis destroyed by fire on the 31st of March,\\n1833, with most of the contents.\\nAndrew Jackson was inaugurated a second time\\npresident of the United Stales on the 4th of March,\\n1833, and Mart\u00c2\u00bbn Van Buren, of the state of New\\nYork, vice-president this gentleman was his decided\\npersonal and political friend. Mr. Van Bnren had\\nbeen a senator of the United States, and governor of\\nNew York; he had been nominated by General Jack-\\nson minister to England, but the senate had rejected\\nthe nomination on the 25th of January, 1831. This\\nmeasure, on the part of the senate, was regarded by\\nhis friends as an indignity, and formed one of the\\ngrounds for his nomination and election to the vice-\\npresidency. The message which President Jack-\\nson presented contained the following expressions\\nThere are two objects relating to the domestic\\npolicy of the government, which especially deserve\\nboth the attention of the people and of the represen-\\ntatives, which have lately been, and will probably con-\\ntinue to be, subjects of deep solicitude and these are,\\nthe preservation of the rights of the states and the\\nintegrity of the Union. These great objects are\\nnecessarily connected, and can only be attained by an\\nenlightened exercise of the powers of each, within its\\nappropriate sphere, in conformity with the public will\\nconstitutionally expressed. It becomes the duty of\\nall, therefore, to yield a ready submission to laws\\nconstitutionally enacted, and thereby promote and\\nstiengthen a proper confidence in those institutions of\\n^e several states, and of the United States, which\\ntlie people have ordained for their own government.\\nOn the subject of foreign relations, the president de-\\nclared the policy pursued by the government of the\\ncountry had been crowned with almost complete\\nsuccess, and has elevated the American character\\namong the nations of the earth. So happy have been\\nits results, that we are at peace with all the world,\\nand have few causes of controversy, and those of\\nminor importance, remaining unadjusted. He added\\nthat it was his fixed and solemn purpose to exert all\\nhis best faculties to maintain the just powers of the\\nconstitution, and to transmit unimpaired to posterity\\nthe blessings of the Federal Union.\\nOne of the leading features of the policy of General\\nJackson was opposition to the Bank of the United\\n65\\nStates. The charter of that institution was to expire\\nin 1836, and he proposed in several of his messages\\nthat it should not be renewed. He even went so far\\nas to pronounce it an unsafe depository of the public\\nmoney, although a committee of congress had a short\\ntime before made a report on it as safe, after an mves-\\ntigation of its condition. The president, on different\\noccasions, recommended substitutes of several different\\nkinds, on various principles, but all resembling each\\nother in this respect, that they would place the public\\nmoney more under the control of the government.\\nThe course which he pursued had the effect to injure\\nand embarrass the bank to some extent, as well as\\nto bring into vogue a doctrine in political economy\\nwhich has generally been considered unsound, viz.,\\nthat a hard money currency is preferable to paper\\nunder all forms and circumstances. It became com-\\nmon to hear that, under a new system, which remained\\nto be developed, gold and silver would take the place\\nof bank paper, and become abundant throughout the\\ncountry. On the 23d of September, 1833, it was\\nannounced by the Globe, the official paper, that the\\npresident of the United States, having, after a very full\\nand careful examination, come to the conclusion that\\nthe public deposits ought to be changed to the state\\nbanks, had read a communication to his cabinet con-\\ntaining his reasons in favour of removing the deposits\\nfrom the Bank of the United States. He begs his\\ncabinet to consider the proposed measure his own,\\nin support of which he shall require no one of them\\nto make a sacrifice of opinion or principle. Its re-\\nsponsibility has been assumed after the most mature\\ndeliberation and reflection, as necessary to preserve\\nthe morals of the people, the freedom of the press,\\nand the purity of the elective franchise. It was an-\\nnounced, a few days afterwards, that William Duane,\\nsecretary of the treasury, having declined to sign the\\norder for the removal of the deposits from the Bank\\nof the United States, was removed from office, and\\nRoger B. Taney appointed in his place. The step\\non which the president had decided was then taken\\nwithout further delay, and, on the 1st of October, the\\nnew secretary removed the collection of the public\\nmoney to certain selected banks in different parts of\\nthe country. At the opening of congress, a multitude\\nof petitions were presented from different parts of the\\ncountry, representing business of all kinds as greatly\\ninjured by the state of the currency, and want of con-\\nfidence arising out of the measures of the president in\\nrelation to the public money, praying that the deposits", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0463.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "432\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmight be restored to the keeping of that institution,\\nto which they had been confided by the laws. This\\nsubject became the leading topic with both houses\\nthrough the session. Mr. Taney, who had been ap-\\npointed secretary of the treasury in the recess of con-\\ngress, made a report to both houses on the 4th of\\nDecember, relating to the removal of the public de-\\nposits from the Bank of the United States, giving the\\nreasons for that measure, and on the 4th of February,\\n1834 a message was sent by the president in relation\\nto the conduct of the bank. It stated that, when the\\nsecretary of the treasury had demanded the delivery\\nof some of the public money, in their keeping, it was\\nrefused, on the ground that he was not authorized by\\nlaw to make the demand. The president, in that\\ndocument, censured the conduct of the Bank of the\\nUnited States in refusing to deliver the books, papers,\\nand funds, relating to the execution of the act of\\ncongress of June 7, 1832, entitled An Act supple-\\nmentary to the act for the relief of certain surviving\\nofficers of the revolution. The report of Mr. Taney\\nwas referred to a committee of the senate, of which\\nMr. Webster made a report on the 5th of December,\\nwhich was adopted on the 28th of March, and im-\\nbodied in a resolution which declared that the\\nreasons assigned by the secretary of the treasury for\\nthe removal of the money of the United States de-\\nposited in the Bank of the United States and its\\nbranches, communicated to congress on the 4th of\\nDecember, 1833, are unsatisfactory and insufficient.\\nThis resolution pcissed by a vote of twenty-six to\\ntwenty but it was laid on the table by the house of\\nrepresentatives, by a vote of one hundred and fourteen\\nto one hundred and one. The following resolution,\\nalso, was adopted the same day by the senate, twenty-\\neight to eighteen: Resolved, that the president,\\nin the late executive proceedings in relation to the\\npublic revenue, has assumed upon himself authority\\nand power not conferred by the constitution and\\nlaws, and in derogation of both. The house of\\nrepresentatives, in April, adopted these resolutions\\n1st, That the Bank of the United States ought not to\\nbe rechartered and, 2d, That the public deposits\\nought not to be restored to the Bank of the United\\nStates. The former resolution was passed by a vote of\\none hundred and thirty-five to eighty-two, and the lat-\\nter by one hundred and nineteen to one hundred and\\nfour. On the 17th, the president communicated to\\nthe senate a message and a protest against the reso-\\nlution adopted by them on his proceedings respecting\\nthe deposits, with a request that the message and\\nprotest might be entered at length on the journal of\\nthe senate. To this they replied, by a resolution,\\nadopted on the 7th of May, That the protest com-\\nmunicated to the senate, on the 17th, by the president\\nof the United States, asserts power as belonging to the\\npresident, which is inconsistent with the just authority\\nof the two houses of congress, and inconsistent with\\nthe constitution of the United States, and that tliere-\\nfore the aforesaid protest is a breach of the privileges\\nof the senate, and that it be not entered on the\\njournal. About this time, numerous petitions were\\npresented from different parts of the country, for and\\nagainst the restoration of the deposits to the Bank of\\nthe United States; eight thousand seven hundred and\\ntwenty-one signatures only were against the resto-\\nration, while one himdred and fourteen thousand nine\\nhundred and eighteen were in favour of it. Long de-\\nbates arose on this question, which occupied most of\\nthe session.\\nThe Indians in Florida, who had shown much\\nunwillingness to emigrate, were at length supposed\\nto have agreed to accept the offers made to them, for\\na treaty was contracted between General Jesup and\\na chief who professed to have sufficient authority\\nfor that purpose. It was agreed, in that treaty, that\\nthe Indians should receive certain sums for tlieir lands\\nand other property, and leave by a certain time, to\\noccupy a portion of the new Western Indian Terri-\\ntory. The nation, however, refused to acknowledge\\nthe treaty and the authority under which it v/as con-\\ntracted, and soon began to make aggressions upon the\\ntroops in the territory, retreating to regions extremely\\ndifficult of access when pursued. The lamcaitable\\ncontest which has been continued till the preseii^\\ntime was commenced on the 18th of November, 1833,\\nby an attack on Fort Crum, by a body of Seminoles,\\nwho killed nearly the whole garrison, consisting of\\nthirty or forty Americans. A much more disastrous\\naffair took place on the 2Sth of the same month, when\\ntwo companies of United States troops, under the com-\\nmand of Major Dade, were ambushed and cut off almost\\nto a man. A great part of the standing army was\\nsoon ordered to Florida, and enlistments were made,\\nin successive years, to supply the mortality among\\nthe troops, caused chiefly by the unhealthiness of the\\nclimate, and the severe labours cuid exposures neces-\\nsary in such an enterprise. The expense of money\\nwas complained of in congress, as well as some of\\nthe measures adopted at different stages of the war;", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0464.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n432\\nbut the natural obstacles presented by the territory to\\ntlie operations of an invading army, with protection\\noffered to the savage defenders, and abundance of\\nfood, to which they had access in regions in the in-\\nterior in their possession, have rendered the war one\\nof the most harassing and costly, especially in the\\nsacrifice of valuable officers. If the people of the\\nUnited States, in any future case of a similar cha-\\nracter, shall be inclined to learn wisdom from expe-\\nrience, they will prefer to observe peace, and avoid the\\ncharge of injustice and inhumanity in the view of\\nmankind, by allowing to their uncivilized neighbours\\nsomething nearer to the value of the lands of which\\nthey may wish to become the possessors. Both the\\nwhites and the Indians accuse each other of faith-\\nlessness and perfidy, of cruelty and falsehoods and\\non both sides acts have been apologized for, on the\\nground that they have been provoked. From the\\ncomplicated aspect of this war, and the fact that the\\nAmericans were the aggressors, and their enemies\\nwere fighting for their country and homes, there is\\nreason to apprehend that future historians will find it\\ndifficult to present our national honour in unsullied\\npurity.\\nIn January, 1835, President Jackson sent a message\\nto the senate on the pending negotiations with France,\\nrespecting the claims for indemnity. After remarking\\non the justice of the claim, he mentioned that nearly\\ntwo years had elapsed since, on the 2d day of Feb-\\nruary, 1833, the first instalment promised had become\\ndue, and yet no provision had been made for its pay-\\nment. The idea, said he, of acquiescing in the\\nrefusal of the e.xecution of the treaty, will not for a\\nmoment be entertained by any branch of the American\\ngovernment. He expressed his conviction that the\\nUnited States ought to insist upon a prompt execution\\nof the treaty, and, in case it is refused, to take redress\\ninto their own hands. He therefore recommended\\nthat a law be passed authorizing reprisals upon\\nFrench property, in case provision shall not be made\\nfor the payment of the debt at the approaching ses-\\nsions of the French chambers. He thought that\\nthe American government would not give any just\\ncause of war for if France should, in violation of the\\nlaws of nations, make reprisals, on our part, the occasion\\nof hostilities against the United States, she would add\\nvioleuce to injustice, and could not fail to expose her-\\nself to the just censure of civilized nations, and to the\\nretributive judgments of Heaven. Mr. Clay made\\na long and able report on the subject thus introduced\\nto the senate. As the president had suggested two\\ncourses to be adopted towards France in the existing\\njuncture, he considered them both at large. They\\nwere, first, to make reprisals, as above stated, and, se-\\ncond, to take no immediate steps, but wait for the result,\\nin reliance on the good faith and justice of the nation.\\nAlthough the president had expressed a preference for\\nthe former, Mr. Clay approved of the latter; and his\\nreport closed with a resolution offered by the com-\\nmittee, and adopted by the senate, in these terms\\nThat it is inexpedient to grant power to the presi-\\ndent to make reprisals of French property. The\\nproposal of the president to take so violent, unusual,\\nand hostile a step as the seizure of the property of\\ncitizens of France residing in this country, or visiting\\nit for commercial or other purposes, was not received\\nwith much approbation by the people, while it threw\\nconfiding and unoffending foreigners into a state of\\ngreat alarm. They were soon relieved for a time\\nfrom their apprehensions but the extraordinary con-\\nduct of the French government soon after threatened\\nto involve them in circumstances equally distressing.\\nOn the 6th of December, 1836, General Jackson de-\\nlivered his last annual message to congress, in which,\\nafter speaking of the state of the country as pros-\\nperous, and the foreign relations as on the whole\\namicable, he adverted to the treasury in terms like\\nthe following Under our present revenue system,\\nthere is every probability that there will continue\\nto be a surplus beyond the wants of the govern-\\nment. This must be retained in the trea-\\nsury as it now is, or distributed among the people,\\nor the states. To retain it in the treasury as it now is,\\nis impracticable. It is, besides, contrary to the genius\\nof our free institutions to lock up in vaults the trea-\\nsury of the nation.. To collect merely for distribution\\namong the states will seem to be highly impolitic, if\\nnot as dangerous as the proposition to retain it in the\\ntreasury. About three fifths of the duties\\non imports are paid in the city of New York but it\\nis obvious that the means to pay these dut.es are\\ndrawn from every quarter of the Union.\\nThe safest and simplest mode of obviating all these\\ndifficulties is, to collect only revenue enough to meet\\nthe wants of the government. With respect to\\nthe currency, he remarked that, although various\\ndangers to our institutions were obviated by the\\nfailure of the Bank of the United States to obtain the\\nrenewal of its charter, little more had yet been done\\ntowards, the securing of a better currency (meaning", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0465.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "434\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ngold and silver) than a salutary change in public\\nopinion.\\nThe president communicated a message to congress\\non the 21st of January, 1836, informing them that our\\nminister in France having, according to his instruc-\\ntions, asked for the final determination of the French\\ngovernment respecting the payment of the indem-\\nnification secured by the treaty of July 4, 1831,\\na reply had been received from the French minister.\\nThis reply, however, stated that explanations would\\nbo required from the American government, of such\\na nature as could never be given, and an answer, the\\npresident declared, had already been returned with\\nthis assurance. The following extract shows the\\nspirit of the communication of the French minister\\nThe payment will be made when the government\\nof the United States is ready, on its part, to declare to\\nus, by addressing its claim to us officially in writing,\\nthat it regrets the misunderstanding that has arisen\\nbetween the two countries; that this misunderstanding\\nis formed on a mistake that it never entered into its\\nintention to call in question the good faith of the\\nFrench government, nor to take a menacing attitude\\ntowards France. Another expression was the fol-\\nlowing If the government of the United States\\ndoes not give these assurances, we shall be obliged to\\nthink that this misunderstanding is not the result of\\nan error. After quoting this language, the president,\\nin his address, asked, Does France want a degrading,\\nservile petition, in terms which she will dictate, and\\nwhich will involve an assumed right to interfere in\\nour domestic councils She will never obtain them.\\nThe spirit of the American people, the dignity of the\\nlegislature, and the firm resolve of their executive\\ngovernment, forbid it. After remarking that France\\nhad acknowledged the justice of- our claim, he pro-\\nposed the prohibition of the introduction of French\\nimports, and the entry of French vessels in our ports.\\nAs our charge d affaires had returned, in conse-\\nquence of the unfriendly state of the negotiations,\\nand, according to the latest accounts, the French go-\\nvernment had given orders for active preparations for\\nwar in the navy-yards of the kingdom, serious appre-\\nhensions were entertained of the result. The steady\\nfirmness of the president was generally approved, and\\nthe rmiversal opinion was, that the extraordinary de-\\nmand made through the French minister ought to be\\nutterly rejected. The two countries were relieved\\nfrom their threatening danger, and happily delivered\\nfrom an embarrassing position, by a prompt and\\nfriendly offer of mediation, made by the king of Eng\\nland, through Charles Bankhead, his charge d affaires\\nat Washington. This offer, having first been made to\\nthe king of the French, was instantly accepted by him\\nand General Jackson, in his reply, through -Mr. For-\\nsyth, made on the 16th of February, 1836, showed an\\nequal readiness to avoid a war, and to acknowledge\\nthe kindness shown by the king of England. The\\nfollowing is an extract By the fulfilment of the\\nobligations of the convention between the two govern-\\nments, the first cause of difference will be removed\\nand the president anticipates that the benevolent and\\nmagnanimous wishes of his Britannic majesty s go-\\nvernment will be speedily realized, as, the temporary\\nestrangement between the two nations, who have so\\nmany common interests, will, no doubt, be followed by\\nthe -restoration of their ancient ties of friendship and\\nesteem. The secretary was further instructed to\\nexpress to his Britannic majesty s government how\\nsensible the president is of the anxious desire it has\\ndisplayed to preserve the relations of peace between\\nthe United States and France, and the exertions it has\\nprepared to make to effect that object, essential to the\\nprosperity, and congenial to the wishes, of the two\\nnations, and the applause of the world.\\nThe specie circular was issued by the secretary of\\nthe treasury on the 11th of July, 1836. It was ad-\\ndressed to the receivers of public money and the\\ndeposit banks and it directed them to receive only\\nspecie in payment for public lands sold, from the en-\\nsuing 15th of August, with an exception in favour of\\nactual settlers, or inhabitants of the states in which the\\nlands should be situated. This measure produced gene-\\nral surprise and consternation among men of business,\\nthe state of the country being such, that the derange-\\nment of the currency, already very great, was likely to\\nbe much increased by it. Soon after the meeting of\\ncongress, two resolutions were introduced into tlie se-\\nnate, of the following purport The first repealed the\\ntreasury order or circular, and the second declared that\\nit shall not be lawful for the secretary of the treasury\\nto delegate to any person, or to any corporation, the\\npower of directing what funds shall be receivable for\\ncustoms or for the public lands nor shall he make any\\ndiscriminations in the funds as receivable between\\ndifferent individuals, or between the different branches\\nof the public revenue. Mr. Webster spoke in favour\\nof these resolutions at length, and the discussions\\noccupied much attention during the session. Several\\nother measures were brought before congress but", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0466.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n435\\nmost of them failed, in consequence of want of har-\\nmony between the different branches of the govern-\\nment. Among them were the fortification bill, (with a\\nclause, which had been appended to it, for the dis-\\ntribution of the surplus revenue,) the land bill, the\\narmy bill, and the bill for the reduction of the\\nrevenue. A bill to regulate the currency, which had\\npassed both houses, and had been sent to the presi-\\ndent for his signature, he retained until it expired in\\nhis hands by t)ie lapse of time. In fact, none of the\\nmost important bills of the session became laws, ex-\\ncept the appropriation bills, which were indispensably\\nnecessary to the operation of the government.\\nMajtin Van Buren was inaugm ated president of the\\nUnited States on the 4th of March, 1837. He deliv-\\nered his inaugural address on the eastern portico of\\nthe Capitol, in the presence of the senate, the heads\\nof the departments, the foreign ministers, many of\\nthe officers of the government, and a large assemblage\\nof citizens, the oath of office having been adminis-\\ntered by Chief Justice Taney. After speaking in\\nterms of the highest respect of his predecessor, and\\ngiving an extensive view of the progress made by the\\nUnited States in numbers, power, and wealth, he ex-\\npressed his feelings respecting the abolition of slavery\\nin the following terms I go into the presidential\\nchair the inflexible and uncompromising opponent of\\nevery attempt on the part of congress to abolish\\nslavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes\\nof the slaveholding states, and also with a determina-\\ntion equally decided to resist the slightest interference\\nwith it in the states where it exists. No bill\\nconflicting with those views can ever receive my con-\\nstitutional sanction. The election of Mr. Van Buren\\nwas efi ected by one hundred and sixty-seven votes,\\nagainst fourteen for Daniel Webster, seventy-three for\\nGeneral Harrison, twenty-six for Hugh L. White, and\\neleven for W. P. Mangum. Richard M. Johnson was\\nelected vice-president by one hundred and forty-four\\nvotes. Mr. Van Buren s cabinet consisted of the fol-\\nlowing members John Forsyth, secretary of state\\nLevi Woodbury, secretary of the treasury J. R. Poin-\\nsett, secretary of war Mahlon Dickerson, secretary of\\nthe navy and Benjamin F. Butler, attorney-general.\\nThe great and general commercial embarrassments\\nwhich prevailed in 1837 were attributed, by most\\nmen of business, to the interference of the government\\nwith the credit of the national bank and the currency\\nof the country. Numerous petitions were laid before\\ncongress, at their extra session that year, praying for\\nmeasures to restore public credit, and avert the exten-\\nsive and alarming evils, which already threatened a\\ngeneral bankruptcy. A very large meeting was held\\nby the merchants of New York, who appointed a\\nnumerous committee to bear their resolutions to\\nWashington but their efforts, combined with those\\nmade in other places, had no cff ect on the president,\\nwho, in his message, affirmed that congress had no\\npower to do any thing in the case, any measure that\\nmight be advised for the relief of commerce being\\nbeyond the constitutional sphere of their duties. On\\nthis subject his views were regarded as quite new,\\nwhen they were expressed in his message to congress\\non its assembling. He said, That the government\\nand the people were in a great degree independeiit,\\nand unconnected in interest and spheres of action\\nand that each was properly bound to care and provide\\nfor itself, without regard to the business of the other.\\nThis doctrine appeared to be in opposition to the\\ncommon opinion, that the government was created\\nand supported expressly for the good of the people,\\nand of no value for any other purpose. The presi-\\ndent, with these views, declined all exertion for the\\nimprovement of commerce or the relief of existing\\nembarrassments but the congress devoted their chief\\nattention to the aid and relief of the government, for\\nwhich they authorized the issue of ten millions of\\ndollars in treasury notes, and gave the secretary of the\\ntreasury power to borrow money, if he should find it\\nnecessary. As the notes were made negotiable, they\\nbecame, in fact, mere paper money. In the year 1838,\\nthe issue of a similar amount of treasury notes was\\nagain authorized, and once more in 1839, after a part\\nof the former notes had been redeemed. In October\\n1837, the law was suspended which had been passed\\nthe year previous, providing for the distribution of the\\nsurplus funds of the government to the several states,\\nafter three quarters of the amount had been distri-\\nbuted. It soon proved that some portions of the\\nnational funds, which had been withdrawn from the\\nBank of the United States, had been deposited in\\nother banks at a disadvantage, as losses occurred\\nthrough their mismanagement or misfortune. As the\\nplaces of deposit were left entirely at the discretion of\\nthe secretary of the treasury, and, according to the\\nnew doctrines, he was under the control of the presi-\\ndent, he was regarded as responsible for the conse-\\nquences. Soon after the opening of the session, a\\nresolution was oflTered in the senate for the expunging\\nfrom the journal of the resolution, passed in 1834,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0467.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "430\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncensuring General Jackson. After a long debate, it\\nwas adopted, on the 16th of January, 1837, by a vote\\nof twenty-four to nineteen and, in obedience to it, the\\nclerk drew black lines around it, to signify its repeal\\nwith disapprobation. This extraordinary mutilation\\nof the records of the senate is regarded to this day\\nwith astonishment, and some of the senators, whose\\nvotes produced the result, have keenly regretted the\\nprecedent which they so rashly afforded. In the\\ncourse of the debate, Mr. Clay made a speech, from\\nwhich the following are extracts: Our British an-\\ncestors understood perfectly well the importance of\\nthe money power in a representative government. It\\nis the great lever by which the crown had been made\\nto conform the administration to the interests of the\\nkingdom and the will of the people. Our im-\\nmediate ancestors, profiting by the lessons on civil\\nliberty which had been taught in the country from\\nwhich we spring, endeavoured to place around the\\npublic purse, in the hands of congress, every possible\\nsecurity against the intrusion of the executive. With\\nthis view, congress alone is invested by the consti-\\ntution with the power to lay and collect the taxes.\\nWhen collected, not a cent is to be drawn from the\\npublic treasury but in virtue of an act of congress.\\nAnd among the first acts of this government was the\\npassage of a law establishing a treasury department,\\nfor the safe keeping and the legal and regular dis-\\nbursement of the money so collected. By that act, a\\nsecretary of the treasury is placed at the head of that\\ndepartment; and, varying in that respect from the\\nother departments, he is to report, not to the presi-\\ndent, hut directly to congress, and is liable to be\\ncalled to give information in person before congress.\\nIt is impossible to examine dispassionately that act,\\nwithout coming to the conclusion that it is implicitly\\nthe agent of congress in performing the duties assigned\\nby the constitution to congress. The act further pro-\\nvides that a treasurer shall be appointed to receive\\nand keep the public money; and none can be drawn\\nfrom his custody but under the authority of law, and\\nill virtue of the warrant drawn by the secretary of the\\ntreasury, countersigned by the comptroller, and re-\\ncorded by the register. Only when such a warrant is\\npresented can the treasurer lawfully pay a dollar from\\nthe public purse. Why was the concurrence of these\\nfour officers required in disbursements of the public\\nmoney VVas it not for further security Was it\\nnot intended that each, exercising a separate and in-\\ndependent will, should be a check upon every other\\nThus stood the treasury from 1789 to 1816.\\nDuring that long period, no president ever attempted\\nto interfere with the custody of the public purse. It\\nremained where the laws placed it, undisturbed and\\nevery chief magistrate, including the father of his\\ncountry, respected the law. In 1816, an act passed\\nto establish the late Bank of the United States, for\\nthe terrh of twenty years and by the 16th section of\\nthe act, it is enacted that the deposits of the money\\nof the United States, in places in which the said Bank\\nof the United States, and the branches thereof, may\\nbe established, shall be made in said bank, and\\nbranches thereof, unless the secretary shall at any\\ntime otherwise order and direct and the secretary\\nof the treasury shall immediately lay before congress,\\nif in session, and, if not, immediately after the\\ncommencement of the next session, the reasons for\\nsuch order or direction. Thus it is perfectly mani-\\nfest, from the express words of the law, that the\\npower to make any order or direction for the removal\\nof the public deposits is confided to the secretary\\nalone, to the absolute exclusion of the president, and\\nall the world besides. And the law, proceeding upon\\nthe established principle that the secretary of the\\ntreasury, in all that concerns the public purse, acts as\\nthe direct agent of congress, requires, in the event of\\nhis ordering a removal of deposits, that he shall im-\\nmediately lay the reasons therefor before whom?\\nThe president No before congress. So stood the\\npublic treasury, and the public deposits, from the year\\n1816 to September, 1833. In the session of congress\\nof 1832 and 1833, an inquiry had been instituted by\\nthe house of representatives into the condition of the\\nBank of the United States. It resulted in a convic-\\ntion of its entire safety, and a declaration of the\\nhouse, made only a short time before the adjournment\\nof congress, on the 4th of March, 1833, that the pub-\\nlic deposits were perfectly secure. This declaration\\nwas probably made in consequence of suspicions then\\nafloat of a design, on the part of the executive, to\\nremove the deposits. Those suspicions were denied\\nby the press friendly to the administration. Never-\\ntheless the members had scarcely reached their homes,\\nbefore measures were commenced by the executive\\nfor the removal of the deposits from that very place\\nof safety which it was among the last acts of the\\nhouse to declare existed in the Bank of the United\\nStates In the prosecution of the design, Mr. Mc-\\nLean, the secretary of the treasury, who was decidedly\\nopposed to the measure, was advanced io the depart-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0468.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n437\\nment of state, and Mr. Duane was appointed to suc-\\nceed liira. BlU Mr. Duane was equally convinced\\nwith his predecessor that he was forbidden by every\\nconsideration of duty to execute the power with\\nwhich the law had invested the secretary of the treas-\\nury, and refused to remove the deposits whereupon\\nhe was dismissed from office, a new secretary of the\\ntreasury was appointed, and in September, 1833, by\\nthe command of the president, the measure was\\nfinally accnmplished.\\nIn December, 1837, an attempt was made, by per-\\nsons calling themselves patriots, to effect a revolution\\nin Canada. A body of about one thousand occupied\\nNavy Island, in Niagara River. Most of them were\\nCanadians but there were many who went from the\\nstate of New York, and other parts of the frontier.\\nThey were under the command of a Mr. Van Rens-\\nsalaer. of Albany, who assumed the title of general.\\nThey threw up fortifications, and mounted cannon\\nwhich they had taken by force from a state arsenal,\\nshowing a determination to hold the position which\\ncommanded Chippewa, until an opportunity should\\noffer to land on the British side. A British colonel,\\nwho had collected a force of two or three thousand\\nmen on the main land, despatched five boats, on the\\nevening of December 29th, to capture or destroy the\\nAmerican steamboat Caroline, which, he said, had been\\nemployed that day in transporting the patriots from\\nthe American side to that island. They found the\\nvessel lying near the shore at Fort Schlosser, in our\\nwaters, with thirty or forty men in her; and, in board-\\ning her, killed one of them. They then towed her\\ninto the stream, set her on fire, and destroyed her.\\nThis act produced some excitement in the United\\nStates, where it was regarded by many as an unjus-\\ntifiable violation of our territory, with the destruction\\nof American property, attended with murder. The\\ngovernment of Upper Canada, however, justified it on\\nthe ground that the men in whose service the boat\\nwas employed, were pirates. Major-General Winfield\\nScott was officially ordered by Mr. Poinsett, secretary\\nof war, to repair without delay to the frontier, and\\nassume the military command there. Duplicate let-\\nters to the governors of New York and Vermont were\\nenclosed to him, in which they were requested to call\\nmto the service of the United States such a military\\nforce as General Scott mi^t deem necessary, and\\nwhich it was recommended should be drawn from\\nparts of those states distant from the scene of action.\\nThe disposition of the force with regard to the\\npoints to be occupied, said the letter, is confided to\\nyour discretion, military skill, and intimate knowledge\\nof the country and the amount of that force must de-\\npend upon the character and duration of that contest\\nnow going on in Canada, and the disposition mani-\\nfested by the people and the public authorities of that\\ncolony. The following letter was addressed to the\\ngovernor of New York\\nlRtment of State,\\nTON, DccLTtibtr 7, 1837. 5\\nDepartment of State,\\nWashin-gto\\nSir: A contest having commenced in a territory\\nof Great Britain, adjoining the United States, between\\nportions of the population and the government, during\\nwhich attempts have been made to violate the laws of\\nthe United States, passed to preserve the relations of ami-\\nty with foreign powers, and to fulfil the obligations of\\nour treaties with them, by the directions of the presi-\\ndent, I have the honour to request the attention of your\\nexcellency to any movements of that character that\\nmay be contemplated in the state of New York, and\\nyour prompt interference to arrest the parties concern-\\ned, if any preparations are made of a hostile nature\\nagainst any foreign power in amity with the United\\nStates. I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient\\nservant, John Forsyth.\\nTo His Excellency William L. Marcy, 7\\nGovernor of JVew York,^ 5\\nSimilar letters were addressed on the same day to\\nthe governors of Vermont and Michigan and the dis-\\ntrict attorneys yf those states were earnestly en-\\njoined, in letters addressed to them, to prosecute,\\nwithout discrimination, all violators of laws and trea-\\nties, c. The confidence placed by the secretary\\nin the skill, energy, and faithfulness, of General Scott,\\nwas fully justified by his exertions and success;, for,\\nwithout resorting to any violent measures, the insin-\\ngents were compelled to abandon their enterprise.\\nThey evacuated Navy Island on the 13th of January,\\n1838; crossed to Grand Island; there they sui rendered\\ntheir arms; and then, landing on the opposite American\\nshore, where the New York militia, who had been called\\nout by the governor, were assembled, the insurgent\\nleader. Van Renssalaer, was there arrested by the mar-\\nshal, and taken to Bufl!alo, where he obtained bail to\\nanswer for his appearance at the next term of the Su-\\npreme Court. The whole number of persons who were\\nfound on the island was about six hundred and fifty.\\nAbout the same time, a considerable body of men\\nappeared in the neighbourhood of Detroit, with the\\ndesign of acting in concert with those of Navy Island,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0469.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "43S\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nby invading the adjoining part of Canada. The city\\narsenal was broken open in the night, and robbed of\\nall the state arms it contained the jail was entered\\nfor the same purpose; and four hundred stands, of\\narms were openly seized by force at Monroe. Sev-\\neral hundred men were enlisted in the neighbouring\\ncounties, and a body of insurgents set the civil\\ncvuthorities at defiance. General Scott, however, soon\\nsucceeded in dispersing the force, and thus relieved\\nthe country from all apprehension.\\nWithin the period embraced by the presidential\\nterms of General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren, events\\nare to be noticed which indicated changes in the\\nopinions, practices, or circumstances, of society. On\\nthe one hand, there was a greater external show of\\nrespect for the founders of the states, by centennial and\\nother celebrations. On the other, there were alarm-\\ning evidences of a departure from old principles\\nand habits, and an extensive deterioration of public\\nmorals. Evil symptoms were seen in the abusive\\nlanguage of the periodical press, and the virulence of\\nparty spirit, and the false principles too often avowed,\\nand even made a subject of open profession. What\\nchiefly alarmed the apprehensions of reflecting men,\\nhowever, was the frequency and extravagance of\\nmobs, which prevailed at intervals, for several years,\\nin a number of the cities and towns in different parts\\nof the Union. A society for the abolition of slavery\\nin the Union had been in existence several years,\\ncomposed chiefly of persons residing in the Northern\\nand Eastern States. Discussions soon arose between\\nthem and the Colonization Society, which gave room\\nfor public meetings and publications, in which warm\\nexpressions were used, and the subjects in debate\\nbetween them soon attracted general attention. The\\nsoutherners objected to the discussion of the question\\nof slavery, and still more to the existence of societies\\nfor emancipation out of the slave states, as a virtual\\nviolation of their constitutional rights, claiming that\\nthe sole management of their slaves was left with\\nthem, and that otherwise the Southern States would\\nnever have consented to join the Union. They re-\\nmonstrated against the agitation of the question, as\\ndangerous to the tranquil use and enjoyment of their\\nproperty, and even to the safety of their lives. On\\nthe other hand, the abolitionists claimed, as the right\\nof freemen, the liberty of discussing the question of\\nslavery in all its relations, as well as every other\\nquestion, whatever and pronounced the j)retensions\\nof the slaveholders unfounded, unconstitutional, and\\narrogant. Acrimonious language was used on both\\nsides, mingled with expressions which were easily con-\\nstrued as threats; and acts were performed inconsistent\\nwith the rules of propriety and the laws of the land.\\nMost of the mobs which, at different periods, disturbed\\nthe public peace, owed their origin to the excitement\\nthus produced though many unoflending persons by\\nthem lost their property, and sometimes their lives.\\nIn a number of instances, men were seized and beaten,\\nor otherwise ill treated, on suspicion of being agents\\nor members of abolition societies, witliout trial, or after\\na mock process, in which some of the forms of law\\nwere gone through in mockery, before a self-consti-\\ntuted court. This lawless manner of proceeding was\\nfor a time quite common in some parts of the country,\\nunder the name of Lynch law and it was too often\\njustified or excused by a corrupt and time-servmg\\npress. One of the first mobs which occurred was\\nexcited in the city of New York, by an unfounded\\ninflammatory charge, made in a daily paper, against a\\nrespectable clergyman. Unfortunately, neither the\\nrioters were punished as they should have been, nor\\nwas the oflfending editor called to account for the\\npublic injury he had caused; and their impunity\\nencouraged many ill-designing and more inconsiderate\\nmen to imitate their examples. In Philadelphia, on\\nthe 12th of August, 1833, about forty houses were\\ndestroyed, chiefly the habitations of colored people,\\nand several lives were lost. On another occasion, a\\nlarge and expensive building in the same city, erected\\nfor public lectures, c., and called Pennsylvania Hall,\\nwas deliberately burnt by a numerous mob. In Bos-\\nton, the assembling of abolition societies was, for a\\ntime, prevented by riotous crowds of men threatening\\nto interfere with force.\\nIt may not be improper to notice, in this connection,\\nthat, in the year 1840, the sloop Amistad, from Cuba,\\nwas seized by a United States vessel at the entrance\\nof Long Island Sound, on suspicion of piracy. It was\\nfound to contain about forty Africans, who had been\\nrecently brought as slaves from Africa, sold to Span-\\niards, and embarked in that vessel, to be transported\\nto another part of the island. They had seized the\\nvessel by force, and killed some of the white men.\\nThe Africans were transferred to Connecticut, and\\nimprisoned for some time at New Haven. They\\nwere claimed by the reputed owners in Cuba but,\\nafter the delay of many months, the Supreme Court\\nof the United States decided that they should not be\\nsurrendered lo them, but set at iberty. Among other", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0470.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n439\\ncounsel retained for the Africans, they enjoyed the able\\nservices of the venerable Ex-president Adams, who\\nvolunteered his efforts, and highly distinguished him-\\nself by an eloquent plea. A committee of the Aboli-\\ntion Society, who had them in charge after their\\nrelease, and provided them with subsistence and in-\\nstruction, sent them to Africa in 1841. with a mis-\\nsionary, who, at their desire, was to undertake to\\nintroduce Christianity and learning into their country.\\nThe session of the Pennsylvania legislature was\\ninterrupted by a mob on the 4th of December, 1S38,\\nso that the governor sent to Philadelphia for a detach-\\nment of militia. That very extraordinary occurrence\\ntook place in consequence of high political excitement.\\nThe election of the Philadelphia members was con-\\ntested, on the opening of the session that morning,\\nin the chamber of representatives and two speakers\\nwere chosen, and two bodies organized by the oppo-\\nsite parties. In the afternoon, the senate were pre-\\nvented from opening their session by a body of riotous\\nmen, who assembled about the door, and, when the\\nsenators had withdrawn, entered and occupied it. On\\nthe 8th, the troops of the first division of militia ar-\\nrived from Philadelphia, and restored order. The two\\nbodies in the house, however, continued to hold sepa-\\nrate meetings, until the senate recognized one of them\\nby a majority of one vote and thus the disturbance\\nended.\\nThe session of congress of 1839 and 1840 was\\ngreatly agitated in consequence of the early refusal\\nof seats to the representatives from New Jersey.\\nCongress met on the 26th of December, and the clerk\\nof the house, after calling the names of 4he represen-\\ntatives from the New England states and New York,\\nnamed only one of those from New Jersey, remarking\\nthat the seats of the other five were to be contested, and\\nproposing to omit them. As they liad brought certifi-\\ncates of their election, this proposition was opposed,\\nand a prolonged and disorderly debate ensued. On\\nthe 4th of January, the Honourable John Q.uincy\\nAdams was chosen chairman, and the subject was\\ndebated until the 16th. Mr. Hunter was then elected\\nspeaker^ but without allowing the five members liber-\\nty to vote. On the fcJlowing day, the other members\\ntook the oath, and the right of the five New Jersey\\nmembers was denied by the rejection of a resolution\\noffered to assert their claim. This measure produced\\ngreat dissatisfaction, partly because it was effected by\\na vote of one hundred and sixteen to one hundred and\\ntwelve, the numbers being such that the five reiected\\n5\\nmembers would have placed the majority on the other\\nside, if they had been permitted to vote. The de-\\nlivery of the president s message was thus delayed\\nthree weeks.\\nThe sect called Mormons, who had assembled in\\nlarge numbers in the west, and were marching about\\nin search of a settlement about this time, caused much\\ndifficulty in Missouri. Imagining themselves to be\\nunder the express guidance of the Almighty, they\\nmoved about for a time without any fixed plan, until\\nthey found themselves in want of provisions as well\\nas habitations; and on the 28th of October, 1828, they\\nsurrendered to General Atkinson, who was at the head\\nof three thousand Missouri militia. Their whole\\nnumber was said to amount to five thousand, and\\namong them were seven hundred armed men. On\\nthe borders of Ray county, in that state, a body of\\nthree hundred or four hundred Mormons destroyed a\\nparty of about fifty men, of which only three or four\\nmade their escape. At Charlestown, near Boston, an\\nUrsiiline convent had been erected, which received\\nyoung ladies as pupils from different parts of the\\ncountry. Two of them, who had escaped, at different\\nperiods, by eluding the vigilance of their foreign guar-\\ndians, made such representations of the severe treat-\\nment they had received, and cast such grave sus-\\npicions on the moral character of the priests and\\nnuns, that a mob proceeded against the institution on\\nthe night of August 11, 1833, and burned it to the\\nground. Repeated attempts were made to recover\\ndamages for the property destroyed but neither the\\ncourts nor the legislature would grant any redress.\\nOn the 7th of November, 1835, the New York and\\nLake Erie Railroad was commenced, which is to pass\\nthrough the southern counties of that state, and open\\na communication with the Hudson River and the city\\nof New York. The same year, Samuel Smithson, of\\nLondon, left a legacy of one hundred thousand pounds\\nsterling, to be devoted to an institution in the United\\nStates, for the intellectual improvement of mankind,\\nunder the direction of congress. A vast amount of\\nproperty was destroyed by fire, principally in a few\\nof the chief cities. By far the most remarkable case\\nof this kind was the great fire in New York. It\\nbroke out in the evening of December 16, 1835, and\\ncontinued to burn until one o clock on the following\\nday. The destruction of property, in those few hours,\\nwas far greater than by any other fire on this side of\\nthe Atlantic. A great part of that portion of the\\ncity was consumed which was the principal seat of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0471.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "440\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nbusiness and, according to the official estimate, the\\nloss amounted to seventeen million one hundred and\\nfifteen thousand six hundred and ninety-two dollars: of\\nthis, thirteen million one hundred and fifteen thousand\\nsix hundred and ninety-two dollars was merchandise,\\nand four million dollars in buildings, of which no less\\nthan five hundred and twenty-nine were consumed.\\nOn the 15th of December, 1836, the United States gen-\\neral post-office at Washington was burned, with the\\npatent office, and the Washington post-office. The\\ncontents of all these were also consumed, excepting\\nonly a portion of those of the first. Among the val-\\nuable articles which fell a prey to the flames, were\\nseven thousand models of patent machines, instru-\\nments, c. one hundred and sixty-three large folio\\nvolumes of records; twenty-six large portfolios, con-\\ntaining nine thousand drawings, many of which were\\nvery valuable, and of fine execution ten thousand\\noriginal descriptions of inventions, (fcc. A report\\nmade by a committee of congress stated that about\\nthree thousand of the most valuable might be replaced\\nat an expense of thirty-three dollars each, or one hun-\\ndred thousand dollars for that number.\\nThe disputed territory in Maine became the scene\\nof much disorder in the winter of 1839. The land\\nagent of that state, Mr. Mclntyre, having led a\\nparty of men against individuals who were cutting\\nwood in the disputed territory, was captured and im-\\nprisoned at Frederickton, N. B., but was soon released\\nby the governor, who issued a proclamation, declaring\\nthe Americans guilty of an invasion of the possessions\\nof her majesty. The British warden of the disputed\\nterritory was in turn captured by a party of Ameri-\\ncans, and taken to Bangor. Much excitement pre-\\nvailed on this subject, until the following terms were\\nagreed upon between Mr. Fox, the minister plenipo-\\ntentiary of Great Britain, and Mr. Forsyth, the Ameri-\\ncan secretary of state Her majesty s officers will\\nnot seek to expel by military force the armed party\\nwhich has been sent by Maine into the district bor-\\ndering on the Aroostook River but the government\\nof Maine will voluntarily, and without needless delay,\\nwithdraw beyond the bounds of the disputed terri-\\ntory any armed force now within them and, if future\\nnecessity should arise for dispersing notorious tres-\\npassers, or protecting public property from depreda-\\ntions, by armed force, the operation shall be conducted\\nby concert, jointly or separately, according to agree-\\nments between the governments of Maine and New\\nBrunswick. About the close of March, a proposition\\nwas made by Major-General Scott, of the United\\nStates army, to Sir John Harvey, lieutenant-governor\\no{ New Brunswick, and his Excellency Jolm Fair-\\nfield, governor of Maine, to leave the question at rest\\nuntil further instruction should be received -by the\\nformer fi-om his government and the troops of Maine\\nwere disbanded. This important service was highly\\ncreditable to the skill and disposition of the distin-\\nguished officer to whom it had been intrusted, and\\nwhose talents were now as signally displayed in the\\nfield of diplomacy, as they had formerly been in that\\nof his own proper profession. The independence\\nof the republic of Texas was acknowledged by the\\nUnited States on the 1st of March, 1837, by a resolu-\\ntion of the senate. The vote was twenty-three to\\nnineteen. On the 31st of the same month, the Mexi-\\ncan minister protested in the most solemn manner,\\nbefore all civilized nations, against the acknowl-\\nedgment of the pretended republic of Texas, made\\nby the United States. On the 17th of April, the\\nUnited States sloop of war Natchez captured a Mexi-\\ncan brig of war off the Brazos de St. Jago, after\\nmaking a formal demand upon the Mexican authori-\\nties to release six American vessels illegally captured\\nAn exploring expedition, which had been sent out\\nfor the discovery of unknown countries in the South\\nPacific Ocean, to explore and survey certain coasts\\nand islands, c., discovered the Antarctic continent,\\non the 19th of January, in the year 1840. The ex-\\npedition consisted of.the Vincennes, Peacock, and Por-\\npoise, with a smaller vessel, atid was under the com-\\nmand of Lieutenant Wilkes, of the United States\\nnavy. The 4and was discovered by the Vincennes,\\nthough, it is said, it had been seen a few days be-\\nfore on board the Porpoise. The Vincennes fell in\\nwith it in south latitude 66\u00c2\u00b0 20 east longitude 15\u00c2\u00b0\\n40 IS and ran along the coast to 97\u00c2\u00b0 45 east,\\na distance of about seventeen hundred miles.\\nThe weather was cold and stormy, and the coast so\\nguarded by ice, that it was impossible to effect a land-\\ning. The new continent presents a long chain of\\nmountains, apparently destitute of vegetation and\\nhuman inhabitants. The French exploring expe-\\ndition, under the command of Commodore D Urville,\\ndiscovered the same continent in latitude 66\u00c2\u00b0 8 on\\nthe same day as the Vincennes, but could not prose-\\ncute the discovery on account of the ice. An address\\nto the senate, signed by fifty-six distinguished British\\nauthors, was presented by Mr. Clay on the 1st of Feb-\\nruary, 1837, petitioning for a copy-right law, to secure", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0472.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n441\\nto them and other foreign writers some benefit from\\nthe sale of their books. The following is an extract\\nThat they have long been exposed to injury, in\\ntheir reputation and property, from the want of a law,\\nby which the exclusive right to their respective writ-\\nings may be secured to them in the United States;\\nthat, for the want of such a law, deep and extensive\\ninjuries have been inflicted on their reputation and\\nproperty, and on the interests of liberty and science,\\nwhich ought to constitute a bond of union and friend-\\nship between the United States and Great Britain\\nand that, deeply impressed with the conviction that\\nthe only firm ground of friendship between nations is\\na strict regard to simple justice, they earnestly request\\nthe senate of the United States, in congress assembled,\\nspeedily to use, in behalf of the authors of Great Brit-\\nain, their power of securing to the authors the exclu-\\nsive right of their writings. The address goes on to\\nstate that their property is injured by the American\\npublishers, who appropriate the money received, from\\nthe sale of their works, contrary to their wishes and\\nthat their reputation is exposed to injury by the imita-\\ntion or alteration of their works, while their names\\nare retained as the authors, and are thus made re-\\nsponsible for works which they no longer recognize\\nas their own. From all these evils they have now\\nno redress while American authors are injured by\\nthis free competition, and the American public de-\\nceived with imperfect and mutilated editions. This\\naddress was referred to a committee; and a petition\\nwas afterwards presented in the same spirit, from a\\nnumber of American authors.\\nRailroads have been constructed in great numbers\\nin different parts of the country, in so many directions,\\nand of such extent, that it is unnecessary to attempt\\nan enumeration of them. Their united length has\\nbeen estimated at four thousand miles. Travelling\\nand transportation have been facilitated and extended\\nto a wonderful degree, and the rapidity, cheapness,\\nand comfort, of travelling on the principal routes, and\\non many branches, have caused a great increase in\\ncommuuication and intercourse throughout the Union.\\nAlthough railroads have in a great measure super-\\nseded canals, some of the latter are still very useful,\\nbeing employed chiefly for the transportation of more\\nbulky ai-ticles. The construction of canals, however,\\nhas ceased, and there is little probability that any\\nmore will ever be made in this country.\\nThe country was at this period in a state of great\\ndepression, and many of the people attributed the\\nextensive and alarming embarrassments of trade to the\\nmeasures of the government. General William Henry\\nHarrison, of Ohio, was proposed as a candidate for the\\npresidency, and a convention from all the states was\\ninvited to meet at Harrisburgh, Pennsylvania, on the\\n4th of December, to consist of persons opposed to the\\nadministration of Mr. Van Buren. Mr. Webster and\\nMr. Clay had, ere this, been nominated by their\\nfriends as candidates but they both publicly requested\\nthat their names might be withdrawn in case any\\nother person should be found, on whom the opposition\\nparty (who had assumed the title of Whigs) might be\\nexpected to unite. General Harrison had been a can-\\ndidate at the preceding election, having been nomi-\\nnated by the anti-masonic party for president, and he\\nreceived seventy-two electoral votes. But the time\\nhad arrived when he was to see his popularity rapidly\\nincrease, and to enjoy a greater degree of public fa-\\nvour than had. been expressed to any man in the\\ncountry, with the single exception of him who had\\nso justly borne the title of its father. The Harrisburgh\\nconvention contained delegates from twenty-two of\\nthe states; and the first vote given showed there were\\nfor Mr. Clay, one hundred and three; for General Har-\\nrison, ninety-four and for General Scott, fifty-seven.\\nThe second was as follows: Harrison, one hundred\\nand forty-eight Clay, ninety and Scott, sixteen. It\\nwas agreed, with perfect unanimity and much enthu-\\nsiasm, that General Harrison should be nominated to\\nthe people for president, and John Tyler, of Virginia,\\nfor vice-president. Meetings were now held in great\\nnumbers in all parts of the Union, friendly to these\\ncandidates, and the new practice soon prevailed of\\n7nass meetings, as they were called, at which the\\npeople assembled in much greater numbers than ever\\nbefore. An air of gayety also began to prevail and\\nthe customary gravity and too frequent asperity of\\npolitical meetings generally gave place to addresses of\\na conciliatory character, alternating with songs. The\\nhope of better times was encouraged, and the evils\\nsufiered by the country were attributed to the ill-\\nplaced confidence of a large and honest party in self-\\nish, ignorant, or unfaithful leaders. General Harri-\\nson s life and character became the topic of general\\neulogium, and in a generous outbreak of national\\nenthusiasm, the simplicity, industry, and economy, of\\na new country received their merited praise, as well\\nas the hardihood, bravery, and self-denial, of the patri-\\notic soldier. As an emblem of unsophisticated society\\nin the west, log-houses were erected at the places oi", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0473.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "442\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\npolitical meetings, and equipped with the furniture\\nand decorations of the rudest frontier habitations\\nminiature log-cabins were borne in procession, and\\nworn about the person, as insignia of political parti-\\nsanship, while their praises were the burden of many\\na popular song.\\nGeneral William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, was in-\\naugurated president of the United States, for the en-\\nsuing four years, on the 4th of March, 1841, and John\\nTyler, of Virginia, vice-president, for the same term.\\nEach had been elected by a vote of two hundred and\\nthirty-four. The only other votes given for president,\\nwere sixty for Mr. Van Bureri. General Harrison\\nwas son of the distinguished man of that name who\\nsigued the Declaration of Independence iu 1776, as a\\nmember of the continental congress from Virginia.\\nHaving received his education at Hampden-Sidney\\nCollege, he began to study medicine but at the\\nage of nineteen, he received a commission from\\nWashington, and in 1792 entered actual service as\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0an aid of General Wayne, against the Indians. He\\nappeared in congress at the age of twenty-six, as a\\ndelegate from the North- Western Territory, and the\\nnext year was appointed governor of Indiana, which\\nthen comprehended all the western territory, except\\nOliio. Continuing in that office in 1811, he com-\\nmanded at the victory of Tippecanoe, and at the\\nbattle of the Thames, in 1813, as a general of the\\nregular army. By treaties with the Indians, which\\nare believed to have been fairly and honestly made,\\nhe purchased for the country fifty-one millions of\\nacres of the richest land, and he introduced the plan\\nfor the sale of the public domain in sections of six\\nhundred and forty, and three hundred and twenty\\nacres, instead of four thousand, so that poor settlers\\ncould purchase farms. He was appointed Indian\\ncommissioner again in 1814, a representative in con-\\ngress in 1816, and a senator in the Ohio legislature,\\nand in congress, and iu 1828 minister to Colombia.\\nHis pure character, however, his sound judgment,\\nactive devotion to his country, and high sense of\\nhonour, which had always kept him in a sphere far\\nabove the polluting suspicion of selfishness, were not\\nforgotten and he was sought out in his retirement,\\nlike Cincinnatus at the plough, by those who wished\\nto find a man possessing substantial qualifications for\\ndie chief magistracy. His simple manners and frank-\\nness of address, but above all his stern virtue and\\ndecided example in favor of religion, and moral and\\npolitical integrity, rendered him one of the most\\npopular men the country has ever produced. The\\nfollowing passages are extracts from the address he\\ndelivered, after his inauguration However strong\\nmay be my present purpose to realize the expec-\\ntations of a magnanimous and confiding people, I\\ntoo well understand the infirmities of human nature,\\nand the dangerous temptations to which I shall be\\nexposed from the magnitude of the power which it\\nhas been the pleasure of the people to commit to my\\nhand, not to place my chief confidence in the aid of\\nthat Almighty Power which has hitherto protected\\nme, and enabled me to bring to favorable issues other\\nimportant but still inferior trusts, heretofore confided to\\nme by my countrymen. The great danger\\nto our institutions does not appear to me to be iu a\\nusurpation by the government of power not granted\\nby the people, but the accumulation in one of the\\ndepartments of that which was assigned to others.\\nSome of the sources of the evils complained of he\\nthought to be the defects of the constitution, and a\\nmisconstruction of some of its provisions. The re-\\neligibility of the president, he said, was an evil which\\nany president might correct in his own case. Until\\nan amendment of the constitution can be effected,\\nsaid he, public opinion may secure the desired ob-\\nject. I give my aid to it, by renewing the pledge\\nheretofore given, that under no circumstances will I\\nconsent to serve a second term. With respect to the\\nveto power, the president said that the constitution\\nhad given that power to the judiciary as well as to\\nthe executive yet the judiciary had never exercised it.\\nOn the subject of setting aside precedents, he remarked,\\nI believe, with Mr. Madison, that repeated recognitions,\\nunder varied circumstances, in the acts of the legis-\\nlative, executive, and judicisd branches of the govern-\\nment, accompanied by indications, in different modes,\\nof the concurrence of the general will of the nation,\\nas affording to the president sufficient authority for his\\nconsidering such disputed points as settled. After a\\nfull consideration of the evil effects of encouraging\\npublic officers to take an active part in electioneering,\\nhe added, Never, with my consent, shall an officer\\nof the people, compensated for his services out of\\ntheir pockets, become the pliant instrument of execu-\\ntive will. The freedom of the press, he declared, is\\none of the most precious legacies they (our ancestors)\\nhave left us. AVith respect to the public funds, he\\nthus expressed himself: The mode of keeping the\\npublic treasure should be prescribed by them, (the\\npeople and the farther removed it may he from the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0474.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n443\\ncontrol of the executive, the more wholesome the ar-\\nrangement, and the more in accordance with repub-\\nlican principle. la relation to the adoption of gold\\nand silver, instead of paper money, he declared\\nthat an exclusive metallic currency would favour the\\nnecessary toleration of usury, and be in danger of\\nbreaking down the character of the country for gen-\\nerosity and nobleness of feeling. He enforced at\\nlength the general duty of kindness and conciliation\\namong the inhabitants of all the states; and especially\\nat that juncture when party spirit prevailed in so\\ngreat a degree.\\nOn account of the deranged state of the commercial\\naffairs of the coimtry. General Harrison convoked an\\nextra session of congress for May 13. But that day\\nhe was neveY permitted to see. After a short illness,\\nGeneral Harrison died on the 4th of April, of pneumonia,\\nwith congestion of the liver, only one month after\\nhis inauguration. The following official announce-\\nment was made by the members of his cabinet\\nCity of Washington, Jlpril 4, 1841.\\nAn all-wise Providence having suddenly removed\\nfrom this life William Henry Harrison, late president\\nof the United States, we have thought it our duty, in\\nthe recess of congress, and in the absence of the vice-\\npresident from the seat of government, to make this\\nafflicting bereavement known to the country, by this\\ndeclaration, under our hands.\\nHe died at the president s house, in this city, this\\n4th day of April, Anno Domini 1841, at thirty min-\\nutes before one o clock in the morning.\\nThe people of the United States, overwhelmed,\\nlike ourselves, by an event so unexpected and so mel-\\nancholy, will derive consolation from knowing that\\nhis death was calm and resigned, as his life has been\\npatriotic, and useful, and distinguished and that the\\nlast utterance of his lips expressed a fervent desire for\\nthe perpetuity of the constitution, and the preser-\\nvation of its true principles. In death, as in life,\\nthe happiness of his country was uppermost in his\\nthought.\\nDaniel Webster, Secretary of State.\\nThomas Ewing, Secretary of the Treasury.\\nJohn Bell, Secretary of War.\\nJ. J. Crittenden, Attorney -General.\\nFrancis Granger, Postmaster -General.\\nMr. Badger, the secretary of the navy, was absent\\nat the time.\\nThe funeral of the president took place on the 7th\\nof April. Minute guns were fired in the morning at\\nthe military stations near the city and the burial\\nservice was read in the east room of the president s\\nhouse about noon, where the coffin was placed, in the\\ncentre. Near it, in a semicircle, stood about forty\\nclergymen, opposite whom sat the members of the\\ncabinet round the head of the coffin, while behind\\nthem were the foreign ministers beyond them were\\nthe mourners, the physicians, pall-bearers, and officers\\nof the army and navy, while a great number of other\\npersons occupied the other parts of the spacious room.\\nThe coffin was carried on a car drawn by six white\\nhorses, attended by the pall-bearers, who represented\\nthe different states and territories of the Union. A\\nmilitary escort preceded the car, consisting of officers\\nof the army and navy, and of different corps in the\\nDistrict, and of the city of Baltimore. The civic oro-\\ncession, which followed the military, was led by the\\nUnited States marshal for the District, clerk of the\\nSupreme Court, the mayors of the neighbouring cities,\\nand clergy, before the car and after it, the family of\\nthe deceased, the vice-president and heads of depart-\\nments, ex-presidents, c., foreign ministers, judges,\\nsenators, representatives, governors, officers of de-\\npartment, soldiers, societies, citizens, ice. (fcc. The\\nhouses were crowded with spectators, and bore en-\\nsigns of mourning, as the procession moved to the\\ncongressional burying-ground, where the coffin was de-\\nposited in solemn silence. It was afterwards removed\\nto the banks of the Ohio, and placed in a new tomb,\\nerected for the purpose by public subscriptions.\\nOn the 6th of April, the vice-president, having ar-\\nrived in Washington, was waited on by the heads of\\nthe departments, to pay him their personal and official\\nrespects. He signified to them his wish that they\\nwould continue to fill the station they held, and ex-\\npressed his confidence that they would afford him\\ntheir aid in the administration of the government.\\nHe then took and subscribed the following oath, that\\nno room might remain for doubts of his legal quali-\\nfications for the discharge of the duties of president,\\nwhich the death of General Harrison had devolved\\nupon him.\\nI do solemnly swear, that I will faithfully execute\\nthe office of president of the United States, and will,\\nto the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend,\\nthe constitution of the United States.\\nJohn Tyleb\\nApril 6, 184].", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0475.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "444\\nHISTORY OF THE UINITED STATES.\\nThis oath was administered to Mr. Tyler by the\\nHonourable William Cranch, chief justice of the\\nDistrict of Columbia. On the 13th of April, the\\npresident issued the following proclamation for a na-\\ntional fast\\nTo the People of the United States. A Recommendation.\\nWhen a Christian people feel themselves to be\\novertaken by a great public calamity, it becomes them\\nto humble themselves under the dispensation of divine\\nProvidence, to recognize His righteous government\\nover the children of men, to acknowledge His good-\\nness in time past, as well as their own unworthi-\\nness, and to supplicate His merciful protection for the\\nfuture.\\nThe death of William Henry Harrison, late presi-\\ndent of the United States, so soon after his elevation to\\nthat high office, is a bereavement peculiarly calculated\\nto be regarded as a heavy affliction, and to impress\\nall minds with a sense of the uncertainty of human\\nthings, and of the dependence of nations, as well as\\nindividuals, upon our heavenly Parent.\\nI have thought, therefore, that 1 should be acting\\nin conformity with the general expectation and feel-\\nings of the community, in recommending, as I now\\ndo, to the people of the United States, of every re-\\nligious denomination, that, according to their several\\nmodes and forms of worship, they observe a day of\\nfasting and prayer, by such religious services as may\\nbe suitable on the occasion and I recommend Friday,\\nthe 14th day of May next, for that purpose to the\\nend that, on that day, we may all, with one accord,\\njoin in humble and reverential approach to Him in\\nwhose hands we are, invoking Him to inspire us with\\na proper spirit, and temper of heart and mind, under\\nthose frowns of his Providence, and still to bestow\\nHis precious benedictions upon our gover:mient and\\nour country.\\nJohn Ttler.\\nWashhiotom, .Spra 13, 1841.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0476.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "No president, since Washington, had commenced\\nhis administration under such favourable auspices as\\nMr. Tyler. Though elevated, by the suffrages and\\nexertions of the Whig party, to that position from\\nwhich, under the provisions of the constitution, he\\nstepped into the vacant presidency, he was not\\npersonally pledged to any specific measures, or any\\ncourse of policy, for whicli that party contended.\\nWith a high-minded and honourable regard for the\\nsupreme will of the people, as indicated in his elec-\\ntion, he might have blended a noble independence of\\nsectional and party shackles, and, steering a middle\\ncourse between tlie factions, have disarmed the vio-\\nlence of the conflict, and given to the country a season\\nof political repose. By many of the wise and moder-\\nate, on both sides, this was desired and expected.\\nIn accordance with these just and patriotic senti-\\nments, Mr. Tyler courteously requested the entire\\ncabinet of his lamented predecessor to retain their re-\\nspective places, and announced his determination to\\nmake no immediate changes in the administrative\\npolicy of the government. But matters of graver im-\\nport than the distribution of executive favours soon\\narose. The qumstiones vexatce. of political strife began\\nto be revived. The bank, which, it was supposed, had\\nreceived its quietus in the sub-treasury, the tariff,\\ninternal improvements, and the distribution of the pub-\\nlic lands, were all to be taken up de novo, as problems\\nnot yet solved.\\nOn all these questions, Mr. Tyler s cabinet was dia-\\nmetrically opposed to that of the Van Buren adminis-\\ntration and measures were soon in progress to effect a\\nradical change, as soon as congress could be brought\\nto act upon the subject.\\nThe extra session of congress, which had been\\ncalled by proclamation from General Harrison, com-\\nmenced at the time appointed, on the 31st of May.\\nThis was not an.event of rare occurrence, having been\\nresorted to five times before, since the adoption of the\\nconstitution. The house of representatives was organ-\\nized by the election of the Whig candidate for speaker,\\nMr. John White, of Kentucky. Mr. Mangum, of North\\nCarolina, president j9ro tem. of the senate, presided over\\nthat body, becoming, de facto, vice-president of the\\nUnited States, and receiving the full salary of that\\noffice.\\nThe message of President Tyler was brief and ap-\\npropriate. Alluding to his peculiar position, and the\\noccasion which called for a message from him at that\\ntime, he gave a succinct view of the relations of the\\ncountry with foreign powers, and the domestic crisis\\nwhich made it expedient to call an extra session. He\\ncommended to the notice of congress the deranged\\ncondition of the currency and the monetary affairs of\\nthe country; condemned the sub-treasury, as wholly\\nincompetent to the duty assigned it, and recommended\\nthe establishment of some fiscal agent, which might\\ncome within the range of the constitution, and har-\\nmonize the conflicting views of the different schools\\nof political economists. In planning, and putting into\\nactive operation, such an agent, he promised his hearty\\ncooperation, reserving the right of interfering only to\\nprevent an actual infringement of the constitution.\\nThe measures of relief proposed by the new admin-\\nistration were, a repeal of the sub-treasury, a modifi-\\ncation of the tariff, and a general bankrupt law. The\\nformer, it was contended, was paralyzing the energies\\nof the business community, by withdrawing from ac-\\ntive circulation a large portion of the currency, and\\nholding it, in terrorem, over the banks, to prevent\\nthem from accommodating the merchants. It was,\\nmoreover, unsafe to the public, since these large ac-\\ncumulations of money were now intrusted to a few\\nindividuals, and protected by individual responsibility\\nwhereas, under the banking system, the safety of the\\ndeposits was guaranteed hy the joint responsibility of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0477.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "445\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmany stockholders.\\nIt was argued, also, that, as ex-\\nperience is always a safer guide than theory, the histo-\\nry of the past afforded a strong argument in favour of\\nthe safety of the bank over tliat of the sub-treasury.\\nOf all the millions upon millions which had been re-\\nceived and disbursed by two national banks, each\\nhaving a charter of twenty years, the government had\\nnot lost a dollar. It was always at her command, in\\nany amount, at any place, and in any kind of funds,\\nshe might demand. By the state banks she had lost\\na million and a half, and by defaulting officers several\\nmillions more.\\nOn these and other points, however, there were\\nmany conflicting opinions and views and it was only\\nby a strict drawing of party lines, that any measure,\\nconnected with this subject, could be carried. By this\\nmeans alone, the last bank had been destroyed, and all\\nplans to renew and improve it defeated. By this\\nmeans the tariff and the land bills had been arranged.\\nAnd by this means only were those great questions yet\\nto be disposed of. The general sense of the people\\nwas in favour of a change, or rather of a return to the\\ngood old way. The eclat of General Jackson s\\nname no longer overshadowed all other considerations.\\nWhat he had been fully sustained in doing would not\\nhave been tolerated in any other man. This the people\\nbegan to see and to feel. Tii ed of mere political strife,\\nwhich resulted in no good to the people, but only in\\nperpetuating office to a few of the more ambitious\\nleaders, they wished for repose. They resolved on a\\nchange; though it was more than probable that it\\nwould only be a change in name.\\nThis change was made. A new administration was\\ninvested with the powers of government. But the\\nstroke of Providence had taken away its head. The\\ncxQcutive will, which had recently been allowed to\\nassert a personality and supremacy unknown to the\\nearly days of the constitution, was yet undeveloped.\\nThe whole country looked eagerly for the first fore-\\nshadowings of its purpose. In this, however, all were\\ndisappointed. As Mr. Tyler had not openly and di-\\nrectly committed himself, in the recent contest, on the\\ndetails of the great leading questions of national policy,\\nso, probably, he had not, at this time, distinctly marked\\nout to himself the precise course he should pursue.\\nHe was soon brought to a stand. One of the first\\nmatters taken up by congress, in its extra session, was\\nthe bank question. The secretary of the treasury, to\\nwhose department it more properly belonged, presented,\\nin his report, the outline of a national bank, to the\\nmain features of which Mr. Tyler was understood to\\nhave given his full assent. It was vehemently opposed\\niu both houses of congress, but passed into a bill not-\\nwithstanding. The sub-treasury was already repealed,\\nto make way for the establishment of the new institu-\\ntion. To the latter measure the president had freely\\ngiven his official sanction, and the Whigs, with ap-\\nparent good reason, expected his approval of this b U.\\nTo their utter disappointment and dismay, however,\\nhe returned it with objections.\\nThis veto was the signal for a vigorous renewal of\\nthe strife of party. Defeated where they least expect-\\ned it, and by the exercise of a power of which they\\nwere always extremely jealous, as savouring too much\\nof absolutism, the Whigs were confounded and dis-\\nheartened, not knowing on whom to depend.\\nMr. Tyler, like his illustrious predecessor, Gen-\\neral Jackson, had disclaimed hostility to the bank on\\nconstitutional grounds, by averring that ho had a plan\\nof his own for a fiscal agent, which would meet the\\nexigencies of the case, and harmonize the conflicting\\nviews of all the real friends of the bank. Upon this\\nencouragement, a new bill was prepared, every feature\\nof which was supposed to be so guarded and adjusted\\nas to meet the executive scruple. This, however,\\nthough sanctioned by a majority of both houses of con-\\ngress, met the same fate, at the hand of the president,\\nas the former one.\\nCongress did not renew the subject, but the execu-\\ntive did. At the opening of the next session, the sec-\\nretary of the treasury presented the plan for an ex-\\nchequer, which was recommended by the president.\\nIt was rejected by the house of representatives, by a\\nvote of 193 to 18.\\nThe exercise of the veto power had always been\\nregarded with extreme jealousy by congress and the\\npeople. It had been very rarely used in the early ad-\\nministration of the government. Washington vetoed\\ntwo bills Madison, four Monroe, one Jackson, ten.\\nIt is, perhaps, a necessary constitutional provision, but\\nconfers an absolute prerogative, which is somewhat\\nanomalous in a democratic constitution a preroga-\\ntive so absolute that few, if any, of the constitutional\\nmonarchs of Europe would venture to exercise it in\\nthe face of a decided majority. It is odious to the\\npeople, as the one-man power, and would probably\\nbe somewhat restrained, if submitted now to a popu-\\nlar vote.\\nIn the measures thus defeated by executive interpo-\\nsition, the cabinet were agreed and deeply interested.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0478.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n447\\nFeeling that the president had already virtually taken\\nother couns3lIors, and indicated a course of policy in\\nwhich they could never harmonize, they resolved to\\nretire. Accordingly, with the exception of Mr. Web-\\nster, they all sent in their resignations. Never did this\\ngreat man appear more truly independent than in\\nretaining office against the expressed wishes of many\\nof his friends. He knew the crtsis which existed, and\\nfelt that duty to his country demanded his services.\\nThe cabinet was recomposed in the following manner\\nDaniel Webster, of Mass., (continuing) Sec y of State.\\nWalter Forward, of Penn., Sec y of the Treasury.\\nAbel P. Upshur, of Virginia, Navy.\\nJohn C. Spencer, of New York, War.\\nHugh S. Legare, of S. Carolina, Attorney-General.\\nCharles A. Wickliffe, of Ky., Postmaster-General.\\nThe boundary line between the United States, in its\\nnorth-eastern section, and the province of Nova Scotia,\\nhad been long in dispute. Several earnest attempts\\nhad been made to settle it. Much bad feeling, and\\nsome powder, had been expended upon it and the\\namicable relations which had so long subsisted between\\nthe two great branches of the Anglo-Saxon family\\nwere in some danger of being seriously disturbed.\\nWith a commendable disposition to adjust the diffi-\\nculty, the British government had appointed Lord\\nAshburton, an intelligent, liberal-minded statesman,\\nhaving large American interests and relations, to repre-\\nsent them at Washington. The correspondence be-\\ntween this distinguished iftan and Mr. Webster was of\\nthe highest order of diplomatic merit, worthy of the\\nmen and of the nations they represented. The result\\nwas a treaty, definitively and forever adjusting the\\nnorth-eastern boundary. It was ratified by the United\\nStates on the 20th of August, and by Great Britain on\\nthe 14th of October. The treaty of Washington will\\nremain forever a monument to the talent and patriotism\\nof the great American statesman.\\nThe exploring expedition, which had been sent\\nout, in 1838, under command of Lieutenant Wilkes,\\nreturned on the 10th of June, 1842, having success-\\nfully accomplished the object for which it was de-\\nsigned. On the 16th of January, 1840, land was dis-\\ncovered far south of New Holland, in latitude 66\u00c2\u00b0.\\nThis was the first discovery of the Antarctic continent.\\nUnable to effect a landing, on account of the ice. Cap-\\ntain Wilkes coasted along the shore for many leagues\\nin imminent danger of being crushed among the ice-\\nbergs they bore away for the western coast of Amer-\\nica, whence, having surveyed the Columbia and Sac-\\n57\\nramento Rivers, he returned home by way of the Capa\\nof Good Hope.\\nThis year (1842) was further signalized by the out-\\nbreaking of domestic troubles in Rhode Island, which,\\nfor a time, wore a most threatening aspect. Tliis\\nstate, instead of adopting a new constitution, on com-\\ning into the Union, retained, as the fundamental law,\\nits old colonial charter, derived from the British crown\\nin 16G3, with only such modifications as were neces-\\nsary to adapt it to its new relations. Various amend-\\nments and improvements had been enacted from time\\nto time but that peculiarly British feature, which lim-\\nited the right of suffrage to landholders, remained un-\\nchanged. As the manufacturing interest increased, and\\nwith it a movable population seldom acquiring a right in\\nthe soil, this provision began to be felt as a grievance, and\\nmany unavailing efforts had been made, to induce the\\nlegislature to call a convention of the people, in due\\nform, to revise the charter. Two parties were strongly\\narrayed on this point the charter party, holding tena-\\nciously to their ancient privileges, and the suffrage\\nparty, demanding a share in the great prerogative of\\nfreemen.\\nAt length, in January, 1841, the legislature, upon\\nthe petition of the suffrage party, consented to call a\\nconvention for the purpose of forming a new constitu-\\ntion. The time of meeting was fixed for the follow-\\ning November. This did not satisfy the suffrage party.\\nThey accordingly held a general caucus on the 17th\\nof April, and another on the 5th of July, at Provi-\\ndence, which assumed the right to call for a delegate\\nconvention, to meet in October, thus hoping to forestall,\\nand perhaps annul, the action of a regular constitutional\\nconvention.\\nThe two conventions met at the times appointed for\\neach respectively. Each formed a constitution, and\\nsubmitted it to the people for ratification. The suf-\\nfrage party, deeming it necessary to secure the votes\\nof a majority of all those to whom their constitution\\naccorded the right, kept the polls open six days, and\\nreceived proxies. In this manner they obtained four-\\nteen thousand votes. The whole number of adult\\ncitizens being only twenty-three thousand, they claimed\\nto have established their constitution by the voice of\\nthe people. They accordingly proceeded to choose\\nstate officers, and representatives to the legislature.\\nThrough the zealous efforts of the suffrage party,\\nthe constitution submitted by the legal convention was\\nrejected by a majority of six hundred and seventy-\\nseven votes. This event threw them back upon the", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0479.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "448\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncharter, and they proceeded to their annual elections,\\nas usual.\\nFor so small a state as Rhode Island, two govern-\\nors, two legislatures assembled at the same time, was\\nrather an imposing and startling spectacle. Samuel\\nW. King was the regular governor under the charter.\\nThomas W. Dorr was the governor elect of the suf-\\nfrage party. Serious difficulties were apprehended.\\nGovernor King made .application to President Tyler\\nfor a military force to sustain him, if necessary, in sup-\\nporting the constitution of the state, and received\\nassurances of aid whenever it should be necessary.\\nOn the 16th of May, 1842, Mr. Dorr entered Prov-\\nidence, under the escort of about thirteen hundred of\\nhis supporters, of whom three hundred were in arms.\\nArriving at his quarters, he issued a proclamation, de-\\nfying the power of the regular government, and de-\\nclaring his determination to maintain, to the last\\nextremity, the position to which he had been called.\\nVery early in the morning of the 18th, he proceeded\\nto the state arsenal, at the head of his adherents, and\\nhaving drawn up his troops in battle array, and planted\\nhis icannon, sent in a flag and demanded a surrender.\\nColonel Blodget, who was in command, inquired,\\nFor whom, and in whose name The answer was,\\nFor Governor Dorr, and in the name of Colonel\\nWheeler. Blodget replied, that he knew no such\\nmenj and that the arsenal would be defended, in case\\nof attack.\\nWhen the flag returned, Mr. Dorr gave orders to\\nfire but his gun flashed three times. It is said that\\nthere was dissatisfaction in his ranks, and that some\\nof his men had dampened the powder. However that\\nmay be, no other demonstration was made. Mr. Dorr\\nreturned to his quarters.\\nThe state military were now called out, with orders\\nto arrest Mr. Dorr, in the name of Governor King.\\nConscious of wrong, and intimidated by this array, the\\ninsurgents were soon dispersed, without resort to vio-\\nlence. Their governor made his escape into Connec-\\nticut. Most of the officers chosen by the party re-\\nsigned, and thus this precocious rebellion seemed to be\\nsabdued without bloodshed.\\nBut the spirit of discontent was not wholly quieted.\\nThe state was still under the old charter, and the right\\nof suS rage was restricted to the few who were free-\\nholders. The discussion of this vital question was\\nmaintained with greater eagerness than ever, and\\nwords, as is often the case, soon led to blows. On the\\n28th of June, Mr. Dorr again appeared, and, with about\\nseven hundred of his adherents, took possession of a\\nhill in Chepachet. Here he intrenched himself, ju due\\norder, with five pieces of cannon, and called upon the\\npeople to rally for their rights. Upon this, Governor\\nKing ordered out three thousand of the militia, to sup-\\nport the cause of law and order, and proclaimed\\nmartial law throughout the state. These decisive\\nmeasures had the desired efi ect. Seeing the utter\\nhopelessness of their position, the insurgents again dis-\\npersed, without resistance, leaving their general, as be-\\nfore, to provide for his own safety by flight. Return-\\ning a few months after to the state, Mr. Dorr was\\narrested, tried for treason, convicted, and sentenced to\\nimprisonment and hard labor for life. In the mean\\ntime, a new constitution had been adopted, according\\nto the prescribed forms of law. Mr. Dorr remained in\\nignoble confinement for one year, when he was released\\nby an act of amnesty from the legislature.\\nA very serious incident occurred, near the close of\\nthis year, on board of one of the national vessels of\\nthe United States. The brig Somers, commander\\nMcKenzie, had been cruising on the African coast, and\\nwas about returning home, when a mutiny, just ripe\\nfor execution, was discovered among the crew. Some\\nof the officers were concerned in it. The leader was\\nPhilip Spencer, a son of Hon. John C. Spencer, of\\nNew York, at that time secretary of war. He had\\ndrawn around him a considerable number of the rest-\\nless, daring spirits of that little community, and ar-\\nranged a plot for murdering the captain and his officers,\\nand getting possession of the ship for piratical purposes.\\nThe plot was fully arranged and matured, and about\\nto be put into execution, \\\\vhen it was revealed to Cap-\\ntain McKenzie by one of the supposed confederates.\\nHe had been made a confidant, in the hope of secur-\\ning him in the plot, and threatened with instant death\\nif he breathed a word of it to any one. He feigned\\nassent to the scheme, but sought opportunity to reveal\\nit. With difficulty he found such an opportunity, and\\nso the fearful tragedy was prevented not, however,\\nwithout another much to be lamented, and only less\\nfearful than that which the mutineers had plotted. A\\nsummary trial of the ringleaders was had, which\\nresulted in the decision to put three of them to death.\\nAccordingly, on the 1st of December, Philip Spencer,\\nmidshipman, Samuel Cromwell, boatswain s mate, and\\nElisha H. Small, common seaman, were hung at the\\nyard arm, in presence of the assembled crew of the\\nship. This sad example of the severity of naval dis-\\ncipline produced intense excitement throughout the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0480.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n449\\nlength and breadth of the land. \u00e2\u0080\u00a2Th^matter was thor-\\noughly investigated by a court-martial, the result of\\nwhich was a full vindicatio7i of Captain McKenzie\\nand his council of advisers in the course they had\\npursued.\\nIn May, 1844, a very serious disturbance, of a polit-\\nical character, occurred in Philadelphia, between the\\nNative American party and the Irish Catholics. A\\nmeeting of the Native Americans was held in the\\nquarter where many of the adopted citizens resided.\\nThe meeting was interrupted and broken up by a riot-\\nous attack from a large body of Irish. This was on\\nFriday, the 3d of May. On the following Monday,\\nthe Americans reassembled at the same place, in great\\nnumbers, for the avowed purpose of vindicating their\\nright to meet, when and where they pleased, without\\nmolestation.\\nThe American flag was raised over the platform,\\nand two or three addresses were delivered without in-\\nterruption. The meeting was then dispersed by a\\nsudden shower of rain, but was immediately reorgan-\\nized in a market-house, not far from the place of their\\nfirst assembling. The speaker had scarcely taken his\\nstand, when a disturbance commenced in the crowd.\\nA pistol was fired, which became the signal for a\\ngeneral melee. The Irish rushed out of their houses\\nto join in the fray. They were fired upon by the\\nAmericans, and several of their number wounded, some\\nof them mortally. The Native Americans were driven\\nfrom the ground, but soon rallied around the remnants\\nof their flag, which had been torn in shreds by their\\ninfuriated assailants. After a contest of nearly an\\nhour, the Irish were driven to take shelter in their\\nhouses, and the Americans remained masters of the\\nground.\\nBy this time, the police of the city had mustered.\\nThe sheriff arrived on the ground, and order was par-\\ntially restored. In the evening, the riot was renewed.\\nIn this the Americans were the assailants. They\\nattempted to demolish a Catholic seminary in the vicin-\\nity, but were met by a volley of musketry from within,\\nand repulsed. Five persons were shot, one of whom\\nwas killed on the spot.\\nThe next day. May 7, at three o clock, a great\\nmeeting of the American party was held in Independ-\\nence Square, about one and a half miles from the scene\\nof the former outrages. The addresses made on this\\noccasion were, for the most part, of a conciliatory char-\\nacter, and designed to prevent a further resort to vio-\\nlence. In this spirit, the assembly broke up but a\\nlarge portion, smarting imder the indignities of the\\npreceding day, resolved to go in procession to Ken-\\nsington. They displayed, as they went, the tattered\\nensign of American independence, bearing, by the side\\nof it, a banner with this inscription This is the\\nflag which was trampled under foot by the Irish Pa-\\npists.\\nOn reaching the scene of the former outrages, they\\nattempted to organize a meeting. They had scarcely\\ncommenced, however, when one of their number was\\nshot down, and instantly killed, by a ball from the\\nwindow of a house opposite the market. This was\\nfollowed by continued volleys from most of the sur-\\nrounding houses. The Americans were unarmed.\\nMany of them, however, ran for their muskets, and,\\nin a short time, a band of about forty presented them-\\nselves in front of the market. Exposed m the open\\nstreet, while their assailants were protected within the\\nwalls of their houses, they fought with desperation\\nnearly an hour, during which some of the number\\nwere killed, and several more wounded.\\nAt length the Americans set fire to one of the build-\\nings from which the firing proceeded. The flames\\nspread with great rapidity. In a short time, between\\ntwenty and thirty houses were on fire. The market-\\nhouse, where the meeting had been held, took fire by\\naccident.\\nAbout nine o clock, a detachment of soldiers, undej\\nthe command of General Cadwallader, arrived on the\\nground, having been ordered out to quell the riot.\\nPlanting his cannon so as to sweep the streets,\\nwhere the principal disturbance had occurred, the gen-\\neral ordered the mob to disperse. His force was too\\nformidable to be trifled with. The murderous firing\\nceased, and the exasperated multitude withdrew from\\nthe scene of conflict. Protected by the military, the\\nfiremen, who had been prevented by the mob from\\nmaking any eff ort to arrest the conflagration, succeed-\\ned in bringing it under. Some of the Irish were shot\\ndown, while attempting to escape from their houses.\\nOthers, it was thought, were consumed in their dwell-\\nings.\\nThe next day a gang of desperadoes, not recognized\\nby any party, commenced searching the houses of the\\nIrish and wherever they found arms secreted, they\\ndemolished the building, or set it on fii-e. The Irish,\\ncompletely overawed, otfered little resistance! The\\nchurch of St. Michael, the priest s house adjoining^\\nand the nunnery, were fired and consumed. This oc-\\ncupied the forenoon. Late in the afternoon, the mob", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0481.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "460\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmoved off toward the church of St. Augustine. A\\nlarge force was drawn out to protect it. The mayor\\nof the city was there in person. But, unfortunately,\\nhe did not understand his position. Mistaking weak-\\nness for clemency, he attempted to subdue the enraged\\npopulace with words to arrest, like the courtiers of\\nCanute, the swelling of the tide by a mere show of\\nauthority. The rabble laughed him to scorn, and\\nhurled defiance at his semblance of power. The po-\\nlice were driven back. The windows of the church\\nwere broken, a match was applied to the drapery, the\\ngas pipes were cut, and in a moment the building was\\nin flames. The firemen were forcibly prevented from\\ninterfering, and the church was soon a ruin.\\nOn the following morning, an immense meeting of\\ncitizens was held in Independence Square, to devise\\nmeasures for the restoration of peace, and the main-\\ntenance of the majesty of law. Volunteer patrols\\nwere organized. A proclamation was issued by the\\nmayor and the sheriif, declaring martial law. This had\\nthe desired effect. A mob, assembled in front of the\\nprincipal cathedral, was instantly dispersed by the an-\\nnouncement of General Cadwallader that he should\\ncomply with the very letter of the proclamation. Or-\\nder was soon perfectly restored, and, a few days after\\nthe enactment of these fearful scenes, the Native\\nAmerican party held a meeting in Kensington without\\nmolestation.\\nAn act to establish a uniform system of bankruptcy\\nthroughout the United States, to take eflect on the\\n2d day of February, 1842, was passed by congress\\nin August, 1841, and was approved by the presi-\\ndent on the 19th of the month. The act provided\\nfor two kinds of bankruptcy namely, voluntary,\\nwhere the proceedings were commenced by the bank-\\nrupt, for his own relief; mrd compulsory, where they\\nwere commenced by one or more of the creditors, to\\nenforce the settlement of the affaks of a delinquent\\ndebtor, for the benefit of all concerned.\\nThis law was cautiously and wisely framed, with a\\ntrue utilitarian view to the greatest good of the great-\\nest number. It was in accordance with a fundamental\\nprovision of the constitution, specifically vesting in\\ncongress the power to enact such a law. A similar\\nlaw had been passed by congress in 1800, which re-\\nmained in operation three years.\\nIt was a salutary enactment. A tremendous crisis\\nin the monetary affairs of the country had just passed.\\nA season of unparalleled inflation and all-pervading\\nspeculation had been followed by a universal prostra-\\ntion, a complete collapse in the fiscal system of the\\nnation. Not only the wild and reckless, but thousands\\nof the most cautious and experienced, in all depart-\\nments of trade, had fallen into hopeless embarrassment.\\nThose who were regarded as substantially rich, and\\nentitled to the highest grade of mercantile confidence\\nand credit, were whelmed in the same indiscriminate\\nruin with those whom the unwholesome agitation\\nof the moment had thrown up, like bubbles, to float\\nin the sunshine of a seeming prosperity. Banks\\nhad suspended, failed, and ceased to be individual\\nand associated enterprise had been paralyzed and\\nhundreds of thousands of competent, honest, industri-\\nous men were suddenly plunged into a state of inex-\\ntricable embanassment, from which it was impossible\\nthey should recover by the ordinary operation of the\\ncommon law, and the established customs and princi-\\nples of trade. It was an unusual disease, and demand-\\ned an unusual remedy. The operation of the law was,\\ndoubtless, in some cases severe and oppressive. Dis-\\nhonest men took advantage of its provisions to rob the\\ninnocent and helpless of their just dues. It was as\\ncarefully guarded, in all respects, as the nature of the\\ncase admitted. But imperfection is incident to all hu-\\nman legislation, its operation, on the whole, was\\neminently happy, and conducive to the general good.\\nEnterprise was resuscitated. Business revived, and\\nsoon recovered its wonted elasticity. The avenues of\\ntrade were reopened, and the marts of commerce,\\nwhich seemed like a populous city just swept by a-\\ntornado, were repeopled, and replenished with more\\nthan their former stability and fulness.\\nAn incident of some importance occurred in the lat-\\nter part of the year 1841, which brought into powerful\\ncontrast the differing policies of the United States and\\nGreat Britain, on the subject of slavery, and gave rise\\nto animated discussions in both countries, as well as to\\nsome able diplomatic communications between the two\\ngovernments. The brig Creole sailed from Richmond,\\nin the latter part of October, with a cargo of merchan-\\ndise, and about one hundred and thirty-five slaves,\\nbound to New Orleans. On the evening of the 7th of\\nNovember, some of the slaves rose upon the crew,\\nkilled a passenger, and wounded the captain and three\\nof his men. Under the direction of the mutineers, the\\nbrig was then taken to Nassau, in the island of New\\nProvidence, belonging to Great Britain. At the request\\nof the American consul, a guard was placed on board\\nthe Creole, to prevent the escape of the mutineers.\\nThe case was formally investigated by the magistrates", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0482.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n451\\nof the place, and nineteen slaves, who were implicated\\nin the mutiny, weie committed to prison. The re-\\nmainder, one hundred and fourteen in number, were\\nliberated, and, being on British ground, were free.\\nThe American consul claimed that, being American\\nproperty, they should be sent to the United States.\\nThis the British authorities refused, on the ground\\nthat their law, repudiating the right of property in\\nman, gave them no power to restrain their personal\\nliberty, except for crime. They had committed no\\noffence against English law. There was no power to\\narraign or arrest them. They were absolutely and\\nirrecoverably free, ex virtute loci.\\nThe nineteen slaves .implicated in the mutiny were\\ndemanded by the American consul, to be sent for trial\\nto the United States. This was refused on the ground\\nthat the consul had no proper authority to make the\\ndemand. The demand was not pressed from any\\nother source and, as no one appeared against them,\\nthey were all ultimately discharged.\\nThe project of annexing Texas to the United States\\nhad been entertained by many, from the very out-\\nbreak of the revolution which separated it from Mex-\\nico. It found favour with a considerable portion of\\nthe people, both of Texas and the United States,\\nThe interest of the slaveholding section was to be\\ngreatly extended by the measure. This drew to its\\nsupport nearly all the political influence of the South-\\nern States. To this was added the influence of that\\nportion of the political parties of the Northern and\\nWestern States who are moved by any scheme of na-\\ntional aggrandizement, and who saw in this enlargement\\nof territory only an extension of the area of free-\\ndom The merits of the question were widely dis-\\ncussed. The prevailing sentiment, in the whole\\ncountry, was adverse to annexation. The action of\\ncongress had indicated this, when, in the early part of\\nthe discussion, Texas came and asked admission to the\\nUnion, and was refused. But Mr. Tyler was in favour\\nof the measure, and resolved to carry it. He accord-\\ningly entered into diplomatic negotiations with the\\nlone star, and arranged the whole matter in the usual\\nform of a treaty. This mode of action had many ad-\\nvantages. It was carried on secretly, until it was fully\\nmatured, and ripe for execution. When so ripe, it was\\nlaid before the senate only, and that in secret session.\\nThus the popular branch of the national legislature\\ncould not interfere. In this manner the measure was\\ncarried, and Texas became an integral part of the\\nUnited States. It was the last act of Mr. Tyler s ad-\\nministration, and was scarcely consummated, when his\\nterm of service expired. To him belongs the credit\\nof the scheme, and the peculiar mode of legislation by\\nwhich it was effected. The details of its execution\\nhe bequeathed to his successor, entailing upon the\\ncountry, at the same time, the settlement of uU the\\ndifficulties involved m the yet unfinished conflict be-\\ntween Texas and Mexico. It proved a golden apple,\\nin more than one sense.\\nThe republic of Texas had no sooner asserted her\\nindependence, than she began to look to the United\\nStates to receive her into the great confederacy. She\\nfirst asked for the recognition of her independence, as\\na preparatory step to this end. The subject was intro-\\nduced by President Jackson into his message of De-\\ncember 21, 1836, in the following terms: It be-\\ncomes us to beware of too early a moVement, as it\\nmight subject us, however unjustly, to the imputation\\nof seeking to establish the claim of ouir neighbours to\\nterritory, with the view to its subsequent acquisition\\nby ourselves. Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate\\nthat we should stand aloof, and maintain our present\\nposition, if not until Mexico herself, or one of the great\\nforeign powers, shall recognize the independence of\\nthe new government, at least until the lapse of time,\\nor the course of events, shall have proved, beyond a\\ncavil or dispute, the ability of the people of that coun-\\ntry to maintain the separate sovereignty, and to uphold\\nthe government constituted by them.\\nThe independence of Texas was acknowledged by\\na resolution of the American senate, passed on the 1st\\nday of March, 1837. This act, together with the\\nstrong sympathy felt by the American people for\\nTexas, and the avowed desire of Texas for admission\\nto the Union, greatly disturbed the equanimity of Mex-\\nico, and produced several severe diplomatic menaces,\\nand intimations of hostile resistance, which were en-\\ntirely harmless and inefficient under the cool and dig-\\nnified diplomacy of Mr. Webster.\\nOn the 6th of October, 1843, Mr. Upshur, having\\nsucceeded Mr. Webster as secretary of state, proposed\\na renewal of negotiations with Texas, which was imme-\\ndiately accepted. The threats of Mexico, which were\\nnow most vehemently repeated, were met by the dec-\\nlaration that, as Texas was now acknowledged an\\nindependent nation, they were under no obligation to\\nconsult any foreign power \\\\n their mtercourse with\\nher.\\nThe negotiation of the treaty for annexation pro-\\nceeded silently and slowly. A sudden impulse wag", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0483.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "452\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ngiven to it by the following bold and startling note ad-\\ndressed to Mr. Upshur, by Mr. Van Zandt, the Texan\\nminister, at Washington, on the 17th January, 1844\\nSir It is known to you that an armistice has been\\nproclaimed between Mexico and Texas that an ar-\\nmistice has been obtained through the intervention of\\nseveral great powers, mutually friendly, and that nego-\\ntiations are now pending, having for their object a\\nsettlement of the difficulties heretofore existing between\\nthe two countries. A proposition having been like-\\nwise submitted by the president of the United States,\\nthrough you, for the annexation of Texas to this coun-\\ntry, therefore (without indicating the nature of the\\nreply which the president of Texas may direct to be\\nmade to this.proposition) I beg leave to suggest that\\nit may be apprehended, should a treaty of annexation\\nbe concluded, Mexico may think proper to at once ter-\\nminate the armistice, break off all negotiation for peace,\\nand again threaten or commence hostilities against\\nTexas and that some of the other governments who\\nhave been instrumental in obtaining their cession, if\\nthey do not throw their influence into the Mexican\\nscale, may altogether withdraw their good offices of\\nmediation, thus losing to Texas their friendship, and\\nexposing her to the unrestrained menaces of Mexico.\\nIn view, then, of these things, I desire to submit,\\nthrough you, to his excellency, the president of the\\nUnited States, this inquiry Should the president of\\nTexas accede to the proposition of annexation, would\\nthe president of the United States, after the signing of\\nthe treaty, and before it shall be ratified and receive\\nthe final action of the other branches of both govern-\\nments, in case Texas should desire it, or with her con-\\nsent, order such number of the military and naval\\nforces of the United States to such necessary points or\\nplaces upon the territory or borders of Texas or the\\nGulf of Mexico, as shall be sufficient to protect her\\nagainst foreign aggression\\nThis note was never satisfactorily answered. Mr.\\nHenderson, the newly-appointed Texan minister, re-\\nfusing to renew the negotiations on any other terms,\\nMr. Tyler, on the 11th of April, 1844, acceded to\\nthem, in the following note from the secretary of state,\\nMr. Calhoun, who had succeeded Mr. Upshur\\nGentlemen The letter addressed by Mr. Van\\nZandt to the late secretary of state, Mr. Upshm-, to\\n\\\\ihich you have called my attention, dated Washing-\\nton, 17th January, 1844, has been laid before the\\npresident of the United States.\\nIn reply to it, I am directed by the president to\\nsay, that the secretary of the navy has been instructed I\\nto order a strong iraval force to concentrate in the\\nGulf of Mexico, to meet any emergency and that\\nsimilar orders have been issued by the secretary of\\nwar, to move the disposable military forces on our\\nsouth-western frontier, for the same purpose. Should\\nthe exigency arise to which you refer in your note to\\nMr. Upshur, 1 am further directed by the president to\\nsay, that, during the pendency of the treaty of annexa-\\ntion, he would deem it his duty to use all the means\\nplaced within his power by the constitution, to protect\\nTexas from all foreign uivasion. I have the honour\\nto be, c.\\nOn the following day, April 12, the treaty of an-\\nnexation was signed by Mr. Calhoun, on the one part,\\nand by Messrs. Van Zandt and Henderson, the Texan\\ncommissioners, on the other part. It was immediately\\nsubmitted to the American senarte, in the full confi-\\ndence that it would be eagerly confirmed by that body.\\nIt was, however, decidedly rejected some of the\\nfriends of the measure uniting with its enemies to de-\\nfeat it, on the ground, secret if not avowed, that too\\nmuch eclat would result to the retiring administration\\nfrom having privately and peaceably eflected so bril-\\nliant a negotiation. There was too much political\\ncapital embarked in the enterprise, to be withdrawn\\nat once. It was therefore defeated in that form, to be\\nbrought up in another.\\nMeanwhile, the correspondence between the great\\nfunctionaries of Mexico and the United States grew\\ndaily more unfriendly and portentous. Threats on one\\nside were followed by demands on the other. The\\narmistice which had, for some time, existed between\\nMexico and Texas, was abruptly terminated, and\\npreparations made to renew the war with the utmost\\nvigour and an unheard-of severity. No quarter was to\\nbe given to any foreigner, who might be taken fight-\\ning against the troops of Mexico. It was, in fact, to\\nbe a war of extermination.\\nThe American envoy at Mexico was hereupon in-\\nstructed to inform the Mexican government, that a\\nrenewal of the war with Texas, while the question of\\nannexation was pending, would not be look ^d upon\\nwith indifference by the United States. He was also\\nadvised to protest against the war, and the manner in\\nwhich it was proposed to carry it on.\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0484.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n453\\nThe Mexican government, on the other hand, had\\nalready openly committed itself on this point. In the\\nofficial note from Mr. Bocanegra, minister of foreign\\nrelations, in reply to one from Mr. Green, American\\ncharge d affaires ad interim, informing him that the\\ntreaty of annexation had been signed the position\\nwas unequivocally taken and reiterated, that Mexico\\nwould consider the ratification of the treaty as a dec-\\nlaration of war. The treaty was rejected in the senate,\\nand the Mexican government had the temporary satis-\\nfaction of making the people believe it had carried the\\npoint, by the bold and determined tone it had as-\\nsumed.\\nOn the 28th of February, 1844, an event transpired\\nat the seat of government, which, by its awful and sud-\\nden character, agitated the whole country. The Uni-\\nted States steamship Princeton, then on the Potomac,\\ncommanded by Captain Stockton, had a very large\\nparty on board, invited by the secretary of the navy\\nto partake of a collation and witness experiments with\\nthe celebrated Paixhan gun, which had been called the\\nPeacemaker. Among the company were the presi-\\ndent, his cabinet, a large number of members of con-\\ngress, and distinguished citizens, with their families.\\nThe party amounted to nearly three hundred persons.\\nThe day was spring-like, and all that conduced to the\\nhappiness of the guests had been provided by Captain\\nStockton and Mr. Secretary Gilmer.\\nThe gun was loaded with a ball of over two hundred\\npounds, and charged with between thirty and forty\\npounds of powder, and had been fired several times.\\nAs the steamer was returning, and near to Mount Ver-\\nnon, it was again discharged with a ball, and exploded.\\nA cluster of persons stood around, and they were all\\neither killed or badly wounded. Mr. Upshur, the sec-\\nretary of state, Mr. Gilmer, secretary of the navy, Mr.\\nVirgil Maxcy, formerly minister at the Hague, Commo-\\ndore Kennon, and Mr. Gardner, of New York, were\\nkilled on the spot, and fifteen other persons badly\\nwounded, and several of them mortally.\\nIn the earlier days of the republic, it had become an\\nestablished precedent, which nothing but party spirit\\nhad interfered with, that the president should be al-\\nlowed to serve two terms. As the aspirants for ofiice\\nbecame more numerous and eager, and party spirit be-\\ncame paramount in the selection, this custom was\\nfound often to stand in the way of the cherished de-\\nsigns of the defeated party. It was therefore de-\\nnoimced as selfish, unpatriotic, and at variance with\\nthe spirit of the constitution. The objection weis a\\npopular one, and easily wrought up into ammunition\\nfor the small arms of noisy demagogues. It was adopt-\\ned, as a watchword, by both of the leading parties.\\nGeneral Harrison, in accepting the nomination to the\\nchief magistracy, had declared himself in favor of the\\nprinciple, and pledged himself, in any case, not to\\nstand as a candidate for reelection.\\nMr. Tyler, having reached the presidency without\\nthe ordeal of a canvass for that office, had not been\\ncalled upon to give a similar pledge. Nor, in assum-\\ning the mantle of his fallen chief, did he hold himself\\nbound to carry his pledges, or fulfil his promises. He\\nlooked to a reelection. And some of his friends urged\\nthe point, with the apparent hope of securing a nom-\\nination.\\nMr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren, who were put forth\\nas the opposing candidates, by the two great parties,\\nboth took strong ground against this last favourite\\nmeasure of Mr. Tyler, the annexation of Texas. Mr.\\nClay stated his objections thus, in a letter dated-May\\n9, 1844: I consider the annexation of Texas, at this\\ntime, without the assent of Mexico, as a measure com-\\npromising the national character, involving us certain-\\nly in a war with Mexico, probably with other foreign\\npowers, dangerous to the integrity of the Union, inex-\\npedient in the present financial condition of the coun-\\ntry, and not called for by any general expression of\\npublic opinion. This may be taken as a fair indica-\\ntion of the general sentiment of the Whig party, who\\nfavoured the election of Mr. Clay.\\nMr. Van Buren, in terms nearly as explicit as the\\nabove, set forth his objections to the measure, and\\narrayed himself, and the party of which he was the\\nexponent, in direct hostility to the system of measures\\nit was designed to promote. By mutual consent, it\\nwas made a sectional question. It had two aspects, a\\nnorthern and a southern. It was originated and sus-\\ntained for the purpose of extending the area of slavery,\\nand preserving, to the peculiar institutions of the south,\\ntheir preponderant influence in the councils of the\\nnation. But to extend the area of freedom was\\nthe ostensible motive, the motto on the banner of\\nall its supporters, both at the north and at the\\nsouth.\\nIn the elections of 1844, the parties were unusually\\ndivided. So many candidates claimed the support of\\nthe people, that it became very difficult to make a se-\\nlection, without disturbing the party organization on\\nwhich the whole depended. In the Democratic party,\\nMr. Van Buren, of New York, Mr. Cass, of Michigan,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0485.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "454\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nMr. Johnson, of Kentucky, Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsyl-\\nvania, Mr. Woodbury, of New Hampshire, and several\\nother less prominent names, took part in the compe-\\ntition. The convention assembled at Baltimore. Great\\ndifficulties were apprehended in coming at a nomina-\\ntion that should unite the strength of the party. But,\\nacting upon the principle that in union only there is\\nstrength, they resolved to yield all personal and sec-\\ntional considerations to the one paramount pm-pose of\\nsecuring a triumph in the coming contest. Accord-\\ningly, after much caucusing and contriving, they con-\\ncluded to abandon all their candidates, and take up a\\nnew one, who had not yet entered the course. Backed\\nby the commendation of General Jackson, then about\\nto take his departure from the conflicts and honours of\\nlife, James K. Polk, of Tennessee, received the nom-\\nination and pledges of the Baltimore convention for\\npresident, while George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania,\\nwas honoured with the office of the vice-presidency.\\nThe Whig party, at the same time, and with great\\nunanimity, nominated their old champion, Henry Clay,\\nof Kentucky, for president, and Theodore Frelinghuy-\\nsen, of New Jersey, then chancellor of the university\\nof New York, for vice-president. The prominent\\nquestions at issue were, the currency, the tariff, the\\nannexation of Texas, the veto power, and the distri-\\nbution of the proceeds of the public lands.\\nThe canvass was the most exciting since the organi-\\nzation of the government. It was most fiercely con-\\ntested on both sides, and almost every expedient was\\nresorted to for the purpose of winning votes. Both\\nparties were confident of success, and were animated\\nby the greatest ardour and enthusiasm. The result\\nwas a complete triumph of the Democratic party, in\\nthe election of James K. Polk to the presidency, and\\nof George M. Dallas to the vice-presidency, by a ma-\\njority of sixty-five electoral votes.\\nJames Knox Polk, the eleventh president of the\\nUnited States, was born in Mecklenburgh county.\\nNorth Carolina, on the 2d of November, 179.5. He\\nwas the eldest of ten children. His ancestors emi-\\ngrated from Ireland during the first part of the eigh-\\nteenth century, and settled in the state of Maryland.\\nA portion of the family removed, first to Pennsylvania,\\nand about the year 1750 they located in North Caro-\\nlina. In 1806, Major Samuel Polk, the father of James\\nK. Polk, emigrated to Tennesee, and settled upon\\nDuck River. It was here that young Polk endured\\nthe hardships of a border life, until his constitution,\\nwhich was then quite delicate, came near giving way\\nunder the toil and fatigue to which he was exposed.\\nYielding to the persuasions of his son, Major Polk\\nenabled him to enter the college at Chapel Hill. North\\nCarolina, in 1815, where he graduated in three years,\\nwith the highest honours. He was distinguished at\\ncollege for laborious application to his studies, and by\\na strict conformity to the regulations of the institu-\\ntion. He was always present at recitations, and inva-\\nriably attended morning and evening prayers in the\\nchapel.\\nWhen he completed his collegiate education, he en-\\ntered the office of the celebrated Felix Grundy to\\nprepare himself for the practice of the law. He com-\\nmenced the arduous duties of his profession in 1820,\\nin the county of Maury, and at once assumed a high\\nposition at the bar.\\n\\\\n 1821, he was clerk to the legislature of Tennes-\\nsee. His political career commenced in 1823, when\\nhe was elected a member of the legislature of Tennes-\\nsee. In 1825, he was elevated to a seat in congress.\\nHe was reelected every succeeding two years, until\\n1839. In 1835, he was speaker of the house of repre-\\nsentatives, to which position he was reelected in 1837.\\nIn 1839, he was chosen governor of Tennessee, and in\\n1844, president of the United States.\\nIt is worthy of remark, in this connection, that, while\\nMr. Clay and the Whig party professed stern opposition\\nto the annexation of Texas, and the consequent exten-\\nsion of the slave interest, protesting that it would in-\\nevitably lead to a war with Mexico, and the still\\nfurther enlargement of the area of slavery, the liberty\\nparty, so called, holding in several states the balance\\nof jiower, and being fully competent to decide the fate\\nof the canvass, refused all and every solicitation, on\\nthe part of the real friends of freedom, adhered to their\\nhopeless and suicidal purpose of sustaining their own\\ncandidates, and thus virtually procured the election of\\na man pledged to go against them on every point of\\ntheir political creed, in preference to one who was\\nequally pledged to sustain and carry out its funda-\\nmental article.\\nOf Mr. Polk s antagonist in this struggle, the fol\\nlowing is presented as the voluntary eulogium of his\\npolitical enemies\\nMr. Clay, the unsuccesful candidate of the Whig\\nparty for the presidency, had for a long period been\\nan aspirant for that office. As early as 1824, he was\\nsupported for that position by many warm admirers.\\nPerhaps no man in the Union has won. the attachment\\nof so meiny ardent and enthusiastic personal friends as^\\ni", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0486.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n45=\\nMr. Clay. No disaster can dampen their zeal, and\\neach successive defeat only has the effect of attaching\\nthem still more closely to his person and his fortunes.\\nHe is, indeed, a noble leader. His bold and impas-\\nsioned eloquence, his affability and fascination of man-\\nner, and his unwavering devotion to his friends, alto-\\ngether constitute him one of the most influential\\nstatesmen which this country has ever produced.\\nHis patriotism has been too often put to the test to\\nadmit of donbt. Upon two occasions he has inter-\\nposed his form between the exasperated citizens of the\\nnorth arid south. When the excitement raged with\\nfrightful violence before the admission of Missouri,\\nand threatened to destroy the Union itself, with a\\npromptness and sincerity which proved that a patriot s\\nheart beat within his bosom, he poured oil upon the\\ntroubled waters, and assisted to allay tire storm. And\\nnow, when danger thickens, and a dark and threaten-\\ning cloud hovers over the temple of liberty, his tall and\\nvenerable form is again seen protecting from sacrilege\\nand violence our gloiious constitution, and in tones\\nwhich are tremulous with age, he implores our dis-\\ntracted countrymen to pause in their career, and save\\nthe American confederacy from the frightful horrors\\nwhich must flow from its dissolution.\\nThe treaty of April, 1844, had laid open to the\\nworld the plans and wishes of the two republics. The\\niJuropean powers looked upon the measure with an\\nunfavourable eye. Though neither possessing nor\\nclaiming any right to interfere, they would gladly\\nhave prevented such an accession to the territory of\\nthe United States, especially on its southern border.\\nOvertures had been made, on the part of Texas, to\\nEngland and to France, but they had not been met.\\nThe United States, after a season of merely pruden-\\ntial delay, had extended the right hand of fellowship,\\nand was now negotiating a full matrimonial alliance.\\nThe representatives of England and France both\\nforbade the bans, by a formal protest in the name of\\ntheir respective governments. It was, however, only\\na paper protest, and never intended to be carried any\\nfurther.\\nPresident Tyler brought the subject again before\\ncongress, in his last message of December, 1844, urg-\\ning it upon their attention as a matter of paramount\\nimportance. Immediately after the organization of the\\ntwo houses, joint resolutions were introduced for eff ect-\\ning the measure, and it continued for three months, the\\nHistory of the Polk Admiiiistiation, by Lucius B. Chase.\\n58\\nall-absorbing topic of the session. After a spirited but\\nunavailing opposition, the resolution passed both\\nhouses, and on the 3d of March, the very last day of\\nhis official term, received the signature of the presi-\\ndent, and became a law.\\nThe second of the joint resolutions provided, that if\\nthe president of the United States shall, in his judg-\\nment and discretion, deem it most advisable, instead\\nof proceeding to submit the first resolution to the re-\\npublic of Te.xas as an overture on the part of the Uni-\\nted States for admission, to negotiate with that repub-\\nlic, then, that a state to be formed out of the present\\nrepublic of Texas, with suitable extent and bounda-\\nries, and with two representatives in congress until the\\nnext aj^portionment of representation, shall be admit-\\nted into the Union by virtue of this act, on an equal\\nfooting with the existing states, as soon as the terms\\nand conditions of such admission, and the cession of\\nthe remaining Texan territory to the United States,\\nshall be agreed upon by the governments of Texas\\nand the United States and the sum of one hundred\\nthousand dollars is hereby appropriated to defray the\\nexpenses of missions and negotiations to agree upon\\nthe terms of said admission and cessioir, either by treaty\\nto be submitted to the senate, or by articles to be sub-\\nmitted to the two houses of congress, as the president\\nmay direct.\\nIt is a singular circumstance, that, although he had\\nscarcely half a day remaining of his magistracy, Pres-\\nident Tyler availed himself of the proviso here pre-\\nsented, which was manifestly intended for his suc-\\ncessor, and, withholding the overture made in the first\\nresolution, commissioned and despatched a messenger,\\nthat very night, to proceed to Texas with a new prop-\\nosition. He had scarcely passed the boundary of the\\nDistrict of Columbia, when Mr. Tyler ceased to be\\npresident.\\nOn the 6th of March, Mr. Almonte, the Mexican\\nminister, protested against this act of the United States,\\nreiterated the right of Mexico still to claim and recover,\\nby any means in her power, her revolted province, and\\ndemanded his passports.\\nBut annexation was not yet consummated. The\\nconsent of the people of Texas was required to the\\narrangement. Her governor, who had hoped for more\\nliberal terms than the United States had been disposed\\nto grant, seemed inclined to reopen negotiations with\\nthe powers of Europe, which had a twofold purpose to\\nachieve viz. curbing the growing power of the\\nAmerican confederacy, and checking the growth of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0487.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "456\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nslavery. Preliminary conditions were submitted to\\nthe envoys of England and France, for a treaty of\\npeace between Mexico and Texas, providing that Mex-\\nico should acknowledge the independence of Texas,\\nand that Texas should bind herself, as the condition\\nof such acknowledgment, to refuse all future projects\\nof annexation, and remain forever separate and inde-\\npendent.\\nThese preliminaries were forwarded to Mexico, and\\nlaid before the government, Herrera being the presi-\\ndent, supported by a strong array of French and Eng-\\nlish influence. Under the pressure of the crisis, which\\nwas felt to be imminent and inevitable, they were\\ninstantly met by a full assent on the part of the Mex-\\nican congress, and the necessary authority given to\\nopen negotiations on the subject.\\nThis looked, for the moment, like a sudden reversal\\nof the whole scheme. But, in all this matter, the\\npeople of Texas had not been consulted. It was now\\nsubmitted to the senate of that state for ratification,\\nfortified by an official intimation, that war would be\\nthe consequence, if it was not immediately accepted.\\nIt was, nevertheless, unanimously rejected.\\nA few weeks after, the existing government of\\nTexas gave its consent to the proposal for annexation,\\nas set forth in the joint resolutions of the American\\ncongress, by the unanimous vote of both houses, and\\nthe official approval of the president.\\nTHE WAR WITH MEXICO.\\nIt has been seen that the apprehension of Mexican\\ninvasion on the part of Texas was so great, that her\\ncommissioners refused to enter upon the treaty of 1844,\\nunless supported by the actual presence of the United\\nStates army on their frontier, and the United States\\nnavy on their coast. And the fear of Mr. Tyler was\\nso great, that he should lose the glory of having\\nachieved so desirable an acquisition, that he overcame\\nall the scruples of neutrality, and, without declaration\\nof war, or any other intimation of the national pur-\\npose, prepared to plant a hostile force on the borders\\nof Mexico.\\nIt was in this complicated state of its foreign rela-\\ntions that Mr. Polk entered upon the administration of\\nthe government. Strongly committed to the acquisi-\\nion of Texas, and even carrying his views so far as\\nto look upon that country cis having already belonged\\nto the United States, and now only to be rearmexed,\\nhe was prepared to follow vigorously in the footsteps\\nof his predecessor.\\nThe rejection of the Tyler treaty rendered unne-\\ncessary the immediate presence of the United States\\narms within the borders of Texas. But, as the nego-\\ntiations were still going on, under the joint resolutions,\\nMexico continued to maintain the same threatening\\nattitude toward Texas, and to refuse the customary\\ndiplomatic intercourse with the United States.\\nIn the mean time. General Zachary Taylor, then\\nhaving command in the south-western department, had\\nbeen ordered, by a letter from the adjutant-general,\\nbearing date March 21, to hold a portion of the troops\\nunder his immediate command in readiness to move\\ninto Texas, at ny time, upon further orders from the\\ndepartment. The first ostensible motive of this man-\\nagement was the suppression of any hostile movement\\non the part of the Indian tribes that infested the Texan\\nborder. The better to understand his position in this\\nrespect. General Taylor was directed to put himself\\nin immediate correspondence with the authorities of\\nTexas, and with any diplomatic agent of the United\\nStates who might be residing therein.\\nOn the 28th of May, these orders were recapitulated,\\nin a confidential communication from the war depart-\\nment, with the following clause, indicating another\\nobject besides the protection of Texas against her\\nIndian neighbours\\nShould the territories of Texas be invaded by a\\nforeign power, and you shall receive certain intelligence\\nthrough her functionaries of that fact, after her con-\\nvention shall have acceded to the terms of annexation\\ncontained in the resolutions of the congress of the\\nUnited States, you will at once employ, in the most\\neffective manner your judgment may dictate, the forces\\nunder your command, for the defence of these territo-\\nries, and to expel the invaders.\\nOn the 23d of June, 1845, the government of Texas\\naccepted, on its part, the terms offered for annexation,\\nleaving the final action to a convention of the people,\\nwhich had been duly called for that purpose.\\nOn the 28th of June, Mr. Donelson, the American\\ncharge d affaires, wrote to General Taylor, directing\\nhim, in pursuance of previous orders from Washington,\\nto proceed without delay to the western frontier of\\nTexas, in order to give that protection against the\\nmenaced invasion of Mexico, which the president of\\nthe United States had offered. He accordingly took", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0488.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n457\\nimmediate measures for the removal of his troops.\\nSeven companies of the second dragoons, the cavahy\\nof his command, marched by land to San Antonio,\\nwhile his infantry, composed of the third and fourth\\nregiments, moved to New Orleans, to be transported\\nby water to Aransas Bay. At the same time, Commo-\\ndore Connor, commanding the ship of war Falmouth,\\nbeing ordered to the Gulf of Mexico, took his station\\noff Vera Cruz, the other vessels of the squadron occu-\\npying various positions along the coast.\\nOn the 4th of July, the Texan convention gave a\\nunanimous assent to the terms of annexation, by\\nwhich, though a formal vote of admission was yet to\\nbe passed by the congress of the United States, the\\nact was fully consummated.\\nOn the 25th of July, General Taylor, with eight\\ncompanies of infantry, arrived at Aransas Bay, and\\nformed a temporary encampment on St. Joseph s Island.\\nFinding the place wholly unsuitable for a permanent\\npost, he soon removed to Corpus Christi, a point imme-\\ndiately west of the mouth of the Nueces, then the\\nfarthest limit of Texan population.\\nDuring the progress of these events, great changes\\nhad taken place in Mexico. The revolution of De-\\ncember, 1844, had deposed and banished Santa Anna,\\nand placed Herrera at the head of the government,\\nthrough whose agency it was intimated to the United\\nStates government, that the customary intercourse\\nmight now be renewed between the two countries.\\nThe result of this was the appointment of Mr. John\\nSlidell as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipo-\\ntentiary to Mexico, with full power to negotiate a set-\\ntlement of all difficulties then existing between the\\ntwo nations. At the same time, the American squad-\\nron was ordered to retire from Vera Cruz.\\nThe announcement of this approach to a pacific\\nEirrangement highly exasperated some of the Mexican\\nagitators, who immediately declared the purpose of\\noverturning the government of Herrera, in favour of\\nsome one who could better maintain the dignity of the\\nrepublic. This movement was headed by Paredes,\\nwho had been the instrument of placing Herrera in\\npower. He was in command of a considerable force\\nat San Luis Potosi. He was ordered to break up his\\ncantonments, and distribute his troops to several speci-\\nfied posts. Instead of doing this, however, he imme-\\ndiately, on the 15th of December, pronounced against\\nHerrera, and moved his columns upon the capital. On\\nthe 30th, Herrera resigned the presidency. Paredes,\\na few dnys after, entered the city as military dicta-\\ntor, and set about organizing a government for him-\\nself\\nMr. Slidell arrived at Mexico about a month before\\nthe resignation of Herrera. That functionary, per-\\nceiving that his popularity would be jeoparded by\\nseeming to yield to the claims of the United States,\\nnow refused to receive the minister, on the ground that\\nhe had been appointed and commissioned as a minister\\nplenipotentiary, with full powers to settle and adjust\\nall disputes and differences between the two republics\\nwhile Mexico, m willing, at that time, to go mto other\\nquestions, coula only receive him as a commissioner\\nad hoc, to settle the Texas question. By admitting\\nhim as a full envoy, they would be sanctioning the\\ncomplete reestablishment of diplomatic relations the\\nmatter of Texas, her revolt and annexation, would be\\ncomplicated with mere pecuniary claims, and commer-\\ncial arrangements, and thus the international relations\\nbecome more hopelessly entangled than ever.\\nAs no such intimation had been given, in connec-\\ntion with their consent to receive a minister from the\\nUnited States, this objection on the part of the Mexican\\ngovernment, so frivolous in itself, was regarded only\\nas another of a long series of insulting and abusive\\nequivocations, by which the forbearance of their north-\\nern neighbours had been severely tested, and which it\\nwould be pusillanimous longer to endure. It was\\ntherefore resolved to put matters immediately in a train\\nto enforce an adjustment of every claim. General\\nTaylor was, accordingly, ordered to make instant\\npreparation to advance from Corpus Christi to the\\nRio Grande, thus taking forcible possession of territo-\\nry not clearly belonging to Texas, and peremptorily\\nand steadily claimed by Mexico, as having never been\\nrecognized as a part of that province. The squadron\\nin the Gulf of Mexico was, at the same time, ordered\\nto be considerably increased.*\\nNotwithstanding these preparations, Mr. Slidell was\\ndirected not to leave Mexico without making another\\nattempt to obtain a hearing from the new government.\\nHe had removed to Jalapa. From that place he ad-\\ndressed a note to the minister of foreign relations,\\nThe Gulf squadron varied at different times. It consisted, how-\\never, of the following, in part\\nThe Lawrence, 44 guns. The Somers, 16 guns.\\nThe Cumberland, 44 Steamer Princeton, 10\\nThe Potomac, 44 Mississippi, 10\\nThe Raritan, 44 Spitfire, 3\\nThe St. Mary s, 20 Vixen, 3\\nThe Falmouth, 20 McLane, 3\\nAnd a considerable number of gunboats.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0489.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "458\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nMr. Castillo y Lauzas, setting forth his credentials and\\nasking to be received. On the 12th of March, 1846,\\nan answer was received, refusing the request of the\\nminister, and intimating that preparations were making\\nfor open war. The position was assumed that the\\nUnited States had already taken the aggressive, by\\nlocating their troops at Corpus Christi, and menacing\\nthe coast of Mexico with an armed squadron. To this\\nMr. Slidell replied in full, setting forth the views and\\nclaims of his own government, and, demanding his\\npassports, left Mexico on the 1st of April.\\nBefore proceeding with the detail of affairs on the\\nsouthern border, it will be necessary to take a brief\\nnotice of another question, whish now arose into con-\\nsiderable importance, touching the foreign relations of\\nthe United States. This was the question of bounda-\\nry on her north-western frontier, commonly designated\\nthe Oregon question.\\nThe purchase of Louisiana, in 1803, was under-\\nstood to include all the territory lying west of the\\nMississippi, and north of the forty-second degree of\\nnorth latitude, with certahi defined boundaries to the\\nsouth of that line. This was fully confirmed and\\nestablished in the treaty of 1819. Previous to this\\ntransfer, the American title had been secured to all\\nthe territory lying east of the Rocky Mountains, and\\nsouth of the forty-ninth parallel. It was contended\\nthat the Spanish claim, now transferred to the Unit-\\ned States, extended, on the west of the mountains,\\nto latitude 61\u00c2\u00b0 north, but that, by a convention be-\\ntween the United States and Russia, the boundary\\nbetween the two powers was fixed at 54\u00c2\u00b0 40 The\\nBritish, on the other hand, claimed that part lying\\nwest of the Rocky Mountains, and north of the\\nforty-sixth parallel, or the latitude of Columbia River.\\nThe American claim to the whole of this territory\\n(the part in dispute being called Oregon) was based\\nupon purchase, and priority of discovery. Captain Gray,\\nin the ship Columbia, from Boston, having first dis-\\ncovered and entered the Columbia River, in May,\\n1792. The British claimed the northern portion by\\nright of possession, having a few trading stations some-\\nwhere in that direction. The question had been held\\nin suspense for several years, under a treaty of joint\\noccupancy, which was now about to terminate.\\nIn connection with this Oregon question, Mr. Polk,\\nin the judgment of his political friends, committed a\\nfatal error, amounting to what Talleyrand would call\\na blunder, and which, having the effect of alienat-\\ni!ig some of his warmest friends, greatly embarrassed\\nhis administration throughout. In his first coUimnni-\\ncatioh to the American people, he proclaimed to the\\nworld, that our title to the country of the Oregon was\\nclear and unquestionable. Nor will it become in\\na less degree my duty, said he, in his inaugural ad-\\ndress, to assert and maintain, by all constitutional\\nmeans, the right of the United States to that portion\\nof our territory which lies beyond the Rocky Moun-\\ntains. Our title to the country of Oregon is cleai- and\\nunquestionable, and already are our people preparing\\nto perfect that title by occupying it with their wives\\nand children.\\nThis statement was reiterated in language equally\\nplain and unequivocal, in his first message to congress,\\nin which he stated that a proposition of compromising\\nhaving been offered to Great Britain, and rejected, it\\nhad been withdrawn, by his direction, and the Ameri-\\ncan title to the whole Oregon territory asserted, and,\\nas is believed, maintained by irrefragable facts and\\narguments. The proposition, thus offered and reject-\\ned, repeated the offer of the forty-ninth parallel of lati-\\ntude as a boundary, which had been made by two\\npreceding administrations, but without conceding, as\\nthey had done, the free navigation of the Columbia\\nRiver.\\nIn the same message, Mr. Polk reannounced a prin-\\nciple put forth by Mr. Monroe, during his presidency,\\nwhich he thought should control the action of the\\nUnited States.\\nNear a quarter of a century ago, said he, the\\nprinciple was distinctly announced to the world in the\\nannual message of one of my predecessors, that the\\nAmerican continents, by the free and independent con-\\ndition which they have assumed and maintained, are\\nhenceforth not to be considered as subjects for future\\ncolonization by any European power. This principle\\nwill apply with greatly increased force, should any\\nEuropean power attempt to establish any new colony\\nin North America. In the existing circumstances of\\nthe world, the present is deemed a proper occasion to\\nreiterate and reaffirm the principle avowed by Mr.\\nMonroe, and to state my cordial concurrence in its\\nwisdom and sound policy. The reassertion of this\\nprinciple, especially in reference to North America, is\\nat this day but the promulgation of a policy which no\\nEuropean power should cherish the disposition to\\nresist.\\nThe blunder, which Mr. Polk is thought to have\\nmade, in relation to this matter, is well set forth in the\\nfollowing pertinent question of his biographer If", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0490.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n45\\nit is the unchangeable policy of this country to prevent\\nEuropeans from colonizing any portion of this conti-\\nnent, it applies to territory to which we have no claim,\\nas well as to that which belongs to us and if we can-\\nnot suffer them to colonize parts of the American\\ncontinent to which we have no claim, how can we\\nsurrender territory to which our title is clear and un-\\nquestionable\\nWhether the action of this administration was a\\npolitical blunder, or, in any sense, an error either of\\njudgment or of fact, we shall not stop to consider, but\\nproceed with the history of its negotiation and settle-\\nment.\\nA determination to enforce the claim of the United\\nStates to the territory of Oregon had been solemnly\\nannounced in various forms by the government of the\\nUnited States. The recommendation contained in\\nthe president s message to congress, to give notice to\\nGreat Britain that the joint occupancy of the territory\\nof Oregon should cease, was discussed at great length\\nin congress. A debate, remarkable for its ability and\\nthe display of varied and extensive acquirements, fol-\\nlowed the introduction of resolutions giving the twelve\\nmonths notice, in pursuance of the convention of\\n1827. Masterly inactivity was proclaimed by the dis-\\ntinguished senator from South Carolina, as the true\\npolicy of the United States. Fears were manifested\\nthat the country would be involved in a war with\\nGreat Britain, resulting in the destruction of our com-\\nmerce, and financial embarrassment and ruin. South-\\nern representatives gave indications of a willingness to\\nsurrender a portion of the territory, to destroy the\\ngrowing ascendency of the north. The characteristics\\nof the members from the two great sections of the con-\\nfederacy seemed to have changed, and impassioned\\neloquence and fiery denunciation breathed through\\nevery sentence which was uttered by the representa-\\ntives from the Northern States while a temporizing,\\nif not a timid, policy controlled many of the repre-\\nsentatives from the south. After a long and protract-\\ned discussion, the following resolutions passed the\\nhouse of representatives on the 9th of February,\\n1846:\\nResolved, By the senate and house of representa-\\ntives of the United States of America in congress\\nassembled, that the president of the United States\\ncause notice to be given to the government of Great\\nBritain, that the convention between the United States\\nof America and Great Britain, concerning the territory\\nof the north-west coast of America, west of the Stony\\nor Rocky Mountains, of the 6th day of August, 1827,\\nsigned at London, shall be annulled and abrogated\\ntwelve months after giving said notice.\\nResolved, That nothing herein contained is in-\\ntended to interfere with the right and discretion of the\\nproper authorities of the two contracting parties, to\\nrenew or pursue negotiations for an amicable settle-\\nment of the controversy respecting the Oregon terri-\\ntory.\\nThis was afterwards amended so as to leave it at\\nthe discretion of the president, whether or not to give\\nsuch a notice, and thus to throw upon his administra-\\ntion all the responsibility of the measure and its con-\\nsequences. In this form it passed both houses of con-\\ngress.\\nThis responsibility Mr. Polk immediately assumed,\\nand, by an official communication through his minis-\\nter at London, dated April 28, 1846, announced that,\\nat the end of twelve months from and after the de-\\nlivery of these presents by the envoy extraordinary\\nand minister plenipotentiary of the United States at\\nLondon to her Britannic majesty, or her majesty s prin-\\ncipal secretary of state for foreign affairs, the said con-\\nvention shall be entirely annulled and abrogated.\\nThis was soon followed by an offer, upon the part\\nof Mr. Packenham, to settle the question upon the\\nbasis of the proposition made by Mr. Polk in 1845.\\nOn the 10th of June, 1846, the executive transmitted\\nthe proposal to the senate, and solicited the advice of\\nthat body as to the course he should pursue. He\\nstated in his message that the opinions which he had\\nexpressed in December, 1845, were unchanged and\\nthat if the senate should decline, by the constitutional\\nmajority, to advise him to accept the proposition, he\\nshould reject it. If, on the contrary, they should, by\\nthe majority required to ratify a treaty, advise him to\\naccept the off er of the British government, he would\\ndo so.\\nWhen Mr. Polk asserted that the title of the United\\nStates to the whole Oregon territory was clear and\\nunquestionable, and asserted his determination to\\nmaintain it, he spoke as an American, acting on his\\nown convictions, which, as he several times afterwards\\ndeclared, both publicly and privately, were never\\nchanged. When he passively referred the whole mat-\\nter to congress, waiving his own cherished convictions\\nof the clear and unquestionable rights of his country,\\nand consenting to hold his official responsibility sub-\\nject to the dictation of a partisan majority in congress,\\nhe spoke as a southern man, more watchful of the", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0491.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "4oU\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\npeculiar institutions of the south than of the acknowl-\\nedged rights of the nation. We utterly repudiate all\\nparty and sectional views on this subject. But he\\nmust be more than blind who does not see a marked\\nand uniform difference in the action of the south on\\nall questions of territory, graduated by position only.\\nTimid to an extreme, and pliant to the very point of\\ncowardice, when a claim of Great Britain is made to\\na portion of northern territory, which would of neces-\\nsity be free, they neither hesitate, nor suffer any one\\nelse to hesitate, in swallowing up whole empires of\\ntropical territory, which, in their view, is entitled to\\nthe blessings of slavery.\\nThe question thus referred to congress was soon de-\\ncided. Declamation gave way to action, and a resolu-\\ntion was immediately passed, advising the president to\\naccept the proposition of Mr. Packenham. On that\\nbasis, a treaty was accordingly entered into between\\nthe two countries. It was signed by Mr. Buchanan,\\nsecretary of state, and Sir. Packenham, the British\\nminister at Washington, on the 15th of June, 1846,\\nand duly ratified by the senate a few days thereafter.\\nThus ended a question of long standing and some\\nimportance, in the settlement of which Great Britain\\nobtained all that she claimed of territory, with the\\nadditional advantage of the right forever to the free\\nnavigation of the Columbia River. An effort was\\nmade by Mr. Niles, of Connecticut, to restrict this right\\nto a definite period, to terminate in 1863. But it was\\ndefeated by a close party vote, the southern interest\\ngoing strongly against it.\\nBefore resuming the narrative of the Mexican war,\\nit will be proper to state briefly the grounds of com-\\nplaint against her sister republic, on the part of the\\nUnited States. These consisted of spoliations of our\\ncommerce, violations of the liberty and rights of indi-\\nvidual citizens of the United States, and the refusal,\\nor unexplained delay, to pay just and acknowledged\\nclaims, after they had been duly ascertained and veri-\\nfied. In the face of treaties of amity and alliance,\\nthese outrages and spoliations continued, till, in the\\nlanguage of President Jackson, in his message to con-\\ngress, on the 8th of February, 1837, the length of\\ntime since some of the injuries had been committed,\\nthe repeated and unavailing applications for redress, the\\nwanton character of some of the outrages upon the\\npersons and property of our citizens, upon the officers\\nand flag of the United States, independent of recent\\ninsults to this government, by the late extraordinary\\nMexican minister, would justify, in the eyes of all\\nnations, immediate war.\\nThe insult to the nation, specially alluded to in the\\nabove extract, was in the conduct and correspondence\\nof Mr. Gorostiza, who, but a short time before, had\\nabruptly terminated his mission, on the refusal of the\\nUnited States government to comply with his peremp-\\ntory demands, and published a portion of his official\\ncorrespondence, appealing to the American people\\nagainst the acts of their own government.\\nThe revolt of Texas, the deep interest felt and man-\\nifested in her success, the part borne in the struggle\\nby American citizens who had emigrated thither, and\\nthe early disposition of the people of the south to look\\nto the ultimate adoption of the revolted province, as a\\nmember of the northern confederacy, greatly exasper-\\nated the feelings of the Mexican people tovv^ards the\\nUnited States, and gave them never-failing pretexts\\nfor petty insults and indignities, as well as for delays\\nand refusals to recognize just and acknowledged\\nclaims. Or perhaps it would be rendering most exact\\njustice to the case, to say, that these circumstances\\nfurnished excellent material for agitation and excite-\\nment to the endless succession of parties and parti-\\nsans, by which that unhappy country was distracted,\\nand kept in a state of civil war, for more than a quar-\\nter of a century. This was the true source of the\\nevil. Mexico, though independent of Spain during\\nthat period, has never had an established government.\\nThe rule has passed in rapid succession from hand to\\nhand of her military chieftains, each one in his turn a\\nusurper, and no one feeling bound to recognize the act\\nof his predecessors, or to acknowledge his own, so long\\nas he could successfully win time by quibbling diplo-\\nmacy. It cannot be denied that the United States had\\nborne, with the most commendable patience, a long\\nseries of injuries and insults, which, with any other\\nnation, under the existing international code, and the\\nprevailing views of national honor, would have ren-\\ndered a resort to arms unavoidable. Whether, in the\\ncase of so feeble an adversary, a nation so divided\\nagainst herself as scarcely to possess the individuality\\nrequisite for national accountability, some other course\\nthan open war might not have been wisely resorted to,\\nit is too late now to consider. It is to be hoped, how-\\never, that the time is not far distant, when such mat-^\\nters will be differently adjusted when equals among\\nthe nations, or those in the full possession of their\\nfaculties, will estimate human life too highly to\\n1", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0492.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n461\\nsacrifice them by thousands in the settlement of\\npecuniary claims, or to fill up their breaches with the\\nmangled corpses of their subjects, and magnanimously\\nconsent to refer to arbitration all the questions which\\ncannot be settled by simple negotiation. It may well\\nbe doubted if any of the wars of the nations have paid\\nfor themselves. In the case before us, the United\\nStates have sacrificed more than twenty-five thousand\\nlives of their own people, and one hundred and thirty\\nmillions of money,* to say nothing of the irreparable\\ndemoralization attendant upon the course of war, not\\nonly in the camp and the march, the sack of town and\\ncity, the legalized plunder of the defenceless, the fa-\\nmiliarity with scenes of cruelty and violence, the vulgar\\nand beastly abuse of the mere power of self-indulgence,\\nand the long absence from all the hallowed associa-\\ntions and wholesome restraints of home, but in those\\nlong-deserted, and, for the most part, desolated houses,\\nthe absence of paternal authority and guardianship,\\nthe sundering of natural ties, the interruption of house-\\nhold order, the letting down of domestic discipline, and\\nall the long train of moral and social evils which flow\\nfrom tlie dismemberment of the family state, and the\\nrude and unnatural putting asunder of what God has\\njoined together. Of these and many kindred evils,\\nthe inseparable accompaniments of a state of war, there\\nis no arithmetic, no scale by which to estimate them.\\nTo offset them with dollars, with territories though\\nthey be richer than Golconda or Ophir with empires\\nOfficiHl statistics show that the territories of New Mexico and\\nCalifornia cost the Union 124,038,353 65 cts. in the expenses of the\\nwar and the indemnity paid for the territory acquired. And there\\nwHX be not less than 6,000,000 in bounties, pensions, and a legion of\\nclaims yet to come up for adjustment. Besides which, we have the\\nfollowing statistics of the loss of human life in the war The num-\\nber of deaths returned by the officers of the army is 12,878 9,749\\nwere discharged for disability, of whom at least half have died, say\\n4,874 73,260 men were mustered into service during the war, and\\n50,573 were mustered out of the residue, amounting to 22,687,\\n20,072 were returned as dead, discharged, or deserted, and the differ-\\nence, 2,615, are supposed to be dead of those mustered out of service\\nit is estimated that 10 per cent., or 5,057, have since died, making a\\nfearful aggregate, thus\\nReturned dead, 12,878\\nHalf the disabled, 4,874\\n^lissing, 2,615\\n10 per cent, of the remnant of the army, 6,057\\n(which is a very small allowance.)\\n25,424\\nTo this should be added the unascertained and immeasurable\\namount of domestic misery, pauperism, starvation, and suicide, among\\nthe thousands of wives made widows, children made orphans, and\\nparents mode childless, by the oft-repeated decimations of this re-\\nlentless Jloloch.\\nor with that singularly elastic Protean fantasy, na-\\ntional honour how is it wiser, on the part of a states-\\nman or a people, than for a man to take the whole\\nworld in exchange for his soul\\nThere was now a casus belli on both sides. Mexi-\\nco, by refusing to receive Mr. Slidell, had declined\\nnegotiation upon the matters in dispute, and virtually\\nsaid, Seek your remedy in your own way. The\\nUnited States, by the annexation of Texas, and the\\nplanting of a military force on her border, had provoked\\nMexico to this attitude, and assumed the war then\\nexisting between Mexico and her revolted province.\\nAt least, these were the views set forth by the respon-\\nsible managers in this great conflict. Without attempt-\\ning to judge between them, or to decide which of them\\nwas the actual aggressor, we will proceed to narrate\\nthe leading incidents of the war.\\nOn the announcement of Mr. Slidell s departure\\nfrom Mexico, General Taylor was ordered to advance\\nto the Rio Bravo del Norte, which was the farthest\\nlimit claimed by any of the extensionists of the United\\nStates, or Texas. On the Uth of March, 1846, he\\nmoved from Corpus Christi, having under his imme^\\ndiate command about three thousand five hundred men.\\nIn pursuance of authority, previously vested in him, he\\nmade immediate requisition upon the governor of Lou-\\nisiana for four regiments of infantry, and upon the\\ngovernor of Texas for two regiments of infantry and\\ntwo of cavalry, to be brought into the field as soon as\\npracticable. Similar requisitions were also soon after\\nmade.\\nOn the 28th of March, the little army, somewhat\\ndiminished in numbers by the necessity of protecting\\nthe posts in their rear, arrived on the left bank of the\\nRio del Norte, opposite to Matamoras, where it en-\\ncamped on a commanding position, and commence i\\nthe erection of works of defence.\\nThe Mexican forces at Matamoras assumed a bel-\\nligerent attitude, and, on the 12th of April, General\\nAmpudia, then in command, notified General Taylor\\nto break up his camp within twenty-four hours, and to\\nretire beyond the Nueces River, and, in the event of his\\nfailure to comply with these demands, announced that\\narms, and arms alone, must decide the question. But\\nno open act of hostility was committed until the 24th\\nof April. On that day, General Arista, who had suc-\\nceeded to the command of the Mexican forces, com-\\nmunicated to General Taylor that he considered\\nhostilities commenced, and should prosecute them.\\nA party of dragoons, of sixty-three men and officer^", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0493.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "462\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nunder command of Captain Thornton, were, on the\\nsame day, despatched from the American camp up the\\nRio del Norte, on its left bank, to ascertain whether the\\nMexican troops had crossed, or were preparing to cross,\\nthe river, and became engaged with a large body of\\nthese troops, and, after a short affair, in which some\\nsixteen were killed and wounded, were surrounded and\\ncompelled to surrender.\\nIn pursuance of the purpose of General Arista to\\nprosecute hostilities with vigour, he had ordered Gen-\\neral Torrejon, with two thousand five hundred men, to\\ncross the river a {ew miles above the American camp.\\nIt was in watching the movements of this body that\\nCaptain Thornton and his company were surprised and\\ncaptured. Preparations were also made to pass over\\nanother division of the Mexican army, below the\\ncamp, to form a junction with General Torrejon.\\nGeneral Taylor was aware of these movements, and\\nsupposed that their intention was either to surround\\nhis position, or to attack his depot at Point Isabel.\\nHastening the completion of his defences, which he\\nregarded sufficiently strong to resist any force then\\nopposed to him, he left them, with a garrison of three\\nhundred men, under the command of Major Brown,\\nand marched, with his main force, to Point Isabel.\\nNot meeting with any opposition, nor seeing any traces\\nof the Mexican detachments, he proposed remaining at\\nthat post until the arrival of some expected supplies\\nand recruits.\\nOn the morning of the 3d of May, at an early hour.\\nGeneral Arista opened his batteries on the American\\nposition, and was immediately answered by a heavy and\\nsuccessful cannonade from Major Brown. The first\\nMexican battery was silenced in thirty minutes. The\\nfiring was then renewed from other points, and kept\\nup during that and several succeeding days, with little\\neffect on either side. On the 4th, the main Mexican\\narmy crossed the Rio Grande, with a view to securing\\na position in the rear of the American fort, and cutting\\noff the communication with Point Isabel. Thus sur-\\nrounded, and severely cannonaded on every side, for\\nseveral days, the little garrison bravely defended\\nitself against all odds, and kept the enemy at bay.\\nOn the 5tifi, Major Brown was mortally wounded by\\na shell. One other man was killed, and thirteen\\nwounded.\\nThe heavy and constant cannonading at Fort Brown\\nwas heard at Point Isabel, and induced General Taylor\\nto hasten his return. Without any increase of his\\nforce, beyond what was necessary to complete the\\ngarrison at Point Isabel, he took up his line of march\\non the 7th.\\nGeneral Arista was impressed with the idea that the\\nAmericans, though skilful skirmishers, and formidable\\nin forest warfare, could easily be beaten in open con-\\nflict with regular troops. He therefore determined to\\ndispute the passage of General Taylor by offering him\\nbattle. His position was well chosen, at Palo Alto,\\nabout nine miles from Matamoras. His force was six\\nthousand of the best troops in Mexico. Its left wing,\\ncomposed of regular cavalry, occupied the road, and\\nrested on a thicket of chapparal, while the infantry in\\nline, with twelve pieces of artillery posted at intervals,\\nextended a mile and a half across the plain. On the\\nright was formed the ranchero cavalry, their rear cov-\\nered by a thicket of chapparal on the south of the\\nroad.\\nOn the 8th, about noon, General Taylor came up,\\nhis forces numbering about two thousand. After a\\nfew moments halt for refreshment, he formed his\\ncolumn, and, curtained by two squadrons in advance,\\nmoved forward. As soon as he was within cannon\\nrange, the Mexican batteries opened upon hjim. The\\ncolumn was then formed in line for battle. Colonel\\nTwiggs commanded the right, composed of three com-\\npanies of infantry and Major Ringgold s artillery.\\nDuncan s battalion of light artillery, on foot, and the\\n8th regiment of infantry, were on the left, under com-\\nmand of Lieutenant-Colonel Belknap.\\nAt two o clock, the Americans advanced in line,\\nimmediately after which the work of death com-\\nmenced the Mexicans opening their batteries as soon\\nas they could be made to tell with effect. They were\\nanswered, promptly and powerfully, by the American\\nartillery, still advancing. The cannonade was kept\\nup more than an hour the light troops, on cither side,\\ntaking no part in the contest, though some part of the\\nMexican line suffered severely from Ringgold s well-\\ndirected battery. At length a movement was made to\\nturn the American right. A detachment of cavalry\\nand infantry, under General Torrejon, supported by\\ntwo guns, turned the lagoon, and, coming up from the\\nright and rear, approached within musket range. This\\nmovement was immediately opposed and driven back\\nby Colonel Twiggs.\\nMeanwhile, the dry grass of the prairie had taken\\nfire, and, fanned by a gentle breeze, the sheet of flame\\nrolled away to the American left, partially concealing? 1\\nthe combatants from each other. This occasioned a\\ntemporary suspension, during which General Arista", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0494.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n463\\nchanged the disposition of his forces, so as to avoid\\nthe galling fire of the American artillery. General\\nTaylor, who noticed the movement, made a correspond-\\ning change in his position, so that, on resuming battle,\\nafter an hour s cessation, Ringgold s and Duncan s\\nguns told with greater effect than before on the ene-\\nmy s ranks.\\nUnable to stand still and inactive under so destruc-\\ntive a fire, the Mexican troops now demanded to be\\nled to the onset, or to be allowed to fall back. Yield-\\ning to their desire. Arista moved his whole right wing\\nto turn the American left, under cover of the cloud of\\nsmoke arising from the burning prairie. At the same\\ntime, he ordered an attack of the right, by a large body\\nof cavalry. A momentary rift in the wavering volume\\nof smoke revealed this movement to Duncan, who,\\nwith the consent of Colonel Belknap, immediately gal-\\nloped the two sections of his battery to the left, wheel-\\ning round the cloud of fire, which had curtained his\\nmovements, with a celerity which astonished the\\nenemy. A severe action here took place, Duncan\\nmaintaining his position, and making fearful havoc in\\nthe Mexican ranks. The battle now became general.\\nBut it was of short duration. The fire of the Ameri-\\ncans, being deliberate and well-aimed, was exceedingly\\ndestructive, while that of the Mexicans was hasty,\\nwild, and inefl ective. The grape from the light artil-\\nlery, which was movable, and almost ubiquitous,\\nliterally mowed down the advancing corps, till, squad-\\nron after squadron, they halted, turned, and fled. Re-\\npulsed, in the same masterly manner, on the left, the\\nwhole line soon after gave way, and retired from the\\nfield. Night having set in, and it being quite dark,\\ntheir retreat was unmolested.\\nIn this engagement, the first of a series of uninter-\\nrupted and unparalleled successes, the American army\\nlost nine killed in battle, and forty-seven wounded,\\nseveral of whom afterward died of their wounds.\\nMajor Ringgold, distinguished as the leader of the fly-\\ning artillery, to the organization and discipline of\\nwhich he had devoted much time and energy, was\\none of the marked victims of this conflict. Captain\\nPage, of the 4th infantry, was another. Made promi-\\nnent by their stations as ofiicers, they were honoured\\nand mourned by the nation, as well as by a large circle\\nof admiring and devoted friends while the unnamed\\nand unrecorded, who fell by their side, were equally\\nlamented in their own bereaved circles of relatives and\\nfriends. It is the fate of war, that the leaders, if they\\nsurvive the battle, win the laiurels of victory and if\\n59\\nthey fall, are honoured with a requiem, a monument,\\nand a place on the enduring rolls of history while the\\nbrave hearts and strong arms that obey their com-\\nmands, giving and receiving the death-dealing blows,\\nand dying almost unnoticed on the fields the^r have\\nwon, are unknown and unremembered, except in the\\nhomes that are made desolate by their fall.\\nThe Mexican loss has been variously stated, from\\ntwo hundred and fifty-two as officially reported by Gen-\\neral Arista, to more than five hundred. As we take\\nthe official return of General Taylor, in the one case,\\ncandour compels us to admit that of General Arista, on\\nthe other and our natural repugnance to wholesale\\nslaughter comes in strongly in favour of the admission.\\nFor, in our view, all Central America, to the Isthmus\\nof Panama, would not compensate for the ravages of\\nthis one battle.\\nBoth armies encamped near the field on the fol-\\nlowing night. At eeu-ly dawn, on the morning of\\nthe 9th, General Arista moved on to Resaca de la\\nPalma. Here he placed himself in a strong position,\\nhaving been reenforced by the arrival of two thousand\\ninfantry and a strong body of cavalry. His forces\\nwere skilfully arranged on both sides of a ravine,\\nwhich traversed the route of the American army, and\\nthrough which there were only two narrow passes\\nthe road from Point Isabel to Matamoras being one of\\nthem. A thick growth of chapparal, on both sides of\\nthe road, and all around the ravine, concealed the po-\\nsition and force of the enemy, and made the move-\\nment of General Taylor necessarily a cautious and\\ndoubtful one. The road pass was protected by a bat-\\ntery of three guns at its northern entrance, facing the\\nAmerican advance, and four in the rear both of them\\nstrongly flcmked by heavy bodies of infantry. The\\ncavalry, unable to act in such a position, was posted in\\nstrong masses in the rear.\\nAs a pitched battle was impossible in such a po-\\nsition. General Taylor divided his force into small\\nparties of skirmishers. A picked corps of two hundred\\nand twenty men, under command of Captains McCall\\nand Smith, accompanied by Walker s Rangers, and a\\nsmall party of dragoons under Ridgeley, formed the ad-\\nvanced guard. Ridgeley s guns, planted on the right\\nof the road, within three hundred yards of the pass,\\nopened a lively fire, which was briskly returned, bui\\nwithout eff ect on either side the intervening chappa-\\nral preventing even an attempt at an accurate aim.\\nMcCall and Smith, pressing forward on the left and\\nright, dislodged the Mexicans- of the first line from", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0495.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "464\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ntheir positions on the northern side of the ravine. A\\nbrisk skirmish ensued other detatchments pressing\\nthrough the thicket, on the riglit and left, the action\\nbecame general. The nature of the ground prevented\\nthe use of any other artillery than Ridgeley s battery,\\nwhich, from the intervening chapparal, was of little\\neffect. There was no position in which a line could\\nbe arrayed. Each officer took position, and led his\\ncommand, as he could, battling, in separate independent\\nsquadrons, with any portion of the enemy that could\\nbe reached. All was apparent confusion yet, as there\\nwas one spirit of advance and action pervading the\\nwhole, there was a general harmony in the attack,\\nwhich made it scarcely less effective than a regular\\nonset. The thicket was ablaze with the incessant\\ndischarges of fire-arms. A skirmish here, a hand-to-\\nhand encounter there, a series of pele-mele assaults and\\nrepulses, charges and counter charges, such was the\\nopening of the battle of Resaca de la Palma.\\nWhile the action continued in this manner, the Mex-\\nican artillery kept up a destructive fire from their bat-\\nteries on either side of the road pass. That on the\\nnorthern side, though somewhat checked by the quick\\ndischarges of Ridgeley s guns, was most troublesome,\\nand General Taylor resolved to silence it. With this\\nview, he ordered Captain May to charge and take it.\\nI will do it, replied May and, turning to his men, he\\nsaid, Remember your regiment, and follow your offi-\\ncers. Dashing down the iroad, at full gallop, to exe-\\ncute this order, Ridgeley, who saw what he was at,\\ncalled out to him, saying, Stop, Charley, let me draw\\ntheir fire for you, and instantly poured in a heavy\\ncharge of canister, to which the Mexican battery made\\nfull reply. The gallant May put spurs to his horse,\\nand, followed by his dragoons, overrode the battery,\\ndispersed the artillery-men at the guns, and instantly\\nrallying the few men that were left, and seizing Gen-\\neral De la Vega, who was entangled in the melee,\\nretired under a severe, fire from the second line of\\nMexican infantry.\\nMeanwhile, Ridgeley, who, as May was in front,\\ncould no longer act from his position, had followed at\\na gallop, and planted his guns at the road pass, by the\\nside of those just abandoned by the Mexicans, ready\\nto defend it at all hazards. The whole American\\nforce now pressed forward, and pushing into the chap-\\nparal, and beating through the ravine, engaged, in the\\nsame irregular manner as before, with the entire Mexi-\\ncan force on the other side. The struggle was severe\\nwi well contested, but not of long continuance.\\nDisputing, in small parties, the American advance\\ntill their last gun was captured, the Mexicans finally\\ngave way on all sides, and took to flight. They\\nwere followed in close pursuit, and driven, in broken\\nmasses, into the chapparal, and over the Rio Grande.\\nAs the pursuers came up to the bank, the batteries at\\nMatamoras opened fire upon them. The guns at Fort\\nBrown replied, by heavy discharges upon the upper\\nferry, at which the fugitives were crossing. But, night\\ncoming on, the cannonading ceased, and, under favour\\nof the darkness, the vanquished fled unmolested, and\\nthe conquerors sought repose in their tents.\\nThe loss, in this battle, was about fifty slain, and\\nmore than a hundred wounded, on the American side.\\nThat of the Mexicans is unknown, but is supposed to\\nhave been very great. It is estimated by some at a\\nthousand men. The estimate is not extravagant, if\\nwe include those lost in attempting to cross the river.\\nA Mexican narrative of the battle says, The defeat\\nhaving taken place, the dispersion became general.\\nThe soldiers sought the river in all directions, not be-\\nlieving themselves safe while they were on the other\\nside. A large part of the army having reached the\\ncrossing at Auacuitas, the confusion and trampling on\\neach other were astonishing. They began to dispute\\nfor the preference in being ferried over in the only two\\nboats that were found. The obstinacy of every one\\nincreased the difficulty. The boats Avere detained, in\\npushing ofi from the bank, by the efforts of the men\\nin them to get rid of those who rushed in to take their\\nplaces. Fright spread the idea that the pursuing ene-\\nmy approached. The disorder increased. The want\\nof transports rendered desperate the miserable fugitives,\\nwho, to escape from one danger, rushed into another.\\nThey sought some ford which saved them, or threw\\nthemselves into the river with their clothes and arms,\\nand almost all were drowned. A very limited num-\\nber, if in fact any, safely reached the other shore. The\\narmy was diminished to one fifth of its original\\nstrength. Beside this heavy loss in their effective\\nforce of men, their entire artillery, consisting of eight\\npieces, with its equipment and ammunition, their camp\\nand camp furniture, and five hundred pack mules and\\nsaddles, fell into the hands of the victors. General\\nArista lost his personal baggage, a valuable service of\\nplate, and all his public correspondence.\\nReenforcements having commenced arriv ng at Point\\nIsabel, General Taylor made immediate preparations\\nfor crossing the river, and carrying the war into Mexi-\\nco. Being informed of these preparations, Genera]\\nIt", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0496.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n4Cc\\nArista sent, on the 17th, to propose an armistice. This\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2was promptly refused by General Taylor, and the im-\\nmediate possession of Matamoras made a si7ie qua tion.\\nNo answer having been received on the morning of the\\n18th, General Taylor commenced the passage at an\\nearly hour. The usual precautions were taken to\\nmeet any elfective opposition. But it was soon ascer-\\ntained that the town had been evacuated, during the\\nnight, by the remnant of the army, about three hun-\\ndred of the sick and wounded only being left behind.\\nThe arms and public stores had been, to a large extent,\\nconcealed, or thrown into the river. By the diligence\\nof the Americans, a great portion of it was recovered.\\nIt was now determined to push the war vigorously\\ninto the heart of the country, with a direct aim at the\\ncapital.\\nBy the act of the 13th of May, 1846, the president\\nwas authorized to call into the field fifty thousand vol-\\nunteers, to serve for one year, or during the war and\\nan appropriation was made for the purpose of carrying\\nit into effect. Here arose a serious political difficulty.\\nThe preamble to that act declared that, whereas, by\\nthe act of the republic of Mexico, war exists, c.\\nThe opposition members of congress distinctly charged\\nthat the war was brought on by the unconstitutional\\norder given by Mr. Polk for the concentration of our\\ntroops upon the Rio Grande. It was nevertheless en-\\ntertained and although the whigs were disposed to\\nvote for an appropriation of money, and the raising of\\nmen for the purpose of relieving General Taylor, still\\nthey made strenuous exertions to strike the preamble\\nfrom the bill. This they were unable to do, and upon\\nits passage, they all voted for it, with the exception of\\nfourteen members of the house and two or three sena-\\ntors. The position which they occupied was an ex-\\nceedingly delicate one. They had to adopt one of two\\nalternatives either to vote for the preamble, which\\nthey declared was untrue, or to vote against the bill.\\nThis they were most reluctant to do, as that was to\\nrefuse supplies to a gallant and victorious army, situat-\\ned, by no fault of theirs, in the heart of an enemy s\\ncountry. The wording of the preamble was one of\\nthose political juggles, by which, without reference to\\ntruth, honour, or patriotism, a faction seeks to make\\ncapital out of the exigencies of the nation. Its whole\\npurpose was to compel the opposers of the war to take\\nan unpopular position, by voting against supplies which\\nthey were as ready to furnish as their opponents, and\\nwhich the whole coutiiry demanded, or consent to the\\nfalse declaration of the preamble, and thereby admit\\nthe justice of the war. The fairness and honourable-\\nness of the manoeuvre can easily be seen, by supposing\\nthat a majority of either house had been opposed to\\nthe administration, and yet anxious to furnish General\\nTaylor with all the requisites of actual warfare and\\nthat, in framing a bill for that purpose, they had harsh-\\nly and severely censured the action of the president. in\\nthe premises. Would his friends have felt themselves\\ntreated fairly and honourably, to be compelled to meet\\nsuch a dilemma The result has shown, emphatically\\nand instructively, that to manoeuvre is not always\\nto win and that, even in politics, honesty is the\\nbest policy.\\nThe call for volunteers was promptly responded to\\non every side. Where fifty thousand were wanted,\\nfive hundred thousand were offered, and the difficulty\\nwas to keep back the eager thousands that were press-\\ning into the service.\\nThe dismemberment of the Mexican territory now\\nbecame the palpable object of the war party. Com-\\nmodore Sloat, with a sufficient squadron, had been\\nstationed on the Pacific coast, a year before the first\\noutbreak on the Rio Grande, with orders, in case of\\nwar, to possess himself at once of California. The\\nMexican ports on the Pacific are said to be open and\\ndefenceless, said the secretary of the navy, in a latter,\\ndated June 24, 1845. If you ascertain with cer-\\ntainty that Mexico has declared war against the United\\nStates, you will at once possess yourself of the port of\\nSan Francisco, and blockade or occupy such other\\nports as your force will permit. And this notwith-\\nstanding the repeated declarations of the president,\\nthat the war was not waged with a view to conquest,\\nbut to obtain, with an honourable peace, indemnity\\nfor the past, and security for the future.\\nUnder the act of May 13, requisitions were imme-\\ndiately made upon the governors of the states of Ar-\\nkansas, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Tennessee,\\nKentucky, Missouri, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Texas,\\nfor a volunteer force amounting to twenty-six regi-\\nments, which, with a battalion from the District of\\nColumbia and the state of Maryland, numbered in all\\nabout twenty-three thousand effective men, to serve\\nfor the period of twelve months, or to the end of the\\nwar. A large portion of this force was placed under\\nthe command of General Taylor, who had made the\\nRio Grande the base of his operation. The plan of\\noperations, designed by the administration, was to\\nattack Mexico in several directions. Taylor was to\\nadvance in the direction of Monterey General Wool", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0497.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2IfiG\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwas to march from Antonio de Bexar, in the direction\\nof Chihuahua and General Kearney was to assemble\\nthe volunteers from the state of Missouri, and a few\\nhundred regular troops at Fort Leavenworth, and make\\na descent upon Santa Fe, and from thence, with a por-\\ntion of his command, was to advance rapidly upon\\nCalifornia. At the same time, a more direct attack was\\nto be made upon the capital, by way of its principal,\\nand, in tlie view of the Mexicans, impregnable fortress\\nat Vera Cruz. Any one, by glancing at a map, will at\\nonce discover the comprehensiveness of this plan.\\nThe advance of General Taylor and General Wool\\ninto that portion of the Mexican territory would be\\ncalculated to convince the Mexicans of the importance\\nof reopening negotiations whilst the expedition under\\nGeneral Kearney would obtain possession of that por-\\ntion of Mexico which it was desirable to retain.\\nMeanwhile, as the reenforcements began to arrive,\\nand General Taylor s force was augmented to some\\neight thousand men, he commenced his movement\\ninto the interior. On the 1st of August, he left Mata-\\nmoras with a column of six thousand regular and vol-\\nvuiteer troops, and, on the 8th, entered Camargo, where\\nGeneral Worth, with his division, had arrived on the\\n24th of July previous. No opposition was made to\\nhis progress, the entire Mexican army having fallen\\nback on the road to Monterey.\\nMonterey was the first point now aimed at by\\nGeneral Taylor, and Camargo was an important depot\\npending his operations in that quarter. It is on a bend\\nof the Rio Grande, above Matamoras, and is the near-\\nest point of access to Monterey. Having made the\\nnecessary dispositions here, and left competent garri-\\nsons at all the intervening towns on the river. General\\nTaylor sent forward two divisions, under the command\\nof Generals Twiggs and Worth, who took up their\\nMonterey, the capital of the state of Nueva Leon, lies in a valley\\nat the eastern base of the Sierra Madre. The valley, though not\\nlarge, is of great fertility, and supports a considerable population.\\nOn its east rises the single elevation of the Saddle Mountain and the\\nmain chain of the Sierra, and its spurs, are the boundaries on the\\nBouthern, western, and parts of the northern limits. The main road\\nfrom the Kio Grande to the capital of Mc^lIco leads from the east,\\nthrough a cultivated country, some distance to the north of the Saddle\\nMountain, and, passing through the city, continues on by a pass,\\nvarying from one to three miles in width, through the Sierra, and on\\nto the desert country, between the latter place and San Louis de\\nPotosi. A rivulet the Kio San Juan de Monterey rises in this\\npass, and, running eastward, traverses the valley.\\nMonterey stands on the northern bank of this rivulet, and extends,\\nin its length, near a mile and a half along the stream. It contains or-\\ndinarily about ten thousand inhabitants\\nline of march on the 19th of August. General Butler s\\nbrigade followed on the 24th, and General Taylor on\\nthe 5th September. On the 13th, the whole column\\nwas in motion for Monterey.\\nGenerals Arista and Ampudia had both been sum-\\nmoned to Mexico, to answer for the disasters of Palo i\\nAlto and Resaca de la Palma. The command in the\\nnorth devolved upon Meija. His force at Monterey\\nwas somewhat over four thousand men. On the 28th\\nof August, General Ampudia arrived, with large reen-\\nforcements, and assumed the command.\\nGeneral Taylor arrived before Monterey on the 19th\\nof September, with six thousand six hundred and\\nforty-five men, and nineteen pieces of cannon. After\\nreconnoitering the city, he encamped at Walnut\\nSprings, three miles distant. On the 20th, General\\nWorth s division was ordered, by a circuitous route, to\\ngain the Saltillo road, to the west of the city, and to\\nstorm the heights above the Bishop s Palace. On the\\n21st, he met a large body of Mexican cavalry and\\ninfantry, supported by artillery from the heights. Hav-\\ning repulsed them, he encamped, covering the passage\\nto the Saltillo road. Two forts on the opposite side\\nof the San Juan River were then stormed and carried\\nand the guns of the fort last taken were immediately i\\nturned on the Bishop s Palace.\\nTo favour the movements of General Worth, the first\\ndivision of regular troops, and a division of volunteers,\\nunder General Butler, were ordered to make a diversion\\non the left of the town. Lieutenant-Colonel Garland\\nwas ordered forward, to carry, if possible, the advance\\nbattery on the extreme left of the city. A heavy and\\ndestructive fire opened upon the advance of the Ameri-\\ncans but, passing through two batteries, an incessant\\ncross-fire from the citadel, and the thousand musketeers\\non the housetops and behind barricades, they entered\\nthe city, and engaged with the enemy in the streets.\\nThe rear of the first battery was soon turned, and the\\nreverse fire of the troops, through the gorge of the\\nworks, killed or dislodged the artillery in its rear. The\\nfirst division was followed and supported by the Mis-\\nsissippi, Tennessee, and First Ohio regiments. The\\ntwo former were the first to scale and occupy the fort.\\nThe loss of the Americans in killed and wounded,\\nduring the day, was three hundred and ninety-four.\\nOn the 22d, at dawn, the second division, under j-\\nGeneral Worth, carried the height above the Bishop s 1 1\\nPalace and soon after noon the Palace itself was\\ntaken. In the lower part of the city, the Mexicans\\ncontinued their fire during the day but at night they", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0498.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n467\\nevacuated nearly all their defences. On the 23d, Gen-\\neral Q.uitman was ordered to advance into the city,\\nassisted by Captain Bragg s battery and the dismounted\\nTexan vohuiteers. This advance was conducted vig-\\norously, but with due caution, till the troops arrived\\nwithin one square of the principal plaza, near which\\nthe enemy s troops were concentrated.\\nOn the morning of the 24th, General Ampudia made\\nan otfer of capitulation. The terms accepted were,\\nthat the Mexican troops should march out of the city\\nW ith their arms and accoutrements, and should be al-\\nlowed seven days to evacuate. The American troops\\nwere not to occupy the city till that time. The cita-\\ndel, hov,rever, was to be evacuated on the 25th, and an\\nAmerican garrison marched in. An armistice of eight\\nweeks was also agreed upon.\\nThe American loss, in capturing the city, was one\\nhundred and twenty killed, and three hundred and\\nsixty-eight wounded. Forty-two pieces of cannon,\\nand a large supply of ammunition, fell into the hands\\nof the victors.\\nTiie terms of this capitulation created much dissat-\\nisfaction air^png the advocates of the war in the United\\nStates. It was a subject of much regret that General\\nTaylor did not exact more rigorous terms. He was\\ninformed, by the secretary of war, that the president\\nregretted that he had not insisted upon the terms he\\nhad first proposed. It was stated that the object of\\nthis urgency was, by the stringency of our measures,\\nto compel the Mexican government to come at once to\\nterms. To this General Taylor replied as follows\\nThe force with which I advanced on Monterey\\nwas limited, by causes beyond my control, to. about\\nsix thousand men. With this force, as every military\\nman must admit, who has seen the ground, it was en-\\ntirely impossible to invest Monterey so closely as to\\nprevent the escape of the garrison. Although the main\\ncommunication with the interior was in our possession,\\nyet one route was open to the Mexicans throughout\\nthe operations, and could not be closed, as were also\\nother minor tracks and passes through the mountains.\\nHad we, therefore, insisted on more rigorous terms\\nthan those granted, the result would have been the\\nescape of the body of the Mexican force, with the\\ndestruction of its artillery and magazines our only\\nadvantage being the capture of a few prisoners of war.\\nat the expense of valuable lives and much damage to\\nthe city. The consideration of humanity was present\\nto my mind during the conference which led to the con-\\nrention, and outweighed, in my judgment, the doubtful\\nadvantages to be gained by a resumption of the attack\\nupon the town. This conclusion has been fully con-\\nfirmed by an inspection of the enemy s position and\\nmeans since the surrender. It was discovered tliat his\\nprincipal magazine, containing an immense amount of\\npowder, was in the cathedral, completely exposed to\\nour shells from two directions. The explosion of this\\nmass of powder, which must have ultimately resulted\\nfrom a continuance of the bombardment, Avould have\\nbeen infinitely disastrous, involving the destruction not\\nonly of the Mexican troops, but of non-combatants,\\nand even our own people, had we pressed the attack.\\nIn regard to the temporary cessation of hostilities,\\nthe fact that we are not at this moment (within eleven\\ndays of the termination of the period fixed by the con-\\nvention) prepared to move forward in force, is a suffi-\\ncient explanation of the military reasons which dic-\\ntated this suspension of arms. It paralyzed the enemy\\nduring a period when, from the want of necessary\\nmeans, we could not possibly move. At the date of\\nthe surrender of Monterey, our force had not more than\\nten days rations and even now, with all our endeav-\\nours, we have not more than twenty-five. The task\\nof fighting and beating the enemy is among the least\\ndifficult that we encounter the great question of sup-\\nplies necessarily controls all the operations in a country\\nlike this.\\nIn the conference with General Ampudia, I was\\ndistinctly told by him that he had invited the conven-\\ntion to spare the further effVision of blood, and because\\nGeneral Santa Anna had declared himself favourable to\\npeace. I knew that our government had made propo-\\nsitions to that of Mexico to negotiate and I deemed\\nthat the change of government in that country since\\nmy last instructions fully warranted me in entertaining\\nconsiderations of policy. My grand motive in moving\\nforward with very limited supplies had been to increase\\nthe inducements of the Mexican government to nego-\\ntiate for peace. Whatever may be the actual views or\\ndisposition of the Mexican rulers, or of General Santa\\nAnna, it is not unknown to the government that I had\\nthe very best reason for believing the statement of\\nGeneral Ampudia to be true. It was my opinion at\\nthe time of the convention, and it has not been\\nchanged, that the liberal treatment of the Mexican\\narmy, and the suspension of arms, would exert none\\nbut a favorable influence in our behalf\\nThe result of the entire operation has been to throw\\nthe Mexican army back more than three hundred miles,\\nto the city of San Luis Potosi, and to open the country", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0499.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "468\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nto us, as far as we choose to penetrate it, up to the ^ame\\npoint.\\nThe allusions to Santa Anna in the above letter, and\\nthe two months armistice agreed upon, make it neces-\\nBary to turn aside, for the present, from the brilliant\\ncourse of General Taylor s victories, to take a view of\\nwhat was passing at other points in the wide field of\\noperations.\\nAnother revolution had taken place in Mexico. The\\ngovernment of Paredes was overthrown. Santa Anna\\nhad b een residing in exile at Havana. What means\\nthe American government had of becoming acquainted\\nwith the ulterior designs of this modern Proteus has\\nnever been publicly divulged. But, under the persua-\\nsion that, in some way, benefit to the American cause\\nwould accrue from his restoration to power, the ad-\\nministration wished his return. He was notified of\\nthis fact, and Commodore Connor, commanding the\\nblockade at Vera Cruz, was instructed, by a private and\\nconfidential order from the secretary of the navy, to\\nlet him pass freely.\\n[Private and confidential.]\\nNatt Depabtment, May 13, 1846.\\nCommodore If Santa Anna endeavors to enter the\\nMexican ports, you will allow him to pass freely.\\nGeorge Bancroft.\\nCommodore David Connoh,\\nCommanding Home Squadron.\\nHe entered, accordingly, unmolested, and was soon\\ninvested with supreme dictatorial powers, under solemn\\npledges to prosecute the war with all diligence, and to\\ndrive back the hated invaders of the Mexican soil.\\nThe views of the American government, in favour-\\ning the return of Santa Anna, were known to General\\nAmpudia, and he made skilful use of them in nego-\\ntiating with General Taylor. Santa Anna, however,\\nentertained no views but those which looked to his\\nown aggrandizement. Promises and pledges, which\\nseemed to stand in the way of this one object, were\\nlaid aside, or trampled on, as easily as they were made.\\nAccordingly, without one effort at conciliation, he took\\nup the popular cry, and made vigorous preparation to\\nprosecute the war, taking command of the army in\\nperson, and leaving the presidency, ad interim, in the\\nhands of Gomez Farias, the vice-president.\\nWith the design of occupying as much of the terri-\\ntory of Mexico as possible, three expeditions were\\norganized, distinct from those of the main army one,\\nunder General Wool, against the province of Chihua-\\nhua a second, under General Kearney, against New\\nMexico and a third, under Colonel Fremont, against\\nCalifornia. Attempts were also to be made upon all\\nthe important ports on the Gulf of Mexico.\\nThe column under Brigadier-General Wool, consist-\\ning of about one thousand four hundred men, destined\\nfor the conquest of Chihuahua, was put in motion from\\nSan Antonia de Bexar, on the 29th of September, 1846,\\nfour days after General Taylor had taken possession\\nof Monterey. Crossing the Rio Grande, he traversed\\nCoahuila, and arrived at Monclova, on the 31st of Oc-\\ntober, and was well received by the inhabitants. The\\nforce of General Wool having been diverted from its\\noriginal destination, it never reached Chihuahua, and\\nhe subsequently joined his command to the army of\\nGeneral Taylor.\\nOn the 30th of June, Brigadier-General Kearney,\\nwith one thousand six hundred regulars and voluiUeers,\\nmarched from Fort Leavenworth, in the direction of\\nSanta Fe, where he arrived, after a march of eight hun-\\ndred and seventy-three miles, on the 18th of August,\\nand took peaceable and unresisted possession of New\\nMexico. The Mexican forces, under the oommand of\\nGovernor Armijo, amounting to four thousand men, fled\\nand the governor himself, with a small party of dra-\\ngoons, departed in haste for Chihuahua. General\\nKearney was authorized to muster into service a bat-\\ntalion from among the emigrants, who were on their\\nway to Oregon and California in addition to this\\nforce, one thousand volunteers were started from Mis-\\nsouri to reenforce him.\\nIn August, 1846, General Kearney communicated to\\nthe war department the fact, that he had under his\\ncommand a greater number of troops than was neces-\\nsary to retain possession of Santa Fe, and for the con-\\nquest of California and that he proposed sending a\\nportion of them to reenforce General Wool, who, he\\nsupposed, was advancing upon Chihuahua. On the 23d\\nof September, 1846, Colonel Doniphan, with the first\\nregiment of Missouri vounteers, started upon that cele-\\nbrated march, which has not inaptly been compared to\\nthat of Xenophon. The men who composed that\\nregiment were young, hardy, and possessed of a des-\\nperate and reckless courage, and were well fitted for a\\nservice which was surrounded by so many perils. It\\nwas not known, when Doniphan left Santa Fe, that\\nthe column under the command of General Wool had\\nbeen diverted from its movement upon Chihuahua, and\\nhe therefore penetrated, with his small band of heroes,\\ninto a country thronged with foes, and which had", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0500.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n469\\nnever been trod by the footsteps of an American sol-\\ndier.\\nOn the 25th of December, the advance guard of his\\nregiment was met by the Mexicans in force, in the\\nvicinity of Brazito, where a battle ensued, resulting in\\nthe total overthrow of the enemy, with a loss on their\\npart of nearly two hundred killed and wounded, and\\non that of the Americans of only seven wounded. In\\nthis engagement, less than five hundred Americans\\ndefeated twelve hundred Mexicans. Continuing his\\nmarch, Doniphan entered El Passo without again en-\\ncountering a foe. It was here ascertained, that the\\nmovement had to be made without the aid of General\\nWool and the command was detained until February,\\nfor the purpose of receiving reenforcements of artillery\\nfrom Santa Fe, when the force continued to advance\\ntowards Chihuahua.\\nOn the 2S[h of February, 1847, they discovered a\\nlarge force of Mexicans, intrenched behind their batte-\\nries at the pass of Sacramento. It was at once deter-\\nmined to storm the Mexican intrenchments they\\nwere fiuiously assaulted, and defended with equal des-\\nperation. The ardour of the Americans proved irre-\\nsistible the fortifications were scaled, the enemy was\\ndriven from his eirtillery with dreadful slaughter, and\\nthe victory was signal and complete. The American\\ntroops entered the capital of Chihuahua in triumph,\\nand shortly after proceeded to join General Taylor at\\nMonterey.\\nIn September, 1846, General Kearney, with a regular\\nforce of about three hundred dragoons, in pursuance\\nof the instructions from the war department, started for\\nCalifornia. Passing down the Rio Grande more than\\ntwo hundred miles, he prepared to cross over to the\\nRiver Gila; but, after advai^cing about one hundred and\\neighty miles, he was met by an express from Califor-\\nnia, despatched by Colonel F remont. Deeming it un-\\nnecessary to take an additional force into that country,\\nhe ordered most of his troops to return to Santa Fe,\\nwhile he advanced with about one hundred men.\\nIn May, 1845, Captain Fremont left Washington,\\nunder orders from the war department to continue his\\nexplorations beyond the Rocky Mountains a service\\npurely of a scientific character. There were no sol-\\ndiers under his command, and the sixty-two men who\\nmade up his party were taken as a protection against\\nthe Indians. His route lay through a portion of Cali-\\nfornia that was settled, and he was fully apprised of\\nthe danger of a rupture between Mexico and the United\\nStates, and WEis resolved to give no umbrage to the\\nauthorities in California. Leaving his company one\\nhundred miles from Monterey, in Upper California, he\\nproceeded to that place alone, for the purpose of explain-\\ning to Castro the object of his mission, and to obtain\\npermission to enter the valley of the San Joaquin, to\\nobtain forage for his horses and provisions for the men.\\nHis request was granted but scarcely had he arrived\\nat the place.:which he had selected, before he received\\ninformation that General Castro was preparing to over-\\nwhelm him with a superior force. For the purpose of\\ndefending himself from this unwarrantable attack, he\\nintrenched his men upon a mountain thirty miles dis-\\ntant from Monterey. There he remained from the 7th\\nto the 10th of March, 1846, without being attacked by\\nthe Mexicans and he at length yielded to the wishes\\nof some of his men, discharged them, and pursued his\\nmarch for Oregon. After being attacked by hostile In-\\ndians, who were instigated by General Castro, he was\\ninformed that Castro himself was advancing against\\nhim at the head of more than four hundred men, and\\nthat the American settlers in the valley of the Sacra-\\nmento, as well as his own party, were to be involved\\nin the scheme of destruction. Driven, in self-defence,\\nto repel the foe, he determined to overthrow the Mexi-\\ncan authority in California. By rapidity of movement\\nhe surprised several parties, and obtained possession of\\nnine brass cannon, and several hundred stand of arms.\\nCastro was driven from one position to another, untd\\nhe reached Ciudad de Los Angelos. Colonel Fremont\\nhaving formed a junction with Commodore Stockton,\\ntheir united forces, on the 12th of August, 1846, en-\\ntered the City of the Angels, the governor-general,\\nPico, and the rest of the Mexican authorities, having\\nfled. Commodore Stockton took possession of the\\nwhole country, and appointed Colonel Fremont gov-\\nernor. In the short space of sixty days the conquest\\nof a cotintry was achieved, which has more recently\\nattracted the attention of the civilized world.\\nThe territories thus occupied were regarded and\\ntreated as conquered. The existing governments were\\nset aside, and military governments formally established\\nin their stead. On the gulf, Tampico was occupied,\\nand without resistance. This port, the capital of the de-\\npartment of Tamaulipas, is second in importance only\\nto Vera Cruz. It is the key to one of the great ave-\\nnues to the capital. Situated near the mouth of the\\nRiver Panuco, with a good harbour, and well defended,\\nit was a point of great importance, both in a commer-\\ncial and a military view. The garrison consisted of\\nmore than one thousand soldiers, a detachment of artil-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0501.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "470\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nlery, with one hundred and twenty cannon of all cali-\\nbres, and with abundant material of the park. In\\naddition to these was a national guard of two thou-\\nsand citizens. There were also three vessels of war,\\nfully equipped, in the harbour. It is hardly conceivable\\nthat such a place, so fortified, should be abandoned\\nwithout striking a blow in its defence, unless there was\\ntreason somewhere. The stories of the manner in\\nwhich this was effected are various and amusing.\\nOne of them, whose authenticity is not without able\\nsupport, attributes the evacuation mainly to a woman,\\nthe brave and worthy wife of the American consul.\\nHer husband, Mr. Chase, having been expelled from\\nthe city by a decree of the Mexican government, was\\nreceived, for a time, on board one of the vessels of\\nthe squadron cruising the gulf. While there, Mrs.\\nChase contrived, in spite of the vigilance of the au-\\nthorities, to hold communication with him, and subse-\\nquently with the naval commanders. Watched, sus-\\npected, and not a little persecuted, she contrived to\\nsustain herself, and to impress upon the Mexicans the\\nidea of immense preparations to take the place by\\nstorm. Whether from this source, or from another, it\\nis certain that the commanding general had no hope of\\nholding the city. The order was given for its abandon-\\nment, which was executed, with great precipitation, on\\nthe 27th of October. In the haste of departure, a large\\nportion of the arms and munitions of the city were\\nlost. The works of defence were, to some extent,\\ndemolished, and considerable quantities of arms and\\nmilitary stores conveyed to a distance up the river.\\nNotice of the evacuation was given to the American\\ncommodore, by the heroic wife of the consul, who\\nalso caused the American flag to be hoisted in front of\\nher house, in anticipation of his immediate arrival to\\ntake possession. This event was, however, delayed\\nuntil the 14th of November, by the necessity of send-\\ning to Vera Cruz for a sufficient force to enter the\\nplace, and protect it.\\nVictoria, an inland city of some importance, having a\\nport at Soto la Marina, was entered, peaceably, on the\\n29th December. As commanding some of the mountain\\npasses, and lying between Monterey and Tampico, its\\noccupation was deemed very desirable by General\\nTaylor. But it was not expected to be secured with-\\nout opposition. Two brigades, commanded by Gen-\\nerals Twiggs and Quitman, were detached from Mon-\\nterey, for this expedition, about the 12th of November,\\nGeneral Taylor accompanying in person. Alarmed by\\ndespat(;hes from General Butler, at Monterey, setting\\nforth the danger of a probable attack, by superior num-\\nbers, on General Worth, at Saltillo, General Taylor,\\nwith Twiggs s brigade, returned to Monterey, before\\nreaching Victoria. General Q-uitman proceeded and\\ntook quiet possession. General Urrea, with all his force,\\nretiring at his approach.\\nThe troops of the United States now held possession\\nof all the region north of the Sierra Madre, extending\\nfrom Tampico to Saltillo and Santa Fe. It Avas\\nnext resolved to make a descent upon Vera Cruz, and\\nthence penetrate to the capital. As General Taylor\\ncould not leave his important conquests in the interior,\\nthis expedition was placed under the immediate com-\\nmand of General Scott, who had hitherto remained at\\nhome, in consequence of some personal misunderstand-\\ning with the president. As the senior general in the\\narmy, he had solicited the command in May, and again\\nin September but it was fvithheld on the ground of\\nan unwillingness to supersede General Taylor in his\\ncommand.\\nWar Defaktment,\\nWashington, September 14, 1846. 5\\nSir: I have received your letter of the 12th instant,\\nand submitted it to the president. He requests me to\\ninform you that it is not within the arrangements for\\nconducting the campaign in Mexico to supersede Gen-\\neral Taylor in his present command, by assigning\\nyou to it.\\nI am, with great respect, your obedient servant,\\nW. L. Marcy.\\nMajor-Gcneral W. Scott.\\nOn the 23d November, General Scott received orders\\nto place himself at the head of the invading army, with\\nthe most ample discretionary powers as to the conduct\\nof the campaign.\\nThe plan of operations required the concentration of\\na large force, both military and naval, at Vera Cruz.\\nFor this purpose, a large portion of General Taylor s\\ndivision was withdrawn from the interior, so as to leave\\nhim no power to act, except on the defensive. It was\\nsupposed that a formidable demonstration at Vera Cruz\\nwould immediately cause the transfer of Santa Anna,\\nand his army, from San Luis de Potosi to the defence\\nof the capital, and its approaches from the coast. This\\neffect, however, did not follow immediately. He had,\\nby the greatest exertions, and by pledging, for a loan,\\na portion of his own private property, succeeded in\\norganizing a large army, and found himself at the head\\nof an effective force of more than twenty thousand", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0502.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n471\\nmen. Employing himself with great industrjr in dis-\\nciplining the troops under his command, he was pre-\\npared to avail himself of a favourable opportunity to\\nprecipitate his army through the mountain gorges of the\\nSierra Madre, upon the scattered and weakened forces\\nof General Taylor. He knew the absolute necessity\\nof arousing the desponding hopes of the Mexican na-\\ntion, by a brilliant demonstration, and he saw the time\\nhad arrived for striking an effective blow when Gen-\\neral Scott was too far advanced towards Vera Cruz to\\nfly to the rescue of General Taylor. Leaving the city\\nof Vera Cruz and the castle of San Juan d Ulloa to its\\nfate, he determined to measure swords with the in-\\nvincible General Taylor.\\nThe favoiuable moment for which Santa Anna had\\nanxiously waited, from October until February, had\\nnow arrived, and he rapidly advanced from San Luis\\nin the direction of Agiia Nueva. General Taylor was\\nassured of this fact on the 20th of February, 1847, and\\nfell bad? to a more favourable position for defence, at\\nBuena Vista, seven miles south of Saltillo, and eleven\\nmiles from his advanced post at Agua Nueva. This\\nmovement was made at noon on the 21st.* With a\\nsmall force, General Taylor returned the same day to\\nSaltillo, to make some arrangements for the defence of\\nthat town, leaving General Wool in command of the\\ntroops. Before his return on the morning of the 22d,\\nthe enemy were advancing and in sight, having marched\\nfrom Encarnacion, a distance of forty miles, after\\n11 o clock the day previous. The position selected by\\nthe American commander was one of remarkable\\nstrength. The road at that point passed through a\\nnarrow defile, and the valley on its right was cut up\\nby deep and impassable gullies while, on the left,\\nrugged hills and precipitous ravines extended to the\\nmountain which overlooked the battle-field thus ob-\\nstructing the use of the enemy s artillery and cavalry,\\nand destroying the advantages which he possessed in\\nthe numerical superiority of his infantry. At 1 1 o clock.\\nGeneral Taylor received a summons from Santa Anna\\nto surrender at discretion, which he declined acceding\\nto. No serious attack was meditated by the Mexican\\ncommander during that day, as he was evidently wait-\\ning for the arrival of his rear-guard. The troops\\nbivouacked without fires, and rested with arms in their\\nhands. A body of fifteen hundred cavalry hovered\\nFor details of this battle, see report of General Taylor to the sec-\\nretary of war, Agua Nueva, March 6, 1817. Executive Docuraents,\\nIgt session 30th congress. Doc. 8, p. 132.\\n60\\nupon the rear of the Americans during the day, evi-\\ndently having been ordered to take that position for\\nthe purpose of harassing the retreat.\\nThe American commander returned again to Saltillo\\nand when he arrived upon the field, on the morning of\\nthe 23d, the battle had already commenced. The action\\nwas brought on by an attempt of the enemy, witli light\\ntroops, to outflank the American left, where they were\\nmet by the riflemen under Colonel Marshall, and a\\nportion of the Illinois volunteers. At 8 o clock, a heavy\\ncolumn advanced along the road, for the purpose of\\nbreaking the centre but they were repulsed and driven\\nback in confusion. About this time, a dark and threat-\\nening mass was seen hovering upon the left, and col-\\nunni after column was poured upon that point, for the\\npurpose of forcing it by immensely superior numbers.\\nHere was stationed the 2d Indiana and the 2d Illinois\\nregiuients, covering O Brien s battery, under the inmic-\\ndiate command of General Lane, who ordered the\\nIndiana regiment and the artillery to advance. Tliat\\nregiment receiving a terrible fire from small arms, and\\nbeing raked by a cross fire of grape and canister from\\na Mexican battery planted upon the left, broke in dis-\\norder and fled from the field, with the exception of a\\nsmall number, who where rallied by Colonel Bowles.\\nO Brien s battery was served with tremendous effect\\nbut still the Mexican battalions continued to advance,\\nand, not being supported, he was forced to retire, leav-\\ning behind him one of his pieces. A gallant stand\\nwas now made by the 2d Illinois regiment but, being\\nat last outflanked, it was forced to fall back. The\\nmovement of the Mexicans in this part of the field\\nwas completely successful, and the light troops who\\nhad so gallantly defended the mountain were forced to\\nretire, and were not rallied until they reached the depot\\nat Buena Vista, which they subsequently aided to de-\\nfend. Heavy columns of infantry and cavalry were\\nnow poured by Santa Anna along the foot of the\\nmountain, to the rear of the Americans, where they\\nassembled in great numbers. It was at this critical mo-\\nment, when the victory was almost within the grasp of\\nthe enemy, that General Taylor arrived upon the field,\\naccompanied by the Mississippi riflemen, who were\\nordered into action, and greatly distinguished them-\\nselves under the leadership of Colonel Davis. They\\nwere gallantly sustained by the 2d Kentucky and a\\nportion of the 1st Illinois regiments, and by the bat-\\nteries of \u00c2\u00a7herman and Bragg, and the Mexicans were,\\ndriven with great loss from the positions they had\\ngained. The American artillery, being in position on", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0503.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "472\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe plateau, produced terrible havoc among the masses\\nwho had gaiued the left.\\nAgain and again the Mexi-\\ncan columns advanced furiously to the onset, but were\\nas often driven back.\\nThe situation of the enemy, who had broken through\\nthe left wing, and had gained the rear of the Ameri-\\ncans, was now exceedingly critical. At that moment,\\nSanta Anna sent a message to the American command-\\ner, to propound the extraordinary question of what\\nhe wanted. Taylor immediately despatched Gen-\\neral Wool to the Mexican general-in-chief, and at the\\nsame time sent orders to cease firing. The Mexicans\\nstill continued the attack, and General Wool returned\\nwithout having obtained an interview. Santa Anna\\nhad, in the mean time, gained his object, which was to\\nenable that part of his army which was in imminent\\ndanger of being cut off, to rejoin the main body.*\\nThe small demonstrations which were made by Gen-\\neral Minon in the rear of the Americans during this\\nportion of the day, were easily checked by Shover s\\nbattery and Webster s command. The firing had par-\\ntially ceased upon that part of the field which had\\nbeen so hotly disputed but the cessation was for a\\nvery brief period.\\nThe Illinois and Kentucky regiments, instead of\\nacting on the defensive, made an advance movement\\nto meet the foe. The collision was terrific the ground\\nwas covered with the slain, but the Americans were\\noverwhelmed by superior numbers, and were forced to\\nretreat, leaving dead upon the field Colonels Hardin\\nand McKee, and Lieutenant-Colonel Clay. The tro-\\nphies of this brilliant charge were two of Captain\\nO Brien s pieces. He had sustained his posiflon to the\\nvery last, and until the infantry which supported him\\nwas driven back in disorder. At this critical moment,\\nwhen the victory had almost deserted the American\\neagles. Captain Bragg, who had once before assisted to\\nchange the fortunes of the day, arrived upon the plateau\\nfrom the left, and rapidly passing General Taylor, with-\\nout any infantry support, at once placed his guns in\\nbattery. The enemy were within a few yards of their\\nmuzzles, and rapidly advancing. The first discharge\\nThe Mexicans, on the contrary, assert, that Santa Anna never\\ndid send such a message, but that a Mexican lieutenant, Don Jose\\nMaria Montoye, having been surrounded by the Americans, and not\\ndesiring to be taken prisoner, pretended to have been sent to General\\nTaylor by Santa Anna, and managed, while accompanjing General\\nWool to the Mexican general-in-chief, to separate from them, and\\nthus rejoined the Mexicans. See Mexican History of the War with\\nMexico, p. 126.\\nof canister from his guns made terrible havoc in the\\nranks of the enemy they reeled and staggered as the\\niron hail swept away Avhole platoons. The second\\nand third discharge forced them to recoil in dismay,\\nand they fled madly from the field. That was the\\nlast attempt made by the enemy to carry the American\\nposition and the night furnished the exhausted troops\\nthe opportunity for refreshing themselves. Amid the\\ndead and the dying, without fires, they bivouacked\\nupon the field of battle, listening to the groans of the\\nwounded, and to the chilling blasts which howled\\nthrough the valley, expecting the morning sun to wit-\\nness a renewal of the combat. But the result of that\\nlong and desperate conflict had broken the spirit of the\\nMexican army. They expected to achieve an easy\\nvictory, but were wholly put to the rout and they\\nretired under the disheartening impression that the\\nfates were against them, and their foes not to be con-\\nquered.\\nThe force engaged under General Taylor was three\\nhundred and thirty-four ofiicers, and four thousand four\\nhundred and twenty-five men, of which only four hun-\\ndred and fifty-three were regular troops. The strength\\nof the Mexican army was at least twenty thousand\\nmen. The American loss was two hundred and sixty-\\nseven killed, four hundred and fifty-six wounded, and\\ntwenty-three missing. The loss of the Mexicans in\\nkilled and wounded, according to the lowest estimate,\\nwas fifteen hundred, and probably amounted to two\\nthousand.\\nWhile these important events were transpiring in\\nthe field, the capital of Mexico was agitated and dis-\\ntracted with the violence of contending factions, and\\napparently on the eve of a new revolution. The dis-\\nasters of Santa Anna were nearly as fatal to him in a\\npolitical as in a military point of view. Farias, who\\nexercised the presidency in his absence, greatly in-\\ncreased the popular exasperation, by endeavouring to\\nforce further contributions from the church, to carry on\\nthe war. The excitement was so great, that a resort\\nwas had to arms, and a general insurrection was only\\nprevented by the timely arrival of Santa Anna, who,\\nadvised of this forniidable fire in his rear, turned his\\nretreat from a foreign foe into an advance upon a far\\nmore dangerous domestic one.\\nWhile Mexico was thus torn and distracted by inter-\\nnal conflicts, General Scott, on the 9th of March, 1847,\\neff ected a landing in the vicinity of Vera Cruz, with a\\nwell-appointed army of twelve thousand men, ably\\nsupported by a sufiicient naval force. The landing", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0504.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF. THE UNITED STATES.\\n473\\nwas effected without opposition, under the guns of the\\nAmei icau squadron. The line of investment was com-\\nmenced on the same day, but was not completed until\\nthe r2th. During that time, a norther prevailed,\\nwhich drove the clouds of sand into the faces of the\\ntroops, and rendered their operations exceedingly dilli-\\ncult. Frequent discharges from the city and castle\\ngreatly annoyed the American troops. On the 14th,\\nthe Americans forced the enemy to relinquish the space\\nwhich intervened between the American lines and the\\ncity. But the continuance of the storm rendered it\\nvery difficult to land the heavy ordnance from the\\nfleet until the 18th. On the 22d, at two o clock,\\nGeneral Scott issued a summons to the governor of\\nVera Cruz to surrender, informing him that the city\\nwas invested by sea and land. This communication\\nwas responded to on the same day by the governor,\\nJuan Morales, who rejected his proposal and General\\nScott ordered the seven mortars, which were placed in\\nbattery, to fire upon the city. The lighter vessels\\nwhich composed Commodore Perry s squadron ap-\\nproached within range, and, being somewhat protected\\nfrom the raking fire of the castle, opened their guns\\nupon the city. The discharges from the fleet and the\\nmortars continued during the night of the 22d, and on\\nthe 23d three more mortars were added to the number.\\nDuring the 24th, the fire somewhat slackened but on\\nthe 25th, all the batteries were in operation, and proved\\nterribly destructive. The shells, exploding in the\\nheart of the city, not only demolished the buildings,\\nbut the iron missives with which they were charged\\ncarried death and dismay in every direction. The\\nbombardment was so disastrous that the consuls of\\nGreat Britain, France, Spain, and Russia, desired Gen-\\neral Scott to grant a truce, to enable the neutrals, and\\nthe Mexican women and children, to abandon the city.\\nTo that communication General Scott replied, that he\\ncould not grant a truce, unless applied for by the gov-\\nernor of Vera Cruz, accompanied by a distinct propo-\\nsition to surrender the city. He also informed them\\nthat the communication between the neutral ships of\\nwar lying in the vicinity of Vera Cruz was kept open\\nto allow the neutrals in the city an opportunity for\\nescape.\\nOn the 26th, General Scott received overtures from\\nGeneral Landero for a suspension of hostilities, for the\\npurpose of having honourable terms made with the\\ngarrison. This proposition was accepted, and the\\nterms of capitulation were ratified on the 27th. It\\nwas agreed that the garrison should surrender them-\\nselves prisoners of war, the Mexican officers to pre-\\nserve their arms and private effects, and, togetiier with\\nthe rank and file of the regular portion of the prison-\\ners, to give their parole not- to serve again during the\\nwar, or until they were duly exchanged. With the\\ncity of Vera Cruz and San Juan de Ulloa were sur-\\nrendered five thousand prisoners.\\nThis achievement, accomplished as it was with\\ncomparatively a very small loss, was one of the most\\nbrilliant events of the Mexican war. The castle of\\nSan Juan de Ulloa was considered impregnable by\\nEuropeans, and was only taken by the French, a few\\nyears previous, by the accidental explosion of a maga-\\nzine. To land upon a hostile shore, and to enciicle\\nthe city of Vera Cruz, under the fire of her.batteries,\\nillustrated the military skill of General Scott, and the\\npatient endurance and gallantry of the American troops.\\nA new base of operations was thus obtained, which\\nopened a short and direct line to the city of Mexico.\\nThe eminent skill and science of Colonel Totten, of\\nthe engineer corps, were admirably displayed in this\\nsiege, and contributed greatly to the success of the\\nenterprise.\\nOn the 6th of April, the American army took up its\\nline of march for the city of Mexico. On the 17th,\\nthey met the first organized opposition at Plan del\\nRio. The Mexicans were intrenched in a formidable\\nposition, which was defended by a much larger force\\nthan General Scott expected to find there. The\\nnational road crosses a small, but very rapid stream, at\\nthe village of Plan del Rio. Near the village were\\nseveral heights, upon which were planted batteries, tliat\\ncommanded the road for some distance, and rendered\\nthe position exceedingly formidable. General Scott\\nat once determined to storm the batteries, and drive\\nthe enemy from their intrenchments, and issued his\\norders accordingly.\\nThese orders were brilliantly executed. The assault\\nunder Pillow, whose command was ordered to charge\\nbefore it was formed, was twice rcpqjsed by the terri-\\nble fire from the Mexican batteries. The charge under\\nColonel Harney, up the steep-and precipitous ascent,\\nin the face of the Mexican guns, was a daring and bril-\\nliant affair, and resulted in driving the enemy, with\\ngreat slaughter, from that part of the field. The or-\\nders issued to the division of Worth and Twiggs were\\nexecuted with great gallantry, and the command of the\\nlatter general sustained considerable loss in executing\\nhis orders. About three thousand prisoners, with five\\ngenerals and many other oflScers of rank, were some of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0505.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "474\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STvVTES.\\nthe fruits of this victory. Tiie loss of the Americans,\\nin killed and wounded, was about two liundred and\\nlifty that of tlie enemy, about three hundred and fifty.\\nAmong the American officers who were desperately\\nwounded was General Shields. Tlie pursuit of the\\nenemy was rapidly continued in the direction of\\nJalapa. The rout of the Mexicans was complete.\\nThey dispersed in utter confusion, and the Americans\\nsoon after took possession of Jalapa and the strong\\nfortress of Perote. At the latter place were captured\\nfifty-four guns and mortars, eleven thousand sixty-\\nfive cannon balls, fourteen thousand three hundred\\nbombs and hand-grenades, and five hundred muskets.\\nA considerable portion of the troops under General Scott\\nwore volunteers, who had entered the service for a lim-\\nited period, which being now about to expire, congress\\nhad passed a law for the reenlistment of such portions\\nof thoni as were disposed to continue with the army\\nand strenuoiis efforts were made to induce them to\\nremain. But they had seen enough of war. Notwith-\\nstanding their uninterrupted successes, they did not\\ncovet more of the glory of conquest. Fresh from the\\nbosoms of their families, and from their peaceful fire-\\nsides, and unused not merely to the hardships, but to\\nthe restraints and discipline, of a military life, they\\ncould brook them no longer. They served out their\\nterms with the fidelity and devotion of veterans, en-\\nduring fatigue and hardship of every description, and\\nfighting in the field or in the breach, in the assault\\nor in the skirmish, with the cool bravery and deter-\\nmined, invincible courage of soldiers trained to war.\\nBut they were now free to depart with honour, and\\nwere quite willing to share the remaining laurels of\\nthe contest with the eager thousands at home who\\nwere panting to take their places in the field. In these\\ncircumstances, General Scott determined to discharge\\nthem at once, and to wait the arrival of the ten regi-\\nments of regulars, already ordered to be enlisted and\\norganized for the war.\\nIn order to lessen the growing expenses of the\\nwar, and thus ^ence some part of the clamom s of\\nthe opposition, the president directed contributions to\\nbe levied upon the conquered country, for the sup-\\nport of the invading army. To this course both\\nGeneral Taylor and General Scott strenuously ob-\\njected. They did not deny the military right, but\\n\u00c2\u00bbhey doubted the expediency, and even the practica-\\nbility, of the measm-e. They felt that, in penetrating\\nso far into the enemy s country, their only safety de-\\npended upon cultivating, as far \u00c2\u00a3is possible, the good\\nwill of the people. They accordingly refiained fiom\\nevery act of individual oppression, and paid liberal\\nprices for all the articles they required. Private jTi-op-\\nerty and private rights were every where respected.\\nThe property of the government, whenever it fell in\\ntheir way, was freely appropriated. This course oper-\\nated well for the army, who were never in want of\\nany thing which the country aflbrded while to multi-\\ntudes of the Mexican farmers it was a golden harvest\\nof rare occurrence.\\nAt Washington, and throughout the United States,\\nthe war absorbed almost all other subjects. It gave a\\ncolour to all political action. All parties admired and\\napplauded the gallant feats of the armies and their\\ngenerals. The praises of Taylor and Scott, of Worth\\nand Q,uitman, of Duncan, and Pierce, and Lally, and\\nscores of others equally or more distinguished, were on\\nevery tongue. Still there was a powerful opposition\\nto the war, and to the administration of Mr. Polk, as\\nits authors and abettors. So powerful was this feeling,\\nand so well had it been wrought upon, that a majority\\nof the representatives elected to the thirtieth congress\\nwas opposed to the president. The twenty-ninth had\\nnot yet closed its session. Measures of great im-\\nportance were proposed. But every thing was con-\\ntested inch by inch. The progress of legislation was\\nslow, and the movements of the army were conse-\\nquently delayed. The employment of volunteers was\\nnot acceptable to the commanders, as they only enlist-\\ned for definite periods, and were liable to leave at the\\nvery moment when their services were most needed.\\nThe immediate raising of ten regiments of regular\\ntroops, to serve for the wax, was urgently recommend-\\ned. At the same time that measures were thus urged\\nto prosecute the war, the president asked an appropria-\\ntion of three millions, to be placed at his private dis-\\nposal, evidently with a design to purchase a peace. To\\nmeet these heavy demands upon the treasury, three\\nmeasures were devised. The first and easiest was a\\nloan.. The second a vexed question was the sale,\\nat a very low minimum, of such of the public lands as\\nhad been long in the market. The third was the im-\\nposition of a war revenue upon some articles on the\\nfree list of the tariff The ten regiments were raised,\\nafter long and wearisome discussion. The loan was\\nordered but the other two measures died of debate.\\nIn connection with the proposition to appropriate\\nthree millions to assist the president in negotiating a\\npeace, a new difficulty arose. It was clearly seen that,\\nnotwithstanding the president s disavowal of such a\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0506.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n475\\npurpose, one of the great objects of the war party was the\\nacquisition of a portion of the Mexican territory. This,\\nbeing in a southern latitude, it was naturally supposed,\\nwould be claimed for slavery. The determination, on\\nthe part of the northern advocates for freedom, brought\\nout that tough and unmanageable bone of contention,\\nthe Wilmot Proviso. This was a simple amend-\\nment to the three million bill, proposed by Mr. David\\nWilmot, of Pennsylvania, prohibiting slavery in any of\\nthe territories that might be acquired as the result of\\nthe contemplated negotiations. This famous Pro-\\nviso has made its humble author a very prominent\\nman, and given him a world-wide distmction. And\\nyet it is nothing more nor less than a proposition to\\nextend over newly-acquired territories the provisions\\nof an ordinance of sixty years standing an ordi-\\nnance framed by Jefferson, and supported, without\\nopposition or division, by all the fathers of the con-\\nstitution. But the southern interest, which has, from\\nthe beginning, monopolized the government, prevailed.\\nThe Proviso was rejected, and the question left\\nopen for further and more bitter agitation in a time of\\npeace.\\nIn the prospect, not very distant, of a new presiden-\\ntial election, the position of the two victorious generals\\nin Mexico, both of whom were opposed in politics to\\nthe party then in power, was decidedly alarming to the\\nadministration. General Scott had shown some polit-\\nical aspirations already and it was desirable, if possi-\\nble, to dim the lustre of his name, by dividing the\\nglory of the conquest of Mexico. This was first pro-\\nposed to be done by the creation of a new grade in\\nthe army, to take rank of all others, under the title of\\nlieutenant-general. Colonel Benton, of Missouri, was\\nthe prominent and only candidate for this distinction.\\nNo possible motive, other than a personal one, could be\\nassigned for this measure. General Scott s courage,\\nskill, and consummate ability were unquestioned and\\nunquestionable. He had accomplished whatever he\\nhad undertaken. He had done more and better than\\nhis instructions had demanded of him. There was\\nnot a man from Maine to Texas who would have risked\\nhis reputation upon the assertion that Colonel Benton,\\nor any other inexperienced man in the country, could\\nfinish what Scott had begun better than he coiJfd do it\\nhimself In such a crisis, to supersede all the expe-\\nrienced and tried officers in the army, by the arbitrary\\nelevation of a mere civilian to the supreme command,\\nwould have been either to woo and insure defeat, or\\nto turn tlic whole matter of the war into a broad farce,\\nFortunately, the good sense of the people prevailed,\\nand the anomalous measure was defeated.\\nA second attempt was made to obtain the same end.\\nby iugiafting on a bill for the increase of the number\\nof general officers in the army a i^rovision, that the\\npresident should be authorized to place any one of\\nthem, without regard to rank, in command of the army\\nin Mexico. But this met with the same opposition,\\nand shared the same fate as the other. Thus it was\\nnot without reason that General Scott apprehended\\na fire in his rear, when he undertook the command\\nof the army.\\nThe disasters of Vera Cruz and Cerro Gordo had\\nnot exhausted the resources of Santa Anna, nor entirely\\nbroken the spirits of the Mexicans. The president-\\ngeneral with difficulty escaped capture, and, with a few\\ncompanions, after two or three days and nights of soli-\\ntary wandering and romantic adventure among the\\nmountain passes and secluded valleys of that alpine\\nregion, arrived at the city of Orizaba. Here he was\\nreceived with great enthusiasm, and immediately set\\nhimself to devising measures to retrieve his lost for-\\ntunes. This he would have had no time to do, if Gen-\\neral Scott had vigorously pursued his advantages.\\nBut his determination to discharge a large portion of\\nthe volunteers, and wait the arrival of recruits, which\\nwas doubtless a prudent and commendable exercise .of\\nthe better part of valor, afforded ample time for the\\ndiscomfited Mexican to arouse his countrymen to re-\\nnewed exertions, and to convmce them of the possi-\\nbility of yet driving back the invaders.\\nDuring this state of inactivity and mutual prepara-\\ntion, a commissioner from the United States govern-\\nment, authorized to treat for peace, arrived at Vera\\nCruz. A more singular and injudicious appointment\\nwas jM-obably never made, under ciixumstances so\\ngrave. Mr. N. P. Trist was simply a clerk in the state\\ndepartment at Washington, having neither position,\\nexperience, nor talent, to qualify him for so important\\na diplomatic mission. He was scarcely known out of\\nWashington. His name had never been heard in\\nMexico. It is impossible to imagine a reason for the\\nselection of such a man, unless it was intended as a\\ndeliberate insult both to the Mexican nation and to\\nthe commanding general of the American army. Gen-\\neral Scott received the commissioner with a marked\\ncoldness, which seriously offended the dignity of tiiat\\nfunctionary. The following letter to the secretary of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0507.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "476\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nvvar will serve, not only to indicate the feelings of\\nGeneral Scott on this occasion, but to show the true\\nmilitary aspects of the whole transaction\\nMr. Trist arrived here on the 14th instant. He has\\nnot done me the honour to call upon me. Possibly he\\nhas thought tlie compliment of a first visit was due\\nto him\\nWhen I wrote to you and Mr. Trist, late in the\\nnight of the 7th instant, to go down by a detachment\\nof horse that I was obliged to despatch early the next\\nmorning, I had not time to defend the position you had\\nforced me to assume I shall now but glance at that\\nposition. The Hon. Mr. Benton has publicly declared,\\nthat if tlie law had passed making him general-in-chief\\nof the United States armies in Mexico, either as lieu-\\ntenant-general, or as junior major-general over seniors,\\nthe power would have been given him not only of\\nagreeing to an armistice, (which would, of course, have\\nappertained to his position,) but the much higher\\npower of concluding a treaty of peace and it will be\\nremembered, also, that in my letter to Major-General\\nTaylor, dated June 12, 1846, written at your instance,\\nand, as I understood at the time, approved by the cab-\\ninet, his power to agree to an. armistice was merely\\nadverted to in order to place upon it certain limitations.\\n1 understand your letter to me of the 14th ultimo as\\nnot only taking from me, the commander of an army\\nunder the most critical circumstances, all voice or ad-\\nvice in agreeing to a truce with the enemy, but as an\\nattempt to place me under the military command of\\nMr. Trist for you tell me that, should he make\\nknown to you, in writing, that the contingency has\\noccurred in consequence of which the president is will-\\ning that further active military operations should cease,\\nyou will regard such notice as a direction from the\\n])resident to suspend them until further orders from\\nthis department.\\nThat is, I am required to respect the judgment of\\nMr. Trist here, on passing events purely military, as\\nthe judgment of the president, who is some two thou-\\nsand miles off!\\nI suppose this is to be the second attempt of the\\nkind ever made to dishonour a general-in-chief in the\\nfield, before or since the time of the French con-\\nvention.\\nThat other instance occurred in your absence from\\nWashington, in June, 1845, when Mr. Bancroft, acting\\nsecretary pf war, instructed General Taylor in certain\\nmatters to obey the orders of Mr. Donaldson, charge\\nd affaires in Texas and you may remember the let-\\nter that I wrote to General Taylor, with the permis-\\nsion of both Mr. Bancroft and yourself, to correct that\\nblunder.\\nWhenever it may be the pleasure of the president\\nto instruct me, directly or through any authorized chan-\\nnel, to propose or to agree to an armistice with the\\nenemy, on the happening of any given contingency or\\ncontingencies, or to do any other military act, I shall\\nmost promptly and cheerfully obey him but I entreat\\nto be spared the personal dishonour of being again re-\\nquired to obey the orders of the chief clerk of the state\\ndepartment as the orders of the constitutional com-\\nmander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United\\nStates.\\nTo Mr. Trist, as a functionary of my government,\\nI have caused to be shown, since his arrival here, every\\nproper attention. I sent the chief quartermaster and\\nan aid-de-camp to show him the rooms I had ordered\\nfor him. I have caused him to be tendered a sentinel,\\nto be placed at his door and to receive his orders. I\\nshall from time to time send him word of my personal\\nmovements, and I shall continue to show him all other\\nattentions necessary to the discharge of any diplomatic\\nfunctions with which he may be intrusted.\\nThis letter called forth from the war department a\\nvery strong and pungent reply. The secretary ob-\\nserves in relation to the letter respecting the mission of\\nMr. Trist, The president would not have deemed\\nit proper that I should advert again to this subject, but\\nfor the apprehension he has that your course may ob-\\nstruct the measures he has taken to procure a peace.\\nIt does not appear, from any communication made by\\nyou to this department, that you have executed or at-\\ntempted to execute the order which you have received\\nto forward the despatch from the secretary of state\\naddressed to the Mexican secretary of foreign affairs.\\nThe president is, however, unwilling to believe that\\nyou have not done your duty in this respect. If it has\\nnot been sent, he presumes that you have not been\\nable to send it, and that you will, in due time, explain\\nthe causes which compelled you to detain it.\\nMy letter, taken by itself, neither sustains nor ex-\\ncuses ^Tch an interpretation as you have given to it\\nand, taken in connection with the facts which Mr.\\nTrist was directed to communicate to you, and which\\nit was expected Avould have been communicated with\\nthat letter, shows how idle it is to imagine that there\\nwas any attempt to place you under the military\\n41", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0508.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n477\\ncommand of Mr. Trist, or that you were required to\\nrespect the judgment of Mr. Trist here, (in Mexico,) on\\npassing events purely military, as the judgment of the\\npresident, who is some two thousand miles oft The\\nrespect due to yourself, as well as that due to the presi-\\ndent, who had placed you in chief command of our\\narmies in Mexico, should have made you extremely\\nreluctant to adopt such a conclusion, even on adequate\\nproof of the fact and to me it seems, as I am sure it\\nwill appear to others, strange indeed that you have\\nbeen able to extract any such inference from my letter.\\nYou and Mr. Trist are both functionaries of the gov-\\nernment of the United States, with important public\\ninterests confided to each in his respective sphere of\\naction cordial cooperation was expected duty im-\\nposed it the public good, the cause of humanity, de-\\nmanded it. If there has been a failure in this respect,\\nand from the tenor of your despatch the president\\nfears that there has been, a high responsibility rests\\nsomewhere.\\nIn relation to the direction for an armistice, or the\\nsuspension of hostilities, the president, after duly con-\\nsidering all you have said on the subject, does not\\ndoubt that it was an order proper and right for him to\\ngive, and consequently one which you were bound to\\nobey. He sincerely regrets your strange misapprehen-\\nsion of it and he is wholly unable to conceive how\\nyou can reconcile with duty and subordination the\\nmaking of it a topic of remark, I may say of incidental\\nreproof, of your common superior, in an official com-\\nmunication to a subordinate olficer in another branch\\nof the public service.\\nMr. Trist continued with the army in its marches,\\nand finally had an opportunity, after General Scott had\\nconquered a peace, and taken possession of strong-\\nholds, palaces, and citadels, to negotiate a treaty with\\nthe vanquished. In doing this, he transcended his or-\\nders, lost the confidence of the president and his cabi-\\nnet, and fully confirmed, to the nation and the world,\\nGeneral Scott s estimate of his fitness for the place to\\nwhich he was so singularly elevated.\\nSoon after his arrival at Jalapa, General Scott ad-\\ndressed a proclamation to the people of Mexico, setting\\nforth the causes of the war, the true state of the bel-\\nligerents, the utter hopelessness of further resistance on\\ntheir part, and his wish, if possible, to prevent the\\nfurther effusion of blood, and bring his work to a close\\nwithout the necessity of fighting his way up to the\\nhalls of the Montezumas. It is an admirable docu-\\nment, and worthy of preservation.\\nThe General-in-chief of the Armies of the Uniled Stales oj\\nAmerica to the Mexican Nation.\\nMexicans: The late events of the war, and the\\nmeasures adopted in consequence by your government,\\nmake it my duty to address you, in order to lay before\\nyou truths of which you are ignorant, because tliey\\nhave been criminally concealed from you. I do not\\nask you to believe me singly on my word, though he\\nwho has not been found false has a claim to be be-\\nlieved, but to judge for yourselves of these truths,\\nfrom facts within the view and scrutiny of you all.\\nWhatever may have been the origin of this war,\\nwhich the United States were forced to undertake liy\\ninsurmountable causes, we regard it as an evil. War\\nis ever such to both belligerents and the reason and\\njustice of the case, if not unknown on both sides, are\\nin dispute, and claimed by each. You have proof of\\nthis truth, as well as we for in Mexico, as in the\\nUnited States, there have existed, and do exist, two\\nopposite parties one desiring peace; another, war.\\nGovernments, however, have sacred duties to per-\\nform, from which they cannot swerve and these\\nduties frequently impose, from national considerations,\\na silence and a reserve that displease, at times, the\\nmajority of those who, from views purely personal or\\nprivate, are found in opposition to Avhich governments\\ncan pay little attention, expecting the nation to repose\\nin them the confidence due to a magistracy of its own\\nselection.\\nConsiderations of high policy and of continental\\nAmerican interests precipitated events, in spite of the\\ncircumspection of the cabinet at Washington. This\\ncabinet, ardently desiring to terminate all differences\\nwith Mexico, spared no efforts compatible with honour\\nand dignity. It cherished the most flattering hopes\\nof attaining this end by frank explanations and reason-\\nings addressed to the judgment and prudence of the\\nvirtuous and patriotic government of General Herrera.\\nAn unexpected misfortune dispelled these hopes, and\\nclosed every avenue to an honourable adjustment. Your\\nnew government disregarded your national interests as\\nwell as those of continental America, and yielded, more-\\nover, to foreign influences the most oppo.sed to those\\ninterests the most fatal to the future of Mexican\\nliberty, and of that republican system which the United\\nStates hold it a duty to preserve and to protect. Duty,\\nhonour, and dignity placed us under the necessity of\\nnot losing a season of which the monarchical party\\nwas fast taking advantage. As not a moment was to", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0509.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "478\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nbe lost, we acted %vitli a promptness and decision suited\\nto the urgency of the case, in order to avoid a compli-\\ncation of interests which might render our relations\\nmore difficult and involved.\\nAgain in the course of civil war, the government\\nof General Paredes was overthrown. We could not but\\nlook upon this as a fortunate event, believing that any-\\nother administration, representing Mexico, would be\\nless deluded, more patriotic, and more prudent look-\\ning to the common good, weighing probabilities,\\nstrength, resources, and, above all, the general opinion\\nas to the inevitable results of a national war. We\\nwere deceived as perhaps you, Mexicans, were also\\ndeceived in judging of the real intentions of General\\nSanta Anna, whom you recalled, and whom our gov-\\nernment permitted to return.\\nUnder this state of things, the Mexican nation has\\nseen the results lamented by all, and by us most sin-\\ncerely for we appreciate, as is due, the valour and\\nnoble decision of those unfortunate men who go to\\nbattle, ill conducted, worse cared for, and almost always\\nenforced by violence, deceit, Or perfidy.\\nWe are witnesses and we shall not be taxed with\\npartiality, as a party interested, when we lament with\\nsurprise that the heroic behaviour of the garrison of\\nVera Cruz, in its valiant defence, has been aspersed by\\nthe general who had just been routed and put to shame-\\nful flight at Buena Vista, by a force far inferior to his\\nown that the same general rewarded the insurgents\\nof the capital, promoters of civil war, and heaped\\noutrage on those who had just acquired for themselves\\nsingular distinction by a resistance beyond expectation,\\nand of admirable decision.\\nFinally, the bloody event of Cerro Gordo has plain-\\nly shown the Mexican nation what it may reasonably\\nexpect, if it longer continues blind to its real situation\\na situation to which it has been brought by some of\\nits generals, whom it has most distinguished, and in\\nwhom it has most confided.\\nThe hardest heart would have been moved to grief,\\nin contemplating any battle-field of Mexico, a moment\\nafter the last struggle. Those generals whom the na-\\ntion has paid, without service rendered, for so many\\nyears, have, in the day of need, with some honourable\\nexceptions, but served to injure her by their bad exam-\\nple or unskilfulness. The dead and wounded on those\\ngelds received no marks of military distinction, sharing\\nalike the sad fate which has been the same from Palo\\nAlto to Cerro Gordo the dead remained unburied, and\\nthe wounded abandoned to the clemency and charity of\\nthe victor. Soldiers who go to battle, knoAving they\\nhave such reward to look for, deserve to be classed w th\\nthe most heroic for they are stimulated by no hope of\\nglory, nor remembrance, nor a sigh not even a\\ngrave.\\nAgain contemplate, honourable Mexicans, the lot\\nof peaceful and industrious citizens in all classes of\\nyour country. The possessions of the church menaced,\\nand presented as an allurement to revolution and an-\\narchy the fortunes of rich proprietors pointed out for\\nthe plunder of armed ruffians the merchant and the\\nmechanic, the husbandman and the manufacturer, bur-\\ndened with contributions, excises, monopolies, duties on\\nconsumption, and surrounded by officers and collectors\\nof tliese odious internal customs the man of letters\\nand the legislator the freeman of knowledge, who\\ndares to speak, persecuted, without trial, by some fac-\\ntion, or by the very rulers who abuse their power\\nand criminals, unpunished, are set at liberty, as were\\nthose of Perote. What, then, Mexicans, is the liberty\\nof which you boast\\nI will not believe tjiat Mexicans of the present day\\nwant the courage to confess errors which do not dis-\\nhonour them, or to adopt a system of true liberty\\none of peace and union with their brethren and neigh-\\nbours of the north.\\nNeither can I believe Mexicans ignorant of the in-\\nfamy of the calumnies put forth by the press, in order\\nto excite hostility against us. No public spirit cannot\\nbe created nor animated by falsehood. We have not\\nprofaned your temples, nor abused your women, nor\\nseized your property, as they would have you believe.\\nWe say it with pride, and we confirm it by an appeal\\nto your bishops and the curates of Tampico, Tuzpan,\\nMatamoras, Monterey, Vera Cruz, and Jalapa; to all\\nthe clergy, civil authorities, and inhabitants of all the\\nplaces we have occupied.\\nWe adore the same God and a large portion of our\\narmy, as well as of the people of the United States, is\\nCatholic, like yourselves. We punish crime wherever\\nwe find it, and reward merit and virtue.\\nThe army of the United States respects, and will\\never respect, private property of every class, and the\\nproperty of the Mexican church. Woe to him who does\\nnot where we are.\\nMexicans the past is beyond remedy, but the fu-\\nture may yet be controlled. I have repeatedly declared\\nto you that the government and people of the LFnited\\nStates desire peace desire your sincere friendship.\\nAbandon, then, state prejudices; cease to be the sport\\n^^1", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0510.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n479\\nof private ambition, and conduct yourselves like a great\\nAmerican nation. Abandon at once those old colo-\\nnial habits, aad learn to be truly free truly repub-\\nlican. You may then soon attain prosperity and\\nhappiness, of which you possess all the elements but\\nremember that yon are Americans, and that your hap-\\npiness is not to come from Europe.\\nI desire, in conclusion, to say to you, with equal\\nfrankness, that, were it necessary, an army of one hun-\\ndred thousand Americans would soon be among you\\nand tliat the United States, if forced to terminate by\\narms their differences with you, would not do it in an\\nuncertain or precarious, or still less in a dishonourable\\nmanner. It would be an insult to the intelligent peo-\\nple of this country to doubt their knowledge of our\\npower.\\nThe system of forming guerilla parties to annoy us\\nwill, I assure you, produce only evils to this country,\\nand none to our army, which knows how to protect\\nitself, and how to proceed against such cutthroats\\nand if, so far from calming resentments and passions,\\nyou try to irritate, you will but force upon- us the hard\\nnecessity of retaliation. In that event, you cannot\\nblame us for the consequences which will fall upon\\nyourselves.\\nI shall march with this army upon Puebla and\\nMexico. I do not conceal this from you. From those\\ncapitals I may again address you. We desire peace,\\nfriendship, and union it is for you to choose whether\\nyou prefer continued hostilities. In either case, be\\nassured I will keep my word.\\nHead-Quakieks of the Aemt,\\nJalap A, May 11, 1847. 5\\nThis proclamation of General Sco^tt was highly\\ncommended by all parties in the United -States, and\\nwas received with great favour by a large portion of\\nthe people of Mexico, who would have yielded at once\\nto its generous suggestions, if they had been free to\\nact for themselves. They were entirely in the power\\nof their military leaders. The secretary of war thus\\ncommended the proclamation\\nI have received and laid before the president the\\ncopy of your proclamation to the Mexican nation of\\nthe 11th of May. The considerations you have pre-\\nsented to the people of Mexico, as inducements to them\\nto wish for peace and to concur in measures for the\\naccomplishment of that desirable object, are well select-\\ned and ably enforced. As it could not have been your\\ndesign to enter into a full discussion of the causes which\\nled to the war, it is not to be taken as an authoritative\\n61\\nexposition of the views of the executive in this respect\\nbut he regards it as a document containing topics and\\nsentiments the most likely to find a response in the\\nbosoms of the Mexicans, and to promote the cause of\\njustice, moderation, and peace. Such were properly\\nthe scope and end of the proclamation, and most ably\\nhave they been carried out.\\nSenor Auvaya was now president of Mexico ad in-\\nterim. The Mexican congress was in session. So\\nexcited and exasperated were they, on receiving tidings\\nof the disastrous issue of the battle of Ccrro Gordo,\\nthat they passed many violent decrees, breathing war\\nto the uttermost against the United States declaring\\nthat the executive should have no power to conclude\\na treaty, or even an armistice, and denouncing as a\\ntraitor any Mexican functionary who should entertahi\\neither proposition. While the punishment of treason\\nwas thus proclaimed against any one who should pre-\\nsume to speak of peace, the executive officers were en-\\ndowed with extraordinary powers for the prosecution\\nof the war. The greatest activity prevailed. The\\nguerilla system was strongly recommended and fostered.\\nA levy en masse was ordered, the capital was declared\\nin a state of siege, and great preparations were made\\nto put the fortifications of the city in the best possible\\ncondition of defence.\\nSuch being the temper of the existing government\\nand the capital, it required something more than the\\nissuing of a proclamation by General Scott, or the\\nwaving of an olive-branch by Mr. Trist, to restore the\\nnation to its right mind.\\nPreparations for an advance upon the capital of\\nMexico were at length completed, and, on the 8th of\\nMay, General Worth took up his line of march from\\nPerote. On the 15th he arrived at Puebla, and took\\npossession of the city without resistance. General\\nSanta Anna had arrived there but a few days before,\\nexpecting to find supplies of /noney, ammunition, arms,\\nand men, and resolved to make another stand in defence\\nof the passage to the capital. To his dismay, however,\\nhe found no preparations for defence, no means to em-\\nploy for that purpose, and no spirit in the people to\\nsecond his design. Forcible exactions were attempted,\\nbut without success. Ten thousand dollars were all\\nhe could obtain, even by force. It is due to Santa\\nAnna to say, that he did what he could to induce, and\\neven to compel, the place to make a stand. But there\\nwere absolute terror and perfect apathy with the people,\\nand with the governor, Don Rafael Inzunza, a full con-\\nviction that defence was impossible in the then state", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0511.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "480\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nof the city. Santa Anna was requested to evacuate,\\nand leave thu place to the mercy of the invaders.\\nResolved, if possible, to do something to annoy the\\nenemy, and attach some little eclat to his own position,\\nSanta Anna attempted to surprise and cut off the\\nAmerican advance. Throwing forward a strong body\\nof horse, by a circuitous and concealed route, to occu-\\npy the height of Chacapa, which overlooks the town\\nof Amozoc, he thought to place himself between the\\ntwo divisions of the American advance, of which Gen-\\neral Worth led the van and General Quitman the rear.\\nBut Worth was too quick for him. He was already\\nat Amozoc, though unaware of his approach. Instead\\nof surprising his enemy, however, Santa Anna was\\nhimself surprised, and driven back with considerable\\nloss. General Worth was not aware of the designs of\\nthe Mexican, until the head of his column was seen\\nwinding along the mountain side, and endeavoring to\\nconceal itself in the thickets, the object being to pass\\nAmozoc, attack duitman, and thus compel Worth to\\nfall back. Not knowing the intentions of the enemy,\\nor what force he had to contend with. General Worth\\nimmediately threw the guns of the siege train into\\nbattery at the angles of the plaza of the village, and\\nsent out corps of observation by diiferent routes. Sup-\\nposing, from their movements, that the enemy had\\nQ,uitman s corps in view, he sent a detachment, under\\nColonel Garland, in that direction. On passing out of\\nthe village, a long column of lancers was seen moving\\nrapidly down on the right. Their number was after-\\nwards ascertained to be three thousand, unsupported\\nby infantry or artillery. When the head of the column\\nreached a point opposite the centre of the town, the\\nbatteries opened a rapid and effective fire. A few\\nrounds sufficed to break and scatter the column. Fly-\\ning up the sides of the hills, it soon after reunited, and\\nresumed its march in the same dii-ection as before.\\nThe 2d artillery and 8th infantry, with two sections\\nof the light batteries, were put upon its track, when\\nsuddenly it swerved to the left, and disappeared among\\nthe hills. Retreating by the slope of the Malinche,\\nand traversing, with great difficulty and fatigue, a por-\\ntion of country which was every where broken by\\ndeep gullies, or tangled with almost impenetrable\\nthickets, they arrived, a little before sunset, at Puebla,\\nweary, dispirited, and their numbers somewhat reduced.\\nGeneral Santa Anna led this enterprise in person.\\nThe result of this adventiue tended in no way to\\nrouse the authorities of Puebla to measures of resist-\\nance or defence and General Santa Anna, after seizing\\nall the horses he could find for the use of his cavalry,\\nleft the city early the next morning, continuing his\\nretreat towards Mexico. The same day, the 1.5th of\\nMay, General Worth entered the city, the authorities\\nhaving come out three miles to meet him, and make\\narrangements for the capitulation.\\nSanta Anna now fixed his head-quarters, temporarily,\\nat the village of St. Martin Teamalucan, about twenty-\\nfive miles from Mexico. His recent defeats had lost\\nhim the confidence and favour of the people to a great\\nextent. A new election, or, rather, an attempt at an\\nelection, had just passed, resulting in no choice. This\\nleft the general still in^power, till a new election.\\nHaving, by great exertions, increased the force of the\\narmy, so as to make a fair show of power and resolu-\\ntion, he hastened to the capital, to see what could be\\ndone there to reestablish himself with the people.\\nThe city was distracted with contending factions.\\nThe government was a mere name, a shadow, under\\nwhich unprincipled men sought to accomplish their\\nprivate ends. Santa Anna, possessed of the extraor-\\ndinary powers so recently conferred by congress, seized\\nhis personal enemies, and shut them up in prison, or\\nassigned them to distant service. Almonte was incar-\\ncerated at San Jago, and Arista at Acapulco. Busta-\\nmente was ordered to Sinaloa, and Ampudia to Cuer-\\nnavaca. This done, Santa Anna resigned the presi-\\ndency, on the 29th of May. His example was soon\\nfollowed by several generals, the veteran Bravo at their\\nhead, and all appeared in irretrievable confusion.\\nHaving thus sacrificed himself for the public\\ngood, and lain four days upon the altar, exposed to\\nthe admiration of the people and the army, who\\nknew not which way to look for a leader, he rose,\\nsuddenly, on the 2d of June, withdrew his resignation,\\non which congress had taken no action, and resumed\\nthe dictator. The Mexicans were once more roused\\nto vigorous action. Reenforcements to the army\\nwere rapidly concentrating, and the work of fortifying\\nthe city at every point was pushed with the greatest\\nenergy. Battalion after battalion poured in from the\\ndifferent cities and states of the republic each sent its\\nguns for the defence while many more were in the\\nprocess of casting, at a newly-established foundery near\\nthe capital so that, by the end of June, the dictator\\nfound himself at the head of twenty-five thousand\\nmen, with sixty pieces of artillery.\\nThe reenforcements did not arrive as fast as General\\nScott expected, and he was detained in a state of\\nmasterly inactivity nearly all summer. Impctient", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0512.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n481\\nof the long delay, and knowing the heavy force already\\ncollecting about the capital of Mexico, he thought it\\nbest to concentrate his own forces. He accordingly,\\non the 3d of June, ordered up the garrison from Jalapa\\nto Paebla, keeping possession of the castle of Perote,\\nfor the accommodation of the sick. This left the whole\\nroute from Perote to Vera Cruz unguarded, and open\\nto the enemy. Parties of guerillas were skulking\\nabout in all directions, to cut off stragglers from the\\narmy, and to plunder the trains on their way to head-\\nquarters. Tliese banditti were now well organized, hav-\\ning a secret understanding with the dictator. Colonel\\nCenobio, a notorious chief among them, held his ren-\\ndezvous near Mango de Clavo, the magnificent hacienda\\nof Santa Anna. Serious losses were incurred in this\\nway by the Americans, and many valuable lives were\\nsacrificed. On the 4th of June, Colonel Mcintosh\\nmarched from Vera Cruz, with a train of one hundred\\nand twenty-eight wagons, and a command of two com-\\npanies of mounted and one of dismounted dragoons,\\nand six of infantry. General Cadwallader followed\\nhim, on the 8th, with about five hundred men, and\\ntwo mountain howitzers. On the 10th, he overtook\\nMcintosh, both having been greatly annoyed by the\\ngueiiileros, who amused themselves by firing at a long\\nrange from behind the shelter of rock, or tree, or mound,\\nand then retiring from pursuit. They also succeeded\\nin robbing some of the wagons. On the 11th, the train\\narrived at the National Bridge, which spans the Rio de\\nla Antigua, a few miles below Cerro Gordo. Here the\\nenemy was found to be in considerable force, having\\npossession of the bridge, and of the surrounding heights.\\nThe position was strong and well posted. It was near\\nnight, and the full force of the enemy was not seen.\\nCadwallader ordered an instant charge by a detach-\\nment of dragoons, at the same time bringing his howit-\\nzers to bear. When the dragoons reached the middle\\nof the bridge, the hills on either side were suddenly\\nlighted up by the flash of five hundred muskets. The\\ndragoons were thrown into confusion, recoiled, and\\nseemed about giving way, but immediately rallied\\nunder the voice and example of their commander.\\nLieutenant Maury, and carried the point. Had the\\nAmericans been in the position of the Mexicans, there\\nwould not have been a man left to tell how the adven-\\nture fared. The American soldiers take sure aim in\\nfighting, which soon decides a conflict. The Mexi-\\ncans generally fire at random, as if the flash and the\\nnoise were to frighten the enemy, or the lead to find\\nits own way to his heart.\\nA temporary barricade, which had been thrown\\nacross the road, was histantly carried, and, the .ufantry\\ncoming up to the support of the dragoons, the enemy\\nwere dislodged, and driven back in great disorder.\\nThe Americans lost, in this aft air, thirty-two men in\\nthe ranks, besides a considerable lumaber of drivers,\\nand other persons attendant upon the train. On the\\n13th, the march was resumed, the enemy hovering on\\nits flanks all the way to Jalapa, and firing from the\\nthickets, and from behind the rocks, inflicting a severe\\nloss both in men and animals.\\nAt the pass of La Hoya a similar reception was\\nprepared for the train. The heights commanding the\\npass were occupied by gnerilleros, and the passage\\nwas fiercely disputed, but carried without much loss.\\nJoined by Colonel Childs at Jalapa, the train moved on\\nto Perote, and awaited the arrival of General Pillow,\\nwho left Vera Cruz on the 17th, with fifteen hundred\\nmen. Though annoyed, in all its march, by sriaall par-\\nties of skulking gnerilleros, and threatened with serious\\nopposition at the pass of El Pinal, the column reached\\nPuebla on the 8th of July. By these accessions. Gen-\\neral Scott s force was increased to more than ten thou-\\nsand. General Pierce, who left Vera Cruz on the 19th\\nof July, with a command of three thousand men,\\nreached head-quarters, at Puebla, early in August, hav-\\ning encountered the same difliculties and dangers with\\nthose who preceded him, and having lost, by the\\nguerillas and by disease, nearly five hundred of his men.\\nBy the 6th of August, the army was ready to com-\\nmence its march on Mexico. Just at this moment, a\\ncommunication was received, through secret agents,\\nfrom the president-general of Mexico, of a character so\\nsingular, that, had it purported to come from any other\\nman in the wide world, it would have been regarded\\nas a forgery. But, as nothing in the way of duplicity,\\ncunning, or treason, was out of character with Santa\\nAnna, it. was received as a genuine proposal, and treated\\nas such. It suggested that, as the Mexicans relied upon\\ntheir defences and their army of thirty-six thousand\\nmen, and felt confident of being able to annihilate the\\nAmericans on their approach to the city, the only hope\\nof securing a peace was in once more attacking and\\ncarrying some of their strongholds. It accordingly\\nproposed that General Scott should march into the\\nvalley with his whole force, assault and carry one of\\nthe outworks of the Mexican hne of defence, its sworn\\ndefender conniving at and permitting it and then, ni\\nthe moment of gaining so signal an advantage, send in\\na flag of truce, and offer to negotiate, A previous prop-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0513.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "4S2\\nHiSTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nosition had been made to purchase a peace, by placing\\nat the private disposal of the invincible Mexican a\\nmillion of dollars. The desire to sjiare the effusion of\\nblood was all that induced the American commander\\nto listen to such proposals. He knew the character he\\nhad to deal with, and was as willing to buy the man\\nwho was willing to be sold, as to fight the man who,\\nfor a price, could secretly consent beforehand to be\\nbeaten. There was a division in the council in respect\\nto these propositions. So little confidence was reposed\\nin the integrity of Santa Anna, that no one was will-\\ning to risk even a delay of action upon the responsi-\\nbility of his word. Yet all were desirous of accom-\\nplishing the great end of the war, by peaceable means\\nif they could. General Scott was strongly inclined to\\nmeet tiie propositions as they rose, but could not bring\\nhimself to consent, after a jDartial victory, to seem to\\nsue for peace. The result was a sort of non-committal\\nanswer, which left both parties free to act according to\\ntheir own subsequent views of duty and interest.\\nThe crisis of the war was now at hand. The\\ncapital of Mexico,- the first and oldest city in the\\nwestern world, the jewel of Central America, was\\nabout to be attacked a city of one hundred and\\neighty thousand inhabitants, remarkably well situated\\nfor defence, and defended, at every assailable point,\\nby fortifications deemed absolutely impregnable, and\\nguarded by a well-appointed army of more than three\\ntimes the force of the assailants. The contest was one\\nof the most unequal that ever was waged. That of\\nCortez with Montezuma, in the same beautiful valley,\\nthree hundred and fifty years before, was scarcely more\\nrasli and daring. He had horses and fire-arms, which\\nwere wholly unknown to tlie Aztecs, and against\\nwhich their simple arrows and their naked bodies\\nwere no defence. He had, also, the friendship and\\nassistance of powerful tribes of natives, the natural\\nenemies of Montezuma. The Americans had no such\\nadvantage. Every tiling was against them but their\\nown indomitable courage, and the very exigency of\\ntheir case. They well knew that victory or annihila-\\ntion were their only alternatives. A single defeat\\nwould have been their instant ruin. If they had fal-\\ntered or given way at a single point, it would have\\nnerved every arm in Mexico to resist and exterminate\\nthem. The doubtful and timid would have become\\nbold as lions. Those who had been disposed, from\\nfear or advantage, to show them respect, or to supply\\ntheir wants, would have combined eiiinasse, to crush\\nthem all factions, and all leaders, would have united,\\neach vying with the other to immolate, on the altar of\\ntheir country, the greatest possible number of their\\nruthless invaders. Under these circumstances, the\\nAmerican army took up their last line of march, and\\nentered the valley on the 10th of August. The head-\\nquarters of the commander-in-chief were fixed at Ayot-\\nla, a small village on the north-eastern angle of Lake\\nChalco.\\nAn extraordinary energy seemed to have taken pos-\\nsession of the Mexican troops. A determination to\\nresist to the last extremity appeared to govern them\\nall. Those persons who had hitherto been anxious\\nfor the establishment of peace now hesitated to utter\\ntheir sentiments, and all seemed resolved to vindicate\\nthe honour of their country. Fortifications were re-\\npaired, cannon cast, and powder manufactured with\\ngreat industry. The plan of operations adopted by\\nSanta Anna was, to await the attack of the Americans\\nin his intrenchments, while the army of the north, im-\\nder General Valencia, composed of the flower of the\\nMexican troops, was ordered to assail the invaders in\\nthe rear. The first barrier to the advance of General\\nScott was the truly formidable position of El Perion.\\nThis was a lofty hill, on the southern shore of 1/ake\\nTezcuco, strongly fortified, and commanding the great\\nthoroughfai-e leading to the city. On the southern\\nline of the city were the fortifications of Mexical-\\ncingo, San Antonio, the Convent, and the bridge of\\nChurubusco. Its south-western side was defended by\\nthe fortress of Chapultepec. The north, from whence\\nno danger of attack could be apprehended, was only\\nprotected by three garitas while the eastern part,\\nwhere it was supposed the Americans would make the\\nmost formidable demonstration, was defended by El\\nPenon. On the 9th of August, the brigade of General\\nLeon marched out of the city, for the purpose of cov-\\nering that fortification. Santa Anna himself visited it,\\nfor the purpose of givuig his final orders for its defence.\\nOn the 12th, a daring and successful reconnaissance\\nof El Penon was effected. As the party approached,\\na Mexican, in the proud confidence that the place was\\nabsolutely impregnable, jumped upon the parapet, and\\nshouted defiance to the invaders. On the 13th, a de-\\ntachment, under the command of Brigadier-General\\nSmith, ventured into the narrow valley beyond El\\nPenon, to reconnoitre Mexicalcingo. This was the\\nmost daring reconnaissance of the whole war. To ac-\\ncomplish it, a handful of men were obliged to traverse\\na narrow pass between two of the most formidable of\\nthe enemy s strongholds, where they were in the most", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0514.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n483\\nimminent danger of being shut up between two fires,\\nwithout the possibility of an escape. Tlie adventure\\nwas ably and successfully conducted. The two great\\noutposts of the city were declared to be impregnable^\\nand consequently the ordinary route to its gates was\\nimpracticable. The army was encamped, in divisions,\\nin several small villages along the northern and eastern\\nshores of Lake Chalco. Lieutenant-Colonel Duncan\\nhaving volunteered to reconnoitre the road around the\\nsouthern shore of that lake, and found it practicable,\\nthe whole army was put in motion on the loth, with\\na view to reach the capital by its southern approach,\\nand thus avoid the necessity of carrying those formida-\\nble outposts in the northern valley. The southern\\nline of defence was by no means feebly fortified. It\\nconsisted. of several points, ho one of them, except San\\nAntonio, to be compared to El Peiion or Mexicalcingo,\\nbut altogether presenting an appalling barrier to so\\nsmall an army. San Antonio, Contreras, San Angel,\\nChurubusco, Tacubaya, Molino del Rey, and Chapul-\\ntepec, were each in succession to be carried, before they\\ncould reach the city, which, with their ranks thinned^\\nand their strength exhausted by so many hard-fought\\nbattles, might prove the most difficult conquest of all.\\nThe events of the first few days that followed this\\nmovement will be given in the language of General\\nScott s official report to the war department. If it\\nseem partial and one sided, it v/ill have, at least,\\nthe advantage of coming fresh from the pen of one\\nwho ought to have known every circumstance accu-\\nrately, and whose successes were so brilliant and miin-\\nterrupted, that he could well afford to allow to his\\nenemy every advantage which they could with any\\npropriety crlaim and, as it details the actions, and ap-\\nplauds the gallantry of his officers and men, it is wholly\\nfree from that distasteful egotism which usually char-\\nacterizes the narratives of personal exploits. It com-\\nmences at San Augustin, the last unfortified village on\\nthe south-western border of Lake Xochimilco.\\nArriving here on the 18th, Worth s division and\\nHarney s cavalry were pushed forward a league, to\\nreconnoitre, and to carry or to mask San Antonio, on\\nthe direct road to the capital. This village was found\\nstrongly defended by field-works, heavy guns, and a\\nnumerous garrison. It could only be turned by in-\\nfantry to the left, over a field of volcanic rocks and\\nlava for, to our right, the ground was too boggy.\\nIt was soon ascertained, by the daring engineers. Cap-\\ntain Mason and Lieutenants Stevens and Tower, that\\nhe point could only be approached, by the front, over\\na narrow causeway, flanked with wet ditches of great\\ndepth. Worth was ordered not to attack, but to\\nthreaten and to mask the place.\\nThe first shot fired from San Antonio, on the 18th,\\nkilled Captain S. Thornton,* 2d dragoons, a gallant\\nofficer, who was covernig the operations with his\\ncompany.\\nThe same day, a reconnaissance was commenced to\\nthe left of San Augustin, first over difficult mounds,\\nand farther on, over the same field of volcanic rocks\\nand lava, which extends to the mountains, some five\\nmiles from San Antonio towards Magdalena. This\\nreconnaissance was continued by Captain Lee, assisted\\nby Lieutenants Beauregard and Tower, all of the en-\\ngineers who were joined, in the afternoon, by Major\\nSmith, of the same corps. Other divisions coming up,\\nPillow s was advanced to make a practicable road for\\nheavy artillery, and Twiggs s thrown farther in front,\\nto cover that operation for, by the partial reconnais-\\nsance of yesterday. Captain Lee discovered a large\\ncorps of observation in that direction, with a detach-\\nment of which his supports of cavalry and foot under\\nCaptain Kearney and Lieutenant-Colonel Graham, re-\\nspectively, had a successful skirmish.\\nBy three o clock this afternoon, the advanced di-\\nvisions came to a point where the new road could only\\nbe continued under the direct fire of twenty-two pieces\\nof the enemy s artillery, most of them of large calibre,\\nplaced in a strong intrenched camp, to oppose our\\noperations, and surrounded by every advantage of\\nground, besides immense bodies of cavalry and infan-\\ntry, hourly reenforced from the city, over an excellent\\nroad beyond the volcanic field, and consequently en-\\ntirely beyond the reach of our cavalry and artillery.\\nArriving on the ground an hour later, I found that\\nPillow s and Twiggs s division had advanced to dis-\\nlodge the enemy, picking their way (all officers on\\nfoot) along his front, and extending themselves towards\\nthe road, from the city and the enemy s left. Captain\\nMagruder s field battery, of twelve and six-pounders,\\nand Lieutenant Callender s battery of mountain howit-\\nzers and rockets, had also, with great difficulty, been\\nadvanced within range of the intrenched camp. These\\nbatteries, most gallantly served, suflered much, in the\\ncourse of the afternoon, from the enemy s, superior\\nmetal.\\nThe battle, though mostly stationary, continued\\nThe same officer who had been the first victim of the war near\\nMatamoras, where he was surprised and taken prisoner.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0515.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "484\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nto rage, with great violence, until nightfall. General\\nP. F. Smith s and Colonel Riley s brigades, supported\\nby Generals Pierce and Cadwallader s brigades, were\\nmore than three hours under a heavy fire of artillery\\nand musketry, along the almost impassable ravine in\\nfront and to the left of the intrenched camp. Besides\\nthe twenty-two pieces of artillery, the camp and ravine\\nwere defended closely by masses of infantry, and these\\nagain supported by clouds of cavalry at hand and hov-\\nering in view. Consequently, no decided impression\\ncould be made by daylight on the enemy s most for-\\nmidable position, because, independent of the difficulty\\nof the ravine, our infantry, unaccompanied by cavalry\\nand artillery, could not advance in column without\\nbeing mowed down by the grape and canister of the\\nbatteries, nor advance in line without being ridden\\nover by the enemy s numerous cavalry. All our corps,\\nhowever, including Magruder s and Callender s last\\nbatteries, not only maintained the exposed positions\\nearly gained, but all attempted charges upon them, re-\\nspectively, particularly on Riley, twice closely en-\\ngaged with cavalry in greatly superior numbers, were\\nrepulsed and punished.\\nFrom an eminence, soon after arriving near the\\nscene, I observed the church and hamlet of Contreras,\\n(or Ansalda,) on the road leading up from the capital,\\nthrough the intrenched camp, to Magdalena and see-\\ning, at the same time, the stream of reen force ments\\nadvancing by that road from the city, I ordered Colonel\\nMorgan, with his regiment, till then held in reserve by\\nPillow, to move forward, and to occupy Contreras, (or\\nAnsalda,) being persuaded, if occupied, it would ar-\\nrest the enemy s reenforcements, and ultimately decide\\nthe battle.\\nRiley was already on the enemy s left, in advance\\nof the hamlet. A few minutes later, Brigadier-General\\nShields, with his volunteer brigade, coming up, under\\nmy orders, from San Augustin, I directed Shields to\\nfollow and to sustain Morgan. These corps, over the\\nextreme difficulties of ground partially covered with\\na low forest before described, reached Contreras, and\\nfound Cadwallader s brigade in position, observing the\\nformidable movement from the capital, and much need-\\ning the timely reenforcement.\\nIt was already dark, and the cold rain had begun\\nto fall in torrents upon our unsheltered troops for the\\nhamlet, though a strong defensive position, can hold only\\nllie wounded men, and, unfortunately, the new regi-\\nments have little or nothing to eat in their haversacks.\\nWet, hungry, and without the possibility of sleep, all\\nand. ^Bj\\nonr gallant corps, I learn, are full of confidence, and\\nonly wait lor the last hour of darkness, to gain the posi-\\ntions whence to storm and carry the enemy s works.\\nThe morning of the 20th opened with one of a\\nseries of unsurpassed achievements, all in view of the\\ncapital, and to which I shall give the general name\\nbattle of Mexico.\\nIn the night of the 19th, Generals Shields, P. F.\\nSmith, and Cadwallader, and Colonel Riley, with their\\nbrigades, and the 15th regiment, under Colonel Mor-\\ngan, detached from General Pierce, foiuid themselves\\nin and about the important position, the village, ham-\\nlet, or hacienda, called, indifferently, Contreras, An-\\nsalda, San Geronimo, half a mile nearer to the city\\nthan the enemy s intrenched camp, on the same road,\\ntowards the factory of Magdalena.\\nThat camp had been, unexpectedly, our formidable\\npoint of attack the afternoon before, and we had now\\nto take it, without the aid of cavalry or artillery, or to\\nthrow back our advanced corps upon the road from\\nSan Augustin to the city, and thence force a passage\\nthrough San Antonio.\\nAccordingly, to meet contingencies, Major-General\\nWorth was ordered to leave, early in the morning of\\nthe 20th, one of his brigades to mask San Antonio_\\nand to march, with the other, six miles, via San Au-\\ngustin, upon Contreras. A like destination was given\\nto Major-General Quitman and his remaining brigade.\\nin San Augustin, replacing, for the moment, the gar-\\nrison of that important depot with Harney s brigade of\\ncavalry, as horse could not pass over the intervening\\nrocks to reach the field of battle.\\nShields, the senior officer at the hamlet, having ar-\\nrived in the night, after Smith had arranged with Cad-\\nAvalladcr and Riley the plan of attack for the morning,\\ndelicately waived interference, but reserved to himself\\nthe double task of holding the hamlet, with his two\\nregiments, (South Carolina and New York volunteers,)\\nagainst ten times his numbers on the side of the city,\\nincluding the slopes to his left, and, in case the camp\\nin his rear should be carried, to face about and cut otF\\nthe flying enemy.\\nAt 3 o clock A. M., the great movement com-\\nmenced on the rear of the enemy s camp, Riley leading,\\nfollowed successively by Cadwallader s and Smith s\\nbrigades, the latter temporarily under the orders of\\nMajor Dimick of the 1st artillery the whole force\\nbeing commanded by Smith, the senior in the general\\nattack, and whose arrangements, skill, and gallantry\\nalways challenge the highest admiration.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0516.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n4S5\\nThe march was rendered tedious by the darkness,\\nrain, ajid mud but, about, sunrise, Riley, conducted\\nby Lieutenant Tower, engineer, had reached an eleva-\\ntion behind the enemy, whence he precipitated his\\ncolumns, stormed the intrenchments, planted his sev-\\neral colours upon them, and carried the work all in\\nseventeen minutes.\\nConducted by Lieutenant Beauregard, engineer,\\nand Lieutenant Brooks, of Twiggs s staff, both of\\nwhom, like Lieutenant Tower, had, in the night, twice\\nreconnoitred the ground, Cadwallader brought up to\\nthe general assault two of his regiments, the volti-\\ngeurs and the 11th, and at the appointed time. Colonel\\nRansom, with his temporary brigade, conducted by\\nCaptain Lee, engineer, not only made the movement\\nto divert and to distract the enemy, but, after crossing\\nthe deep ravine in his front, advanced, and poured into\\nthe works, and upon the fugitives, many volleys from\\nhis destructive musketry.\\nIn the mean time. Smith s own brigade, under the\\ntemporary command of Major Dimick, following the\\nmovements of Riley and Cadwallader, discovered, op-\\nposite to, atid outside of the works, a long line of\\nMexican cavalry, drawn up as a support. Dimick,\\nhaving at the head of the brigade the company of sap-\\npers and miners, under Lieutenant Smith, engineer,\\nwho had conducted the march, was ordered by Briga-\\ndier-General Smith to form line faced to the enemy,\\nand, in a charge against a flank, routed the cavalry.\\nShields, too, by the wise disposition of his brigade,\\nand gallant activity, contributed much to the general\\nresults. He held masses of cavalry and infantry, sup-\\nported by artillery, in check below him, and captured\\nhundreds, with one general, (Mendoza,) of those who\\nfled from above.\\nI doubt whether a more brilliant or decisive victo-\\nry, taking into view ground, artificial defences, bat-\\nteries, and the extreme disparity of numbers, without\\ncavalry or artillery on our side, is to be found on rec-\\nord. Including all our corps directed against the in-\\ntrenched camp, with Shields s brigade at the hamlet,\\nwe positively did not number over four thousand five\\nhundred rank and file and we knew by sight, and\\nsince, more certainly, by many captured documents\\nand letters, that the enemy had actually engaged on\\nthe spot seven thousand men, with at least twelve\\nthousand more hovering within sight and striking dis-\\ntance, both on the 19th and 20th. All, not killed or\\ncaptured, now fled with precipitation.\\nThus was the great victory of Contreras achieved\\none road to the capital opened, seven hrmdred of the\\nenemy killed; eight hundred and thirteen prisoners,\\nincluding, among eighty-eight ofiicers, four generals\\nbesides many colours and standards twenty-two pieces\\nof brass ordnance, half of large calibre thousands of\\nsmall arms and accoutrements an immense quantity\\nof shot, shells, powder, and cartridges seven hundred\\npack mules, many horses, \u00c2\u00bbkc., c. all in our hands.\\nThe battle being won before the advancing brig-\\nades of Worth s and Quitman s divisions were in sight,\\nboth were ordered back to their late positions Worth\\nto attack San Antonio in front, with his whole force,\\nas soon as approached in the rear bj^ Pillow s and\\nTwiggs s divisions moving from Contreras, through\\nSan Angel and Coyoacan. By carrying San Antonio,\\nwe knew that we should open another, a shorter and\\nbetter, road to the capital, for our siege and other trains.\\nAccordingly, the two advanced divisions and\\nShields s brigade marched from Contreras, under the\\nimmediate orders of Major-General Pillow, who was\\nnow joined by the gallant Brigadier-General Pierce,- of\\nhis division, personally thrown out of activity, late the\\nevening before, by a severe hurt from the fall of his\\nhorse.\\nAfter giving necessary orders on the field, in the\\nmidst of prisoners and trophies, and sending instruc-\\ntions to Harney s brigade of cavalry, left at San Au-\\ngustin, to join me, I personally followed Pillow s com-\\nmand.\\nArriving at Coyoacan, two miles, by a cross road,\\nfrom the rear of San Antonio, I first detached Captain\\nLee, engineer, with Captain Kearney s troop 1st dra-\\ngoons, supported by the rifle regiment, under Major\\nLoring, to reconnoitre that strong point and next\\ndespatched Major-General Pillow, with one of his\\nbrigades, (Cadwallader s,) to make the attack upon it,\\nin concert with Major-General Worth on the opposite\\nside.\\nAt the same time, by another road to the left,\\nLieutenant Stevens, of the engineers, supported by\\nLieutenant G. W. Smith s company of sappers and\\nminers, of the same corps, was sent to reconnoitre the\\nstrongly fortified church or convent of San Pablo, in\\nthe hamlet of Churubusco, one mile off. Twiggs,\\nwith one of his brigades, (Smith s, less the rifles,) and\\nCaptain Taylor s field battery, were ordered to follow\\nand to attack the convent. Major Smith, senior engi-\\nneer, was despatched to concert with Twiggs the mode\\nand means of attack, and Twiggs s other brigade (Ki\\nley s) I soon ordered up to support him.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0517.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "iS6\\nHISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES.\\nNext I sent Pierce, (just able to keep the saddle,)\\nwith his brigade, conducted by Captain Lee, engineer,\\nby a third road, a little farther to our left, to attack the\\nenemy s right and rear, in order to favour the move-\\nment upon the convent, and cut off the retreat towards\\nthe capital. And, finally. Shields, senior brigadier to\\nPierce, with the New York and South Carolina volun-\\nteers, was ordered to follow Pierce closely, and to take\\nthe command of our left wing. All these movements\\nwere made with the utmost alacrity by our gallant\\ntroops and commanders.\\nFinding myself at Coyoacan, from which so many\\nroads conveniently branched, without escort or reserve,\\nI had to advance, for safety, close upon Twiggs s rear.\\nThe battle now raged from the right to the left of our\\nwliole line.\\nLearning, on the return of Captain Lee, that\\nShields,- in the rear of Churubusco, was hard pressed,\\nand in danger of being outflanked, if not overwhelmed,\\nby greatly superior numbers, I immediately sent, under\\nMajor Sumner, the riiies, (Twiggs s reserve,) and Cap-\\ntain Sibley s troop 2d dragoons, then at hand, to sup-\\nport our left, guided by the same engineer.\\nAbout an hour earlier. Worth had, by skilful and\\ndaring movements upon the front and right, turned and\\nforced San Antonio its garrison, no doubt, much\\nshaken by our decisive victory at Contreras.\\nThe forcing of San Antonio was the second bril-\\nliant event of the day.\\nWorth s division being soon reunited in hot pur-\\nsuit, he was joined by Major-General Pillow, wlio,\\nmarching from Coyoacan, and discovering that San\\nAntonio had been carried, immediately turned to the\\nleft, according to my instructions, and, thougli much\\nimpeded by ditches and swamps, hastened to the attack\\nof Churubusco.\\nThe hamlet, or scattered houses bearing this name,\\npresented, besides the fortified convent, a strong field-\\nwork, (iilie de po7it,) with regular bastions and curtains,\\nat the head of a bridge over which the road passed\\nfrom San Antonio to the capital.\\nThe whole remaining forces of Mexico, (some\\ntwenty-seven thousand men,) cavalry, artillery, and\\ninfantry, collected from every quarter, were now in,\\non the flanks, or within supporting distance of those\\nworks, and seemed resolved to make a last and des-\\nperate stand for if beaten here, the feebler defences at\\nthe gates of the city (four miles oflf) could not, as was\\nwell known to both parties, delay the victors an hour.\\nThe fortified church or convent, hotly pressed by\\nTwiggs, had already held out about an hour, when\\nWorth and Pillow, the latter having with him Cadwalla-\\nder s brigade, began to manoeuvre closely upon the\\ntete de pout, with tlie convent at half gun-shot to their\\nleft. Garland s brigade, (Worth s division,) to which\\nhad been added the light battalion under Lieutenant-\\nColonel Smith, continued to advance in front, and, un-\\nder the fire of a long line of infantry, oft on the left of\\nthe bridge and Clarke, of the same division, directed\\nhis brigade along the road, or close by its side. Two\\nof Pillow s and Cadwallader s regiments, the 11th and\\n14th, supported. and participated in this direct move-\\nment the other, the voltigeurs, was left in reserve.\\nMost of these corps, particularly Clarke s brigade, ad-\\nvancing perpendicularly, were made to suffer much by\\nthe fire of the tete depont, and they would have suf-\\nfered greatly more by flank attacks from the convent;\\nbut for the pressure of Twiggs on the other side of\\nthat work.\\nThis well-combined and daring movement at\\nlength reached the principal point of attack, and the\\nformidable tete depont was at once assaulted and car-\\nried by the bayonet. Its deep wet ditch was first gal-\\nlantly crossed by the 8th and 5th infantry, commanded,\\nrespectively, by Major Waite and Lieutenant-Colonel\\nScott, followed closely by the 6th infantry, which had\\nbeen so much exposed on the road the 11th regiment,\\nunder Lieutenant-Colonel Graham and the 14th, com-\\nmanded by Colonel Trousdale. About the same time,\\nthe enemy in front of Garland, after a hot conflict of\\nan hour and a half, gave way, in a retreat towards the\\ncapital.\\nThe immediate results of this third signal triumph\\nof the day were, three field-pieces, one hundred and\\nninety-two prisoners, much ammunition, and two col-\\nours taken at the tele de pout.\\nLieutenant J. F. Irons, aid-de-camp to Brigadier-\\nGeneral Cadwallader, a young officer of great merit,\\nand conspicuous in battle on several previous occasions,\\nreceived, in front of the work, a mortal wound.\\nAs the concurrent attack upon the convent favoured,\\nphysically and morally, the assault upon the tete de\\npont, so, reciprocally, no doubt, the fall of the latter\\ncontributed to the capture of the former. The two\\nworks were only some four hundred and fifty yards\\napart and as soon as we were in possession of the tete\\nde pont, a captured four-pounder was turned and fired\\nseveral times upon the convent. In the same brief in-\\nterval, Lieutenant-Colonel Duncan gallantly brought\\ntwo of his guns to bear, at a short range, from the San\\nfi", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0518.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n437\\nAntonio road, upon the principal face of the work, and\\non the tower of the church, which, in the obstinate\\ncontest, had been often refilled with some of the best\\nsharp-shooters of the enemy.\\nFinally, twenty miimtes after the Ute de font had\\nbeen carried by Worth and Pillow, and at the end of a\\ndesperate conflict of two hours and a half, the church\\nor convent, the citadel of the strong line of defence\\nalong the rivulet of Churubusco, yielded to Twiggs s\\ndivision, and threw out on all sides signals of surren-\\nder. The white flags, however, were not exhibited\\nuntil the moment when the 3d infantry, mider Captain\\nAlexander, had cleared the way by fire and bayonet,\\nand had entered the work. Captain J. M. Smith and\\nLieutenant O. L. Shepherd, both of that regiment,\\nwith their companies, had the glory of leading the as-\\nsault. The former received the surrender, and Captain\\nAlexander instantly hung out from the balcony the\\ncoloius of the gallant 3d. Major Dimick, with a part\\nof the 1st artillery, serving as infantry, entered nearly\\nabreast with the leading troops.\\nCaptain Taylor s field battery, attached to Twiggs s\\ndivision, opened its efl ective fire, at an early moment,\\nupon the outworks of the convent and the tower of its\\nchurch. Exposed to the severest fire of the enemy,\\nthe captain, his officers and men, won universal admi-\\nration but, at length, much disabled in men and horses,\\nthe battery was, by superior orders, withdrawn from\\nthe action, thirty minutes before the surrender of the\\nconvent.\\nThose corps, excepting Taylor s battery, belonged\\nto the brigade of Brigadier-General Smith, who closely\\ndirected the whole attack in front, with his habitual\\ncoolness and ability while Riley s brigade, under Cap-\\ntain T. Morris and Lieutenant-Colonel Plympton. vig-\\norously engaged the right of the work and part of its\\nrear. At the moment, the rifles, belonging to Smith s,\\nwere detached in support of Brigadier-General Shields\\non om- extreme left and the 4th artillery, acting as\\ninfantry, under Major Gardner, belonging to Riley s\\nbrigade, had been left in charge of the camp, trophies,\\nc., at Contreras. Twiggs s division, at Churubusco,\\nhad thus been deprived of the services of two of its\\nmost gallant and eflfective regunents.\\nThe immediate results of this victory were, the\\ncapture of seven field-pieces, some ammunition, one\\ncolour, three generals, and one thousand two hundred\\nand sixty-one prisoners, including other officers.\\nCaptains E. A. Capron and M. J. Burke, and Lieu-\\n62\\ntenant S. Hofl man, all of the 1st artillery, and Captain\\nJ. W. Anderson and Lieutenant Thomas Easley, both\\nof the 2d infantry, (five officers of great merit,) fell\\ngallantly before this work.\\nThe capture of the enemy s citadel was the fourth\\ngreat achievement of our arms in the same day.\\nIt has been stated that, some two hours and a half\\nbefore, Pierce s, followed closely by the volunteer brig-\\nade, (both under the command of Brigadier-General\\nShields.) had been detached to our left to turn the ene-\\nmy s works, to prevent the escape of the garrisons,\\nand to oppose the extension of the enemy s nvnnerous\\ncorps from the rear upon and around our left.\\nConsidering the inferior numbers of the two brig-\\nades, the objects of the movement were difficult to\\naccomplish. Hence the reenforcement sent forward a\\nlittle later.\\nIn a winding march of a mile around to the right,\\nthis temporary division found itself on the edge of an\\nopen, wet meadow, near the road from San Antonio to\\nthe capital, and in the presence of some four thousand\\nof the enemy s infantry, a little in rear of Churubus-\\nco, on that road. Establishing the right at a strong\\nbuilding. Shields extended fts left parallel to the road,\\nto outflank the enemy towards the capital. But the en-\\nemy extending his right, supported by three thousand\\ncavalry, more rapidly (being favoured by better ground)\\nin the same direction. Shields concentrated the division\\nabout a hamlet, and determined to attack in front.\\nThe battle was long, hot, and varied but, ultimately,\\nsuccess crowned the zeal and gallantry of our troops,\\nably directed by their distinguished commander. Our\\nf/th victory in the same day.\\nShields took three hundred and eighty prisoners,\\nincluding officers and it cannot be doubted that the\\nrage of the conflict between him and the enemy, just\\nin the rear of the tete de pent and the convent, had\\nsome influence on the surrender of those formidable\\ndefences.\\nAs soon as the tele de pont was carried, the greater\\npart of Worth s and Pillow s forces passed that bridge\\nin rapid pursuit of the flymg enemy. These distin-\\nguished generals, coming up with Brigadier-General\\nShields, now also victorious, the three continued to\\npress upon the fugitives to within a mile and a half of\\nthe capital. Here, Colonel Harney, with a small part\\nof his brigade of cavalry, rapidly passed to the front,\\nand charged the enemy up to the nearest gate.\\nThe cavalry charge was headed by Captain Kear*", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0519.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "488\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nney. of the 1st dragoons, having in squadron, \\\\vith his\\nown troop, that of Captain McReynolds of the 3d\\nmaking the usual escort to general head-quarters but,\\nbeing early in the day attached for general service,\\nwas now under Colonel Harney s orders. The gallant\\ncaptain, not hearing the recall, that had been sounded,\\ndashed up to the San Antonio gate, sabring, in his\\nway, all who resisted. Of the seven officers of the\\nsquadron, Kearney lost his left arm, McReynolds and\\nI ieu tenant Lorimer Graham were both severely wound-\\ned, and Lieutenant R. S. Ewell, who succeeded to the\\ncommand of the escort, had two horses killed under\\nhim. Major F. D. Mills, of the 15th infantry, a vol-\\nunteer in this charge, was killed at the gate.\\nSo terminated the series of events which I have\\nbut feebly presented. My thanks were freely poured\\nout, on the different fields, to the abilities and science\\nof generals and other officers, to the gallantry and\\nprowess of all, the rank and file included. But a re-\\nward infinitely higher the applause of a grateful\\ncountry and government will, I cannot doubt, be ac-\\ncorded, in due time, to so much merit, of every sort,\\ndisplayed by this glorious army, which has now over-\\ncome all difficulties dis^nce, climate, ground, fortifi-\\ncations, numbers.\\nIt has, in a single day, in many battles, as often\\ndefeated thirty-two thousand men made about three\\nthousand prisoners, including eight generals, (two of\\nthem ex-presidents,) and two hundred and five other\\nofficers killed or wounded four thousand of all ranks,\\nbesides entire corps dispersed and dissolved captured\\nthirty-seven pieces of ordnance, more than trebling\\nour siege train and field batteries, with a large num-\\nber of small arms, a full supply of ammunition of every\\nkind, c., c.\\nThese great results have overwhelmed the enemy.\\nOiu- loss amounts to one thousand fifty-three\\nkilled, one hundred and thirty-nine, including sixteen\\nofficers woimded, eight hundred and seventy-six, with\\nsixty officers. The greater number of the dead and\\ndisabled were of the highest worth. Those under\\ntreatment thanks to our very able medical officers\\nare generally doing well.\\nI regret having been obliged, on the 20th, to leave\\nMajor-General Quitman, an able commander, with a\\npart of his division, (the fine 2d Pennsylvania volun-\\nteers and the veteran detachment of United States\\nmarines,) at our important depot, San Augustin. It was\\nthere that I had placed our sick and wounded also the\\nsiege, supply, and baggage trains. If these had been\\nlost, the army would have been driven almost to de-\\nspair and considering the enemy s very great e.xcess\\nof numbers, and the many approaches to the depot, it\\nmight well have become, emphatically, the post of\\nhoiiou?:\\nAfter so many victories, we might, with but little\\nadditional loss, have occupied the capital the same\\nevening. But Mr. Trist, commissioner, as well as my-\\nself, had been admonished by the best friends of peace\\nintelligent neutrals and some American residents\\nagainst precipitation lest, by wantonly driving away\\nthe goverimient and others, (dishonoured,) we might\\nscatter the elements of peace, excite a spirit of national\\ndesperation, and thus indefinitely postpone the hope ol\\naccommodation. Deeply impressed with this danger,\\nand remembering our mission, (to conquer a peace,)\\nthe army very cheerfully sacrificed to patriotism to\\nthe great wish and want of our country the eclat\\nthat would have followed an entrance, sword in hand,\\ninto a great capital. Willing to leave something to\\nthis republic, (of no immediate value to us,) on which\\nto rest her pride, and to recover temper, I halted our\\nvictorious corps at the gates of the city, (at least for a\\ntime,) and have them now cantoned in the neighbour-\\ning villages, where they are well sheltered and supplied\\nwith all necessaries.\\nOn the morning of the 21st, being about to take\\nup battering or assaulting positions, to authorize me to\\nsummon the city to surrender, or to sign an armistice,\\nwith a pledge to enter at once into negotiations for\\npeace, a mission came out to propose a truce. Reject-\\ning its terms, I despatched my contemplated note to\\nPresident Santa Anna, omitting the summons. The\\n22d, commissioners were appointed by the commanders\\nof the two armies the armistice was signed the 23d,\\nand ratifications exchanged the 24th.\\nAll matters in dispute between the two govern-\\nments have been thus happily turned over to their\\nplenipotentiaries, who have now had several confer-\\nences, and with, I think, some hope of signing a treaty\\nof peace.\\nThe intelligent neutrals, to whose counsel Gen-\\neral Scott refers, were the ambassador and consul-gen-\\neral of Great Britain, and other foreign functional ies,\\nwho now interposed to save the city from the horrors\\nof a siege and bombardment. The result was a tem-\\nporary armistice, on the terms set forth in the follow-\\ning paper", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0520.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n4S9\\nHead-Quarters of the Army,\\nTacueaya, August 24, 1847.\\nGENER.iL Orders,\\nNo. 262.\\nThe following military convention is published for\\nthe information and strict government of the American\\narmy, its retainers and followers. Any infraction of\\none or more of the articles of the said convention shall\\nbe followed by rigorous punishment.\\nThe undersigned appointed respectively, the three\\nfirst by Major-General Winfield Scott, commander-in-\\nchief of the armies of the United States, and the two\\nlast by his excellency D. Antonio Lopez de Santa\\nAnna, President of the Mexican republic, and com-\\nmander-in-chief of its armies, met with full powers,\\nwhich were duly verified, in the village of Tacubaya,\\non the 22d day of August, 1847, to enter into an ar-\\nmistice, for the purpose of giving the Mexican govern-\\nment an opportunity of receiving propositions for peace\\nfrom the commissioner appointed by the president of\\nthe United States, and now with the American army,\\nwhen the following articles were agreed upon\\nArticle 1. Hostilities shall instantly and abso-\\nlutely cease betAveen the armies of the United States\\nof America and the United Mexican States, within\\nthirty leagues of the capital of the latter States, to\\nallow time to the commissioner appointed by the United\\nStates, and the commissioners to be appointed by the\\nMexican republic, to negotiate.\\n2. This armistice shall continue as long as the\\ncommissioners of the two governments may be engaged\\nin negotiations, or until the commander of either of the\\nsaid armies shall give formal notice to the other of the\\ncessation of the armistice, and for forty-eight hours\\nafter such notice.\\n3. In the mean time, neither army shall, within\\nthirty leagues of the city of Mexico, commence any\\nnew fortification, or military work of offence or defence,\\nor do any thing to enlarge or strengthen any existing\\nwork or fortification of that character within the said\\nlimits.\\n4. Neither army shall be reenforced within the\\nsame. Any reenforcements in troops or munitions of\\nwar, other than subsistence now approaching either\\narmy, shall be stopped at the distance of at least twenty-\\neight leagues from the city of Mexico.\\n5. Neither army, nor any detachment from it, shall\\nadvance beyond the line it at present occupies.\\n6. Neither army, nor any detachment or individual\\nof ither, shall pass the neutral limits established by the\\nlast article, except under flags of truce bearing the cor-\\nrespondence between the two armies, or on the busi-\\nness authorized by the next article and individuals of\\neither army, who may chance to straggle within the\\nneutral limits, shall, by the opposite party, be kindly\\nwarned oflT, or sent back to their own army under flags\\nof truce.\\n7. The American army shall not, by violence, ob-\\nstruct the passage from the open country into the city\\nof Mexico, of the ordinary supplies of food necessary\\nto the consumption of its inhabitants, or the Mexican\\naraiy within the city nor sliall the Mexican authori-\\nties, civil or military, do any act to obstruct the passage\\nof supplies from the city or the country needed by the\\nAmerican army.\\n8. All American prisoners of war, remaining in\\nthe hands of the Mexican army, and not heretofore\\nexchanged, shall immediately, or as soon as practicable,\\nbe restored to the American army against a like num-\\nber (having regard to rank) of Mexican prisoners cap-\\ntured by the American army.\\n9 [Omitted.]\\n10. The better to enable the belligerent armies to\\nexecute these articles, and to favour the great object\\nof peace, it is further agreed between the parties, that\\nany courier with despatches that either army shall desire\\nto send along the line from tlie city of Mexico, or its\\nvicinity, to and from Vera Cruz, shall receive a safe-\\nconduct from the commander of the opposing army.\\n11. The administration of justice between Mexi-\\ncans, according to the general and state constitutions\\nand laws, by the local authorities of the towns and\\nplaces occupied by the American forces, shall not be\\nobstructed in any manner.\\n12. Persons and property shall be respected in the\\ntowns and places occupied by the American forces.\\nNo person shall be molested in the exercise of his pro-\\nfession nor shall the services of any one be required\\nwithout his consent. In all cases where services are\\nvoluntarily rendered, a just price shall be paid, and\\ntrade remain unmolested.\\n13. Those wounded prisoners who may desire to\\nremove to some more convenient place for the purpose\\nof being cured of their wounds, shall be allowed to do\\nso without molestation they still remaining prisoners.\\n14. Those Mexican medical oiRcers who may\\nwish to attend the wounded shall have the privilege\\nof doing so, if their services be required.\\n15. For the more perfect execution of this agree-\\nment, two commissioners shall be appointed, (one by", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0521.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "490\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\neach party,) who, in case of disagraement, shall appoint\\na tliird.\\n16. This convention shall have no force or effect\\nunless approved by their excellencies the commanders\\nrespectively of the two armies, within twenty-four\\nhours, reckoning from 6 o clock, A. M., of the 22d day\\nof August, 1847.\\nJ. A. Q,UITMAN,\\nMajor- General U. S. A.\\nPERSiroit F. Smith,\\nBrevet Brigadier- Gen. U. S. A.\\nFranklin Pierce,\\nBrigadier- General U. S. A.\\nIgnacio de Mora y Villamil.\\nBenito GIuijano.\\nOn the day following the ratification of this conven-\\ntion, Mr. Trist commenced his diplomatic duties by\\naddressing a note to Senor Pacheco, minister of foreign\\nrelations, announcing his readiness to enter upon the\\nnegotiation of a treaty. This, after some delay, re-\\nsulted in the appointment of commissioners, to whom\\nMr. Trist submitted the project of a treaty, wliich had\\nbeen prepared at Washington. While this was under\\ndiscussion, a powerful opposition to every species of\\nnegotiation was beginning to be fomented in the city,\\nand in various sections of the country. The enemies\\nof Santa Anna, who were many and powerful, opposed\\nthe measure altogether. The deputies to congress,\\nwho were summoned to deliberate upon it, refused, for\\nthe most part, to attend. Protests against it were sent\\nin from the neighbouruig states, and from cliques of\\nthe absent deputies, reminding Santa Anna that the\\nlaw was still unrepealed, which pronounced it treason\\nto open negotiations with the enemy, while he remained\\nupon their soil. The common people were roused to\\nindignation against the Yankees. Their hatred had\\nIncreased with the success of the American arms.\\nThe panic occasioned by those successes, and the steady\\nand irresistible march of the invaders, was beginning\\nto subside, as they moved in and out among them, and\\nsaw they were but men. They shouted insultingly as\\ntliey passed, and even attacked the provision train, as,\\nin accordance with the provisions of the convention, it\\nwas receiving supplies in the city.\\nThese difficulties increased as the negotiations ad-\\nvanced. Protests and proclamations came in from\\nevery quarter. The president was openly accused of\\nhigh treason, and articles of impeachment were drawn\\nup and published. The greater part of this opposition\\narose from parties and factions hostile to Santa Anna,\\nwho sought to destroy him, by undermining his influ-\\nence with the army. So long as that army stood by\\nhim, he cared little for his enemies, or for his country.\\nHe sought only to establish his own power, and to so-\\ncure, if possible, the million of dollars which had once\\nbeen proffered as the price of submission.\\nDifficulties, also, arose among the negotiators. The\\ndemands of the United States were large, covering,\\nfrom the commencement, all that they have since ac-\\nquired, and considerably more. They were, for the\\nmost part, peremptorily resisted, and counter demands\\npresented, on the part of Mexico, as if she were the\\nconquering party, with full power to dictate her own\\nterms. She proved wholly impracticable, and the ne-\\ngotiations were finally broken off, without coming to\\nany result.\\nThe advantage of this delay was all on the side of\\nthe Mexicans. They had gained time to recruit their\\nwasted forces, and strengthen their fortifications, and,\\ndespite the provisions of the convention, they had\\ndone both industriously. After the battle of Churu-\\nbusco, the victorious American army might have\\nmarched at once into the city, and dictated its own\\nterms. The panic was too great, the rout too com-\\nplete and overwhelming, to have admitted of any for-\\nmidable resistance at that time. And it reflects the\\nhighest credit upon General Scott, that, in the hope of\\npeace, he should willingly forego such advantages, at\\nsuch a crisis, and relinquish, for the good of the van-\\nquished, all the eclat of a triumphal entry into their\\ncapital. It is true, it cost another hard-fought battle\\nin the end, and the loss of many valuable lives. In a\\nmilitary point of view, it may have been ill judged.\\nBut the motive which dictated it is not. only above all\\nreproach or suspicion, but demands the admiration of\\nall who can appreciate that noble sentiment of inspira-\\ntion, Greater is he that ruleth his spirit than he that\\ntaketh a city. The great error of the American com-\\nmander, in all this matter, was, that he placed confi-\\ndence in the integrity of S.anta Anna a man whose\\nwhole political career had been a mere tissue of du-\\nplicity, intrigue, and faithlessness, and whose name\\nwill yet come to be a synonyme for treachery. In this,\\nhowever, the general had the countenance and sym-\\npathy, and perhaps the secret instructions, of the presi-\\ndent and his cabinet. With the same inane reliance\\nupon the man and his promises, they had opened wide\\nthe doors, of which they held the key, and suffered\\nhim to enter, who, with all his faults, was the only", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0522.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n491\\nman in Mexico who could rouse and unite the people,\\nor hope successfully to fight their battles. It would\\nseem, that they were afraid of too easy a victory.\\nThey wanted something for the invading army to\\nachieve. They therefore furnished them, at their own\\ncost, a head a man of immense resources, of great\\ninfluence with the people, of unscrupulous daring in\\nthe assumption of power a man thoroughly acquaint-\\ned with the country and the people, and accustomed\\nto lead them like sheep to the slaughter. That, after\\nso many triumphs. over this wily foe, when all but his\\nlast defence was carried, and he stood at his very gates,\\nwith a victorious army panting to enter. General Scott\\nshould have supposed that foe honest in j^roposing a\\nparley, and wishing to negotiate, is certainly far less\\nremarkable than that the cabinet of Washington should\\nhave sought him in the cockpits of Havana, proffered\\na passport, and opened the blockade, at the very time,\\nwhen, wanting a daring leader, it was certain the Mex-\\nicans would forgive the past, and receive him with\\nopen arms. The arrangement is a mystery yet to be\\nexplained. The ordinary principles of diplomacy, and\\nof war, are at fault in the elucidation. The unchal-\\nlenged entrance of Paredes, through all the barriers of\\nmilitary occupation and surveillance, at the moment\\nv/hen the popularity and power of Santa Anna were\\non the wane from so many defeats, is a kindred enigma,-\\nwhich even time, that reveals all things, will jirobably\\nnot explain.\\nSanta Anna had gained one of his ends for such a\\nthing as a single purpose he scarcely understood he\\nhad gained time to improve his positions for defence,\\nand to rouse in the people a spirit which he hoped\\nmight at length prevail, to drive back the proud invad-\\ners. Success in this last attempt would have placed\\nhim on the pinnacle of power, and enabled him to\\ncrush at once those domestic foes whom he hated and\\nfeared far more than the foreign ones. And he might\\nwell hope, that, with an army of more than three times\\nthe force of that of the Americans, and a jjopulation of\\nseveral hundred thousand, now in their last intrench-\\nments, fighting for their capital, their beloved city,\\ntheir altars and then- hearths, with no possible alterna-\\ntive but victory, or submission to the terms they had\\njust scornfully rejected, they might yet achieve a de-\\nfence, and, falling upon their constantly diminishing\\nassailants, exterminate them at once. Whatever Avere\\nhis hopes, or those of his people, a renewal of hostili-\\nties was determined upon.\\nThe ai-mistice had continued two weeks. .On the\\n6th of September, immediately after the interruption\\nof the negotiations, General Scott informed the Mexi-\\ncan commander that, in view of the repeated violations,\\non his part, of the terms of the convention, he had full\\nright to consider it at an end, and that, unless full: sat-\\nisfaction were given before noon of the following day,\\nhe should act accordingly. Santa Anna s reply was\\nrecriminative and defiant, concluding with a high re-\\nsolve to repel force by force, with that decision and\\nenergy which his high obligations imposed upon him.\\nThe armistice was, consequently, at an end.\\nGeneral Scott had received the impression that there\\nwas a foundery in active operation at Molino del Rey,\\nand that a large number of men were employed there\\nin preparing cannon for the Mexican defences. He\\ntherefore resolved to make that the first point of attack,\\nhoping, by breaking up the machinery, and stopping\\nthe manufacture of cannon, to weaken the enemy es-\\nsentially in his plans of defence.\\nThe range of strong stone buildings, known as El\\nMolino del Rey, or the Royal Mill, is nearly a mile\\nnorth of the village of Tacubaya. It is some five hun-\\ndred yards long, and constructed of massive stone. It\\nforms the western side of an enclosure, which sur-\\nrounds the castle and grounds of Chapultepec, the\\ncastle being about two thirds of a mile from the Mill,\\noverlooking and commanding, from its lofty seat of-\\nrock, not only that position, but a large sweep of coun-\\ntry on every side of it. The Molino was occupied by\\na strong corps of troops, under General Leon. The\\ndoors, windows, and gateways were strongly barri-\\ncaded, the walls pierced for musketry, and the roofs\\nsurrounded with sand-bag parapets. About five hun-\\ndred yards on the west was the Casa Mata, a strong\\nstone building, surrounded by a quadrangular bastioned\\nfield-work, and occupied by troops of the line, under\\nGeneral Perez. Still farther west, about three hundred\\nyards, was a deep and wide ravine, on the other side\\nof which a corps of Pintos, under General Alvarez,\\nwas stationed.\\nThere was a difference of opinion, in the American\\ncamp, in reference to the attack upon this position.\\nGeneral Scott regarded Chapultepec as too strong and\\ndifficult to be attempted. It would cost too many\\nlives to carry it. And he hoped that, by carrying any\\nof its outposts, and thus showing to the Mexicans his\\ndetermination to renew and prosecute the war, they\\nwould at once resimie negotiations for peace. He was\\ntherefore resolved to attempt Molino del Rey alone,\\nand, having destroyed whatever of military works it", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0523.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "492\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmight contain, to retire at once to his then position at\\nTaciibaya. This he ordered to be effected at night\\nby General Worth s division, the attack to be made as\\nsoon as it was dark. General Worth, who had caused\\nthe ground to be thoroughly reconnoitred, thought\\nthe attack should be made at daylight, and that the\\nentire position, including Ohapultepec, should be em-\\nbraced in the plan of operations. He judged from his\\nobservations, that the place would be ably defended,\\nand not carried without difiiculty and loss, and that it\\nwould be far better to follow up the movement upon\\nMolino del Rey, if successful, by an immediate attempt\\nupon the castle to Avhich it led. General Scott con-\\nsented to change his plan so far as to make the attack\\nby daylight, but peremptorily refused to allow an at-\\ntempt upon Ohapultepec at that time. The result\\nproved that General Worth had not overestimated the\\nstrength of the Molino, or the difficulty of the task as-\\nsigned him. The story of its execution will be given\\nin the words of his own official report\\nHaving, in the course of the 7th, accompanied the\\ngeneral-in-chief on a recoymaissance of the formidable\\ndispositions of the enemy near and around the castle\\nof Ohapultepec, they were found to exhibit an extend-\\ned line of cavalry and infantry, sustained by a field\\nbattery of four guns occupying directly, or sustain-\\ning, a system of defences collateral to the castle and\\nsummit. This examination gave fair observation of\\nthe configuration of the grounds, and the extent of the\\nenemy s force but, as appeared in the sequel, an in-\\nadequate idea of the nature of his defences they be-\\nmg skilfully masked.\\nThe general-in-chief ordered that my division,\\nreenforced as before mentioned, should attack and carry\\nthose lines and defences, capture the enemy s artillery,\\ndestroy the machinery and material supposed to be in\\nthe foundery El Molino del Rey but limiting the\\noperations to that extent. After which, my command\\nwas to be immediately withdrawn to its position in\\nthe village of Tacubaya.\\nA close and daring reconnaissance by Oaptain Ma-\\nson of the engineers, made on the morning of the 7th,\\nrepresented the enemy s lines collateral to Ohapultepec\\nto be as follows His left rested upon and occupied\\na group of strong stone buildings, called El Molino del\\nRey, adjoining the grove at the foot of the hill of Oha-\\npultepec, and directly under the guns of the castle\\nwhich crowns its summ it. The right of his line rested\\nupon another stone building, called Oasa Mata, situated\\nat the foot of the ridge that slopes gradually from the\\nheights above the village of Tacubaya to the plam tre-\\nlow. Midv/ay between these buildings was tlie ene-\\nmy s field battery, and his infantry forces were disposed\\non either side to support it. This reconnaissance was\\nverified by Oaptain Mason and Oolonel Duncan, on the\\nafternoon of the same day. The result indicated that\\nthe centre was the weak point of the enemy s position\\nand that his flanks were the stong points, his left flanic\\nbeing the stronger.\\nAs the enemy s system of defence was connected\\nwith the hill and castle of Ohapultepec, and as my\\noperations were limited to a specific object, it became\\nnecessary to isolate the work to be accomplished, from\\nthe castle of Ohapultepec and its immediate defences.\\nTo effect this object, the following dispositions were\\nordered Oolonel Garland s brigade to take posses-\\nsion on the right, strengthened by two pieces of Oap-\\ntain Drum s battery, to look to El Molino del Rey, as\\nwell as any support of this position from Ohapultepec\\nand also within sustaining distance of the assaulting\\nparty and the battering guns, which, under Oaptain\\nHuger, were placed on the ridge, five or six hundred\\nyards from El Molino del Rey, to batter and loosen\\nthis position from Ohapultepec. An assaulting party\\nof five hundred picked men and officers, under com-\\nmand of Brevet Major George Wright, 8th infantry,\\nwas also posted on the ridge to the left of the battering\\nguns, to force the enemy s centre. The 2d brigade,\\nthe command of which devolved on Oolonel Mcintosh,\\n(Oolonel Olarke being sick,) with Duncan s battery,\\nwas to take post still farther up the ridge, opposite the\\nenemy s right, to look to our left flank to sustain the\\nassaulting column if necessary, or to discomfit the\\nenemy, (the ground being favourable,) as circumstances\\nmight require. Oadwallader s brigade was held in re-\\nserve, in a position on the ridge between the battering\\nguns and Mcintosh s brigade, and in easy support of\\neither. The cavalry, under Major Sumner, to envelop\\nour extreme left, and be governed by circumstances,\\nto repel or attack, as the commander s judgment might\\nsuggest. The troops to be put in position under cover\\nof the night and the work to begin as soon as the\\nheavy metal could be properly directed. Oolonel Dun-\\ncan was charged with the general dispositiqn of tne\\nartillery. Accordingly, at 3 o clock in the morning of\\nthe Sth, the several columns were put in motion on as\\nmany different routes and when the gray of the morn-\\ning enabled them to be seen, they were as accurately\\nin position as if posted in midday for review. The\\nearly dawn was the moment appointed for the attack,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0524.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n493\\nwhich was announced to our troops by the opening of\\nHuger s guns on El Molino del Rey, upon which they\\ncontinued to play actively until this point of the ene-\\nmy s line became sensibly shaken, when the assaulting\\nparty, commanded by Wright, and guided by that ac-\\ncomplished officer, Captain Mason of the engineers,\\nassisted by Lieutenant Foster, dashed gallantly for-\\nward to the assault. Unshaken by the galling of the\\nmusketry and canister that was showered upon them,\\non they rushed, driving infantry and artillerymen at\\nthe point of the bayonet. The enemy s field battery\\nwas taken, and his own guns were trailed upon his re-\\ntreating masses before, however, they could be dis-\\ncharged, perceiving that he had been dispossessed of\\nhis strong position by comparatively a handful of men,\\nhe made a desperate effort to regain it. Accordingly\\nhis retiring forces rallied and formed with this object.\\nAided by the infantry, which covered the house-tops,\\nwithin reach of which the battery had been moved\\nduring the night, the enemy s whole line opened upon\\nthe assaulting party a terrific fire of musketry, which\\nstruck down eleven out of the fourteen officers that\\ncomposed the command, and non-connnissioned officers\\nand men in proportion including, amongst the officers.\\nBrevet Major Wright, the commander Captain Mason\\nand Lieutenant Foster, engineers all severely wounded.\\nThis severe shock staggered, for a moment, that gallant\\nband. The light battalion, held to cover Captain Hu-\\nger s battery, under Captain Smith, and the right wing\\nof Cadwallader s brigade, were promptly ordered for-\\nward to support, which order was executed in the most\\ngallant style the enemy was again routed, and this\\npoint of his line carried, and fully possessed by our\\ntroops. In the mean time. Garland s brigade, ably sus-\\ntained by Captain Drum s artillery, assaulted the ene-\\nmy s left, and, after an obstinate and very severe contest,\\ndrove him from his apparently impregnable position,\\nimmediately under the guns of the castle of Chapulte-\\npec. Drum s section, and the battering guns under\\nCaptain Huger, advanced to the enemy s position, and\\nthe captured guns of the enemy were now opened on\\nhis retreating forces, on which they continued to fire\\nuntil beyond their reach. While this work was in\\nprogress of accomplishment by our centre and right,\\nour troops on the left were not idle. Duncan s battery\\nopened on the right of the enemy s line, up to this\\ntime engaged and the 2d brigade, under Colonel\\nMcintosh, was now ordered to assault the extreme\\nright of the enemy s line. The direction of this brig-\\nade soon caused it to mask Duncan s battery, the\\nfire of which, for the moment, was discontinued and\\nthe brigade moved steadily on to the assault of Casa\\nMata, which, instead of an ordinary field iutrenchment,\\nas was supposed, proved to be a strong stone citadel,\\nsurrounded with bastioned intrenchments and impassa-\\nble ditches an old Spanish work, recently repaired\\nand enlarged. When within easy musket range, the\\nenemy opened a most deadly fire upon our advancing\\ntroops, which was kept up, without intermission, until\\nour gallant men reached the very slope of the parapet\\nof the work that surrounded the citadel. By this time,\\na large proportion of the command was either killed or\\nwounded, amongst whom were the three senior officers\\npresent Brevet. Colonel Mcintosh, Brevet Lieuten-\\nant-Colonel Scott, of the 5th infantry, and Major Waite,\\n8th infantry the second killed, and the first and last\\ndesperately woixnded. Still, the fire from the citadel\\nwas unabated. In this crisis of the attack, the com-\\nmand was, momentarily, thrown into disorder, and fell\\nback on the left of Duncan s battery, where they ral-\\nlied. As the 2d brigade moved to the assault, a very\\nlarge cavalry and infantry force was discovered ap-\\nproaching rapidly upon our left flank, to reenforce the\\nenemy s right. As soon as Duncan s battery was\\nmasked, as before mentioned, supported by Andrews s\\nvoltigeurs of Cadwallader s brigade, it moved promptly\\nto the extreme left of our line, to check the threatened\\nassault on this point. The enemy s cavalry came,\\nrapidly, within canister range, when the whole battery\\nopened a most eflective fire, which soon broke the\\nsquadrons, and drove them back in disorder. During\\nthis fire upon the enemy s cavalry. Major Sumner s\\ncommand moved to the front, and changed direction in\\nadmirable order, imder a most appalling fire from the\\nCasa Mata. This movement enabled his command to\\ncross the ravine immediately on the left of Duncan s\\nbattery, where it remained, doing noble service, until\\nthe close of the action. At the very moment the cav-\\nalry were driven beyond reach, our own troops drew\\nback from before the Casa Mata, and enabled the guns\\nof Duncan s battery to reopen upon this position which,\\nafter a short and well-directed fire, the enemy aban-\\ndoned. The guns of the battery were now turned\\nupon his retreating columns, and continued to play\\nupon them until beyond reach.\\nHe was now driven from every point in the field,\\nand his strong lines, which had certainly been defended\\nwell, were in our possession. In fulfilment of the in-\\nstructions of the general-in-chief, the Casa Mata was\\nblown up, and such of the captured ammunition as was", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0525.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "494\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nuseless to us, as well as the cannon moulds found in\\nEl Molino del Rey, were destroyed. After which, my\\ncommand, under the reiterated orders of the general-\\nin-chief, returned to quarters at Tacubaya, with three\\nof the enemy s four guns, (the fourth, having been\\nspiked, was rendered unserviceable,) as also a large\\nquantity of small arms, with gun and musket ammu-\\nnition, and exceeding eight hundred prisoners, includ-\\ning fifty-two commissioned officers.\\nBy tlie concurrent testimony of prisoners, the ene-\\nmy s force exceeded fourteen thousand men, com-\\nmanded by General Santa Anna in person. His total\\nloss, killed, (including the 2d and 3d in command.\\nGenerals Valdarez and Leon,) wounded, and prisoners,\\namounts to three thousand, exclusive of some two\\nthousand who deserted after the rout.\\nMy command, reenforced as before stated, only\\nreached three thousand one hundred men of all arms.\\nThe contest continued two hours, and its severity is\\npainfully attested by our heavy loss of officers, non-\\ncommissioned officers, and privates, including in the\\nfirst two classes some of the brightest ornaments of the\\nservice.\\nThe American loss in this battle was nearly eight\\nhundred men, killed and wounded, of whom fifty\\nwere officers. Not a single post, during the whole\\nwar, had been more resolutely and ably defended\\nthan El Molino del Rey. It was carried, never-\\ntheless, but at an immense sacrifice of life. And,\\nunfortunately, no advantage was gained by it, except\\nthat of proving to the Mexicans that the invading\\ngeneral was determined to prosecute the war, and that\\nno superiority of numbers or position could avail them\\nagainst the indomitable courage and consummate skill\\nof the Americans. There was no foundery at tlie Mill.\\nA few useless cannon moulds were destroyed, a large\\nquantity of ammunition was taken, a still larger quan-\\ntity was destroyed Casa Mata was blown up. El\\nMolino was dismantled but Chapultepec remained,\\nfrowning from its lofty rock, and bidding defiance to\\nall its enemies. Worth, Pillow, and Cadwallader were\\neager to pursue the victory to its walls, and carry it by\\nstorm. But, restrained by the decided order of the\\ncommander-in-chief, they retired under a heavy fire\\nfrom the castle, and left the field so hardly won to be\\nreoccupied, at his leisure, by the enemy, and to be\\nretaken, at some cost, a few days after.\\nThe Mexicans, instead of being disheartened, were\\nreassured by the result of the battle of Molino del Rey.\\nSupposing Chapultepec to have been the object of the\\nmovement, they looked upon the untimely retirement\\nof the assailants as at least a partial defeat, and a clear\\nacknowledgment that the castle was impregnable.\\nIn this confidence, they renewed their zeal in the de-\\nfence, and re-resolved to die in their last intrenchment,\\nsooner than allow their beloved city to be dishonoured\\nby the foot of the hated invader.\\nNot receiving, as he hoped and expected, new pro-\\nposals of peace, the American commander now resolved\\nto finish his work by one decisive blow. The city\\nwas to be taken. This involved the storming of Cha-\\npultepec, and the consequent recovery of El Molino\\ndel Rey. Dispositions were immediately made to effect\\nthis object on the 13th of September. The result is\\nthus briefly stated in General Scott s official report\\nThe- victory of the 8th, at the Molino del Rey,\\nwas followed by daring reconnaissances on the part of\\nour distinguished engineers. Their operations were\\ndirected principally to the south towards the gates\\nof the Piedad, San Angel, (Nino Perdido,) San Anto-\\nnio, and the Paseo de la Viga.\\nThis city stands on a slight swell of ground, near\\nthe centre of an iiregular basin.\\nand is girdled with a\\nditch in its greater extent, (a navigable canal of great\\nbreadth and depth,) very difficult to bridge in the pres-\\nence of an enemy, and serving at once for drainage,\\ncustom-house purposes, and military defence leaving\\neight entrances or gates, over arches, each of which\\nwe found defended by a system of strong works, that\\nseemed to require nothing but some men and guns to\\nbe impregnable.\\nOutside and within the cross fires of those gates,\\nwe found to the south other obstacles but little less\\nformidable. All the approaches near the city are over\\nelevated causeways, cut in many places, (to oppose us,)\\nand flanked on both sides by ditches, also of unusual\\ndimensions. The numerous cross roads are flanked in\\nlike manner, having bridges at the intersections, recent--\\nly broken. The meadows thus checkered are, more-\\nover, in many spots, under water or marshy for, it\\nwill be remembered, we were in the midst of the wet\\nseason, though with less rain than usual, and we could\\nnot wait for the fall of the neighbouring lakes emd the\\nconsequent drainage of the wet grounds at the edge of\\nthe city the lowest in the whole basin.\\nAfter a close personal survey of the southern gates,\\ncovered by Pillow s division and Riley s brigade of\\nTwiggs s, with four times our numbers concentrated\\nhi our immediate front, I determined, on the 11th,\\nto avoid that network of obstacles, and to seek, by a", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0526.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "HISTOHY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n495\\nsudden inversion to the south-west and west, less un-\\nfavourable approaches.\\nTo economize the lives of our gallant officers and\\nmen, as well as to insure success, it became indispensa-\\nble that this resolution should be long masked from\\nthe enemy and again, that the new movement, when\\ndiscovered, should be mistaken for a feint, and the old\\nas indicating our true and ultimate point of attack.\\nAccordingly, I ordered Quitman s division from\\nCoyoacan to join Pillow, by daylight, before the south-\\nern gates, and then that the two major-generals, wi.th\\ntheir divisions, should, by night, proceed to join me\\nat Tacubaya, where I was quartered with Worth s\\ndivision. Twiggs, with Riley s brigade, and Captains\\nTaylor s and Steptoe s field batteries, was left in front\\nof those gates to manoeuvre, to threaten, or to make\\nfalse attacks, in order to occupy and deceive the enemy.\\nTwiggs s other brigade was left at supporting distance\\nin the rear, at San Angel, till the morning of the 13th,\\nand also to support our general depot at Mixcoac.\\nThe stratagem against the south was admirably exe-\\ncuted throughout the 12th, and down to the afternoon\\nof the 13th, when it was too late for the enemy to\\nrecover from the effects of his delusion.\\nThe first step in the new movement was to carry\\nChapultepec, a natural and isolated mound, of great\\nelevation, strongly fortified at its base, on its acclivi-\\nties, and heights. Besides a numerous garrison, here\\nwas the military college of the republic, with a large\\nnumber of sub-lieutenants and other students. Those\\nworks were within direct gunshot of the village of\\nTacubaya, and, until carried, we could not approach\\nthe city on the west without making a circuit too wide\\nand too hazardous. In the course of the same night,\\nheavy batteries, within easy ranges, were established.\\nTo prepare for an assault, it was foreseen that the\\nplay of the batteries might run into the second day\\nbut recent captures had not only trebled our siege\\npieces, but also our ammunition and we knew that\\nwe should greatly augment both by carrying the place.\\nI was, therefore, in no haste in ordering an assault be-\\nfore the works were well crippled by our missiles.\\nThe bombardment and cannonade, under the direc-\\ntion of Captain Huger, were commenced early in the\\nmorning of the 12th. Before nightfall, which neces-\\nsarily stopped our batteries, we had perceived that a\\ngood irnpression had been made on the castle and its\\noutworks, and that a large body of the enemy had re-\\nmained outside, towards the city, from an early hour,\\nto avoid our fire, and to be at hand on its cessation,\\n63\\nin order to reenforce the garrison against an assault.\\nThe same outside force was discovered the next morn-\\ning, after our batteries had reopened upon the castle,\\nby which we again reduced its garrison to the mitd-\\nmum needed for the guns.\\nPillow and Q,uitman had been in position since\\nearly in the night of the lllh. Major-General Worth\\nwas now ordered to hold his division in reserve, near\\nthe foundery, to support Pillow; and Brigadier-Gen-\\neral Smith had just arrived with his brigade from Pie-\\ndad, to support Quitman. Twiggs s guns, before the\\nsouthern gates, again reminded us, as the day before,\\nthat he, with Riley s brigade and Taylor s and Step-\\ntoe s batteries, was in activity, threatening the south-\\nern gates, and there holding a great part of the Mexican\\narmy on the defensive.\\nWorth s division furnished Pillow s attack with an\\nassaulting party of some two hundred and fifty volun-\\nteer officers and men, under Captain McKenzie, and\\nTwiggs s division supplied a similar one, commanded\\nby Captain Casey, to Q,uitman. Each of those little\\ncolumns was furnished v/ith scaling-ladders.\\nThe signal I had appointed for the attack was the\\nmomentary cessation of fire on the part of our heavy\\nbatteries. About 8 o clock in the morning of the 13th,\\njudging that the time had arrived, by the effect of the\\nmissiles we had thrown, I sent an aid-de-camp to Pil-\\nlow, and another to Q,uitman, with notice that the\\nconcerted signal was about to be given. Both columns\\nnow advanced with an alacrity that gave assurance of\\nprompt success. The batteries, seizing opportunities,\\nthrew shots and shells upon the enemy over the heads\\nof our men, with good eftect, particularly at every at-\\ntempt to reenforce the works from without to meet our\\nassault.\\nMajor-General Pillow s approach, on the west side,\\nlay through an open grove, filled with sharp-shooters,\\nv/ho were speedily dislodged when, being up with\\nthe front of the attack, and emerging into open space,\\nat the foot of a rocky acclivity, that gallant leader was\\nstruck down by an agonizing wound. The immediate\\ncommand devolved on Brigadier-General Cadwallader,\\nin the absence of the senior brigadier. Pierce, of the\\nsame division an invalid since the events of August\\n19. On a previous Call of Pillow, Worth had just sent\\nhim a reenforcement.\\nThe broken acclivity was still to be ascended, and\\na strong redoubt, midway, to be carried, before reach-\\ning the castle on the heights. The advance of our\\nbrave men, led by brave officers, though necessarily", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0527.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "496\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nslow, was unwavering, over rocks, chasms, and mines,\\nand under the hottest fire of cannon and musketry.\\nThe redoubt now yielded to resistless valor, and the\\nshouts that followed announced to the castle the fate\\nthat impended. The enemy were steadily driven from\\nshelter to shelter. The retreat allowed not time to fire\\na single mine, without the certainty of blowing up\\nfriend and foe. Those who, at a distance, attempted\\nto apply matches to the long trains, were shot down by\\nour men. There was death below, as well as above\\nground. At length the ditch and wall of the main\\nwork were reached the scaling-ladders were brought\\nup and planted by the storming parties some of the\\ndaring spirits first in the assault were cast down, killed\\nor wounded but a lodgment was soon made streams\\nof heroes followed all opposition was overcome, and\\nseveral of our regimental colours flung out from the\\nupper walls, amidst long-continued shouts and cheers,\\nwhich sent dismay into the capital. No scene could\\nhave been more animating or glorious.\\nMajor-General duitman, nobly supported by Briga-\\ndier-Generals Shields and Smith, his other officers and\\nmen, was up with the part assigned him. Simultane-\\nously with the movement on the west, he had gallantly\\napproached the south-east of the same works over a\\ncauseway with cuts and batteries, and defended by an\\narmy strongly posted outside, to the east of the works.\\nThose formidable obstacles duitman had to face, with\\nbut little shelter for his troops or space for manoeuvring.\\nDeep ditches, flanking the causeway, made it difficult\\nto cross on either side into the adjoining meadows,\\nand these again were intersected by other ditches.\\nSmith and his brigade had been early thrown out to\\nmake a sweep to the right, in order to present a front\\nagainst the enemy s line, and to turn two intervening\\nbatteries, near the foot of Chapultepec. This move-\\nment was also intended to support duitman s storming\\nparties, both on the causeway. The storming party,\\nnow commanded by Captain Paul, carried the two bat-\\nteries in the road, took some guns, with many prison-\\ners, and drove the enemy posted behind in support.\\nThe New York and South Carolina volunteers and the\\n2d Pennsylvania volunteers, all on the left of Q,uit-\\ninan s line, together with portions of his storming par-\\nties, crossed the meadows in froiit, under a heavy fire,\\nand entered the outer enclosure of Chapultepec just in\\ntime to join in the final assault from the west.\\nEarly in the morning of the 13th, I repeated the\\norders of the night before to Major-General Worth, to\\nbe, with his division, at hand, to support the move-\\nment of Major-General Pillow from our left. The lat-\\nter seems soon to have called for that entire division,\\nstanding momentarily in reserve, and Worth sent him\\nColonel Clarke s brigade. The call, if not unneces-\\nsary, was at least, from the circumstances, unknown\\nto me at the time for, soon observing that the verj;\\nlarge body of the enemy, in the road in front of Major-\\nGeneral duitman s right, was receiving reenforcements\\nfrom the city, (less than a mile and a half to the east,)\\nI sent instructions to Worth, on our opposite flank, to\\nturn Chapultepec with his division, and to proceed,\\ncautiously, by the road at its northern base, in order,\\nif not met by very superior numbers, to threaten or to\\nattack, in rear, that body of the enemy. The move-\\nment, it was also believed, could not fail to distract\\nand to intimidate the enemy generally.\\nWorth promptly advanced with his remaining brig-\\nade, and having turned the forest on the west, and\\narriving opposite to the north centre of Chapultepec,\\ncame up with the troops in the road, under Colonel\\nTrousdale, and aided by a flank movement of a part\\nof Garland s brigade in taking the one-gun breastwork,\\nthen under the fire of Lieutenant Jackson s section\\nof Captain Magruder s field battery. Continuing to\\nadvance, this division passed Chapultepec, attacking the\\nright of the enemy s line, resting on that road, about\\nthe moment of the general retreat consequent upon the\\ncapture of the formidable castle and its outworks.\\nArriving some minutes later, and mounting to the\\ntop of the castle, the whole field, to the east, lay plainly\\nunder my view.\\nThere are two routes from Chapultepec to the\\ncapital, the one on the right entering the same gate,\\nBelen, with the road from the south, via Piedad and\\nthe other obliquing to the left, to intersect the great\\nwestern, or San Cosme road, in a suburb outside of the\\ngate of San Cosme.\\nEach of these routes (an elevated causeway) pre-\\nsents a double roadway on the sides of an aqueduct of\\nstrong masonry, and great height, resting on open\\narches and massive pillars, which, together, afi ord fine\\npoints both for attack and defence. The sideways of\\nboth aqueducts are, moreover, defended by many strong\\nbreastworks at the gates, and before reaching them.\\nAs we had expected, we found the four tracks unusu-\\nally dry and solid for the season.\\nWorth and duitman were prompt in pursuing the\\nretreating enemy, the former by the San Cosme aque-\\nduct, and the latter along that of Belen. Each had\\nnow advanced some hundred yards.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0528.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n497\\nDeeming it all-important to profit by our successes,\\nand the consequent dismay of the enemy, which could\\nnot be otherwise than general, I hastened to despatch,\\nfrom Chapultepec first Clarke s brigade, and then\\nCadwallader s, to the support of Worth, and gave or-\\nders that the necessary heavy guns should follow.\\nPierce s brigade was, at the same time, sent to Q,uit-\\nman, and in the course of the afternoon, I caused some\\nadditional siege pieces to be added to his train. Then,\\nafter designating the 15th infantry, under Lieutenant-\\nColonel Howard, Morgan, the colonel, had been\\ndisabled by a wound at Churubusco, as the garrison\\nof Chapultepec, and giving directions for the care of\\nthe prisoners of war, the captured ordnance and ord-\\nnance stores, I proceeded to join the advance of Worth,\\nwithin the suburb, and beyond the turn at the junc-\\ntion of the aqueduct with the great highway from the\\nwest to the gate of San Cosme.\\nAt this junction of roads, we first passed one of\\nthose formidable systems of city defences, spoken of\\nabove, and it had not a gun a strong proof that the\\nenemy had expected us to fall in the attack upon Cha-\\npultepec, even if we meant any thing more than a\\nfeint that, in either case, we designed, in his belief,\\nto return and double our forces against the southern\\ngates, a delusion kept up by the active demonstrations\\nof Twiggs and the forces posted on that side and\\nthat, advancing rapidly from the reduction of Chapul-\\ntepec, the enemy had not time to shift guns our\\nprevious captures had left him, comparatively, but few\\nfrom the southern gates.\\nWithin those disgarnished works, I found our troops\\nengaged in a street fight against the enemy posted in\\ngardens, at windows, and on house-tops, all flat with\\nparapets. Worth ordered forward the mountain how-\\nitzers of Cadwallader s brigade, preceded by skir-\\nmishers and pioneers, with pickaxes and crowbars, to\\nforce windows and doors, or to burrow through walls.\\nThe assailants were soon in an equality of position\\nfatal to the enemy. By 8 o clock in the evening.\\nWorth had carried two batteries in this suburb. Ac-\\ncording to my instructions, he here posted guards and\\nsentinels, and placed his troops under shelter for the-\\nnight. There was but one more obstacle the San\\nCosine gate, between him and the great square in front\\nof the cathedral and palace, the heart of the city and\\nthat barrier, it was known, could not, by daylight, re-\\nsist our siege guns thirty minutes.\\nI had gone back to the foot of Chapultepec, the\\npoint from which the two aqueducts begin to diverge,\\nsome hours earlier, in order to be neai that new depot,\\nand in easy communication with Quitman and Twiggs\\nas well as with Worth.\\nFrom this point I ordered all detachments and\\nstragglers to their respective corps, then in advance\\nsent to Quitman additional siege guns, ammunition,\\nintrenching tools directed Twiggs s remaining brig-\\nade from Piedad, to support Worth, and Captain Step-\\ntoe s field battery, also at Piedad, to rejoin Quitman s\\ndivision.\\nI had been, from the first, well aware that the\\nwestern, or San Cosme, was the less diflicult route to\\nthe centre and conquest of the capital and, there-\\nfore, intended that Quitman should only manoeuvre\\nand threaten the Belen or south-western gate, in order\\nto favor the main attack by Worth, knowing that the\\nstrong defences at the Belen were directly under the\\nguns of the much stronger fortress, called the citadel,\\njust within. Both of these defences of the enemy\\nwere also within easy supporting distance from the San\\nAngel (or Nino Perdido) and San Antonio gates.\\nHence the greater support, in numbers, given to\\nWorth s movement as the main attack.\\nThose views I repeatedly, in the course of the day.\\ncommunicated to Major-General Quitman but bemg\\nin hot pursuit, gallant himself, and ably supported\\nby Brigadier-Generals Shields and Smith, (Shields\\nbadly wounded before Chapultepec, and refusing to re-\\ntire,) as well as by all the officers and men of the\\ncolumn, Quitman continued to press forward, under\\nflank and direct fires carried an intermediate battery\\nof two guns, and then the gate, before two o clock in\\nthe afternoon, but not without proportionate loss, in-\\ncreased by his steady maintenance of that position.\\nQuitman, within the city, adding several new de-\\nfences to the position he had won, and sheltering his\\ncorps as well as practicable, now awaited the return\\nof daylight under the guns of the formidable citadel,\\nyet to be subdued.\\nAt about 4 o clock next morning, September 14,\\na deputation of the city council waited upon me to\\nreport that the federal government and the army of\\nMexico had fled from the capital some three hours be-\\nfore, and to demand terms of capitulation in favor of\\nthe church, the citizens, and the municipal authorities.\\nI promptly replied, that I would sign no capitulation\\nthat the city had been virtually in our possession from\\nthe time of the lodgments eff ected by Worth and Quit-\\nman the day before that I regretted the silent escape\\nof the Mexican army that I should levy upon the city", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0529.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "49S\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\na moderate contribution, for special purposes and that\\nthe American army should come under no terms, not\\nsclf-imTposed such only as its own honour, the dignity\\nof the United States, and the spirit of tlie age, should.\\nin my opinion, imperiously demand and impose.\\nAt the termination of the interview with the city\\ndeputation, I communicated, about daylight, orders to\\nWorth and (iuitman to advance slowly and cautiously\\ntowards the heart of the city, and to occupy its stronger\\nand more commanding points. Quitman proceeded to\\nthe great plaza or square, planted guards, and hoisted\\nthe colours of the United States on the national palace,\\ncontaining the halls of congress and executive apart-\\nments of federal Mexico. In this grateful service,\\nQuitman might have been anticipated by Worth, but\\nfor my express orders, halting the latter at the head of\\nthe Alameda, within three squares of that goal of gen-\\neral ambition. The capital, however, was not taken\\nby any one or two corps, but by the talent, the science,\\nthe gallantry, the prowess of this entire army. In the\\nglorious conquest, all had contributed early and pow-\\nerfully the killed, the wounded, and the Jit for duty\\nat Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, Contreras, San Antonio,\\nChurubusco, (three battles,) the Molinos del Rey, and\\nChapultepec as much as those who fought at the\\ngates of Belen and San Cosme.\\nSoon after we had entered, and were in the act of\\noccupying the city, a fire was opened upon us from\\nthe flat roofs of the houses, from windows and corners\\nof streets, by some two thousand convicts liberated the\\nnight before by the flying government joined by, per-\\nhaps, as many Mexican soldiers, who had disbanded\\nthemselves and thrown o9 their uniforms. This un-\\nlawful war lasted more than twenty-four hours, in spite\\nof the exertions of the municipal authorities, and was\\nnot put down till we had lost many men, including\\nseveral officers, killed or wounded, and had punished\\nthe miscreants. Their objects were, to gratify national\\nhatred and, in tlie general alarm and confusion, to\\nplunder the wealtliy inhabitants, particularly the de-\\nserted houses. But families are now generally return-\\ning business of every kind has been resumed, and the\\ncity is already tranquil and cheerful, under the admira-\\nble conduct (with exceptions very few and trifling) of\\nour gallant troops.\\nThe campaign which had been commenced by the\\nadvance from Puebla, was brought to a close by the\\ncapture and occupation of the city of Mexico. The\\nlittle army of ten thousand five hundred, which had\\nafter having di-\\naken the field on the 7th of August.\\nminislied, by sickness and the casualties of battle, more\\nthan one third of.its effective numbers, on the 14th of\\nSeptember was within the enemy s capital, triumphant.\\nIt had marched from Puebla to Mexico, had turned the\\ncapital and presented itself in the rear, and liad won\\nthe city in the battles of Contreras and Churubusco.\\nEvery military advantage which it had acquired was\\nsurrendered by the convention of Tacubaya to a\\ndoubtful prospect of negotiation. If its situation had\\nbeen dangerous in its first attack, it was still more so,\\nby many fold, when the second was about to be en-\\ntered upon. Yet, in spite of all these obstacles, it had\\ntriumphed repeatedly, both in regaining the advantages\\nwhich had been sacrificed, and in pursuing those re-\\ngamed, whenever it had been allowed the opportunity.\\nIt had fought through a bloody field in search of an\\nuncertain object, but it had not failed to triumph even\\nthere, against every disadvantage. Opportunity had\\nbeen lost, time thrown away, and, finally, it had at-\\ntacked the strongest point, had carried it, and over\\nsuch obstacles as are seldom encountered by an invad-\\ning force, had borne the banner of its country to the\\npalace of the supreme powers of Mexico.\\nIn all these military operations, the unsurpassed\\nvalor of the soldiery, and the skill of the officers, had\\nborne the burden which had been imposed, increased\\nas it was by the sacrifice of all advantages, and by the\\neffect of the mistaken confidence in the faith of a man\\nnoted for his i:)erfidy, but in none more eminent, in\\nnone more successful, than in that by which he prac-\\ntised upon the American government, and the com-\\nmander-in-chief of the American army.\\nBut, against all untoward circumstances, this little\\narmy had now accomplished the mission on which it\\nwas sent. It had done more. It had not only con-\\nquered a peace, but a very large piece of Mexico. It\\noccupied and garrisoned, not the capital only, but nearly\\nall the important posts on its various approaches. It\\nheld military possession of the country, and could now\\ndictate its own terras of submission.\\nWhen the further defence of the capital was aban-\\ndoned as hopeless, Santa Anna resigned the presidency,\\nand withdrew with the remnant of his army to Guaida-\\nloupe Hidalgo, resolved, in the impotence of his rage,\\nto keep Mexico under his feet, if he could not conquer\\nher enemies. Without an army he was nothing, and\\nnot much with one, except against his own unarmed\\ncountrymen. He had now nearly exhausted his re-\\nsources. Driven from all his defences, on which ha\\nhad expended so much toil, treasure, and skill, a fugi-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0530.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n499\\ntive from his capital, with the broken-down remnant of\\nan army, without subsistence, without funds, or the\\nmeans of obtaining them, except by military exactions\\nfrom a people wliose favour lie was so ambitious to\\nwin, what could he now hope to do He had lost\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2his last opportunity to bargain with the conquerors.\\nHe had lost nearly the last chance of intrigue at home.\\nThe confidence of the Mexicans in his skill and prow-\\ness was gone. He had no resort but, under pretence\\nof annoying the enemy as much as possible, in all his\\nfuture movements, to keep up a show of patriotism, and\\nthus endeavour to revive his waning popularity, and\\nkeep his old rivals in the background. He still hoped\\nto overawe the government to the adoption of his own\\nmeasures, and thus virtually retain the dictatorship,\\nwhich, from motives of policy, he had nominally re-\\nsigned. He, accordingly, ordered a column of three\\nthousand men, nnder General Herrera, to take position\\nat Q,ueretaro, which had been fixed upon as the tem-\\nporary seat of government. A portion of his force was\\ndisbanded, for want of means to subsist it, and, with\\nthe remainder, composed principally of cavalry, Santa\\nAnna marched upon Puebla. The American garrison\\nat this place consisted of five hundred men, under the\\ncommand of Colonel Childs; and eigliteen hundred\\ninvalids. Surrounded by a population of eighty\\nthousand Mexicans, and by a country infested with\\nguerillas and banditti, who were excited to frenzy by\\nthe events of the war, this little band, though holding\\npossession of tlie fortresses of the place, was actually\\nfor many weeks in a state of siege, and subject to every\\npossible annoyance.\\nOn the 22d September, Santa Anna arrived at Pue-\\nbla, and was received with acclamations of joy by the\\ncitizens, who now hoped to overwhelm and annihilate\\nthe garrison. On the 25th, Santa Anna summoned the\\ngarrison to surrender, and received a peremptory re-\\nfusal.* On the 27th, he made a feeble and unsuccess-\\nHaving taken possession of this city with the forces under my\\ncommand, to operate against the points occupied by you, and for the\\npurpose of restoring to full Hberty the citizens who have suffered so\\nmuch from the troops of the United States, I deem it proper, before\\nmaking any movement, and for the sake of humanity, to intimate to\\nyour excellency that you shall have leave, within a limited time, to\\nabandon the places you now occupy in this city, and march out with\\nthe honours of war, either to join General Scott, or to proceed to Pe-\\nrote, as may be most convenient for you. But, if this moderate prop-\\nosition be not accepted by your excellency, I shall, in that case, with\\nthe deepest feeling, proceed to act in a military manner, and assault\\nall of your positions, from the consequences of which your troops\\nmust suffer, inasmuch as there is in the vicinity of your excellency an\\nfill attempt to carry the fortress by assault, and then\\nwithdrew, with all his force, to Huamantla, with a\\nview to annoying, and, if possible, cutting off the re-*\\nenforcements to the American army, which were con-\\ntinually arriving at Vera Cruz, and marching, column\\nafter column, towards the capital, subject, in every de-\\nfile and mountain pass, to all the annoyances and losses\\nattendant on guerilla warfare. Driven from Huaman-\\ntla by the unexpected approach of Colonel Lane, with\\nhis column, the Mexican forces fell back upon Atlixco,\\nreturning again to their former position as soon as Lane\\nhad passed, on his way to Puebla. Here the unfor-\\ntunate general was deprived of his command, by order\\nof the new government, just organized at Q,ueretaro.*\\narmy of eight thousand men, determined to cause the rights of this\\nnation to be respected. God and liberty.\\nAntonio Lopez de Santa Anna,\\nGeneral-in-Chief Mexican Army.\\nSeiior Colonel Childs,\\nCummander U. H. Forces in this city.\\nI had the honour to receive this day (2 o clock, P. M.) the note\\nof youi excellency, of this date, notifying me that you had taken pos-\\nsession of this city, and for the purpose of restoring to full liberty\\ntlie citizens who have suffered so much from the troops of the United\\nStates, and also offering the garrison certain terms in case they would,\\nin a limited time, abandon the points occupied by the same.\\nIn regard to the first point, I deem it necessary and just, in yin-\\ndication of the good name of the military forces of the United States,\\nwhich thej have earned by the humanity, good order, and disci-\\npline which have at all times distinguished their conduct, and more\\nparticularly while holding military possession of the city of Puebla,\\nto deny the imputation conveyed in your excellency s communica-\\ntion but, on the contrary, would assert that the rights of persons and\\nproperty have been most scrupulously respected, and maintained to a\\ndegree unparalleled in warfare and would willinglj- leave the ques-\\ntion for the decision of the intelligent and impartial portion of the\\npopulation of this city, by whom have they suffered most violence,\\nfrom their own people or from troops of the army of the United States.\\nAs for the other portion of your excellency s communication, de-\\nmanding a surrender, withm a Umited time, of the places held by the\\ntroops under my command, I have but this reply to make to your ex-\\ncellency; that having been honoured Avith the custody and safe-\\nkeeping of these places, it is alike ray desire and my duty to maintain\\nthem to the last, feeling fully confident in the means at my disposal\\nto accomplish that purpose.\\nWith consideration of high respect, I have the honour to be your\\nexcellency s most obedient servant,\\nThomas Childs,\\nColonel U. S. Army, Civil and Military Govermr.\\nThe note addressed to Santa Anna, on this occasion, by Don\\nLuis de la Rosa, minister of state and war, is so rernarkable for its\\nuidirect directness, that it may well be preserved4i3 a model of\\ndiplomatic composition.\\nHis excellency, the senor provisional president of the republic,\\nfeeling profoundly his duties to the country convinced of the necessi-\\nty of establishing in the nation public moraUty, and of giving more en-\\nergy to the discipline of the army, ahnost extinguished by our civil", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0531.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "500\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nIn obedience to this arrangement, Santa Anna retired\\nto Tehuacan, leaving -behind him an address to the\\narmy, replete with high-sounding protestations of pa-\\ntriotism, and charging the government with great\\nwrong to the country, as well as injustice to himself,\\nin thus displacing him from the command at the very\\nmoment, when, after so many disasters, he was about\\nto obtain a triumph over the invaders. I depart from\\nyou, he said, and from the theatre of war, perhaps\\nto sacrifice myself to the vengeance of my enemies, or\\nto effect an inglorious peace, which I did not wish to\\ngrant, because it was repugnant to my conscience.\\nVolunteers and recruits for the army continued to\\narrive in considerable numbers at Vera Cruz, until the\\neffective force vnider command of General Scott was\\nnearly or quite doubled. But they had little to do but\\nsit still. The work of conquest was already achieved.\\nIt was now an army of observation only. It sat qui-\\netly down, in the rich valley of Mexico, to watch the\\nprogress of events, and to give time to the prostrate\\nrepublic to recover its vitality, and resume the func-\\ntions of a body politic. The new recruits were dis-\\ntributed to different posts, so as to open and protect\\na clear line of communication with the coast, which\\nhad been seriously obstructed hitherto, for want of\\nnumbers sufficient to man the garrisons. With the ex-\\nception of an occasional brush with a band of gueril-\\nlas, or a sort of police encounter with a mob of leperos,\\nthe newly-arrived aspirants for military honour saw\\nlittle or nothing of the rough side of war. Such ad-\\nventures as they had, lilce that of the gallant Lally, in\\nconducting his train to Puebla through swarms of des-\\nperate banditti, belong rather to personal than to na-\\ntional history.\\nThe spectacle is rarely exhibited of a victorious\\narmy sitting down in the capital of a subjugated em-\\npire, holding possession of all its important fortresses,\\nIts aimy of defence vanquished and scattered, its gov-\\nernment disorganized, its whole population distracted\\nby civil dissensions, and there quietly awaiting the\\nreturn of order, fostering the reunion of the social and\\ncivil elements, and protecting the reorganization of\\ngovernment, not for the purpose of holding the im-\\ndissensions desiring, moreover, to manifest to the people of the city\\nof Mexico, and other points now in possession of the enemy, that their\\nlot is not indifferent to his excellency considering, in fine, that in ev-\\nery T\\\\-ell-organized country, the generals of an army answer before a\\ntribunal for the .faults which they have committed, and even for the\\nmisfortunes which have befallen their campaigns, has resolved that\\nyour excellency deliver up the command of the army, o.\\nmense advantages its prowess had gained, but of treat-\\ning for a just and honourable peace, on the same terms,\\nnow that it had unlimited power to dictate, which had\\nbeen offered in the commencement of hostilities. If\\nthere is a redeeming feature in this war, if there is one\\npage of its bloody history on which the philanthropist\\nand the Christian may dwell with satisfaction, it is this\\nwhich displays the humane moderation, the magnani-\\nmous forbearance of the conquering chief, as ready, at\\nevery step of his proud career of victory, to sheathe\\nthe sword, and grant liberal terms of peace, as to ad-\\nvance to new fields of conquest and glory. Men of\\nmilitary talent and experience have reviewed the acts\\nof this war, bringing them all down to the test of the\\nmaxims of Napoleon and other merely despotic con-\\nquerors. Judging by this standard, and warped by\\npersonal or party prejudice, they have severely censured\\nthe more than heroic forbearance of General Scott,\\nand the large sacrifices he made, at various times, in\\nthe hope of staying the work of death, and reopening\\nnegotiations for peace. Not only has his judgment\\nbeen severely condemned, but his motives have been\\nharshly impugned, and made the subject of sarcastic\\nsurmise and heartless innuendo. If, in all his previous\\ncareer of military renown, he had not always shown\\nthe same exalted preference of peace over war, if,\\nfrom the beginning, the olive had not been liberally\\nentwined with the laurel in the wreath of his fame,\\nuntil he had come to be as well known by the title of\\npacificator, as by the less enviable one of conqueror,\\nthe imputation, now freely charged against him, of\\nseeking popularity at home, by the mere show of mod-\\neration in the battle-fields of Mexico, and attempting to\\nwin favour as an office-seeking politician, by a gross\\ndereliction of his duty as a soldier, would be less fla-\\ngrantly mean and uncharitable. But, in view of his\\nentire history in the service of his country, such in-\\nsinuations are as paltry and contemptible as they are\\nimpolitic and unjust. Party rancor, personal pique, or\\nsympathy with the wounded pride of some disappoint-\\ned or injured subordinate, may seek, for a time, by\\nsuch means, to detract from the lofty merit of acts\\nwhose motives it is incapable of appreciating. But\\nimpartial history will engrave its vindication on endur-\\ning tablets. And wlien the epitaph of the traduced\\nshall be written, it will tell of a man who was no less\\nmoderate than brave, no less humane than heroic, no\\nless ready to treat than able to fight, no less prompt to\\nsubdue himself than to conquer an enemy.\\nBut there is a reverse to every picture. War ia", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0532.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n501\\nfruitful in extravagant contrasts and painful incongrui-\\nties. No man is a hero to his t;a^e -o(e-cAaw6?-e. It\\nwould seem to be equally true that even a general is\\nno hero to his subordinates. Like the comic after-\\npiece, following the serious drama of the stage, and\\ndegrading to mere triflers and buffoons those who just\\nbefore had appeared in great and imposing characters,\\nthe accompaniments and sequels of war serve often\\nonly as a foil to the glory which its principal actors\\nhave achieved, reducing quite down to the common\\nlevel of poor humanity men who had just been looked\\nupon as almost sublime in virtue and dignity. The\\ngreat work of victory has been achieved. The stern\\nrequirements of actual warfare have given place to the\\ndull routine of a mere camp life. The scene is changed.\\nThe afterpiece is a petty family quarrel, in which every\\nman is divided against his fellow. Jealousies, animosi-\\nties, and bitter criminations take the place of the lofty\\ncourtesies of martial etiquette. Officers, on whose con-\\nduct the language of commendation had been exhausted\\nin the official reports of yesterday, are to-day arrested\\nand arraigned for some merely technical misdemeanor\\nor oversight. The camp is metamorphosed into a\\ncriminal court, its docket as full of censures and com-\\nplaints as the previous bulletins and reports had been\\nof unqualified gratulation and praise. The war depart-\\nment, in a measure, participates in these personal dis-\\nputes. The commander-in-chief is suddenly placed\\nunder censure, condemned, and displaced from his high\\ncommand. The whole country, which but now rang\\nwith acclamations for the conquering chief, and his\\nbrave and able comrades, is rent with divisions and\\nparties, each industriously plucking the plumes from\\none or other of their late heroes, and magnifying into\\nbeams every mote that could be discovered or imagined\\nin their private or official history. Alas for the insta-\\nbility of human applause, and the gratitude of repub-\\nlics The details of these matters, the wearisome\\ndoings of the courts martial, that occupied nearly as\\nmuch time as the war had done, and consumed no\\nsmall amount of the national treasure, belong, perhaps,\\nto biography, rather than to history. But the occur-\\nrence of such scenes, and the lessons they teach, are\\nwithin the proper domain of history. They are among\\nthe essential elements of war, and show us, not only\\nthat there is but a step between the sublime and the\\nridiculous, but that war is, in itself and in its accom-\\n-paniments, hostile to true greatness, and favourable\\nmainly to what is low, and mean, and selfish in man.\\nIt cultivates revenge, hatred, pride, cruelty, cunning.\\njealousy, and every species of insolence and injustice.\\nIts fundamental principle is the false and despotic\\nmaxim that might gives right. It merges all moral\\ndistinctions in that of physical power, and triimiphs as\\nboastingly when trampling on Poland, Hungary, or\\nItaly, or invading the soil of Mexico, as when resisting\\noppression at Saratoga or Yorktown, or defending the\\naltars of freedom at Lexington or Bunker Hill. It\\ncherishes those notions of personal honor, individual\\nimportance, and official distinction, which almost com-\\npel every man to be jealous of his fellow, and leads to\\nendless disputes, among comrades, about the mere tech-\\nnicalities of a service which professes to have nothing\\nin view but the rights and the glory of the country\\nwhose cause it supports.\\nThe voluminous correspondence of the principal\\nactors in this war exhibits, in ludicrous and painful\\ncontrast, the greatness and the littleness of human\\npride the strength and the weakness of human char-\\nacter. There is no true dignity but in following the\\nmaxims of the gospel. To assert among comrades the\\nnice distinctions between inezim and tinim, to resent an\\nofficial injury, to repel a technical insult, may be\\nsoldier-like and correct, but it is neither heroic, digni-\\nfied, nor manly.\\nIt is but justice to remark, in this connection, that\\nthe correspondence on the part of the wai department\\nis characterized by great ability, dignity, and courtesy,\\nand contrasts favourably with the querulousness and\\nseverity of some portions of that of the commanding\\ngeneral. While unjust to him in many respects, and\\nassuming a knowledge of events and of the exigencies\\nof war which he only conld be presumed to possess,\\nMr. Marcy maintained the highest style of diplomatic\\ncourtesy in all his communications, and exhibited a\\nknowledge of the whole subject with which he had to\\ndo, that was not to be expected of a mere civilian. If\\npolitical jealousy had not required the cabinet to keep\\nsteady hold of the leash, its part in this great drama\\nwould have been more worthy of the nation, and more\\nentitled to respect.\\nAs soon as the new government was organized at\\nQueretaro, negotiations were reopened, by Mr. Trist,\\nfor the adjustment of all difficulties between the two\\nnations. He had not proceeded far, however, in his\\npreliminaries, when he was suddenly recalled, and his\\npowers as commissioner revoked. He had given offence\\nto the cabinet of Washington by admitting into the\\nconvention of Tacubaya a clause which threw a shade\\nof doubt over the title of Texas to all the territory east", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0533.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "502\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nof tlie Rio Grande. So flagrant a departure from his\\ninstructions was not to be overlooked. He was no\\nlonger to be trusted with the high prerogatives of a\\ncommissioner. He -was recalled, and no substitute\\nprovided. Even at this juncture, General Scott was\\nnot invested with any authority whatever to make\\nterms of peace. He was simply instructed to transmit\\nto Washington whatever propositions he might receive\\nfrom the Mexican government, and by no means to\\nrelax, or change, in the interim, his movements, or\\nmeasures, for carrying on hostilities. With such in-\\nstructions. General Scott might well have imitated the\\nconduct of the great Macedonian, and wept for another\\nMexico to conquer. It was already at his feet, suing\\nfor peace. Negotiations were happily begun. And,\\nwhatever mere diplomatists may say of the propriety\\nof the course, Mr. Trist assumed the responsibility,\\nthough deprived of all official authority, to carry them\\non to their completion. The result was a treaty of\\npeace,* which General Scott also took the responsi-\\nTreaty of Peace, Friendship, Limits, and Settlement between the United\\nStates of America and the Mexican Repxiblic. Dated at Guadalupe\\nHidalgo, February 2, 1S43 ratified by the President of the United\\nStates, March 16, 1848 exchanged at Queretaro, May .30, 1848\\nproclaimed by the President of the United States, July 4, 1848.\\nBy the President of the United States of Ameiuca.\\nA PROCLAMATION.\\nWhereas, a treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, be-\\ntween the United States of America and the Mexican republic, was\\nconcluded and signed at the city of Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the second\\nday of February, one thousand tight hundred and forty-eight, whicli\\ntreaty, as amended by the senate of the United States, and being in\\nthe English and Spanish languages, is word for word as follows\\nIn the name of the Almighty God the United States of America,\\nand the United Mexican States, animated by a sincere desire to put an\\nend to the calamities of the war which unhappily exists between the\\ntwo republics, and to establish upon a solid basis relations of peace\\nand friendship, which shall confer reciprocal benefits upon the citizens\\nof both, and assure the concord, harmony, and mutual confidence\\nwherein the two people should live, as good neighbours, have for that\\npurpose appointed their respective plenipotentiaries, that is to say, tlie\\nPresident of the United States has appointed Nicholas P. Trist, a\\ncitizen of the United States, and the President of the Mexican repub-\\nlic has appointed Don Luis Gonzaga Cuevas, Don Bernardo Couto,\\nand Don Miguel Atristain, citizens of the said republic, who, after a\\nreciprocal communication of their respective fuU powers, have, under\\nthe protection of the Almighty God, tlic author of peace, arranged,\\nagreed upon, and signed the following\\nTreaty of Peace, Friendship, Limits, and Settlement, between the United\\nStates of America and the Mexican Republic.\\nArticle I. There shall be firm and universal peace between tlie\\nUnited States of America and the Me.xican republic, and between\\ntheir respective countries, territories, cities, towns, and people, with-\\nout exception of places or persons.\\nArticle II. Immediately upon the signature of this treaty, a\\nconvention shall be entered into between a commissioner or com-\\nbility of forwarding to Washington. It was received\\nby the government with no little indignation, as well\\nagainst the general-m-chief, who presumed to transmit\\nthe unauthorized document, as against the audacious\\nnondescript, who, when stripped of all power to repre-\\nsent his government, or speak in its behalf, had dared\\nto draw it up, and set his name to it as commissioner\\nplenipotentiary. The treaty was received at Wash-\\nington on the 20th of February. It was in no way\\nbinding on the United States. It was a simple com-\\npact between a private citizen of the country and the\\ncommissioners of Mexico. But, considering that those\\ncommissioners had been duly authorized to act for their\\nown government, and had acted with a full knowledge\\nof Mr. Trist s position, the president regarded the\\ntreaty as binding upon Mexico as any unratified treaty\\ncould be. Its terms were, for the most part, the same\\nas those contained in the original projet, which was\\nprepared at Washington, and which alone Mr. Trist\\nwas authorized to submit. The fact that such a treaty\\nmissioners, appointed by the general-in-chief of the forces of the\\nUnited States, and such as may be appointed by the Mexican govern-\\nment, to the end that a provisional suspension of hostilities shall take\\nplace, and that, in the places occupied by the said forces, constitu-\\ntional order may be reestablished, as regards the political, adminis-\\ntrative, and judicial branches, so far as this shall be permitted by the\\ncircumstances of military occupation.\\nArticle III. Immediately upon the ratification of the present\\ntreaty by the government of the United States, orders shall be trans-\\nmitted to the commanders of their land and naval forces, requiring the\\nlatter (provided tliis treaty shall then have been ratified by the gov-\\nernment of the Me.xican repubhc, and the ratifications exchanged)\\nimmediately to desist from blockading any Mexican ports and requir-\\ning the former (under the same condition) to commence at the earliest\\nmoment practicable, withdrawing all troops of the United States then\\nin the interior of the Jlexican republic, to the points that shall be\\nselected by common agreement, at a distance from the seaports not\\nexceeding tliirty leagues and such evacuation of the interior of the\\nrepublic shall be completed with the least possible delay the Mexi-\\ncan government hereby binding itself to afford every facility in its\\npower for rendering the same convenient to the troops, on their march\\nand in their new positions, and for promoting a good understanding\\nbetween them and the inhabitants. In like manner, orders shall be\\ndespatched to the persons in charge of the custom-houses, at aU ports\\noccupied by the forces of the United States, requiring them (under\\nthe same condition) immediately to deliver possession of the same to\\nthe persons authorized by the Mexican government to receive it,\\ntogether with all bonds and evidences of debts for duties on impor-\\ntations and on exportations, not yet fallen due. Moreover, a faithful\\nand exact account shall be made out, showing the entire amount of\\nall duties on imports and on exports collected at such custom-houses,\\nor elsewhere in Mexico, by autliority of the United States, fi-om and\\nafter the day of the ratification of this treaty by the government of\\nthe Mexican republic and also on account of the cost of collection\\nand such entire amount, deducting onl v the cost of collection, shall be i\\ndelivered to the Me.xican government, at the city of Mexico, within\\nthree months after the exchange of the ratifications.\\nThe evacuation of the capital of the Mexican republic by th\u00c2\u00bb\\nm", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0534.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n5U3\\nnad been definitively agreed npon had been published\\nin Mexico, and was well known in the United States.\\nThe people approved of it. They were entirely satis-\\ntroops of the United States, in virtue of the above stipulations, shall\\nbe completed in one month after the orders there stipulated for shall\\nhave been received by the commander of said troops, or sooner, if\\npossible.\\nArticle IV. Immediately after the exchange of ratifications of\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2he present treaty, all castles, forts, territories, places, and possessions,\\nwhich have been taken or occupied by the forces of the United States,\\nduring the present war, mthin the limits of the Mexican republic, as\\nabout to be established by the following article, shall be definitely\\nrestored to the said republic, together with all the artillery, arms,\\napparatus of war, munitions, and other public property, which were\\nin the said castles and forts when captured and which shall remain\\nthere at the time when this treaty shall be duly ratified by the gov-\\nernment of the Mexican republic. To this end, immediately upon the\\nsignature of this treaty, orders shall be despatched to the American\\nofficers commanding such castles and forts, secuiing against the re-\\nmoval or destruction of any such artillery, arms, apparatus of war,\\nmunitions, or other public property. The city of Mexico, within the\\ninner line of intrenchments surrounding the said city, is compre-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2bended in the above stipulations, as regards the restoration of artillery,\\napparatus of war, c.\\nThe final evacuation of the territory of the Mexican republic, by\\nthe forces of the United States, shall be completed in three months\\nfrom the said exchange of ratifications, or sooner, if possible the\\nMexican government hereby engaging, as in the foregoing article, to\\nuse all means in its power for facilitating such evacuation, and ren-\\ndering it convenient to the troops, and for promoting a good under-\\nstanding between them and the inhabitants.\\nIf, however, the ratification of this treaty by both parties should\\nnot take place in time to allow the embarkation of the troops of the\\nUnited States to be completed before the commencement of the sickly\\nseason at the Mexican ports on the Gulf of Mexico, in such case a\\nftiendly arrangement shall be entered into between the gencral-in-\\nchief of the said troops and the Mexican government, whereby healthy\\nand otherwise suitable places, at a distance from the ports not exceed-\\ning thirty leagues, shall be designated for the residence of such troops\\nas may not yet have embarked, until the return of the healthy season.\\nAnd the space of time here referred to as comprehending the sicldy\\nseason, shall be understood to extend from the first day of May to the\\nfirst day of November.\\nAll prisoners of war, taken on either side, on land or on sea, shall\\nbe restored as soon as practicable after the exchange of ratifications of\\nthis treaty. It is also agreed, that if any Mexicans should now be\\nheld as captives by any savage tribe within the limits of the United\\nStates, as about to be established by the following article, the govern-\\nment of the United States will exact the release of such captives, and\\ncause them to be restored to their country.\\nArticle V. The boundary line between the two republics shall\\ncommence in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite\\nthe mouth of the Rio Grande, otherwise called Kio Bravo del Norte,\\nor opposite the mouth of its deepest branch, if it should have more\\nthan one branch emptying directly into the sea, from thence up the\\nmiddle of that river, foUovring the deepest channel, where it has more\\nthan one, to the point where it strikes the southern boundary of New\\nMexico, thence wcstwardly along the whole southern boundary of\\nNew Mexico (which runs nortii of the town called Paso) to its west-\\nern termination thence northward along the western line of New\\nMexico until it intersects the first branch of the River Gila, (or, if it\\nshould not intersect any branch of that river, then to the point on the\\nsaid line nearest to such branch, and thence in a direct line to the\\nsame thence down the middle of the said branch and of the said\\n64\\nfied with what they had already accomplished. They\\nwere either tired or ashamed of the war, and eager for\\npeace. They demanded the ratification of the treaty.\\nriver, untU it empties into the Rio Colorado thence across the Kio\\nColorado, following the division line between Upper and Lower Cali-\\nfornia to the Pacific Ocean.\\nThe southern and western limits of New Mexico, mentioned in\\nthis article, are those laid down in the map entitled Map of the\\nUnited Mexican States, as organized and defined by various acts of\\nthe congress of said republic, and constriictcd according to the best\\nauthorities. Revised edition. Published at New York, in 1817, by\\nJ. Disturnell. Of which map a copy is added to this treaty, bearing\\nthe signatures and seals of the undersigned plenipotentiaries. And,\\nin order to preclude all difficulty in tracing upon the ground the\\nlimit separating Upper from Lower California, it is agreed that the\\nsaid limit shall consist of a straight line drawn from the middle of the\\nRio Gila, where it unites with the Colorado, to a point on the coast\\nof the Pacific Ocean, distance one marine league due south of the\\nsouthernmost point of the port San Diego, according to the plan of\\nsaid port made in the year 1782, by Don Juan Pantoja, second sailing-\\nmaster of the Spanish fleet, and published at Madrid in the year\\n1802, in the Atlas to the voyage of the schooners Sutil andMexicana,\\nof which plan a copy is hereunto added, signed and sealed by the re-\\nspective plenipotentiaries.\\nIn order to designate the boundary line with due precision, upon\\nauthoritative maps, and to establish tipon the ground landmarks\\nwhich shall show the limits of both republics, as described in the\\npresent article, the two governments shall each appoint a com-\\nmissioner and a surveyor, who, before the expiration of one year from\\nthe date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, shall meet at\\nthe port of San Diego, and proceed to run and mark the said boun-\\ndary in its whole course to the mouth of the Rio Bravo del Norte.\\nThey shall keep journals and make out plans of their operations and\\nthe result agreed upon by them shall be deemed a part of this treaty,\\nand shall have the same force as if it were inserted therein. The two\\ngovernments will amicably agree regarding what may be necessary to\\nthese persons, and also as to their respective escorts, should such be\\nnecessary.\\nThe boundary line, established by this article, shall be rehgiously\\nrespected by each of the two republics, and no change shall ever be\\nmade therein, except by the express and free consent of both nations,\\nlawfully given by the general government of each, in conformity with\\nits own constitution.\\nArticle VI. The vessels and citizens of the United States shall,\\nin all times, have a free and uninterrupted passage by the Gulf of\\nCalifornia, and by the River Colorado below its confluence with the\\nGila, to and from their possessions situated north of the boundary line\\ndefined in the preceding article it being understood that this passage\\nis to be by navigating the Gulf of California and the River Colorado,\\nand not by land, without the express consent of the Mexican govern-\\nment.\\nIf, by the examinations which may be made, it should be ascer-\\ntained to be practicable and advantageous to construct a road, canal,\\nor railway, which should in whole or in part run upon the River GUa,\\nor upon its right or its left bank, witliin the space of one marine\\nleague from either margin of the river, the governments of both re-\\npublics will form an agreement regarding its construction, in order\\nthat it may serve equally for the use and advantage of both coun-\\ntries.\\nArticle VII. The River Gila, and the part of the Rio Bravo del\\nNorte, lying below the southern boundary of New Mexico, being,\\nagreeably to the fifth article, divided in the middle between the two\\nrepublics, the navigation of the Gila and of the Bravo below said\\nboundary shall be free and common to the vessels and citizens of both", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0535.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "504\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nIt was, accordingly, transmitted to the senate on the\\n23d of February, and by them ratified, with amend-\\nments, on the 10th of March. Commissioners were\\ncountries and neither shall, without the consent of the other, con-\\nstruct any work that may impede or interrupt, in whole or iu part,\\nthe exercise of this right not even for the purpose of favouring new\\nmethods of navigation. Nor shall any tax or contribution, under any\\ndenommation or title, be le^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ied upon vessels, or persons navigating\\nthe same, or upon merchandise or effects transported thereon, except\\nin the case of landing upon one of their shores. If, for the purpose of\\nmaking said rivers navigable, or for maintaining them in such state, it\\nshould be necessary or advantageous to establish any tax or contri-\\nbution, this shaE not be done without the consent of both govern-\\nments.\\nThe stipulations contained in the present article shall not impair\\nthe territorial rights of either republic within its established limits.\\nArticle \\\\^II. Mexicans now established in territories previously\\nbelonging to Mexico, and which remain for the future within the\\nlimits of the United States, as defined by the present treaty, shall be\\nfree to continue where they now reside, or to remove at any time to\\nthe Mexican republic, retaining the property which they possess in\\nthe said territories, or disposing thereof, and removing the proceeds\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2wherever they please, without their being subjected, on this account,\\nto any contribution, tax, or charge whatever.\\nThose who shall prefer to remain in the said territories, may either\\nretain the title and rights of Mexican citizens, or acquire those of\\ncitizens of the United States. But they shall be under the obligation\\nto make their election within one year from the date of the exchange\\nof ratifications of this treaty and those who shall remain in the said\\nterritories after the expiration of that year, without having declared\\ntheir intention to retain the character of Mexicans, shall be considered\\nto have elected to become citizens of the United States.\\nIn the said territories, property of every kind, now belonging to\\nMexicans not established there, shall be inviolably respected. The\\npresent owners, the heirs of these and all Mexicans who may hereafter\\nacquire said property by contract, shall enjoy with respect to it\\nguarantees equally ample, as if the same belonged to the citizens of\\nthe United States.\\nArticle IX. The Jlexicans who, in the territories aforesaid,\\nshall not preserve the character of citizens of the Mexican republic,\\nconformably with what is stipulated in the preceding article, shall be\\nincorporated into the Union of the United States, and be admitted at\\nthe proper time (to be judged of by the congress of the United States)\\nto the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the United States,\\naccording to the principles of the constitution and, in the mean time,\\nshall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty\\nand property, and secured in the free exercise of their religion with-\\nout restriction.\\nArticle X. [Stricken out.]\\nArticle XI. Considering that a great part of the territories\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which, by the present treaty, are to be comprehended for the future\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0within the limits of the United States, is now occupied by savage\\ntribes, who will hereafter be under the exclusive control of the gov-\\nernment of the United States, and whose incursions \u00e2\u0096\u00a0within the terri-\\ntory of Mexico would be prejudicial in the extreme, it is solemnly\\nagreed that all such incursions shall be forcibly restrained by the\\ngovernment of the United States whensoever this may be necessary\\nand that when they cannot be prevented, they shall be punished by\\nthe said government, and satisfaction for the same shall be exacted all\\nin the same way, and with equal diligence and energy, as if the same\\nincursions were meditated or committed within its own territorj\\nagainst its own citizens.\\nIt shall not be lawful, under any pretext -whatever, for any inhab-\\nitant of the United States to purchase or acquire any Mexican or any\\nimmediately appointed, with full powers, to pro-\\nceed to Q-ueretaro, and exchange ratifications- with\\nthe Mexican government. This was done, in due\\nforeigner residing in Mexico, who may have been captured by Indians\\ninhabiting the territory of either of the two republics, i.or to purchase\\nor acquire horses, mules, cattle, or property of any kind, stolen \u00e2\u0096\u00a0within\\nMexican territory by such Indians.\\nAnd in the event of any person or persons, captured within Mexi-\\ncan territory by Indians, being can^ied into the territory of the United\\nStates, the government of the latter engages and binds itself in the\\nmost solemn manner, so soon as it shall know of such captives being\\nwithin its territory, and shall be able so to do through the faithful\\nexercise of its influence and power, to rescue them and return them to\\ntheir countrj-, or deliver them to the agent or representative of the\\nMexican government. The Mexican authorities will, as far as practi-\\ncable, give to the government of the United States notice of such cap-\\ntures and its agents shall pay the expenses incurred in the main-\\ntenance and transmission of the rescued captives who, in the mean\\ntime, shall be treated with the utmost hospitality by the American\\nauthorities at the place where they rhay be but if the government of\\nthe United States, before receiving such notice from Mexico, should\\nobtain intelligence through any other channel of the existence of\\nMexican captives within its territory, it will proceed forthwith to\\neffect their release and delivery to the Mexican agent as above\\nstipulated.\\nFor the purpose of giving to these stipulations the fullest possible\\nefficacy, thereby affording the security and redress demanded by their\\ntrue spirit and intent, the government of the United States will no^w\\nand hereafter pass, without unnecessary delay, and always vigilantly\\nenforce, such laws as the nature of the subject may require. And\\nfinally, the sacredness of this obligation shall never be lost sight of by\\nthe said government when providing for the removal of the Indians\\nfrom any portion of the said territories, or for its being settled by\\ncitizens of the United States but, on the contrarj-, special care should\\nbe taken not to place its Indian occupants under the necessity of seek-\\ning new homes, by committing those invasions which the United\\nStates has solemnly obliged themselves to restrain.\\nArticle XII. In consideration of the extension acquired by the\\nboundaries of the United States, as defined in the fifth article of the\\npresent treaty, the government of the United States engages to\\npay to that of the Mexican republic the sum of fifteen millions of\\ndollars.\\nImmediately after this treaty shall have been duly ratified by the\\ngovernment of the Mexican republic, the sum of three millions of\\ndollars shall be paid to the said government by that of the United\\nStates, at the city of Jlexico, in the gold or silver coin of Mexico. The\\nremaining twelve millions of dollars shall be paid at the same place\\nand in the same coin, in annual instalments of three millions of dollars\\neach, together with interest on the same, at the rate of six per centum\\nper annum. This interest shall begin to run upon the whole sum of\\ntwelve millions from the day of the ratification of the present treaty\\nby the Mexican government, and the first of the instalments shall be\\npaid at the expiration of one year from the same day. Together with\\neach annual instalment as it falls due, the whole interest accruing on\\nsuch instalment from the beginning shall also be paid.\\nArticle XIII. The United States engage, moreover, to assume\\nand pay to the claimants all the amounts now due them and those\\nhereafter to become due, by reason of the claims already liquidated\\nand decided against the Mexican republic, under the conventions\\nbetween the two republics severally concluded on the eleventh day\\nof April, eighteen hundred and thirty-nine, and on the thirteenth day\\nof January, eighteen hundred and forty-three so that the Mexican\\nrepublic shall be absolutely exempt, for the future, from all expense\\nwhatever on account of the said claims.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0536.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nSOt\\nform, on the 30th of May. Thus ended the war in\\nMexico.\\nThe results of this war, in a moral and statistical\\nAhticle XIV. The Urfitcd States do furthermore discharge the\\nMexican republic from all claims of citizens of the United States, not\\nheretofore decided against the Mexican government, which may have\\narisen previously to the date of the signature of this treaty which\\ndischarge shall be final and perpetual, whether the said claims be\\nrejected or be allowed by the board of commissioners provided for in\\nthe following article, and whatever shall be the total amount of those\\nallowed.\\nAkticle XV. The United States, exonerating Mexico from all\\ndemands on account of the claims of their citizens mentioned in the\\npreceding article, and considermg them entirely and forever cancelled,\\nwhatever their amount may be, undertake to make satisfaction for the\\nBarae, to an amount not exceeding three and one quarter millions of\\ndolhirs. To ascertain the validity and amount of those claims, a\\nboard of commissioners shall be established by the government of the\\nUnited States, whose awards shall be final and conclusive provided,\\nthat in deciding upon the vahdity of each claim, the board shall be\\nguided and governed by the principles and rules of decision prescribed\\nby the first and fifth articles of the unratified convention, concluded\\nat the city of ilexico on the twentieth day of November, one thou-\\nsand eight hundred and forty-three and in no case shall an award\\nbe made in favour of any claim not embraced by these principles and\\nrules.\\nIf, in the opinion of the said board of commissioners or of the\\nclaimants, any books, records, or docximents in the possession or power\\nof the government of the Mexican republic, shall be deemed necessary\\nto the just decision of any claim, the commissioners, or the claimants\\nthrough them, shall, within such period as congress may designate,\\nmake an application in writing for the same, addressed to the Mexican\\nminister for foreign affairs, to be transmitted by the secretary of state\\nof the United States and the Mexican government engages, at the\\nearliest possible moment after the receipt of such demand, to cause\\nany of the books, records, or documents, so specified, wliich shall be\\nin their possession or power, (or authenticated copies or extracts of the\\nsame,) to be transmitted to the said secretary of state, who shall im-\\nmediately deliver them over to the said board of commissioners jiro-\\nvided, that no such application shall be made by, or at the instance of,\\nany claimant, until the facts which it is expected to prove by such\\nbooks, records, or documents, shall have been stated under oath or\\naffirmation.\\nArticle XVI. Each of the contracting parties reserves to itself\\nthe entire right to fortify whatever pomt within its territory it may\\njudge proper so to fortify, for its security.\\nAiiTicLE XVII. The treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation,\\nconcluded at the city of Mexico on the fifth day of April, A. D. one\\nthousand eight hundred and thirt5 -one, between the United States of\\nAmerica and the United Mexican States, except the additional article,\\nand except so far as the stipulations of the said treaty may be incom-\\npatible with any stipulation contained in the present treaty, is hereby\\nrevived for the period of eight years from the day of the exchange of\\nratifications of this treaty, with the same force and virtue as if incor-\\nporated therein it being understood that each of the contracting\\nparties reserves to itself the right, at any time after the said period of\\neight years shall have expired, to terminate the same by giving one\\nyear s notice of such intention to the other party.\\nArticle XVIII. All supplies whatever for troops of the United\\nStates in Mexico, arriving at ports in the occup.ation of such troops\\nprevious to the final evacuation thereof, although subsequently to the\\nrestoration of the custom-houses at such ports, shall be entirely ex-\\nempt fi-om duties and charges of any kind the government of the\\nUnited States hereby engaging and pledging its faith to establish, and\\nview, have already been alluded to. Who can esti-\\nmate them Its advantages to the United States are\\nthus summed up by the president, in his message to\\nvigilantly to enforce, all possible guards for securing the revenue of\\nJlexico, by preventing the importation, under cover of tliis stipulation,\\nof any articles other than such, both in kind and quantity, as shall\\nreaUy be wanted for tlie use and consumption of the forces of the\\nUnited States during the time they may remain in Mexico. To this\\nend, it shall be the duty of all officers and agents of the United States\\nto denounce to the Mexican authorities at the respective ports any\\nattempt at a fraudulent abuse of this stipulation which they may\\nknow of, or may have reason to suspect, and to give to such authori-\\nties all the aid in their power with regard thereto and every such\\nattempt, when duly proved aud established by sentence of a compe-\\ntent tribunal, shall be punished by the confiscation of the property so\\nattempted to be fraudidently introduced.\\nAiiTiCLE XIX. WitK respect to all merchandise, effects, and\\nproperty whatsoever, imported into ports of Mexico whilst in the\\noccupation of the forces of the United States, whether by citizens of\\neither republic, or by citizjcns or subjects of any neutral nation, the\\nfollowing rules shall be observed\\n1st. All such merchandise, eff ects, and property, if imported pre-\\nviously to the restoration of the custom-houses to the Mexican\\nauthorities, as stipulated for in the third ai ticle of this treaty, shall be\\nexempt from confiscation, although the importation of the same be\\nprohibited by the Mexican tariff.\\n2d. The same perfect e.xemption shall be enjoyed by all such\\nmerchandise, eff ects, and property, imported subsequently to the\\nrestoration of the custom-houses, and previously to the sixty days\\nfixed in the following article for the coming into force of the Mexican\\ntariff at such ports respectively the said merchandise, effects, and\\nproperty being, however, ftt the time of their importation, subject\\nto the payment of duties, as provided for in the said following\\narticle.\\n3d. All merchsindise, effects, and property described in the two\\nrules foregoing shall, during their continuance at the place of impor-\\ntation, and upon their leaWng such place for the interior, be exempt\\nfrom all duty, tax, or impost of every kind, under whatsoever title or\\ndenommation. Nor shall they be there subjected to any charge what-\\nsoever upon the sale thereof.\\n4th. All merchandise, effects, and property described in the first\\nand second rules, which shall have been removed to any place in\\nthe interior whilst such place was in the occupation of the forces\\nof the United States, shall, during their continuance therein, be\\nexempt from all tax upon the sale or consumption thereof, and firom\\nevery kind of impost or contribution, under whatsoever title or de-\\nnomination.\\n5th. But if any merchandise, effects, or property described in the\\nfirst and second rules, shall-be removed to any place not occupied at\\nthe time by the forces of the United States, they shall, upon their\\nintroduction into such place, or upon their sale or consumption there,\\nbe subject to the same duties which, under the Mexican laws, tluiy\\nwould be required to pay in such cases if they had been imported in\\ntime of peace, through the maritime custom-houses, and had there\\npaid the duties conformably with the Mexican tai-iff.\\n6th. The owners of all merchandise, effects, or property described\\nin the first and second rules, and existmg in any port of Mexico, shall\\nhave the right to reship the same, exempt from all tax, impost, or con-\\ntributions whatever.\\nWith respect to the metals or other property, exported from any\\nMexican port whilst in the occupation of the forces of the United\\nStates, and previously to the restoration of the custom-houses at such\\nport, no person shall be required by the Mexican authorities, whether\\ngeneral or state, to pay any tax, duty, or contribution upon any such", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0537.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "506\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe thii-tieth congress, at the opening of its second\\nsession, on the 5th of December, 1848\\nOne of the most important results of the war into\\nexportation, or in any manner to account for the same to the said\\nauthorities.\\nAkticle XX. Through consideration for the interests of com-\\nmerce generally, it is agreed, that if less than sixty days should elapse\\nbetween the date of the signature of this treaty and the restoration\\nof the custom-houses, conformably with the stipulation in the third\\narticle, in such case all merchandise, effects, and property \u00e2\u0080\u00a2whatsoever,\\narriving at the Mexican ports after the restoration of the said custom-\\nhouses, and preriously to the expiration of sixty days after the date\\nof the signature of this treaty, shall be admitted to entry; and no\\nother duties shall be levied tliorcon than the duties establislied by the\\ntariff found in force at such custom-houses at the time of the restora-\\ntion of the same. And to all such merchandise, effects, and property,\\nthe rules established by the preceding article shall apply.\\nArticle XXI. If unhajipily any disagreement should hereafter\\narise between the governments of the two republics, whether with\\nrespect to the interpretation of any stipulation in this treaty, or -n-ith\\nrespect to any other particular concerning the political or commer-\\ncial relations of the two nations, the said governments, in the name\\nof those nations, do promise to each other that they will endeavor, in\\nthe most sincere and earnest manner, to settle the differences so\\narising, and to preserve the state of peace and friendship in which the\\ntwo countries are now placing themselves using, for this end, mu-\\ntual representation and pacific negotiations. And if, by these means,\\nthey should not be enabled to come to an agreement, a resort shall\\nnot, on this account, be had to reprisals, aggression, or hostility of\\nany kind, by the one repubUc against the other, until the government\\nof that wliich deems itself aggrieved sliaU have maturely considered,\\nin the spirit of peace and good neighborship, whether it would not be\\nDetter that such difference should be settled by the arbitration of com-\\nmissioners appointed on each side, or by that of a friendly nation.\\nAnd should such course be proposed by either party, it shall be\\nacceded to by the other, unless deemed by it altogether incom-\\npatible with the nature of the difference or the circumstances of the\\ncase.\\nAeticle XXII. If (which is not to be expected, and which God\\nforbid) war should unhappily break out between the two republics,\\nthey do now, with a view to such calamity, solemnly pledge them-\\nselves to each other and to the world, to observe the foUowri:ig rules\\nabsolutely, where the nature of the subject permits, and as closely as\\npossible in all cases where sucH absolute observance shall be im-\\npossible\\nI. The merchants of either republic then residing in the other\\nshall be allowed to remain twelve months for those dwelling in the\\ninterior, and sLx months for those dwelling at tlie seaports, to collect\\ntheir debts and settle their affairs, during which periods they shall\\nenjoy the same protection, and be on the same footing, in aU respects,\\nas the citizens or subjects of the most friendly nations and, at the\\nexpiration thereof, or any time before, they shall have fuU liberty to\\ndepart, carrj-ing off all their effects wthout molestation or hinderance\\nconforming therein to the same laws which the citizens or subjects of\\nthe most friendly nations are reeiiiircd to conform to. Upon the\\nentrance of the armies of either nation into the territories of the other,\\nwomen and children, ecclesiastics, scholars of every faculty, cultiva-\\ntors of the earth, merchants, artisans, manufacturers, and fishermen,\\nunarmed and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages, or places, and in\\ngeneral all persons whose occupations are for the common subsistence\\nand benefit of mankind, shall be allowed to continue their respective\\nemploj-ments unmolested iji their persons. Nor shall their houses or\\ngoods be burned or otherwise destroyed, nor their cattle taken, nor\\ntheir fields wasted, by the armed force into whose power, by the events\\nwhich we were recently forced with a neighbouring\\nnation, is the demonstration it has afforded of the mili-\\ntary strength of our comitry. Before the late war with\\nof war, they may happen to fall but If the necessity arise to take\\nany thing from them for the use of such armed force, the same shall\\nbe paid for at an equitable price. AU churches, hospitals, schools,\\ncolleges, libraries, and other establishm.ents for charitable and benefi-\\ncent purposes, shall be respected, and all persons connected with the\\nsame protected in the discharge of their duties, and the pursuit of\\ntheir vocations.\\nII. In order that the fate of prisoners of war may be alleviated,\\nall such practices as those of sending them into distant, inclement, or\\nunwholesome districts, or crowding them into close and noxious\\nplaces, shall be studiously avoided. They shall not be confined in\\ndungeons, prison-sliips, or prisons, nor be put in irons, or bound, or\\notherwise restrained in the use of their limbs. The officers shall enjoy\\nliberty on their paroles, within convenient districts, and have com-\\nfortable quarters and the common soldiers shall be disposed in can-\\ntonments, open and extensive chough for air and exercise, and lodged\\nin barracks as roomy and good as are provided by the party in whose\\npower they are for its own troops. But if any officer shall break his\\nparole by leaving the district so assigned him, or any other prisoner\\nshall escape from the limits of his cantonment, after they shall have\\nbeen designated to him, such individual, officer, or other prisoner,\\nshall forfeit so much of the benefit of this article* as provides for his\\nliberty on parole or in cantonment. And if any officer so breaking\\nhis pai ole, or any common soldier so escaping from the limits assigned\\nhim, shall afterwards be found in arms, previously to his being regu-\\nlarly exchanged, the person so offending shall be dealt with according\\nto the established laws of war. The officers shall be daily furnished\\nby the party in whose power they are with as many rations, and ol\\nthe same articles, as are allowed, either in kind or by commutation,\\nto officers of equal rank in its own army and aU others shall be daily\\nfurnished with such ration as is allowed to a common soldier ui its\\nown service the value of all which supplies shall, at the close cf the\\nwar, or at periods to be agreed upon between the respective com-\\nmanders, be paid by the other party, on a mutual adjustment of\\naccounts for subsistence of prisoners and such accounts shall not be\\nmingled with or set off against any others, nor the balance due on\\nthem be withheld, as a compensation or reprisal for auy cause what-\\never, real or pretended. Each party shall be allowed to keep a com-\\nmissary of prisoners, appointed by itself, with every cantonment of\\nprisoners, in possession of the other which commissary shall see the\\nprisoners as often as he pleases j shall be allowed to receive, exempt\\nfrom all duties or ta.xes, and to distribute whatever comforts may be\\nsent to them by their friends and shall be free to transmit his reports\\nin open letters to the party by whom he is employed.\\nAnd it is declared that neither the pretence that war dissolves all\\ntreaties, nor any other whatever, shall be considered as annulling or\\nsuspending the solemn covenant contained in this article. On the\\ncontrary, the state of war is precisely that for which it is provided\\nand during which, its stipulations are to be as sacredly observed\\nas the most acknowledged obligations under the law of natui e or\\nnations.\\nArticle XXIII. This treaty shall be ratified by the president\\nof the United States of America, by and with the ad ^-ice and consent\\nof the senate thereof, and by the president of the Mexican republic,\\nwith the previous approbation of its general congress and the ratifi-\\ncations-shall be exchanged in the city of Washington, or at the seat\\nof government in Mexico, in four months from the date of the signa-\\nture thereof, or sooner if practicable.\\nIn faith whereof, we, the respective plenipotentiaries, have signed\\nthis treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, and have\\nhereunto affixed our seals respectively. Done in quintuplicate,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0538.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n507\\nMexico, European and other foreign powers entertained\\nimperfect and erroneous views of our physical strength\\nag a nation, and of our ability to prosecute war, and\\nespecially a war waged out of our own country. They\\nsaw that our standing army on the peace establishment\\ndid not exceed ten thousand men. Accustomed them-\\nselves to maintain in peace large standing armies, for\\nthe protection of thrones against their own subjects, as\\nwell as against foreign enemies, they had not conceived\\nthat it was possible for a nation without such an army,\\nwell disciplined and of long service, to wage war suc-\\ncessfully. They held in low repute our militia, and\\nwere far ipom regarding them as an effective force, un-\\nless it might be for temporary defensive operations\\nwhen invaded on our own soil. The events of the\\nlate war with Mexico have not only undeceived them,\\nbut have removed erroneous impressions which pre-\\nvailed to some extent even among a portion of our own\\ncountrymen. That war has demonstrated, that upon\\nthe breaking out of hostilities not anticipated, and for\\nwhich no previous preparation had been made, a vol-\\nunteer army of citizen soldiers equal to veteran troops,\\nand in numbers equal to any emergency, can in a short\\nperiod be brought into the field. Unlike what would\\nhave occurred in any other country, we were under no\\nnecessity of resorting to draughts or conscriptions. On\\nthe contrary, such was the number of volunteers who\\nat the city of Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the 2d day of February, in the\\nyear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight.\\nN. P. Trist, [l. s.]\\nLuis G. Cuevas, [l. s.]\\nBernardo Couto, [l. s.]\\nMiGL. Atristain. [l. s.]\\nAnd whereas, the sjud treaty, as amended, has been duly ratified\\non both parts, and the respective ratifications of the same \u00e2\u0096\u00a0were ex-\\nchanged at Queretaro on the thirtieth day of May last, by Ambrose\\nH. Sevier and Nathan Clifford, commissioners on the pai t of the gov-\\nernment of the United States, and by SeSor Don Louis de la Rosa,\\nminister of relations of the Mexican republic, on the part of that gov-\\nernment,\\nNow, therefore, be it known, that I, James K. Polk, president of\\nthe United States of America, have caused the said treaty to be made\\npublic, to the end that the same, and every clause and article thereof,\\nmay be observed and fulfilled \\\\vith good faith by the United States\\nand the citizens thereof.\\nIn witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the\\nteal of the United States to be affixed.\\nDone at the city of Washington, this fourth day of July, one\\nJb. 3.] thousand eight hundred and forty-eight, and o f the inde-\\npendence of the United .States the seventy- third.\\nJames K. Polk.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0096\u00a0By the President:\\nJames. Buchanan, Secretary of State.\\npatriotically tendered their services, that the chief dif-\\nficulty was in making selections, and determming who\\nshould be disappointed and compelled to remain at\\nhome. Our citizen-soldiers are unlike those drawn\\nfrom tlie population of any other country. They\\nare composed mdiscriminately of all professions and\\npursuits; of farmers, lawyers, physicians, merchants,\\nmanufacturers, mechanics, and labourers and this,\\nnot only among the officers, but the private soldiers\\nin the ranks. Our citizen-soldiers are unlike those\\nof any other country in other respects. They are\\narmed, and have been accustomed from their youth up\\nto handle and use fire-arms and a large proportion\\nof them, especially in the western and more newly-\\nsettled states, are expert marksmen. They are men\\nwho have a reputation to maintain at home by their\\ngood conduct in the field. They are intelligent, and\\nthere is an individuality of character which is found in\\nthe ranks of no other army. In battle, each private\\nman, as well as every officer, fights not only for his\\ncountry, but for glory and distinction among his fellow-\\ncitizens when he shall return to civil life.\\nThe war with Mexico has demonstrated not only\\nthe ability of the government to organize a numerous\\narmy upon a sudden call, but also to provide it wUh\\nall the munitions and necessary supplies with despatch,\\nconvenience, and ease, and to direct its opierations with\\nefficiency. The strength of our institutions has not\\nonly been displayed in the valour and skill of our\\ntroops engaged in active service in the field, but in\\nthe organization of those executive branches which\\nwere charged with the general direction and conduct\\nof the war. While too great praise cannot be bestowed\\nuport the officers and men who fought our battles, it\\nwould be unjust to withhold from those officers neces-\\nsarily stationed at home, who were charged with the\\nduty of furnishing the army, in proper time and at\\nproper places, with all the munitions of war and other\\nsupplies so necessary to make it efficient, the commen-\\ndation to which they are entitled. The credit due to\\nthis class of our officers is the greater, when it is con-\\nsidered that no army in ancient or modern times was\\never better appointed or provided than our army in\\nMexico. Operating in an enemy s country, removed\\ntwo thousand miles from the seat of the federal govern-\\nment, its diiferent corps spread over a vast extent of\\nterritory, hundreds, and even thousands of miles apart\\nfrom each other, nothing short of the untiring vigilance\\nand extraordinary energy of these officers could have\\nenabled them to provide the army at all points, and in", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0539.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "508\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nproper season, with all that was required for the most\\nelticieiit service.\\nThe war with Mexico has thus fully developed\\nthe capacity of republican governments to prosecute\\nsuccessfully a just and necessary foreign war with all\\nthe vigour usually attributed to more arbitrary forms\\nof government. It has been usual for writers on public\\nlaw to impute to republics a want of that unity, con-\\ncejitration of purpose, and vigour of execution, which\\nare generally admitted to belong to the monarchical\\naiid aristocratic forms and this feature of popular, gov-\\nernment has been supposed to display itself more par-\\nticularly in the conduct of a war carried on in an\\nenemy s territory. The war with Great Britain, in\\n1812, \\\\\\\\-as, to a great extent, confined within our own\\nlimits, and shed but little light on this subject. But\\nthe war which we have just closed by an honourable\\npeace evinces, beyond all doubt, that a popular repre-\\nsentative government is equal to any emergency which\\nis likely to arise in the atfairs of a nation.\\nThe war with Mexico has developed most strikingly\\nand conspicuously another feature in our institutions.\\nIt is that, without cost to the government or danger to\\nour liberties, we have in the bosom of our society of\\nfreemen, available in a just and necessary war, virtually\\na standing army of two millions of armed citizen-sol-\\ndiers, such as fought the battles of Mexico.\\nBut our military strength docs not consist alone in\\nour capacity for extended and successful operations on\\nlaud. The navy is an important arm of the national\\ndefence. If the services of the navy were not so bril-\\nliant as those of the army in the late war with Mexico,\\nit was because they had no enemy to meet on their\\nown element. While the army had opportunity of per-\\nforming more conspicuous service, the navy largely\\nparticipated in the conduct of the war. Both branches\\nof the service performed their whola duty to the coun-\\ntry. For the able and gallant services of the officers\\nand men of the navy acting independently as well\\nas in cooperation with our troops in the conquest of\\nthe Californias, the capture of Vera Cruz, and the seiz-\\nure and occupation of other important positions on the\\nGulf and Pacific coasts, the highest praise is due.\\nTheii- vigilance, energy, and skill rendered the most\\netfective service in excluding munitions of war and\\nother supplies from the enemy, while they secured a\\nsafe entrance for abimdant supplies for our own army.\\nOur extended commerce was nowhere interrupted\\nand for this immunity from the evils of war, the coun-\\ntry is indebted to the navy\\nThe great results which have been developed and\\nbrought to light by this war will be of immeasurable\\nimportance in the future progress of our country.\\nThey will tend powerfully to preserve us from foreign\\ncollisions, and to enable us to pursue uninterruptedly\\nour cherished policy of peace with all nations, en-\\ntangling alliances with none.\\nOccupying, as we do, a more commanding position\\namong nations than at any former period, our duties\\nand our responsibilities to ourselves and to posterity\\nare correspondingly increased. This will be the more\\nobvious when we consider the vast additions which\\nhave been recently made to our territorial possessions,\\nand their great importance and value.\\nWithin less than four years, the annexation of\\nTexas to the Union has been consummated all con-\\ntiicting title to the Oregon Territory south of the forty-\\nninth degree of north latitude, being all that was\\ninsisted on by any of my predecessors, has been ad-\\njusted and New Mexico and Upper California have\\nbeen acquired by treaty. The area of these several\\nterritories, according to a report carefully prepared by\\nthe commissioner of the general land office from the\\nmost authentic information ifi his possession, and which\\nis herewith transmitted, contains one million one hun-\\ndred and ninety-three thousand and sixty-one square\\nmiles, or seven hundred and sixty-three million five\\nhundred and fifty-nine thousand and forty acres while\\nthe area of the remaining twenty-nine states, and the\\nterritory not yet organized into states, east of the\\nRocky Mountains, contains two million fifty-nine thou-\\nsand five hundred and thirteen square miles, or thir-\\nteen hundred and eighteen million one hundred and\\ntwenty-six thousand and fifty-eight acres. These es-\\ntimates show that tlie territories recently acquired, and\\nover which our exclusive jurisdiction and dominion\\nhave been extended, constitute a country more than\\nhalf as large as all that which was held by the United\\nStates before their acquisition. If Oregon be excluded\\nfrom the estimate, there will still remain within the\\nlimits of Texas, New Mexico, and California, eight\\nhundred and fifty-one thousand five hundred and\\nninety-eight square miles, or five hundred and forty-\\nfive million twelve thousand seven hundred and twenty\\nacres being an addition equal to more than one third\\nof all the territory owned by the United States before\\ntheir acquisition and, including Oregon, nearly as\\ngreat an extent of territory as the whole of Europe,\\nRussia only excepted. The Mississippi, so lately tho\\nfrontier of our country, is now only its centre. With the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0540.jp2"}, "541": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES.\\n509\\naddition of the late acquisitions, the United States are\\nnow estimated to be nearly as large as the whole of\\nEurope. It is estimated by the superintendent of the\\ncoast survey, in the accompanying report, that the ex-\\ntent of the sea-coast of Texas, on the Gulf of Mexico,\\nis upwards of four hundred miles of the coast of Up-\\nper California, on the Pacific, of nine hundred and\\nseventy miles and of Oregon, including the Straits of\\nFuca, of six hundred and fifty miles making the\\nwhole extent of sea-coast on the Pacific one thousand\\nsix hundred and twenty miles, and the whole extent\\non both the Pacific and the Gulf of Mexico two thou-\\nsand and twenty miles. The length of the coast on\\nthe Atlantic, from the northern limits of the United\\nStates, around the capes of Florida to the Sabine, on\\ntlie eastern boundary of Texas, is estimated to be three\\nthousand one hundred miles so that the addition of\\nsea-coast, including Oregon, is very nearly two thirds\\nas great as all we possessed before and, excluding\\nOregon, is an addition of one thousand three hundred\\nand seventy miles being nearly equal to one half of\\nthe extent of coast which we possessed before these\\nacquisitions. We have now three great maritime\\nfronts, on the Atlantic, the Gulf of Mexico, and the\\nPacific, making in the whole an extent of sea-coast\\nexceeding five thousand miles. This is the extent of\\nthe sea-coast of the United States, not including bays,\\nsounds, and small irregularities of the main shore, and\\nof the sea islands. If these be included, the length of\\nthe shore line of coast, as estimated by the superin-\\ntendent of the coast survey in his report, would be\\nthirty-three thousand and sixty-three miles.\\nIt would be difficult to calculate the value of these\\nimmense additions to our territorial possessions. Texas,\\nlying contiguous to the western boundary of Louisiana,\\nembracing within its limits a part of the navigable trib-\\nutary waters of the Mississippi and an extensive sea-\\ncoast, could not long have remained in the hands of a\\nforeign power without endangering the peace of our\\nsouth-western frontier. Her products in the vicinity\\nof the tributaries of the Mississippi must have sought\\na market through these streams, running into and\\nthrough our territory and the danger of irritation and\\ncollision of interests between Texas, as a foreign state,\\nand ourselves would have been imminent, while the\\nembarrassments in the commercial intercourse between\\nthem must have been constant and unavoidable. Had\\nTexas fallen into the hands, or under the influence and\\ncontrol, of a strong maritime or military foreign power.\\nas she might have done, these dangers would have\\nbeen still greater. They have been avoided by her\\nvoluntary and peaceful annexation to the United States.\\nTexas, from her position, was a natural and almost in-\\ndispensable part of our territories. Fortunately, she\\nhas been restored to our country, and now constitutes\\none of the states of our confederacy, upon an equal\\nfooting with the original states. The salubrity of\\nclimate, the fertility of soil, peculiarly adapted to the\\nproduction of some of our most valuable staple com-\\nmodities, and her commercial advantages, must soon\\nmake her one of our most populous states.\\nNew Mexico, though situated in the interior and\\nwithout a sea-coast, is known to contain much fer-\\ntile land, to abound in rich mines of the precious met-\\nals, and to be capable of sustaining a large population.\\nFrom its position, it is the intermediate and connecting\\nterritory between our settlements and our possessions\\nin Texas, and those on the Pacific coast.\\nUpper California, irrespective of the vast mineral\\nwealth recently developed there, holds at this day, in\\npoint of value and importance to the rest of the Union,\\nthe same relation that Louisiana did when that fine\\nterritory was acquired from France forty-five years\\nago. Extending nearly ten degrees of latitude along\\nthe Pacific, and embracing the only safe and commo-\\ndious harbors on that coast, for many hundred miles,\\nwith a temperate climate and an extensive interior of\\nfertile lands, it is scarcely possible to estimate its wealth\\nuntil it shall be brought under the government of our\\nlaws, and its resources fully developed. From its po-\\nsition, it must command the rich commerce of China,\\nof Asia, of the islands of the Pacific, of Western Mexi-\\nco, of Central America, the South American States,\\nand of the Russian possessions bordering on that ocean.\\nA great emporium will doubtless speedily arise on the\\nCalifornian coast, which may be destined to rival in\\nimportance New Orleans itself The depot of the vast\\ncommerce which must exist on the Pacific will proba-\\nbly be at some point on the Bay of San Francisco, and\\nwill occupy the same relation to the whole we\u00c2\u00a7tern\\ncoast of that ocean as New Orleans does to the Valley\\nof the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico. To this\\ndepot our numerous whale ships will resort with their\\ncargoes, to trade, refit, and obtain supplies. This, of\\nitself, will largely contribute to build up a city, which\\nwould soon become the centre of a great and rapidly\\nincreasing commerce. Situated on a safe harbour, suf-\\nficiently capacious for all the navies as well as the", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0541.jp2"}, "542": {"fulltext": "510\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmarine of the world, and convenient to excellent tim-\\nber for ship-buildiiig, owned by the United States, it\\nmust become our great western naval depot.\\nIt was known that mines of the precious metals\\nexisted to a considerable extent in California at the\\ntime of its acquisition. Recent discoveries render it\\nprobable that these mines are more extensive and val-\\nuable than was anticipated. The accounts of the\\nabundance of gold in that territory are of such an\\nextraordinary character as would scarcely command\\nbelief, were they not corroborated by the authentic\\nreports of ofiicers in the public service, who have vis-\\nited the mineral district, and derived the facts which\\nthey detail from personal observation. Reluctant to\\ncredit the reports in general circulation as to the quan-\\ntity of gold, the officer commanding our forces in Cali-\\nfornia visited the mineral district in July last, for the\\npurpose of obtaining accurate information on the sub-\\nject. His report to the war department of the result\\nof his examination, and the facts obtained on the spot,\\nis herewith laid before congress. When he visited the\\ncountry, there were about four thousand perons en-\\ngaged in collecting gold. There is every reason to\\nbelieve that the number of persons so employed has\\nsince been augmented. The explorations already made\\nwarrant the belief that the supply is very large, and\\nthat gold is found at various places in an extensive\\ndistrict of country.\\nInformation received from officers of the navy and\\nother sources, though not so full and minute, confirm\\nthe accounts of the commander of our military force\\nin California. It appears, also, from these reports, that\\nmines of quicksilver are found in the vicinity of the\\ngold region. One of them is now being worked, and\\nis believed to be among the most productive in the\\nworld.\\nThe discovery and partial development of the im-\\nmense mineral wealth of California, at the very mo-\\nment when it was passing into the possession of the\\nUnited States, promised to produce as powerful an\\neffect upon the American mind as that of the New\\nWorld did upon the Old, when its marvellous riches\\nwere exposed by Columbus. From east to west, from\\nnorth to south, the spirit of emigration moved on the\\nhearts of the people. It seized the old as well as the\\nyoung. It pervaded city and country, mountain, glen,\\nand valley. It decimated the ranks of every profes-\\nsion. In almost every town and village, throughout\\nthe land, adventurers started up, associations were\\nformed, and eager companies, of hopeful, ardent, en-\\nthusiastic pioneers, who resolved on seeing for them-\\nselves the modern El Dorado. The highways and\\nthoroughfares in every part of the land were alive with\\nthe moving multitudes, seeking a place of depart-\\nure. The wharves of the seaports were thronged\\nwith impatient expectants, who were willing to pay\\nany price for a passage, and submit to any privations\\nand hardships by the way, so that, by some means,\\nthey could reach the golden shore. Ships were every\\nwhere in the greatest demand. A system of crowding\\nand packing, second only to that so notorious in the\\nAfrican trade, did not deter or dishearten the adven-\\nturers. Band after band they hurried away, some for\\nthe short cut by the Isthmus of Panama, some for the\\ndreary and exhausting overland route, and some to\\ndouble the cape, with all the tedium and discomfort\\nof a five months voyage. Their name was legion.\\nInexperienced in travel, uninured to the hardships and\\nprivations of a pioneer life, poorly provided with even\\nthe necessaries for the voyage, thousands left their\\nhomes only to die by the way, or to seize the first op-\\nportunity to return. Of two hundred thousand, who\\nare estimated to have gone to California from Ihe United\\nStates, about foity thousand have died, and twenty-\\nfive thousand returned sick, or discouraged by the\\nhardships of a life of which they had not only no ex-\\nperience, but no idea.\\nThe war in Mexico, while productive of great ad-\\nvantages to the United States, was also fruitful in\\ndifficult problems and troublesome political questions.\\nAn immense territory had been acquired. It was\\nnow to be organized and governed. In effecting this,\\nsectional interests M^ere to be adjusted, and political\\ndifferences harmonized, the management of which re-\\nquired more tact, wisdom, and true generalship, than\\nthe conquest of a world. Every element of discord in\\nthe nation was to be stirred up, agitated, and invested\\nwith individuality and life. The integrity of the\\nUnion was to be threatened, and all the blessings and\\nprivileges purchased by the revolution of 76, and\\nsecured and consolidated by a career of national pros-\\nperity and happiness unparalleled in the history of the\\nworld, were to be jeoparded in the strife of party.\\nThe insatiable appetite for territory, over which to\\nspread the dcjminion of slavery, was only to be ap-\\npeased by the monopoly of every acre of the conquered\\n.provinces. No sooner was peace established in Mexi-\\nco, than the gauntlet was thrown down at Washing-\\nton, for a three years war of words.\\nIn his message of December, 1848, the president", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0542.jp2"}, "543": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n511\\nurged upon congress the immediate establishment of\\nterritorial governments, in all the newly-acquired pos-\\nsessions.\\nThe existing condition of California, said he,\\nand of that part of New Mexico lying west of the\\nRio Grande, and without the limits of Texas, imperi-\\nously demand that congress should, at its present ses-\\nsion, organize territorial governments over them.\\nUpon the exchange of ratifications of the treaty of\\npeace with Mexico, on the 30th of May last, the tem-\\nporary governments which had been established over\\nNew Mexico and California by our military and naval\\ncommanders, by virtue of the rights of war, ceased to\\nderive any obligatory force from that source of authori-\\nty; and having been ceded to the United States, all\\ngovernment and control over them under the authority\\nof Mexico had ceased to exist. Impressed with the\\nnecessity of establishing territorial governments over\\nthem, I recommended the subject to the favourable\\nconsideration of congress in my message communi-\\ncating the ratified treaty of peace, on the 6t[i of July\\nlast, and invoked their action at that session. Con-\\ngress adjourned without making any provision for their\\ngovernment. The inhabitants, by the transfer of their\\ncountry, had become entitled to the benefits of our\\nlaws and constitution, and yet were left without any\\nregularly-organized government. Since that time, the\\nvery limited power possessed by the executive has\\nbeen exercised to preserve and protect them from the\\ninevitable consequences of a state of anarchy. The\\nonly government which remained was that established\\nby the military authority during the war. Regarding\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6his to be a de facto government, and that by the pre-\\numed consent of the inhabitants it might be continued\\ntemporarily, they were advised to conform and sub-\\nmit to it for the short intervening period before con-\\ngress would again assemble and could legislate on the\\nsubject.\\nIt is our solemn duty to provide, with the least\\npracticable delay, for New Mexico and California, reg-\\nularly-organized territorial governments. The causes\\nof the failure to do this at the last session of congress\\nare well known, and deeply to be regretted. With\\nthe opening prospects of increased prosperity and na-\\ntional greatness which the acquisition of these rich and\\nextensive territorial possessions affords, how irrational\\nit would be to forego or to reject these advantages, by\\nthe agitation of a domestic question which is coeval\\nwith the existence of our government itself, and to en-\\ndanger by internal strifes, geographical divisions, and\\n65\\nheated contests for political power, or for any other\\ncause, the harmony of the glorious Union of our con-\\nfederated states that Union which binds us together\\nas one people, and which for sixty years has been our\\nshield and protection agahist every danger. In the\\neyes of the world, and of posterity, how trivial and in-\\nsignificant will be all our internal divisions and strug-\\ngles, compared with the preservation of this Union of\\nthe states in all its vigour and with all its countless\\nblessings! No patriot would foment and excite geo-\\ngraphical and sectional divisions. No lover of his\\ncountry would deliberately calculate the value of the\\nUnion. Future generations would look in amazement\\nupon the folly of such a course. Other nations of the\\npresent day would look upon it with astonishment,\\nand such of them as desire to maintain and perpetuate\\nthrones and monarchical or aristocratical principles\\nwill view it with exultation and delight, because in it\\nthey will see the elements of faction, which they hope\\nmust ultimately overturn our system. Ours is the\\ngreat example of a prosperous and free self-governed\\nrepublic, commanding the admiration and the imita-\\ntion ot all the lovers of freedom throughout the world.\\nHow solemn, therefore, is the duty, how impressive\\nthe call upon us, and upon all parts of our country, to\\ncultivate a patriotic spirit of harniQuy, of good fellow-\\nship, of compromise and mutual concession, in the\\nadministration of the incomparable system of govern-\\nment formed by our fathers in the midst of almost in-\\nsuperable difficulties, and transmitted to us, with the\\ninjunction that we should enjoy its blessings and hand\\nit down unimpaired to those who may come after us\\nIn view of the hich and responsible duties which\\nwe owe to ourselves and to mankind, I trust you may\\nbe able, at your present session, to approach the adjust-\\nment of the only doiViestic question which seriously\\nthreatens, or probably ever caa threaten, to disturb the\\nharmony and successful operations of our system.\\nThe immensely valuable possessions of New Mex-\\nico and California are already inhabited by a considera-\\nble population. Attracted by their great fertility, their\\nmineral wealth, their commercial advantages, and the\\nsalubrity of the climate, emigrants from the older states,\\nin great numbers, are already preparing to seek, new\\nhomes in these inviting regions.\\nPending the settlement of these difficult questions,\\nothers of a more ordinary character were to be adjust-\\ned. Absorbed as the government and the nation had\\nbeen in the prosecution of the war, it moved quietly\\non in the ordinary channels of legislation and business.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0543.jp2"}, "544": {"fulltext": "512\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThe sub-treasury of Mr. Van Buren s administration,\\nwhich had been repealed at the extra session, in 1841,\\nwas revived and reestablished in 1846. In the same\\nyear, a warehousing system, arranged and adjusted by\\nMr. Walker, then secretary of the treasury, was brought\\nforward and adopted. It provided that the duties on\\nall imported goods, wares, or merchandise, should be\\npaid in cash and that goods upon which the duties\\nwere not paid should be taken possession of by the\\ncollector, and deposited in public stores at the risk of\\nthe owner, and subject at all times to his order, upon\\nthe payment of the proper duties and expenses. In\\ncase the goods should remain in the storehouse more\\nthan one year without the payment of the duties, then\\nthey are to be appraised, and sold by the collector at\\npublic auction. Within one year after the goods are\\ndeposited in the public storehouse, they may be with-\\ndrawn and transported to any other port of entry.\\nPrevious to the passage of that act, the warehouse\\nsy\u00c2\u00abtem was in existence, although the laws which\\nregulated it were not so simple and well defined as the\\nbill of 1846. Indeed, the principle was established as\\nearly as 1799, and was enlarged or contracted at vari-\\nous periods since the adoption of the constitution, for\\nthe benefit of the commercial interest. The eifect of\\nthe bill is to give an extension of credit to the importer,\\nwho would otherwise, under the new system of cash\\nduties, be required to pay the duties upon his merchan-\\ndise as soon as it was landed.\\nThe subject of internal improvements was another\\nquestion which vexed the legislation of this period,\\nand called forth an executive veto. To facilitate the\\nvast internal commerce of the country, it was neces-\\nsary to remove obstructions from many of its rivers,\\nand to improve, in various ways, many of the harbours\\nupon its extended sea and lake coast. To effect these\\nobjects in the most unexceptionable manner, repre-\\nsenting equally and harmoniously all the interests of\\nevery section, a great convention had been held at\\nChicago. .The subject had, also, been thoroughly\\ndiscussed in the papers and the people were fully\\nconvinced and ready to act. A well-adjusted bill,\\npassed after ample deliberation and discussion, by large\\nmajorities of both houses of congress, in 1846, was\\ndefeated by the act of the president.\\nIn the following year, another bill, appropriating\\nnearly a million of dollars to the same object, passed\\nboth houses by large majorities, and was defeated in\\nthe same manner, by an executive veto.\\nThe postal arrangements of the United States under-\\nwent large alterations during the administration of\\nMr. Polk. In imitation of the great Englisli reform,\\nthough yet far behind it, the rates of postage were\\nreduced, in 1845, to five cents on every single letter,\\nof half an ounce, for any distance under three hundred\\nmiles, and ten cents for any greater distance. This\\nchange, which is most acceptable to the people, has\\nmore than realized the anticipations of its supporters.\\nIt met with great opposition, on the ground that, in a\\ncountry of such vast extent, and having so much\\nsparsely-occupied territory, the receipts of the depart-\\nment would fall short of its expenses. The result has\\nalready proved the futility of this objection and\\nthere can be no doubt that a still further reduction\\nwould be followed by a similar result. We look to\\nsee the postage reduced to a uniform rate of two cents\\nper half ounce, for all distances. It can be done, be-\\nyond a question, without risk to the department. And,\\neven if it could not, the great public benefit would\\nmore than justify the experiment. The post-office de-\\npartment is but one branch of the public service, and,\\nwhen the public good demands it, is as well entitled\\nto an appropriation from the treasury, as the army or\\nthe navy. It is an arbitrary maxim, intelligible only\\nto statesmen and legislators, that the post-office depart-\\nment should pay its own expenses. To the common\\nsense of the common people, who here are the true\\nsovereigns, the only rule applicable to the case is that\\nwhich recognizes the government, in all its depart-\\nments alike, as a mere agency for the general good,\\nand bound only to consult the greatest good of the\\ngreatest number. To require any part of the system\\nto support itself, by taxing the people, while all the\\nother parts are only a tax upon the common treasury,\\nis to make a distinction without a difference.\\nAt the same time that this important step was taken\\nin the reduction of the rates of postage, arrangements\\nwere also made for the regular transmission of the\\nmails to Great Britain, France, Germany, and other\\nforeign countries. Contracts were entered into, by\\nthe department, with the principal merchants engaged\\nin the packet lines to various parts of the world, who\\nimmediately undertook to carry the arrangement into\\neffect. The result has been, an entire new class of\\nocean steamers, which are an honour to the country\\nand the age. A noble competition for speed, regularity,\\nand system, in the departure and return of these levia-\\nthan carriers, has arisen betAveen the English and\\nAmerican lines, which insures to the public, on both\\nsides of the Atlantic, the best results which ample", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0544.jp2"}, "545": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n513\\nmeans, well-directed energy, and a laudable ambition\\nto excel, can achieve.\\nThe claims of American citizens for French spolia-\\ntions, prior to 1800, were revived at this period. The\\nhistory of those claims is brief and simple. In conse-\\nquence of the ready aid which France afforded the\\nUnited States in the struggle for independence, a treaty\\nwas entered into between the two nations, by the\\nterms of which the United States were bound to assist\\nin protecting the French colonies from aggressions.\\nSoon after the adoption of the constitution, and before\\nthe government had acquired the means of maintain-\\ning a naval \\\\varfare, England declared war against\\nFrance, and attacked her West India possessions.\\nFrance called upon the United States to fulfil the\\ntreaty stipulations, and come to her defence in other\\nwords, to make war upon England. Without a navy,\\nand almost without a treasury, this was impossible.\\nIt was deemed wiser and better to break an engage-\\nment with an ally, than to involve the country in a\\nfresh war, without any sufficient means of carrying it\\non. The United States, therefore, abandoned the\\ntreaty, as the best choice between two evils. France,\\nin retaliation, made large reprisals upon American com-\\nmerce, which had then begun to whiten the Atlantic.\\nThese spoliations were afterwards ascertained to amount\\nto about ten millions of dollars. Thousands of mer-\\nchants, just started in a career of prosperity, were ruined,\\nhaving lost their all at a single blow. Commerce was\\nparalyzed for a time. At the close of the war, an ad-\\njustment was attempted between the two nations.\\nThe whole subject was ably and thoroughly canvassed,\\nand the result was, a relinquishment, on the part of\\nFrance, of her claims upon the United States, on con-\\ndition that the United- States should assume and pay\\nthe claims of he)- own citizens against Fra7ice. This\\nwas solemnly agreed to, and France was honourably\\nreleased from all obligation to make good these heavy\\nspoliations. Having by her own act, and for her own\\nbenefit, deprived the sufferers of all right to seek re-\\ndress from France, it was but common honesty that the\\nUnited States government should pay the debt out of\\nher own treasury. Her treasury was then exceedingly\\nlow. A heavy debt, incurred in the war of the revo-\\nlution, embarrassed it, and this act of justice to her\\nown citizens was consequently delayed. It has often\\nbeen revived. Fourteen times a report has been made,\\nby the appropriate committee, in favor. of redeeming\\nthe national promise. Bill after bill, for this purpose,\\nhas passed one house of congress, and been defeated\\nor overlooked in the other. By what show of argu-\\nment, or pretence of honesty, it has been so long de-\\nlayed, and so often set aside, it is difficult to imagine.\\nAll similar claims have been adjusted and paid, almost\\nwithout discussion. This alone, seemingly for no\\nother reason than because it is an old one, has been\\nrefused. A subsequent claim of precisely the same\\nnature against France has been urged and insisted on,\\neven to an open menace of war in case of further de-\\nlay. And there can be no room for doubt, that every\\ndollar of this claim, if it had still remained good against\\nthe original spoiler, would long since have been en-\\nforced at the cannon s mouth. By what system of\\nethics our American legislators justify their refusal in\\nthis case to pay a debt which they voluntarily, and for\\ntheir own benefit, assumed, and from which, without\\nthe consent of the creditors, they released the original\\ndebtor, has never been made to appear. During the\\nadministration of Mr. Polk, a new attempt was made\\nto do justice to the claimants, who, for half a century,\\nhad been seeking redress in vain. A bill was carried\\nthrough both houses of congress, authorizing the pay-\\nment of five millions of dollars, in public lands.\\nThough this sum was less than half the original claim,\\nand though the mode of payrtient was but giving a\\nstone where bread was due, the eager claimants, who\\nhad long despaired of even a hearing for their case,\\nwere willing to accept it. But they had yet another\\ndisappointment to meet. The president vetoed the\\nbill. His only reason for so doing was, that being\\nthen at war with a foreign nation, all the resources of\\nthe government were required to carry it on thus not\\nonly withholding from those who had grown gray in\\nwant a mere acknowledgment of their claim, but\\nmaking one wrong an apology and pretext for doing\\nanother.\\nThe treaty of peace, and th^ acquisition of a large\\nportion of Mexican territory had not put an end to the\\nwar. It had only transferred it from the Mexican to\\nthe American soil. Even before peace was con-\\nquered, and territory acquired, a warm party strife\\narose with reference to the due division of the spoils.\\nThe acquisition had been sought by the administra-\\ntion, mainly with a view to the extension of slavery,\\nand the southern interest wished to swallow it all up.\\nThis the north felt bound to prevent, if possible, hav-\\ning a sound and immovable position in the fact, that,\\nas slavery had been abolished in Mexico, the territory\\nwas then free, and the inhabitants all opposed to a\\nchange. The agitation was great, and constantly in-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0545.jp2"}, "546": {"fulltext": "su\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncreasing in violence. It gave rise, in 1846, to the\\ncelebrated Wilmot Proviso, which has not only\\ngiven a world-wide notoriety to an otherwise undis-\\ntinguished individual, but furnished an inexhaustible\\ntheme for party declamation and bitter personal invec-\\ntive. During the first session of the twenty-ninth\\ncongress, a bill was introduced into the house of repre-\\nsentatives, appropriating two million dollars for the\\npurpose of defraying any extraordinary expenses which\\nmight be incurred in the intercourse between the\\nUnited States and foreign nations. This appropriation\\nwas desired to enable the president to obtain California\\nin any treaty which might be concluded between .the\\ntwo countries. To this bill Mr. David Wilmot, of\\nPennsylvania, proposed the following proviso\\nProvided, That, as an express and fundamental\\ncondition to the acquisition of any territory from the\\nrepublic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of\\nany treaty that may be negotiated between them, and\\nto the use by the executive of the moneys herein ap-\\npropriated, neither slavery nor involuntary servitude\\nshall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for\\ncrime, whereof the party shall first be duly convicted.\\nThis, though sustained in the house, was rejected in\\nthe senate, and caused the defeat of the bill. An ap-\\npropriation of three million dollars, for the same object,\\nwas proposed at the subsequent session, to which the\\nsame proviso was again attached by the house, and re-\\njected by the senate. The bill, thus amended, was\\nreturned to the house, which receded from its position,\\nand passed the appropriation without restriction.\\nThis was but the beginning of a conflict of unparal-\\nleled bitterness and severity in the history of America.\\nIt destroyed some valuable lives. It threatened more,\\neven in the senate-house. And more than that, it\\nthreatened the dissolution of the Union. But it will\\npass away, and be fofgotten, like one of those blus-\\ntering wind-clouds, which sweep over the land in\\nsummer, having all the fierceness and blackness of a\\nthunder-cloud, but none of its terrific flashes or irre-\\nsistible bolts.\\nDuring the administration of Mr. Polk, two new\\nstates were admitted into the Union Iowa on the 28th\\nof December, 1846, and Wisconsin on the 3d of March,\\n1847. A territorial government was also established\\nin Oregon ia August, 1848. In this the Wilmot Pro-\\nviso was inserted. An effort was made in the sen-\\nate to assign, as a reason for this concession, the fact\\nthat the country lay north of 36\u00c2\u00b0 30 and thus to re-\\ncognize, if not to reenact, the Missouri compromise.\\nBut it was unsuccessful. The bill passed, and was\\napproved, with the dreaded clause in full effect. How\\nthe president could answer it to his conscience to\\napprove a bill containing a provision, which he, in\\ncommon with all the south, declared to be flagrantly un-\\nconstitutional, it is difficult to comprehend. If slavery\\nhas natural boundaries and local limits, conscience\\nand the constitution have none. To exclude any insti-\\ntution, or any branch of business, from one section, by\\nlegislative enactment, and to hold it treason to the con-\\nstitution even to attempt the same exclusion in another\\nsection, is a puerile evasion of the whole question at\\nissue. The tone and temper of the parties, in this dis-\\ncussion, may be gathered from a brief extract from the\\nspeeches of their two great leaders.\\nMr. Webster admitted the propriety of the establish-\\nment of a territorial government in Oregon, and was\\nwilling to vote for this bill as it came from the house.\\nIf amended as now proposed, he would not be able to\\nvote for it. He recited the words of the section, and\\nsaid, the amendment proposed gave a reason for the ap-\\nplication of the principle of the ordinance of 1787 to the\\nterritory of Oregon. When a single reason was given for\\nany act, it was intended to be inferred that there were\\nno other reasons. The territory of Oregon was above\\nthe line of the Missouri compromise. His objection to\\nslavery was irrespective of lines and points of latitude it\\ntook in the whole country and the whole question. He\\nwas opposed to it in every shape and in every qualifica-\\ntion, and was against any compromise of the question.\\nMr. Calhoun said he should vote against the amend-\\nment, because he regarded it as ambiguous, and he was\\nagainst all ambiguity. Again, he opposed it because\\nthe north could not be more determined to exclude\\nthe south, than he was to resist such exclusion. He\\nwould be as firm in maintaining his ground as northern\\nsenators were in maintaining theirs. A majority would\\nalways be able to carry their views but here a minori-\\nty, aided by a few of the majority, attempted to impose\\non the south restrictions which could not be submit-\\nted to.\\nIn July, 1846, the county and town of Alexandria,\\nembracing all that portion of the District of Columbia\\nwhich lay south of the Potomac, except so much as\\nwas covered by buildings belonging to the United\\nStates, was retroceded to the state of Virginia.\\nThe election of 1848 was one of deep and pervading\\ninterest, and was warmly contested. All the exciting\\nquestions Avhich had so recently agitated the country\\nwere involved in it. Among them, that of slavery", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0546.jp2"}, "547": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n515\\nextension was the most absorbing. Mr. Cass, of Michi-\\ngan, for president, and General Butler, of Georgia, for\\nvice-president, were the democratic candidates and\\nGeneral Taylor, of Louisiana, for president, and Mr.\\nFillmore, of New York, for vice-president, were the\\ncandidates of the whig party. It is a singular circum-\\nstance, in this contest, that the whigs, who, as a party,\\nwere opposed to the extension of slavery in the new\\nterritories, should have selected for theii candidate a\\nslaveholder, from the far south, while the other party\\nselected a man from the free states. It shows strongly\\ntheir confidence in the men they had respectively\\nchosen, and illustrated the fact, which, in the heat of\\ndiscussion, is too often overlooked, that northern men\\nare not all ultra abolitionists, nor southern slaveholders\\nall slavery propagandists. The rabid abolitionists are\\nfew and far between, at the north. The real lovers of\\nslavery, in the abstract, are not more numerous at the\\nsouth. Abolish party names, lay aside violent personal\\nand sectional denunciation, and the true majority in\\nthe greater part of the Southern States would be found\\nto sympathize more with the northern views, than\\nwith those of the champions of their own section, and\\nslavery itself would die of consumption.\\nThe whig candidates were successful, in this con-\\ntest, by large majorities, and, on the 4th of March,\\n1849, General Zachary Taylor took the oath of office\\nas president, and Millard Fillmore entered upon his\\nduties as vice-president of the United States.\\nMr. Fillmore was born at Summer Hill, Cayuga\\ncounty, New York, on January 7, ISOO, and is, accord-\\ningly, now a little over fifty years old. His father\\nwas a farmer, in very limited circumstances. The fam-\\nily removed to Aurora, Erie county, in 1819, where the\\nfather still carries on a farm of moderate dimensions\\nthe traveller has often passed the modest house where\\nreside the family of the president, in a style not more\\npretending than is common to thriving farmers of that\\nprosperous district. The narrow means of the father\\ndid not permit the bestowal on the son of any other\\nthan a most limited common school education. When\\nfifteen years old, he was sent to learn the trade of a\\nclothier, at which he worked for four years, improving\\nall his spare time in reading books from a little library\\nin the village where he lived. At the age of nineteen,\\nhe made the acquaintance of Judge Wood, of Cayuga\\ncounty, who detected the latent talents of the young\\nman, and induced him to study law, for which he\\ngenerously furnished the means. Mr. Fillmore re-\\nmained in Judge Wood s office above two years, study-\\ning with that industry and perseverance which have\\ndistinguished him through life during this time, he\\nalso taught school in the winter months, in order him-\\nself to provide for his expenses as far as possible. In\\n]S22, he entered a law office at Buffalo, and passed a\\nyear studying and teaching, when he was admitted to\\nthe bar, and removed to Aurora, to commence the prac-\\ntice of his profession. In 1826, he married Abigail, the\\ndaughter of Rev. Lemuel Powers. Several years were\\nnow mainly employed by Mr. Fillmore in diligent\\njudicial studies, and in the limited legal practice of a\\ncountry town. In 1S29, he was elected to the assem-\\nbly of New York, and for three years (during which\\ntime he removed his residence to Buffiilo) held a seat\\nin that body. Here he was remarkable for constant\\ndevotion to and unwearied industry in his duties.\\nHe took a prominent and influential part in the enact-\\nment of the law abolishing imprisonment for debt. In\\n1832, he was elected to the twenty-third congress, and\\nserved creditably. In the fall of 1S36, he was again\\nreturned for the same office, and acted as a member of\\nthe committee on elections, in the famous New Jersey\\nbroad-seal case, and in that capacity established his\\nreputation in the house. He was reelected to the next\\ncongress, and now assumed the responsible position of\\nchairman of the committee of ways and means. In\\nthe duties of this post, at a trying crisis, he manifested\\nthe industry, dignity of bearing, efficient practical tal-\\nent, and ability to secure the confidence of his col-\\nleagues which had before distinguished him. His\\npublic reputation perhaps rested more upon the manner\\nin which he filled this post in the twenty-seventh con-\\ngress, than on any other portion of his career, at the\\ntime of his election as vice-president.\\n.After this, resisting the importunities of his friends\\nand the whig convention of his district, Mr. Fillmore\\nreturned to Buffalo, to the practice of his profession.\\nIn 1844, he was run by the whigs of New York for\\ngovernor, and was beaten by Silas Wright, at the same\\ntime that the so-called Liberty party gave the vote of the\\nstate for Polk, Texas, the Mexican war, and the exten-\\nsion of slavery. In 1847, he was elected controller of\\nthe state, and removed to Albany to discharge the du-\\nties of that office, which he held till February, 1849,\\nwhen he resigned it, prior to his induction into the\\nvice-presidency.\\nIt was a period of intense sectional animosity and\\npolitical difficulty, requiring, in the executive and tlie\\ncabinet, an unusual degree of firmness, moderation, and\\nwisdom. From General Taylor s want of experience", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0547.jp2"}, "548": {"fulltext": "516\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nin political matters, and of acquaintance with the prac-\\ntical workings of the great machine, it was apprehended\\nsome serious mistakes might be made, which would\\ngive the opposition a temporary advantage. It was\\nfound, however, that he had the qualifications de-\\nmanded by the crisis. He was eminently character-\\nized by firmness, in which there was no trait of obsti-\\nnacy, an undeviating integrity of purpose, and a sound\\npractical common sense, which, in great emergencies,\\nis often superior to the largest experience. His course\\nof administration, though brief, reflects credit upon his\\nname. His cabinet was well selected, not only with\\nreference to the ability with which the several depart-\\nments were filled, but to the wise adjustment and fair\\nrepresentations of the great sectional interests in its\\ncomposition.\\nJohn M. Clayton, of Delaware, Secretary of State.\\nWilliam M. Meredith, of Penn., Sec y of the Treasury.\\nGeorge W. Crawford, of Ga., War.\\nWm. Ballard Preston, of Va., Navy.\\nThomas Ewing, of Ohio, Interior.\\nJacob Collamer, of Vermont, Postmaster-General.\\nReverdy Johnson, of Maryland, Attorney-General.\\nThe same spirit of sectional extension, which led to\\nthe annexation of Texas, and the dismemberment of\\nMexico, turned with an evil eye upon the brightest\\ngem in the crown of Castile, the queen of the An-\\ntilles. The government which Spain sees fit to exer-\\ncise over Cuba is not wisely calculated to make her\\nsubjects easy, especially in their near vicinity to, and\\nlarge intercourse with, their free and prosperous neigh-\\nboius on the north. For many years there has been\\nfomenting, slowly and noiselessly, a spirit of discon-\\ntent, which only seeks occasion to make it a spirit of\\nrevolution. This sentiment has been liberally en-\\ncouraged by some of the American presses, and largely\\ncountenanced and aided by the substantial sympathy of\\nindividuals and private associations, in both sections\\nof the country, but more especially at the south.\\nThe great fear of the politicians of the Southern\\nStates is, that, in extending the area of freedom, the\\narea of slavery will lose its relative importance. Hence\\nthe deep interest with which many among them have\\nviewed the probable, or possible, future annexation of\\nCuba. Hence, also, the readiness with which the\\nsinews of war have been provided for bands of des-\\nperate adventurers, who have sought to make a crisis\\nby actual invasion, and, in a manner, to compel the\\nlatent spirit of revolution in the island to a premature\\neruption.\\n^1\\nIn August, 1849, President Taylor received informa-\\ntion that a large body of men was gathering from vari-\\nous directions on Round Island, in Mobile Bay. They\\nwere well provided with arms, fcc., and evidently had\\nsome secret object in view, as no reasonable account\\ncould be given of their coming together in that place.\\nImpressed with the idea, which was well confirmed by\\ninformation derived from the most reliable sources,\\nthat the design of this secret expedition was to make\\na warlike demonstration on the coast of Cuba, the\\npresident ordered a lieutenant of the navy, in a steamer,\\nto proceed to the spot, and disperse them. This was\\naccomplished without resistance, though not without a\\nfew rounds of harmless newspaper musketry, at which\\nthe president neither flinched nor winked.\\nThe young volcano was smothered, but not quenched.\\nEarly in 1850, its rumbling, faint and far, was heard\\nin diff erent parts of the country. Men not suspected\\nof business abroad mysteriously left their homes for\\nparts unknown, and, drawn by soyie unseen influence,\\nmet at some distant point, and found themselves sud-\\ndenly acquainted. General Lopez, a Spanish officer\\nof some notoriety, seemed to be cognizant of these\\nmovements, if not to have the principal direction of\\nthem. The president and his oflicers were watchful\\nand suspicious. But nothing was seen or disclosed\\nfrom any quarter, to justify the direct interposition of\\nthe executive power, till after General Lopez had em-\\nbarked, with a considerable force, at New Orleans, with\\na clearance for Chagres. Then it was made known at\\nWashington, that such an armament had been fitted\\nout in the United States, and that, in the opinion of\\nthe Spanish minister, it was clearly and unquestionably\\ndestined to the invasion of Cuba.\\nOn receiving this information, the president gave\\ninstant orders to despatch all the vessels in commis-\\nsion, then within reach of orders, to the coast of Cuba,\\nto prevent, if possible, any hostile movement on the\\npart of the secret expedition. But the order was tofi\\nlate. The buccaneer squadron, consisting of a steamer\\nand two sailing vessels, and comprising about six hun-\\ndred men, eff ected a landing at Cardenas.\\nCardenas is a small port, containing about twenty-\\nfive hundred inhabitants, somewhat more than one\\nhundred miles east of Havana. It is not fortified\\nagainst an attack from without. The onset was suc-\\ncessful. The invaders landed without molestation,\\nand marched immediately to the attack. With trifling\\nresistance, the few soldiers at the command of the\\ngovernor gave way. Three lives were lost on the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0548.jp2"}, "549": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n517\\npart of the Spaniards, and six on that of the aggressors.\\nThe town was soon in possession of Lopez, who hoisted\\nthe flag of freedom and Cuban independence, and\\ncalled for a rally. But no one joined his standard.\\nHe made preparations for a march upon Matanzas, and\\npromised his men to be master of the island, with all\\nits wealth, in three days. These promises, however,\\nsoon began to fade. Instead of a general rush of the\\ninhabitants to join the ranks of insurrection, there was\\nan entire absence of sympathy in the movement.\\nWhether it sprung from fear, and the consciousness\\nthat the time had not arrived for such a movement, or\\nfrom want of confidence in the men and means em-\\nployed, does not appear. It was probably, to a large\\nextent, the latter. The Cubans were not prepared.\\nThe invading general and his secret counsellors had\\nnot counted the cost. The government of the island\\nwas stronger than they imagined strong, not, as in\\nour happy land, in the love of its subjects, but in\\ntheir fears.\\nThe preparations for an advance upon Matanzas\\nwere but half completed, when the signs of resistance,\\non the part of the Cubans, became too serious to be\\noverlooked. General Lopez suddenly countermanded\\nthe order, and directed the armament to be reshipped,\\nwith all despatch. This done, he reembarked with\\nhis entire band, and a few prisoners, one of whom was\\nthe governor of Cardenas, and stood out to sea. Thus\\nended the invasion of Cuba the paltriest piece of\\nopen piracy recorded in modern history. To give the\\nenterprise a more perfect title to this distinction, the\\ninvading general rifled the treasury of Cardenas, and\\ncarried away about fifteen hundred dollars.\\nCalifornia and New Mexico, still undei* the military\\ngovernment, which the exigencies of war had estab-\\nlished, were beginning to be impatient for the enjoy-\\nment of civil institutions. The territory of Deseret, or\\nUtah, on the north of California, where the fugitive\\nMormons had recently pitched their tents, claimed also\\na shelter under the national a^gis. The population and\\ncommerce of California had increased with unprece-\\ndented rapidity. It had already attained the growth\\nof a sovereign state, and movements were immediately\\ncommenced to organize and ask admission to the\\nUnion. To watch, and, so far as might be needful, to\\nguide this movement, Hon. Thomas Butler King, of\\nGeorgia, an able and honourable man, was commis-\\nsioned by the president to proceed thither, under secret\\ninstructions, as confidential agent of the government.\\nWhat part he took in the ultimate organization of the\\ngovernment there, or whether any part at all, does not\\nappear. But the president was severely censured, by\\nthe opposition, for attempting to interfere in the matter.\\nNew Mexico, also, began to feel that she had out-\\ngrown the territorial minority, and had a right to claim\\nthe maturity of a state. To this Texas set up a coun-\\nter claim to her entire territory, contending that they\\nwere originally one province, and that, by the treaty\\nwith Mexico, she had a right to embrace the whole.\\nHere a question of great difiiculty arose. Texas was\\na slave state. New Mexico was free. And the ques-\\ntion of territory, which was comparatively of little im-\\nportance, became involved with that of the extension\\nand perpetuation of slavery, which was vital to the\\npeculiar institution of the south. New Mexico was\\nrecognized by the government as a distinct territory,\\nand was held, as such, under military rule, awaiting\\nthe action of congress, to establish a republican or-\\nganization.\\nAvailing themselves of the rights of freemen, the\\npeople of these sections assembled in convention, and\\nadopted the necessary measures to secure their political\\nrights. California and New Mexico, adopting each a\\nconstitution after the model of the older states, and\\nchoosing their senators and representatives, asked im-\\nmediate admission into the Union, as independent\\nstates. Utah organized as a territory, and chose her\\ndelegate, to represent her interests in congress. Three\\napplicants were thus found knocking for admission at\\nthe door of the Capitol, on the opening of the thirty-\\nfirst congress. Instead of receiving a cordial welcome\\nas they should have done, from the hands of a people\\nwho had expended so much blood and treasure to\\nobtain them, for the sole purpose, as they avowed, of\\nextending the area of freedom, they were kept\\nwaiting eight long months at the door, and visited,\\nmeanwhile, with every species of vituperation and re-\\nproach, for having presumed to claim the natural and\\ninalienable right of choosing how their political insti-\\ntutions should be organized, and preferring freedom to\\nslavery. Upon the question of the admission of these\\nstates to the Union ensued the most violent and bitter\\npartisan discussion that has ever characterized Ameri-\\ncan legislation. The ardent temper of the south was\\nroused to madness by the attempt, as they argued, to\\nexclude from the new possessions them and their\\nproperty. It was with their blood and their treasure,\\nin common with that of the free states, that these pos-\\nsessions were purchased consequently, as they viewed\\nthe case, they had a right to carry their institutions", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0549.jp2"}, "550": {"fulltext": "518\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\najid laws there. No power on earth should exclude\\nthem. Denunciations the most severe and sweeping\\nwere hurled at the reju esentatives and people of the\\nfree states. Tin-eats of receding from the Union were\\nliberally indulged in and all the resources of argu-\\nment and persuasion, of menace and abuse, of personal\\ninvective and political address, were exhausted, in the\\ndetermined endeavour to force upon the new territories\\nthe institution of slavery.\\nThe simple answer to all this was, that the territory\\nwas known to be free, and its people opposed to slavery,\\nbefore it was acquired that they exercised only a\\nnatural right in determining to remain free, and ar-\\nranging their constitution accordingly that Louisi-\\nana, and Florida, and Texas had exercised the same\\nright in the opposite direction, and that right had been\\nconceded to them, as a matter which tltcy alone had\\npower to control and that slavery could not be forced\\nupon them, or the door for its introduction thrust open\\nagainst their will, without a gross violation of the fun-\\ndamental law of republicanism, which recognizes all\\nsovereignty as residing in the people. The debate\\nwas animated, fierce, powerful, and long-continued. It\\nwas a war, not of the pygmies only, but of the giants.\\nThe two great speeches of the session were those of\\nJohn 0. Calhoun, of South Carolina, and Daniel Web-\\nster, of Massachusetts. These comprise the better part\\nof the argument on both sides. Mr. Clay, though far\\nadvanced in years, brought all the maturity and vigour\\nof his great mind to hear upon the question. He\\nsought, with Mr. Webster, to allay excitement and\\nconciliate opposing parties. To this end he gave his\\nsupport to a bill, which, from the heterogeneous ele-\\nments of which it was composed, received the name\\nof the omnibus, intended to settle, by one decisive\\nvote, all the vexed questions arising out of the great\\nsubject of agitation. It provided, 1. For the admis-\\nsion of California, under her own constitution 2. For\\norganizing territorial governments for New Mexico and\\nUtah, without any provision on the subject of slavery\\nand, 3. For paying Texas a sum which should be\\nacceptable to her, for relinquishing her claims to a part\\nof New Mexico. These measures were united in one\\nbill, in order to compel the northern members, who\\nwere in favour of the admission of California, to waive\\nthe Wilmot Proviso in the other measures.\\nThis measure, which was deemed by Mr. Clay and\\nMr. Webster a fair compromise between the north and\\nthe south, engrossed the entire attention of the senate\\nfor many weeks. No other business was done. Amend-\\nment was piled upon amendment, and speech followed\\nspeech, till the combatants were as weary with talking,\\nas the people with hearing, the wordy debate. When,\\nat length, and with exceeding difficulty, it was brought\\nto a vote, it was defeated, and lost.\\nIn the midst of this important debate, and very soon\\nafter he had put forth a great and exhausting effort in\\ndefence of the peculiar institutions and principles of\\nthe south, Mr. Calhoun, of South Carolina, was called\\nto his last account. He died at his post, on the 1st of\\nApril, 18-50, giving his last energies of body and mind\\nto the great interests committed to his triiSt.\\nThere were so many brilliant and attractive points\\nin Mr. Calhoun s character, so much personal excel-\\nlence, simplicity, and purity, such unquestioned genius,\\nand such claims of long and patriotic public service,\\nthat his sudden exit in the midst of his labours, and so\\nsoon after a signal public eifort, evoked a feeling of\\nsympathy which was quite as general and sincere\\namong northern as among southern men.\\nMr. Calhoun was born in the Abbeville district,\\nSouth Carolina, upon the homestead of his father,\\nPatrick Calhoun, who was born in Ireland. At the age\\nof thirteen, he was placed in an academy at Georgia. At\\nnineteen, he concluded to secure for himself a classical\\neducation. At twenty-three, he was graduated at Yale,\\nand immediately entered upon service at the Litchfield\\nlaw school. In 1807, he was admitted to the bar of\\n.South Carolina. In 1808, he was sent to the legislature,\\nwhere he served two sessions. In 1811, he was sent\\nto congress, where he was placed on the committee on\\nforeign relations, and as chairman after the retirement\\nof Peter B. Porter. He brought in the bill declaring\\nwar against Great Britain. He was greatly instru-\\nmental in reorganizing the army, reviving the West\\nPoint Academy, and in originating the coast survey.\\nHe was twice elected vice-president, in 1825 and in\\n1829.\\nMr. Calhoun was seven years in the cabinet, and as\\nmany years vice-president. From 1808 to 1850, he has\\nhardly been out of the public service, and in it he has\\nbeen one of the most conspicuous of our public men,\\nand one who has contributed vastly to the reputation\\nof the country.\\nThe senate presented an imposing spectacle at the\\ntime his decease was announced. Mr. Butler, his col-\\nleague, rose with evident emotion, and in a solemn,\\nimpressive manner, eulogized the deceased in terms\\nwhich, while they are free from exaggeration, portrayed\\nthe outlines of a great and pure statesman. Some of", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0550.jp2"}, "551": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n519\\nhis remarks on Mr. Calhoun s last hours have a deep\\ninterest. He said he was conscious^of his approaching\\nend, and met death with fortitude and uncommon se-\\nrenity. He had many admonitions of its approach, and,\\nwithout doubt, he had not been indifferent to them.\\nWith his usual aversion to profession, he said little for\\neffect on the world, and his last hours were an exem-\\nplification of his life and character truth and sim-\\nplicity.\\nMr. Calhoun for some years had been labouring un-\\nder a pulmonary complaint, and, under its effects, could\\nnot have reckoned on a long existence such was his\\nown conviction. The immediate cause of his death\\nwas an affection of the heart. A few hour^ before he\\nexpired, he became sensible of his situation, and when\\nhe was unable to speak, his eye and look evinced\\nrecognition and intelligence of what was passing. One\\nof the last directions he gave was to a dutiful son, who\\nhad been attending him, to put away some manu-\\nscripts, which had been written some time before, un-\\nder his dictation.\\nMr. Calhoun was the least dependent man he ever\\nknew and he had, in an eminent degree, the .self-sus-\\ntaining power of intellect. His last days and his last\\nremarks were an exemplification of this. Mental deter-\\nmination sustained him when all others were in despair.\\nMr. Butler saw him a few days ago in the senate which\\nhe had so long occupied. He saw the struggle of a\\ngreat mind exerting itself to sustain and overcome the\\nweakness and infirmities of a sinking body. It was\\nthe exhibition of a wounded eagle, with his eyes turned\\nto the heavens in whicli he had soared, but unto which\\nhis wings could never carry him again.\\nMr. Butler was followed by Mr. Clay in a strain of\\ntouching remarks, which thrilled every heart. He had\\nentered the house of representatives the same year with\\nMr. Calhoun the year of the declaration of war against\\nthe most powerful nation on the globe, and had enjoyed\\nconstant intimacy with him ever since. When Mr.\\nClay alluded to the pregnant moral lesson which this\\nevent taught him, and his own proximity to the grave,\\nhis voice assumed that peculiar tone of pathos and emo-\\ntion which at times makes Mr. Clay the most eloquent\\nof men.\\nAs he sat. down, Mr. Webster rose, and added a few\\nwords of eulogy in a most solemn and impressive man-\\nner. He, too, had been a life-long companion in public\\nlife of the deceased, and could hardly speak too highly\\nof the exalted genius and worth of him whom they\\nmourned. Mr. W. s emotions were expressed with\\n6fi\\nexquisite taste and feeling, and there were many eyes\\nsufl used with tears.\\nThe scene in the house was scarcely less affecting.\\nMr. Holmes moved the accustomed marks of respect, in\\na speech of some length and great eloquence, and Mr.\\nWinthrop followed in his happiest manner. Mr. Vena-\\nble detailed, in simple language, some of the closing\\nscenes, in a manner that affected all.\\nPending this great discussion, the warm supporters\\nof slavery at the south had succeeded in carrying the\\nagitation so far, as to propose a southern convention, to\\nmeet at Nashville, Tennessee, for the purpose of con-\\nsidering what measures should be adopted, to preserve\\nthe national, or rather, the sectional equilibrium. The\\nrapid growth of the free states was gradually under-\\nmining the power of the south, and rendering it im-\\npossible for her longer to hold the entire predominance\\nin the administration of the federal government. Forty-\\neight years, out of sixty, the slave states had monopolized\\nthe entire executive control, and with it, had carried all\\nthe power and patronage of the government. By this\\nmeans, they had seldom failed in carrying any of their\\nfavorite measures, or bringing in new states to their\\naid, whenever it became necessary to overbalance the\\nadvance of the free states. The newly-acquired terri-\\ntory was now free. Should it be suffered to remain\\nso, the slave interest would be thrown into a hopeless\\nminority, and consequently be in danger of utter anni-\\nhilation. To prevent this, and save the darling insti-\\ntution from the ruthless hands of the abolitionists, it\\nwas proposed to recede from the Union altogether, and\\nestablish a southern confederacy. This was the end\\nof the Nashville convention, which, in case of the ad-\\nmission of new states opposed to slavery, was to devise\\nand promulgate measures of defence for the south. It\\ncontemplated either an absolute withdrawal from the\\nUnion, or a sort of imperivm in imperio, in which,\\nwhile enjoying the general advantages of the Union,\\nthey should resist and nullify any such legislation as\\nthey might disapprove. In the same spirit, the gov-\\nernment of Texas assumed to forestall the action of\\ncongress in respect to her claim to the whole of New\\nMexico. She not only asserted her right, as one be-\\nyond a doubt, but declared her determination to enforce\\nit at the point of the bayonet, and in spite of any de-\\ncision to the contrary, on the part of the powers at\\nWashington. The militia was ordered out. The gov-\\nernor issued a strong proclamation, and the movement\\nof open collision seemed close at hand. It was sus-\\npended, however, by the decided tone and action of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0551.jp2"}, "552": {"fulltext": "620\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe president, who was resolved, at all hazards, to\\nmaintain the integrity of the government, and hold the\\nconstitution unimpaired.\\nJust at this crisis, when all the firmness and decision\\nof the executive were required to balance, and hold in\\ncheck, not only the volcanic elements of popular and\\nsectional parties throughout the country, but the dis-\\norganizing tendencies of the coordinate branches of\\ngovernment, the hand of death was suddenly laid\\nupon the president, and he was called from his high\\nstation and arduous duties, to render an account of his\\nstewardship. After an illness of a few days only, Gen-\\neral Taylor died, at Washington, on the 9th of July,\\n1850, in the sixty-sixth year of his age. The impres-\\nsion produced upon the national mind was deep and\\nsolemn the country monrned the loss of a brave\\nsoldier, and all parties believed tliat their late president\\nwas an honest man.\\nIt was a spectacle of which Americans might well be\\nproud, to see the supreme power of one of the mighti-\\nest nations on earth passing quietly from the dead to\\nthe living not by hereditary descent, but by virtue of\\nthe sovereign will of the people, designating, but a few\\nmonths before, the proper succession. No convulsion,\\nno agitation, no pageantry attended the transfer. Ev-\\nDepartment op State,\\nWashington, August 5, 1850. 5\\nTo his Excellency P. H. Bell, Governor of Texas\\nSiK A letter addressed by you to the late president of the United\\nStates, and dated on the 14th of June last, has, since his lamented de-\\ncease, been transferred to the hands of his successor, by whom I am\\ndirected to address to you the following answer\\nIn that letter you say that, by the authority of the legislature of\\nTexas, the executive of that state, in February last, despatched a spe-\\ncial commissioner, with full power and instructions to extend the\\ncivil jurisdiction of that state over the unorganized counties of El\\nPaso, Worth, Presidio, and Santa Fe, situated upon its north-western\\nlimits and that the commissioner has rejiorted to you, in an official\\nform, that the military officers employed in the service of the United\\nStates, stationed at Santa Fc, interposed adversely with the inhabit-\\nants to the fulfilment of his object, by employing their influence in\\nfavour of the establishment of a separate state government east of the\\nRio Grande, and within the rightful limits of the state of Texas. You\\nalso transmit a copy of the proclamation of ColonSl John Munroe,\\nacting under the orders of the government of the United States, under\\nthe designation of civil and military governor of the territory of New\\nMexico, and respectfully request the president to cause you to be in-\\nformed whether or not this officer has acted in this matter under the\\norders of his government, and whether his proclamation meets with\\nthe approval of the president of the United States.\\nIn the events which have occurred, the president hardly knows\\nwhether your excellency would naturally expect an answer to this\\nletter from him. His predecessor in office, to whom it was addressed,\\nand under whose authority and direction the proclamation of Colonel\\nMunroe was issued, is no more and at this time, that proclamation,\\nwhatever may be regarded as its true character, has ceased to have\\nery thing moved on as before. Not even the ceremony\\nof induction, beyond the simple taking of an oath to\\nsustain the constitution. This done, with solemn dig-\\nnity, and Millard Fillmore was president of the United\\nStates.\\nMr. Fillmore succeeded to the cares and responsi-\\nbilities, as well as to the honours, of the chief magis-\\ntracy. The complicated duties of the office, made\\ndoubly arduous by the exciting questions then agitating\\nand convulsing the body politic, demanded, at this\\ncrisis, not only the wisdom of an experienced states-\\nman, but the courage and firmness of an old soldier.\\nThe factious and reckless hoped to gain an advantage\\nby the change. They counted on a comparatively\\neasy victory over the mere civilian, where, but now,\\nthey had begun to despair of accomplishing any\\nthing with the hardy veteran, who had never surren-\\ndered, and never been beaten. But they reckoned\\nwithout their host. The first act of the new presi-\\ndent showed clearly that he was a man of calm pur-\\npose and decision. The attitude assumed by Texas\\nwas boldly and manfully met by a proclamation, which\\nleft no doubt on any mind that the supreme law\\nwould be sustained and executed, at any cost. The\\nable, temperate, but firm letter of Mr. Webster,* the\\ninfluence or effect. The meeting of the people of New Mexico, by\\ntheir reiiresentatives, which it invited, is understood to have taken\\nplace, although this government has as yet received no official infor-\\nmation of it.\\nPartaking, however, in the fullest degree, in that liigh respect\\nwhich the executive government of the United States always enter-\\ntains towards the governors and the governments of the states, the\\npresident thinks it his duty, nevertheless, to manifest that feeling of\\nrespect by acknowledging and answering 5 our letter. And this duty,\\nlet me assure your excellency, has been so long delayed only by un-\\ncontrollable circumstances, and is now performed at the earliest prac-\\nticable moment, after the appomtment of those heads of departments,\\nand their acceptance of office, with whom it is usual, on important\\noccasions, for the president of the United States to advise.\\nIn answer, therefore, to your first interrogatory, viz., whether\\nColonel Munroe, in issuing the proclamation referred to, acted under\\nthe orders of this government, the president directs me to state that\\nColonel Munroe s proclamation appears to have been issued in pur-\\nsuance or in consequence of an order or letter of instructions given by\\nthe late secretary of war, under the authority of the late president, to\\nLieutenant-Colonel McCall. Of this order, which bears date on the\\nlyth of November, 1819, your excellency was undoubtedly informed\\nat the date of your letter. A full and accurate copy, however, is\\nattached to this communication. Colonel McCall is therein instructed,\\nthat if the people of New Mexico, for whom congress had provided\\nno government, should manifest any wish to take any steps to estab-\\nlish a government for themselves, and apijly for an admission into the\\nUnion, it will be his duty, and the duty of others mth whom he is\\nassociated, not to thwart, but to advance, their wishes. This order\\ndoes not appear to authorize any exertion of military authority, or of\\nany official or even personal interference to control, or affect in any", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0552.jp2"}, "553": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n521\\nnew secretary of state, to the governor of Texas, if\\nit did not put an end to the controversy, demolished\\nevery show of argument by which the opposition had\\nsought to prosecute it. The country was satisfied\\nwith the decision. The factionists were driven to des-\\nperation, and even talked loudly of impeaching the\\nway, the primary action of the people in the formation of a govern-\\nment, nor to permit any such interference by subordinate officers.\\nColonel McCall and his associates were not called upon to take a lead\\nin any measures, or even to recommend any thing as iit to be adopted\\nby the people. Their whole duty was confined to what they might\\nbe able to perf jrm, subordinate to the wishes of the people. In this\\nmatter it was evidently contemplated that they were to act as the\\nagents of the inhabitants, and not as officers of this government. It\\nmust be recollected that the only government then existing in the\\nterritory was a quasi military government and as congress has made\\nno provision for the establishment of any form of civil government,\\nand as the president doubtless beUeved that, under these circum-\\nstances, the people had a right to frame a government for themselves,\\nand submit it to congress for its approval, the order was a direction that\\nthe then e.xisiting military government should not stand in the way\\nof the accomplishment of the wishes of the people, nor thwart those\\nwishes, if the people entertained them, for the establishment of a free,\\npopular, republican, civil government, for their own protection and\\nbenefit. Tliis is evidently the whole purpose and object of the order.\\nThe military officer in command, and his associates, were American\\ncitizens, acquainted with the forms of civil and popular proceedings,\\nand it was expected tliey would aid the inhabitants of the territory,\\nby their advice and assistance, in their proceedings for establishing a\\ngovernment of their own. There is no reason to suppose that Colonel\\nMunroe, an officer as much distinguished for prudence and discretion\\nas for gallant conduct in arms, meant to act, or did act, otherwise than\\nin entire subordination and subserviency to the will of the people\\namong whom he was placed. He was not authorized to do, nor does\\nthe president imderstand him as intending to do, any tiling whatever\\nin his military character, nor to represent in any way the wishes of\\nthe executive government of the United States.\\nTo judge intelligently and fairly of these transactions, we must\\nrecall to our recollection the cu-cumstances of the case as they then\\nexisted.\\nPrevious to the war with Mexico, which commenced in May, 18i6,\\nand received the sanction of congress on the 13th of that mouth, the\\nterritory of New Me.xico formed a department or state of the Me.xican\\nrepublic, and was governed by her laws.\\nGeneral Kearney, acting under orders from this government, invaded\\nthis depai tment with an armed force the governor fled at his ap-\\nproach, and the troops under his command dispersed, and General\\nKearney entered Santa Ffe, the capital, on the ISth of August, 1816,\\n.and took possession of the territory in the name of the United States.\\nOn the 22d of that month he issued a proclamation to the inhabitants,\\nstating the fact that he had taken possession of Santa Fe, at the head\\nof his troops, and announcing his intention to hold the department\\nwith its original boundaries, (on both sides of the Del Norte,) and un-\\nder the name of New Mexico.\\nBy that proclamation he promised to protect the inhabitants of New\\nMexico in their persons and property, against their Indian enemies,\\nand all others and assured them that the United States intended to\\nprovide for them a free government, when the people would be called\\nupon to exercise the rights of freemen in electing their own repre-\\nsentatives to the territorial legislature. On the same day he estab-\\nlished a territorial constitution by an organic law, which provided for\\nexecutive, legislative, and judicial departments of the government;\\npresident. It ended in talk, however, as did also the\\ngreat debate in congress upon the omnibus, which,\\nafter lumbering all the avenues of legislation for more\\nthan six months, and raising such a dust as had never\\nbeen seen in Washington, was upset and dashed in\\npieces, not for want of a skilful and able driver, but\\ndefined the right of suffrage, and provided for trial by jury, and at the\\nsame time established a code of laws. The constitution declared that\\nthe country heretofore known as New Mexico shall be known here-\\nafter and designated as the territory of New Mexico, in the United\\nStates of America and the members of the lower house of the legis-\\nlature were apportioned among the counties estabUshed by the decree\\nof the department of New Mexico, of June 17, 1814, which counties,\\nit is understood, included all the territory over which Texas has lately\\nattempted to organize counties and establish her own jurisdiction.\\nOn the 22d of December, 1846, a copy of this constitution and code\\nwas transmitted by President Polk to the house of representatives, in\\npursuance of a call on him by that body. In the message transmitting\\nthe constitution, he says, that\\nPortions of it purport to establish and organize a permanent terri-\\ntorial government over the territory, and to impart to its inhabitants\\npolitical rights which, under the constitution of the United States, can\\nbe enjoyed, permanently, only by citizens of the United States. They\\nhave not been approved and recognized by me. Such organized regu-\\nlations as have been established in any of the conquered territories for\\nthe security of our conquest, for the preservation of order, for the\\nprotection of the rights of the inhabitants, and for depriving the ene-\\nmy of the advantages of these territories while the military possession\\nof them by the forces of the United States continues, will be reeog-\\nnized and approi ed.\\nNear four years have now elapsed since the i/uasi military govern-\\nment was es^blished by military authority, and received, with the\\nexceptions mentioned, the approval of President Polk. In the mean\\ntime, a treaty of peace has been concluded with Mexico, by which a\\nboundary line was established that left this territory within the United\\nStates, by treaty, what we had before acquired by conquest. The\\ntreaty, in perfect accordance \\\\vith the proclamation of General Kear-\\nney, declared that the Mexicans remaining in this territory should be\\nincorporated into the Union of the United States, and be admitted at\\nthe proper time, (to be judged of by the congress of the states,) to\\nan enjojTnent of all the rights of citizens of the United States, accord-\\ning to the principles of the constitution and in the mean time should\\nbe maintained and protected in the free enjojinent of their liberty and\\nproperty, and secured in the free exercise of their religion without\\nrestriction.\\nThus it will be perceived that the authority of the United States\\nover New Jlexico was the result of conquest and the possession held\\nof it, in the first place, was of course a military possession. The treaty\\nadded the title by cession to the already existing title by successful\\nachievements in arms. With the peace there arose a natural expecta-\\ntion that, as early as possible, there would come a civil government\\nto supersede the military. But until some such form of government\\nshould come into existence, it was matter of absolute necessity that\\nthe military government should continue, as otherwise the country\\nmust faU into absolute anarchy. And this has been the course gen-\\nerally, in the practice of civilized nations, when colonies or territories\\nhave been acquired by war, and their acquisition confii-med by treaty.\\nThe military government, therefore, existing in New Mexico at the\\ndate of the order, existed there of inevitable necessity. It existed\\nas much against the will of the e.xecutive government of the United\\nStates, as against the will of the people. The late president had\\nadopted the opinion, that it was justifiable in the people of the terri-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0553.jp2"}, "554": {"fulltext": "522\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfrom a certain top-heaviness in its structure, and the\\nunexpected roughness of the road.\\nThe loss of this bill was not so severely felt, even\\nby some of its warmest advocates, as would have been\\nsupposed from the zeal with which they contended\\ntory, under the circumstances, to form a constitution or government,\\nwithout any previous authority conferred by congress, and thereupon\\nto apply for admission into the Union. It was under this state of\\nthings, and under the infiuence of these opinions, that the order of the\\n19th November last was given, and executed in the manner we have\\nseen. The order indicates no boundary, and defines no territory, ex-\\ncept by the name of New Mexico and so far as that indicated any\\nthing, it referred to a knowTi territory, which had been organized un-\\nder military authority, approved by the executive, and left without\\nremonstrance or alteration by congress for more than three years. It\\nappears to the president, that such an order could not have been in-\\ntended to invade the rights of Texas.\\nSecondly, you ask whether the proclamation of Colonel Munroe\\nmeets with the approval of the president of the United States\\nTo determine this question, it is necessary to look at the object of the\\nproclamation, and the effect of the proceedings had under it. If the\\nobject was to assume the authority to settle the disputed boundary\\nwith Texas, then the president has no hesitation in saying such\\nobject does not meet his approbation, because he does not believe\\nthat the executive branch of this government, or the inhabitants of\\nNew Mexico, or both combined, have any constitutional authority to\\nsettle that question. That belongs either to the judicial department\\nof the federal government, or to the concurrent action by agreement\\nof the legislative departments of the governments of the United States\\nand Texas. But it has been sufficiently shown that Colonel Mumroe\\ncould have had no such object, and that his intention was merely to\\nact in aid of the people in forming a state constitution, to be submitted\\nto congress. Assuming then that such a constitution has been formed,\\nwhat is its effect uj^on the disputed boundary If it compromits the\\nrights of either party to that question, then it does not meet the presi-\\ndent s approbation, for he deems it his duty to leave the settlement of\\nthat question to the tribunal to which it constitutionally belongs. It\\nis sufficient for him that this boundary is in dispute that the territory\\neast of the Kio del Norte seems to be claimed in good faith both by\\nTexas and New Mexico, or rather, by the United States. ^Vhatever\\nmight be his judgment in regai d to their respective rights, he has no\\npower to decide upon them, or even to negotiate in regard to them\\nand, therefore, it would be iu^roper for him to express any opinion.\\nThe subject matter of dispute is between the United States and Texas,\\nand not between the inhabitants of New Mexico and Texas. If those\\npeople should voluntarily consent to come under the jurisdiction of\\nTexas, such consent would not bind the United States, or take away\\ntheir title to the territory. So, on the other hand, if they should vol-\\nuntarily claim the title for the United States, it would not deprive\\nTexas of her rights, whatever those rights may be. They can only be\\naffected by her own acts, or a judicial decision. The state constitu-\\ntion formed by New Mexico can have no legal validity until it is rec-\\nognized and adopted by the law-making power of the United States.\\nUntil that is done, it has no sanction, and can have no effect upon the\\nrights of Texas, or of the United States, to the territory in dispute.\\nAnd it is not to be presumed that congress wUl ever give its sanction\\nto that constitution, without first providing for the settlement of this\\nboundary. Indeed, no government, either territorial or state, can be\\nformed for New Mexico without providing for the settling this boun-\\ndary. Hence he regards the formation of this state constitution as a\\nmere nullity. It may be regarded, indeed, as a petition to congress\\nto be admitted as a state but, until congress shall grant the prayer\\nof such petition by legal enactments, it affects the rights of neither\\nfor it, and the time and labour they bestowed upon it.\\nIts defeat and abandonment were not, as they predicted,\\na signal for agitations, disunion, and war. The several\\nmeasures, embraced in its ample drapery, were subse-\\nquently digested into separate bills, and passed into\\nparty. But as it is the right of all to petition congress for any law\\nwhich it may constitutionally pass, this people were in the exercise of\\na common right when they formed their constitution, with a view of\\napplying to congress for admission as a state and as he thinks the\\nact can prejudice no one, he feels bound to approve of the conduct\\nof Colonel Munroe, in issuing the proclamation.\\nI am directed, also, to state that in the president s opinion it would\\nnot be just to suppose that the late president desired to manifest any\\nunfriendly attitude or aspect towards Texas or the claims of Te.xas.\\nThe boundary between Texas and New Mexico was known to be dis-\\nputed and it was equally well known that the executive government\\nof the United States had no power to settle that dispute. It is believed\\nthat the executive power has not wished it certainly does not now\\nwish to interfere with that question, in any manner whatever, as a\\nquestion of title.\\nIn one of his last communications to congress, that of the 17th ot\\nJune last, the late president repeated the declaration that he had no\\npower to decide the question of boundary, and no desire to interfere\\nwith it and that the authority to settle that question resided else-\\nwhere. The object of the executive government has been, as I believe,\\nand as I am authorized to say it certainly now is, to secure the peace\\nof the country to maintain, as far as practicable, the state of things as\\nit existed at the date of the treaty and to uphold and preserve the\\nrights of the respective parties as they were under the solemn guaran-\\ntee of the treaty, until the highly interesting question of boundary\\nshould be finally settled by competent authority. Tiiis treaty, which\\nis now a supreme law of the land, declares, as before stated, that the\\ninhabitants shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoj-ment\\nof their liberty and property, and secured in the free exercise of\\ntheir religion. It will, of course, be the president s duty to see that\\nthis law is sustained, and the protection which it guarantees made\\neffectual and this is the plain and open path of executive duty, in\\nwhich he proposes to tread.\\nOther transactions of a very grave character are alluded to, and\\nrecited in your excellency s letter. To those transactions I am now\\ndh ected not more partictdarly to advert, because the only questions\\npropounded by you respect the authority under which Colonel Mun-\\nroe acted, and the approval or disapproval of liis proclamation. Your\\nexcellency s communication and the answer will be immediately laid\\nbefore congress, and the president will take that occasion to bring to\\nits notice the transactions alluded to above.\\nIt is known to your excellency that the questions growing out of\\nthe acquisition of California and New Mexico, and among them the\\nhiglily important one of the boundary of Texas, have steadily engaged\\ntlie attention of both houses of congress for many months, and still\\nengage it, with intense interest. It is understood that the legislature\\nof Te.xas will be shortly in session, and iTill have the boundary ques-\\ntion also before it. It is a delicate crisis in our public affairs, not\\nfree certainly from possible dangers but let us confidently trust that\\njustice, moderation, patriotism, and the love of the Union, may inspire\\nsuch counsels, both in the government of the United States and that\\nof Texas, as shall carry the country through these dangers, and bring\\nit safely out of them all. And with renewed assm-ances of the con-\\ntinuance of mutual respect and hai mony in the great family of states,\\nI have the honour to be, \u00e2\u0096\u00a0nith entu-e regard.\\nYour excellency s most obedient servant,\\nDaniel Websxeh, Secretary of Stat*.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0554.jp2"}, "555": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nlaws. California was admitted as an independent state,\\nwith a constitution prohibiting involuntary slavery\\nwithin her territories. Texas was paid ten millions of\\ndollars for relinquishing her doubtful claim to a por-\\ntion of New Mexico. New Mexico and Utah were\\nThe Boundaries. As the newly-acquired territory is at length\\ndefinitely parcelled out and arranged, it may be well to state the boun-\\ndaries of each separate jurisdiction. Fu-st, we have the boundary\\nbetween Texas and New Mexico. It is beUeved that Texas wUl readily\\nassent to it.\\nIt begins at the intersection of the 100th parallel of longitude with\\nlatitude 36 30 and thence runs due west on said parallel of latitude\\nto longitude 103^ thence south along said meridian of longitude to\\nlatitude 32 thence west along said parallel of latitude to the Kio\\nGrande thence southerly down the Rio Grande to the Gulf of\\nMexico.\\nTerritory of New Mexico. Beginning at a point in the Colorado\\nRiver, where the boundary line ith the republic of ilexico crosses the\\nsame thence eastwardly with the said boundary line to the Rio\\nGrande thence following the main channel of said river to the paral-\\nlel of the thirty-second degree of north latitude thence east with said\\ndegree to its intersection with the one hundred and third degree of\\nlongitude west of Greenwich thence north with said degree of longi-\\ntude to the parallel of the thirty-eighth degree of north latitude thence\\nwest with said parallel to the summit of the Sierra Madre thence\\nsouth with the crest of said mountains to the thirty-seventh parallel\\nof north latitude thence west with said parallel to its intersection\\nwith the boundary line of the state of California.\\nTerritory of Utah. Bounded on the west by the state of California\\nprovided with territorial governments,* and a bill was\\npassed to enforce the arrest and recovery, in the free\\nstates, of slaves escajiing, or havmg escaped, from tlie\\nsouth.\\non the north by the territory of Oregon on the east by the sumniil\\nof the Rocky Mountains on the south by latitude 37\\nThe acts of congress, providing for the organization of those territo-\\nries, expressly stipulate that when admitted into the Union as states,\\nthey shall be admitted with or without slavery, as their constitutions\\nmay prescribe at the time of their admission. They may each bo\\ndivided into two or more territories, should congress so determine\\nor any portion of either or both of them may be attached to any otlitr\\nstate or territory of the United States, according to the judgment of tlio\\nsame authority.\\nState of California. Bounded on the north by (latitude 42 Oregon\\nterritory, on the west by the Pacific Ocean, on the south by Mexico,\\nand on the rtist as follows, viz. beginning at the intersection of lati-\\ntude 42\u00c2\u00b0 with longitude 120\u00c2\u00b0, thence running southerly along said me-\\nridian of longitude to latitude 39\u00c2\u00b0 thence south-easterly in a straight\\nline to the River Colorado, at the point where it intersects latitude io-\\nthence down the middle of the channel of said river to the Mexican\\nboundary.\\nThus it will be seen that the state of California occupies all the\\nPacifip coast from Oregon to Mexico, some eight hundred mUes, with\\nan average breadth of probably two hundred and fifty miles. The\\ntemtory of Utah lies between the state of California and the territory\\nof New Mexico, but extends southward oidy to latitude 37 South\\nof that parallel, the territory of New Mexico extends to the stale of\\nCalifornia. Utah is therefore bounded south and east by New Mexico,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0555.jp2"}, "556": {"fulltext": "The administration of Mr. Fillmore, as was intimat-\\ned at the close of the last chapter, was commenced\\nunder circumstances of great embarrassment. The\\nhigh and deserved popularity of General Taylor with\\nthe masses of the people rendered it a difficult and\\nhazardous experiment for any one to occupy his seat.\\nThe agitating subjects which, at that time, engrossed\\nthe attention of the Congress and the people, arous-\\ning the strongest sectional jealousies and party ani-\\nmosities, made it especially difficult for a northern\\nman to stand at the helm and attempt to guide the\\nship of state. There were breakers on all sides, and\\nwreckers on all the reefs, eagerly watching for their\\nshares of the salvage, or the monopoly of the plun-\\nder. A few violent and unreasonable agitators at the\\nnorth, and a few equally violent and unreasonable\\nagitators at the south, had, for many years, been la-\\nboring to disturb the harmony and arrest the progress\\nof the model republic. The number of these Mar-\\nplots, on each side of the line, was exceedingly small,\\nbut each believed the other a legion, and invincible,\\nexcept on the sole gi ound of a dissolution of the\\nunion a consummation equally desired by the aboli-\\ntionists at the north and the secessionists at the\\ngouth. Par nobile fratrum.\\nGeneral Taylor s last illness was of very short du-\\nration. He was but a few days withdrawn from his\\npublic duties, and but a few hours regarded as dan-\\ngerously ill, before the scene of his earthly honors and\\nduties was closed forever. Mr. Fillmore was taken\\nby surprise. With no time for reflection, or prepara-\\ntion for its high responsibilities, he found himself sud-\\ndenly raised to the chief magistracy. To add to the\\nembarrassments growing out of the slavery agitation,\\nand the bitter sectional jealousies already arrayed on\\nboth sides, all the members of the cabinet immediately\\ntendered their resignation. Though this was done\\nfrom no want of confidence in the new president, or\\nof sympathy with his political views, but simply from\\na desire to leave him more entirely free to mark out\\nhis own course, and select his own advisers, it never-\\ntheless greatly enhanced the difficulties of his posi-\\ntion. It was immediately seized upon, by the oppo-\\nsition, as an indication that he could not rely upon\\nthe entire strength of General Taylor s friends to\\nsustain his administration. To them it ofl ered a\\nslight hope of a division in the whig ranks. And\\nMr. -Fillmore could not certainly know that it did not\\nforeshadow such a division, or at least intimate a\\nwant of confidence in the ability of a northern man\\nto rally and retain the entire strength of the party\\nthen in the ascendant.\\nIt was a question of no small delicacy and diffi-\\nculty, but requiring an immediate decision, whether\\nthese resignations should be returned, and the former\\ncabinet be requested to retain their places, or a new\\none be appointed. The omnibus bill was still\\nunder discussion in the Senate, its ultimate fate\\nshrouded in dread uncertainty. To this bill it was\\nunderstood that General Taylor s cabinet was op-\\nposed while Mr. Fillmore concurred in its main fea-\\ntures, and was inclined to favor its adoption, as a\\nmeasure of peace. Feeling it necessary that he\\nshould have a cabinet to sustain him in that course,\\nif called upon to pursue it, he decided to select a new\\none. This was arranged as follows\\nDaniel Webster, of Massachusetts, Secretary of\\nState Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, Secretary of the\\nTreasury Charles M. Conrad, of Louisiana, Secre-\\ntary of War; William A. Graham, of North Caroli-\\nna, Secretary of the Navy; Alexander H. Stuart,\\nof Virginia, Secretary of the Interior; .Tohn J. Crit-\\ntenden, of Kentucky, Attorney General Nathan K.\\nHall, of New York, Postmaster General.\\nWhen the omnibus bill was brought to a vote in\\nthe Senate, it was rejected by a majority vote, and", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0556.jp2"}, "557": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n525\\nthus the apple of discord was again thrown down to\\nthe political athletes. To many of the best men on\\nboth sides of the question it was a great disappoint-\\nment. Mr. Clay had given to this measure all his\\nheart, and had expended upon it all his yet undecayed\\nenergies. Mr. Calhoun had fallen at his post, in the\\nvery act of defending the southern intrenchments of\\nslavery against the inevitable and crushing advance\\nof freedom and justice. And now, as the master\\nspirits were passing away, the conflict was to be com-\\nmenced de novo. A new plan of operations was to\\nbe devised, a new disposition of forces arranged, and\\na new leader found for the ultra south. California\\nwas still standing at the door of the Union, knocking\\nfor admission, its boundaries self-defined, its constitu-\\ntion self-formed, and hostile to slavery. It was a bit-\\nter pill to the south, that this dearly-bought extension\\nof area should so soon, contrary to all their designs\\nand purposes in securing it, prove an enlargement of\\nthe area of freedom. They were resolved to resist\\nher admission, hoping, by delay, to bring about a\\nchange of policy, and the ultimate admission of sla-\\nvery. But they had no solid grounds for a refusal.\\nTheir opposition was purely technical. The only ar-\\ngument they could urge against her admission was,\\nthat her application was premature, that she had\\nnot gone through the usual pupilage of a territorial\\ngovernment, and consequently had not had a fair op-\\nportunity to test the comparative advantages of free-\\ndom and slavery. They were afraid of a free giant\\nspringing, full grown, to birth. They wanted to have\\na hand in his nursing and education, and to keep him\\nin leading strings, till, shorn of his strength by the\\ndemoralizing influences of slavery, they could put\\nout his eyes, bind him with their own fetters, and set\\nhim to grinding in the prison house of a system,\\nwhich makes slaves equally of the servant and the\\nserved.\\nThis agitating question was complicated with an-\\nother of no sHght moment and difficulty. Utah and\\nNew Mexico were preparing to follow the example of\\nCalifornia, by claiming a place in the great constella-\\ntion of states, the former wishing admission as a\\nterritory, the latter as a state. To this last Texas\\nset up a strong and angry opposition. She claimed\\nNew Mexico as a part of her own territory, and re-\\nsolved to resist any effort for an independent organi-\\nzation even at the point of the bayonet. This she\\ndid on the sole ground that, as a Mexican province,\\nshe was originally entitled to all the country lying\\neast of the Rio Grande, including Santa Fe. Her\\nsages forgot that, in coming into the Union, she had\\ndefined her own boundaries, and was received as a\\nwhole, and not as a maimed member. The question,\\nlike every other, which touches the confines of slavery,\\nwas rife with danger to the peace and harmony of the\\nUnion. Texas called out her militia, to compel the\\nsubmission of New Mexico but the expedition was\\ncaptured by the New Mexicans, who resolutely re-\\nsisted any amalgamation or connection with that\\nState, or with the institution of slavery. In respect\\nto the latter, their negotiators, while arranging the\\nterms of the treaty which was to cede their territory\\nto the United States, had said that a proposal to es-\\ntablish the Inquisition there would not excite more ab-\\nhorrence than that which now attempted to bring back,\\nupon them the curse of slavery, from which they had,\\nby great efforts and sacrifices, long since delivered\\nthemselves.\\nTo crush this outbreak of civil war in the south-\\nwest, the strong arm of the national government was\\nimmediately interposed. The treaty of Guadalupe\\nHidalgo clearly required that the citizens of New\\nMexico should be maintained and protected in the\\nfree enjoyment of their liberty and property, and\\nin the free exercise of their religion, until Congress\\nshould provide for their becoming citizens of the Unit-\\ned States. In the exercise of his constitutio.nal du-\\nty, to take care that this treaty should be faithfully\\nexecuted, the president immediately ordered the re-\\nquisite military force, and munitions of war, to be\\nforwarded to New Mexico, to protect her against her\\npugnacious and over-grasping neighbor. Deeming\\nthe danger of a collision imminent, he brought the\\nmatter before Congress, on the 6th of August, in a\\nspecial message, in which he urged, in the strongest\\nmanner, a speedy settlement of the controversy. This\\nled to a new effort in Congress, and resulted in a se-\\nries of measures, now universally known as the com-\\npromise acts of 1850. By these acts California was\\nadmitted as a state, with a constitution forbidding\\nslavery. The boundary line between Texas and New\\nMexico was defined and established; New Mexico\\nand Utah were organized as territories; Texas was\\nallowed $10,000,000 in offset forher assumed claim\\non New Mexico the slave trade in the District of\\nColumbia was abolished and provision was made,\\nby a special and stringent law, for the more effectual\\nrecovery of fugitive slaves. This latter bill, in the\\nview of its authors and advocates, was based on a", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0557.jp2"}, "558": {"fulltext": "526\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\npalpable requirement of the constitution, being a sim-\\nple reenactment, with due forms of law, of the sec-\\nond section of its fourth article. In their eagerness\\n1o revive and strengthen that section, however, they\\nseem to have lost sight of the sanctity of the habeas\\ncorpus privilege, as guarantied in the ninth section of the\\nfirst article. Such, at least, is the view entertained\\nby many of the most eminent statesmen.\\nHistory, to be reliable and useful, must be impar-\\ntial. It is incumbent, therefore, that a measure of so\\ngreat importance as this, involving so many and op-\\nposite interests, and arousing so strongly the passions\\nand prejudices of contending factions, should be cool-\\nly considered, and carefully judged in the light of all\\nthe circumstances bearing upon the case at the time\\nof its enactment. This is essential to a just appreci-\\nation of President Fillmore s position and conduct in\\nreference to it. A brief resume of the facts and ar-\\nguments employed in its defence will therefore be at-\\ntempted.\\nAt the period of the formation of the constitution\\nof the United States, in 1787, slavery existed in most\\nof the states of the Union, as well as in all the Eng-\\nlish and French colonies. The necessity was then\\nuniversally felt of making some provision for the sur-\\nrender of such slaves as might escape from one state\\nto another. This was regarded not only as a matter\\nof common justice to the master, but as the only\\nmeans by which peace and harmony could be main-\\ntained among the several states. It was, accordingly,\\nby the unanimous consent of the convention that the\\nfollowing provision was incorporated into the second\\nsection of the fourth article of the constitution No\\nperson held to service or labor in one state, under the\\nlaws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conse-\\nquence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged\\nfrom such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on\\nclaim of the party to whom such service or labor may\\nbe due. The same article of the constitution pro-\\nvided for the rendition of fugitives from justice, and\\nconferred on Congress the sole power of prescribing\\nby general laws the manner in which the public\\nacts, records, and judicial proceedings of one state\\nshould be proved and made efficient in another.\\nIn pursuance of these provisions, an act was passed,\\nFebruary 12, 1793, and approved by President Wash-\\nington, prescribing the manner in which fugitive slaves\\nshould be claimed and given up. By this law, the\\nowner of the slave was authorized to seize or arrest\\nthe fugitive, and take him before a judge of the Unit-\\ned States Courts, or any magistrate of a county, city,\\nor town corporate, wherein the slave was arrested,\\nand, upon proof, to the satisfaction of such judge or\\nmagistrate, that the person so arrested did, under the\\nlaws of the state from which he fled, owe service to\\nthe person claiming him, it was made the duty of\\nsuch judge, or magistrate, to give a certificate thereof\\nto the claimant, which certificate was declared to be\\na sufficient warrant for removing the fugitive to the\\nstate from which he had fled.\\nSubsequent to the adoption of the constitution, and\\nthe passage of this law to enforce it, a strong anti-\\nslavery sentiment sprang up in the Northern States,\\npervading those which had retained the system after\\nassuming the character of states, as well as those\\nwhich had previously abolished it. This led, in a few\\nyears, to the abolition and prohibition of slavery and\\ninvoluntary servitude in all those states, and to the\\nenactment, in several of them, of state laws, proliibit-\\ning the state officers from assisting to execute these\\nlaws of Congress. It was also conceded by the\\nhighest authority, (see Story s Commentaries on the\\nConstitution, Sec. 1756,) that Congress had over-\\nstepped the limit of its powers in requiring this ser-\\nvice from state officers over whom it could have no\\ncontrol. The consequence of these decisions was,\\nthat there were no persons authorized to execute\\nthese laws, except the judges of the United States\\nCourts. These were so few in number, so far sep-\\narated, and so much occupied with the appropriate\\nduties of their offices, that they were scarcely accessi-\\nble to claimants, or able to give any attention to their\\nclaims when presented. The law was, therefore,\\nfound to be insufficient to secure the end for which it\\nwas framed, and consequently fell into disuse.\\nA case strikingly illustrating this weakness of the\\nlaw occurred in Pennsylvania, in 1839. A slave\\nfrom Maryland, escaped into that state, was pursued\\nby the agent of her master, arrested, and brought be-\\nfore a justice of the peace, who declined to take\\ncognizance of the matter, or to grant the certificate\\nnecessary to warrant her extradition. Thereupon the\\nagent took the law into his own hands, seized the\\nslave, and carried her back to her master. He was\\nthen duly indicted, under the Pennsylvania law, for\\nkidnapping, and, upon trial, convicted of that crime.\\nThe case was then carried before the Supreme Court\\nof the United States, where the judgment was re-\\nversed, and the doctrine clearly promulgated that no\\nstate law could deprive the owner of the right to seize\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0558.jp2"}, "559": {"fulltext": "HISJORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n527\\nhis runaway slave, even without process, and to com-\\npel his return to servitude.\\nThis decision was made in 1843. In the mean\\ntime, since the adoption of the constitution, and the\\npassage of the law of 1793, a half century, with all its\\nmighty changes, had passed over the land. From a\\nstruggling infant, the confederated republic had\\ngrown to the stature and conscious power of a giant.\\nThe original thirteen states had grown to more than\\ndouble that number, and the original differences,\\nwhich had required the combined wisdom, sagacity,\\nand patriotism of the race of sages and heroes who\\nachieved independence, to harmonize into a system\\nacceptable to all, had grown with their growth and\\nstrengthened with their strength, and had been ren-\\ndered increasingly bitter by frequent partisan and\\nsectional discussions, and in some instances by local\\nlaws, which seemed to repudiate the right and tram-\\nple upon the privileges guarantied by the constitu-\\ntion. At times, the agitation was vehement and\\nmenacing and it cannot be denied that, in view of\\nthe compact into which they had entered, there was\\nfault on both sides. There were fanatics at the north\\nand at the south, violent, reckless, noisy agitators,\\nwho deemed nothing sacred but their own right to\\ndictate and rule. If laws were passed or resolutions\\nmade public among the free states which were sub-\\nversive of the right of slaveholders to what they\\nclaimed as property, retaliatory laws were enacted,\\nand inflammatory resolutions passed at the south, ut-\\nterly denying the ordinary rights of citizenship to cer-\\ntain classes of northern freemen, and not only men-\\nacing, but actually executing, summary vengeance,\\nwithout the form of trial, upon any suspected persons\\npassing into their territories. In Congress, the slave\\npower was always in the ascendant. Of the sixty-two\\nyears then passed since the organization of the govern-\\nment, it had been administered fifty years by southern\\npresidents, atid only twelve by northern, and one of the\\nlatter was avowedly a northern man with southern\\nprinciples. This naturally provoked the jealousy of\\nthe north, more especially as they regarded the prev-\\nalent legislation decidedly inimical to their sectional in-\\nterests, and always conducive to the predominance of\\ntheir rivals. Moreover, while the most entire freedom\\nof speech, and of the press, was guarantied to all, and\\ngranted to all at the north, it was a matter of martyr-\\ndom to speak or write, at the south, in derogation of\\nher peculiar institution. These statements might be\\nillustrated by many thrilling incidents by stormy\\n67\\ndebates, by angry discussions, by vehement declama-\\ntions in Congress, and in legislative halls, and by im-\\nprisonment without charge or suspicion of crime, and\\nsummary execution, without form of law, or apology\\nfor trial.\\nIn addition to these things, imm ense accessions of\\nterritory had been made at a vast expenditure, and\\nall on Ihe side of the south. Louisiana, Florida,\\nTexas, California, had been purchased at a cost of\\nmore than 50,000,000 of dollars, besides an expensive\\nand destructive war. Several tribes of Indians had\\nbeen violently uprooted from their ancient domains,\\nwhich solemn treaties had guarantied to them forev-\\ner, and removed to remote positions, at great expense.\\nAll this had been done at the instance and for the\\nbenefit of the south. And yet the south demanded\\nmore. Extension, extension, was still the cry, but\\nnever a word of extension in any direction which\\nwould enure to the well being of freedom.\\nIt is not to be wondered at, therefore, that, as the\\nfree states, by continual immigration from Europe,\\nand by the natural tendency to growth and healthy\\ndevelopment, increased in population and power, they\\nshould resist these perpetual encroachments, and feel\\na growing indisposition to aid the slaveholder in re-\\ncovering his fugitives.\\nOn the other hand, it cannot be denied, that, what-\\never may have been the UTongs intended or produced\\nby their local laws and customs, the south was enti-\\ntled, under the constitution, to some protection against\\nthis species of loss. If that protection involves a\\nmoral wrong, it is the misfortune, and not the fault,\\nof the constitution. It could nfever have been formed\\nwithout it. It probably will not survive any serious\\nattempt to abrogate it. There it stands, clear and\\nunmistakable. And, however aggravating the ag-\\ngressions of southern policy, however distasteful\\nand offensive to northern ideas of freedom its local\\nlaws or individual actions, no man, whether presi-\\ndent, senator, or representative, who had solemnly\\nsworn to sustain the constitution, could fail to admit\\nthat the claim of the pouth, for a surrender of fugi-\\ntives from labor should, by some means, be provided\\nfor. But how should it be done, so as not to mag-\\nnify, rather than diminish, the difficulties already ex-\\nisting? Hoc opus, hie labor est.\\nThe period at which our history has amved was a\\ncrisis in this great political question, a culminating\\npoint in the progress of American slavery. The large\\naccession just made of territory on the Pacific and", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0559.jp2"}, "560": {"fulltext": "528\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nin Central America would, it was generally supposed,\\ngreatly increase the political importance of the south,\\nso as entirely to overbalance the recent growth of\\nfreedom in the north-west.\\nThe sudden appearance of California at the door\\nof Congress, asking admission into the Union as a\\nfree state, and the open and defiant repugnance of\\nNew Mexico to the attempt of Texas to fasten the\\npeculiar institution upon her, were alarming symp-\\ntoms of a serious disappointment in their calcula-\\ntions, and tended greatly to complicate the position\\nof parties, by giving an unexpected weight to the\\nnorthern views. Instead of taking a merely partisan\\nadvantage of this acquisition, however, the moderate,\\nor conservative portion of the north, which has al-\\nways constituted a large majority, made use of it to\\nsecure a compromise, which should guaranty mutual\\nadvantages to both sides. Of this compromise the\\nfugitive slave law formed a part. Its object was merely\\nto provide for the proper carrying into effect of the pro-\\nvisions of the constitution above quoted, by designat-\\ning suitable officers to execute the law, and prescrib-\\ning the manner in which the public, acts, records,\\nand judicial proceedings of one state should be\\nproved and made efficient in another. To this, the\\nnorth, by its representatives and president, assented,\\nin offset for the advantage gained by the admission of\\nCalifornia, and the abolition of the slave marts in the\\nDistrict of Columbia. It is not improbable that Mr.\\nFillmore would have preferred to gain these without\\nthe necessity of reviving and reanimating this old law.\\nBut he had no choice. They were all passed by\\nCongress, and placed before him for approval As\\nsworn to sustain the constitution, he, on the advice of\\nthe attorney general, to whom the question was re-\\nferred, deemed it his duty to sanction the bill, and\\nmake it a law, by his signature. The law of 1793\\nwas still as binding as ever, and the decision of the\\nSupreme Court in 1843, above alluded to, had con-\\nfirmed it. That law was manifestly defective in\\nits details, and demanded amendment. It did not\\nprovide a sufficient number of United States offi-\\ncers, authorized and required to execute it It made\\nno provision for the legal arrest of the fugitive, ex-\\ncept by the claimant himself. It furnished no ef-\\nfective means of resisting the enemies of the law\\nin their efforts to rescue the slave from his owner.\\nIt was also further deficient in defining the kind of\\nproof necessary to justify, on the part of the magis-\\ntrate, a certificate for the surrender of the slave.\\nThese defects were intended to be remedied by the\\nnevi law, which provided for the appointment of a\\nsuitable number of commissioners, having concur-\\nrent jurisdiction, in these cases, with the judges of\\nthe United States courts. Process for the arrest of the\\nfugitive was to be executed by the marshal of the dis-\\ntrict in which the arrest was to be made, who was\\nempowered to call to his assistance the requisite aid\\nto enforce the process. Proofs might be taken by a\\ncourt in the state from which the fugitive had fled, to\\nestablish these facts that he owed service, and that\\nhe had fled from it. In case resistance to his removal\\nwas apprehended, the commissioner was authorized\\nto direct the marshal to see him safely returned to\\nbondage.\\nIn considering the details of this law, after it was\\npresented to him for his signature, the president had\\nsome doubt, in his own mind, whether the provision\\nwhich declared the certificate of the magistrate final,\\nand that the persons executing it should not be mo-\\nlested by any process issued by any court, might not\\nbe an infringement of that clause of the constitution\\nwhich declares that the privilege of the writ of ha-\\nbeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in\\ncases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0require it. These doubts were removed by the opin-\\nion of the attorney general, but they still exist in\\nthe minds of a great majority of the northern people.\\nNotwithstanding this, however, the law would, in\\nmost cases, have been faithfully executed the great\\nmass of the people of the country, being a law-abid-\\ning people, were fast yielding to its requirements a\\nloyal, though unwilling, respect if a new project\\nof slave extension and slave tyranny had not been\\nsuddenly started, and precipitately driven through, by\\nwhich the Missouri compromise of 1820 was ruth-\\nlessly repealed. From the date of that bill, the exe-\\ncution of the fugitive slave law became irnpossible in\\nmost of the free states, except under such an array\\nof civil and military force as metamorphosed the\\ncourt into a Star Chamber, and the surrounding city,\\nor country, into a theatre of civil war. This repeal, it\\nwill be remembered, took place under the administra-\\ntion of General Pierce.\\nThe passage of the compromise acts was vigor-\\nously resisted by a powerful minority in both houses\\nof Congress, sustained by all the anti-slavery feeling\\nin the country. The excitement ran very high, and\\nit required the utmost power of the south, aided by\\nthe best talent of the north, and the undisguised fa-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0560.jp2"}, "561": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n329\\nvor of the administration, to carry through the obnox-\\nious measures, which required any and all northern\\nmen, under heavy penalties and fear of imprison-\\nment, to assist in capturing and restoring a fugitive\\nfrom slaverj an act which any respectable slave-\\nholder would feel it a disgrace to perform, except in\\nthe case of his own slaves. In some of the northern\\ncities the opposition to this law was exceedingly vio-\\nlent, and threatened the most serious consequences.\\nAt Boston, in Massachusetts, Syracuse, in New\\nYork, and Christiana, in Pennsylvania, the law was\\nopenly resisted by the populace, and the captured fu-\\ngitives rescued from the hands of the marshals, and\\neffectually shielded from further pursuit. In some\\nplaces the conflict assumed a very alarming aspect,\\nand several lives were sacrificed in the popular deter-\\nmination to resist the tyrannical application of an\\nodious law. Mr. Fillmore did all in his power to\\ncarry out faithfully the provisions of the law. He is-\\nsued a special proclamation, calling upon the officers\\nto do their duty fearlessly, and cautioning all persons\\nfrom interposing any obstacles thereto. The rioters\\nwere prosecuted before the courts, with all the force\\nof the government to sustain the prosecutions; but\\nsuch was the state of public sentiment on the all-\\nengrossing subject, that it was almost impossible to\\nfind a jury, in any part of the country, who could be\\ninduced to bring in a verdict of guilty. One such ver-\\ndict was rendered at Syracuse, under peculiar circum-\\nstances, but death stepped in and claimed the victim\\nbefore sentence was pronounced.\\nIt was claimed by the advocates of these measures,\\nand strongly hoped by the friends of peace and or-\\nder throughout the country, that they would quiet\\nthe prevailing agitation on the subject of slavery,\\nand effectually exclude that subject from future con-\\ngressional discussions. The admission of California\\nas a free state, and the abolition of the slave mart\\nin the District of Columbia, were enough, it was\\nthought, to satisfy the anti-slavery demands of the\\nnorth while the south received its portion in a\\n$10,000,000 bonus to slavery in Texas, and a national\\nguaranty for the return of their fugitive slaves.\\nNo effort was wanting to make this arrangement\\nsatisfactory to both sections. The administration\\ngave it the whole weight of its influence, and pledged\\nto its rigid enforcement the entire civil and military\\nforce at its disposal. But neither political patronage\\nnor executive power could make slave-catching either\\npopular, or, to any great extent, possible, in the free\\nstates. The idea was abhorrent to ne settled convic-\\ntions and most cherished principles of the people. It\\nwas an invasion of their own soil with some of the\\nworst and most hateful features of the slave code\\nthe denial of a trial by jury, the suspension of habeas\\ncorpus, the non-admission of slave testimony, and\\nthe irresponsibility of the judges to the people. In\\naddition to this, the entire odium and burden of the\\nprocess was thrown upon the citizens of the free\\nstates, while all the expenses of the pursuit, the pros-\\necution, and the recovery, were paid from the nation-\\nal treasury, to which the free states are by far the\\nlargest contributors. In a majority of cases the ex-\\necution of the law was prevented or evaded by pop-\\nular interposition and, whenever it was executed,\\nthe expenses exceeded many times often many\\nhundred times the value of the slave recovered.\\nNotwithstanding these difficulties, and the violence\\nwith which the abolitionists waged the war v. ith this\\nenactment, the majority of the northern people en-\\ndeavored to acquiesce in the compromises, and to\\nregard them as a final settlement of all sectional diffi-\\nculties. They hoped for peace, for a reasonable res-\\npite from agitation. As a whole, they resolved to\\nstand by the president, in the position he had taken,\\nand overcome their own prejudices, as he had over-\\ncome his, to sustain the majesty of the law. And,\\nthough the calm conservatism of the majority was\\nscarcely a match for the fiery and determined energy\\nof the resistants, and though, in special cases and in\\nsome sections of the country, it would have been im-\\npossible for the ]a.\\\\v to secure its victim, it is quite\\ncertain that the north would never have repudiated\\nany part of the compromise, so long as it should be\\nheld sacred by the pro-slavery party.\\nMr. Fillmore, being called suddenly to the presi-\\ndency in the midst of a session of Congress, had no\\nimmediate opportunity to declare himself on the great\\nquestions of the day, or to foreshadow the policy of his\\nadministration. He took occasion, therefore,- in hia\\nannual message, at the opening of the short session\\nof Congress, in December, 18-50, to expound at some\\nlength the general principles by which he would be\\ngoverned, and to recommend some specific objects\\nwhich, in his view, demanded the immediate action\\nof Congress.\\nOne of the most prominent of these objects was\\nthe reduction of the inland postage on letters. This\\nreform, already successfully inaugurated in Great\\nBritain, was loudly demanded from every quarter of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0561.jp2"}, "562": {"fulltext": "530\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe United States, but especially from the north, and\\nthe people were now ripe for the experiment. Strong\\nobjections were urged, on the ground that so great a\\nreduction would bani^rupt the department, and make\\nit a charge upon the treasury. But the measure\\nwas carried against all objections, and provision made\\nto supply from the treasury any deficiency in the re-\\nceipts of the department.\\nFor the greater safety of the public buildings and\\nrecords in Washington, and for the improvement of\\nthe health of the city, Mr. Fillmore also recommend-\\ned that Congress should provide for an abundant sup-\\nply of water from the Falls of the Potomac. This\\nsuggestion was adopted, the necessary surveys were\\nordered, and the works are now advancing rapidly\\ntowards completion, by which an ample supply of\\ngood water will be secured.\\nOther measures brought forward under the sanc-\\ntion of this administration, and illustrative of the ex-\\npansive views and practical wisdom of the president,\\nwere the establishment of an agricultural bureau\\nthe improvement of rivers and harbors, by which\\nthe facilities of internal commerce would be greatly\\nincreased; the establishment of an asylum for dis-\\nabled and destitute seamen a moderate but perma-\\nnent tariff; a restoration of specific duties for the\\nprevention of fraud, with a just discrimination in fa-\\nvor of American industry; a line of communication\\nwith the Pacific; a provision for settling disputed\\nland titles in California an extension of the land\\nlaws over newly acquired territories, with suitable\\nprovisions to prevent a monopoly of the auriferous\\nmineral lands a law to increase the efficiency of the\\narmy and navy, by providing for retiring from active\\nservice of such officers as had become superannuated\\na board of commissioners for the adjustment of\\nprivate claims against the government; and, finally,\\nan adherence to the adjustment by the compromise\\nmeasures, until time and experience should demon-\\nstrate the necessity for further legislation to guard\\nagainst evasion or abuse. As Congress was then\\nconstituted, a large majority of both houses being\\npolitically opposed to the president, it was scarcely to\\nbe hoped that all these wise and prudent measures,\\ninvolving long contested principles and questions of\\nparty strife, would be consummated at that time.\\nThose which had no party bearing, and which could\\nnot be met except upon their simple merits, were duly\\nconsidered and acted upon. The demand for jus-\\ntice to disabled and destitute seamen, by the estab-\\nlishment of an asylum for their relief, was responded\\nto, and the preliminary measures adopted for carry-\\ning it into effect. The institution, which is to be\\nconducted on a liberal scale, is situated in Harrods-\\nburgh, Kentucky, and is already in an advanced state\\nof progress. It will open for the reception of pa-\\ntients at an early period.\\nAs several of the subjects recommended in this\\nfirst message of Mr. Fillmore are among those which\\nhave divided the two political parties of the country,\\nand called forth the ablest disputants on both sides\\nand on all occasions, and as the measures so recom-\\nmended were defeated by a majority opposed to the\\nviews of the administration, it seems only just that\\nwe should allow the president to speak for himself\\nin proposing and expounding those views.\\nOn the tariff he thus argued All experience\\nhas demonstrated the wisdom and policy of raising a\\nlarge portion of revenue for the support of the gov-\\nernment from duties on goods imported. The power\\nto lay these duties is unquestionable, and its chief\\nobject, of course, is to replenish the treasury. But\\nif, in doing this, an incidental advantage may be\\ngained by encouraging the industry df our own citi-\\nzens, it is our duty to avail ourselves of that advantage.\\nA duty laid upon an article which cannot be pro-\\nduced in this country such as tea or coffee adds\\nto the cost of the article, and is chiefly or wholly paid\\nby the consumer. But a duty laid upon an article\\nwhich may be produced here, stimulates the skill and\\nindustry of our own country to produce the same arti-\\ncle, which is brought into the market in competition\\nwith the foreign article, and the importer is thus com-\\npelled to reduce his price to that at which the domestic\\narticle can be sold, thereby throwing a part of the duty\\nupon the producer of the foreign article. The contin-\\nuance of this process creates the skill and invites the\\ncapital which finally enable us to produce the article\\nmuch cheaper than it can be procured from abroad,\\nthereby benefiting both the producer and the consumer\\nat home. The consequence of this is, that the artisan\\nand the agriculturist are brought together, each af-\\nfords a ready market for the produce of the other, and\\nthe whole country becomes prosperous and the abil-\\nity to produce every necessary of life renders us inde-\\npendent in war as well as in peace.\\nA high tariff can never be permanent.\\nWhat the manufacturer wants is uniformity and per-\\nmanency. To effect this all duties should be\\nspecific, wherever the nature of the article is such as to", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0562.jp2"}, "563": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n531\\nadmit of it. Ad valorem duties fluctuate with the\\nprice, and offer strong temptations to fraud and perjury.\\nSpecific duties, on the contrary, are equal and uni-\\nform in all ports, and at all times, and offer a strong\\ninducement to the importer to bring the best article,\\nas he pays no more duty upon that than upon one of\\ninferior quality.\\nIn reference to appropriations for internal improve-\\nments, he said, I entertain no doubt of the authority\\nof Congress to make appropriations for leading ob-\\njects in that class of public works. This author-\\nity I suppose to be derived chiefly from the power\\nof regulating commerce with foreign nations and\\namong the states, and the power of laying and col-\\nlecting imposts. Where commerce is to be carried\\non, and imposts collected, there must be ports and\\nharbors, as well as wharves and custom houses. If\\nships laden with valuable cargoes approach the shore,\\nor sail along the coast, lighthouses are necessary at\\nsuitable points for the protection of life and property.\\nOther facilities and securities for commerce and nav-\\nigation are hardly less important and those clauses\\nof the constitution, to which I have referred, have re-\\nceived, from the origin of the government, a liberal\\nand beneficial construction. Not only have light-\\nhouses, buoys, and beacons been established, and float-\\ning lights maintained, but harbors have been cleared\\nand improved, piers constructed, and even breakwaters\\nfor the safety of shipping, and sea walls to protect har-\\nbors from being filled and rendered useless by the ac-\\ntion of the ocean, have been erected at very great\\nexpense. And this construction of the constitution\\nappears the more reasonable from the consideration\\nthat if these works, of such evident importance and\\nutility, are not to be accomplished by Congress, they\\ncannot be accomplished at all. By the adoption of\\nthe constitution the several states voluntarily parted\\nwith the power of collecting duties on imposts in their\\nown ports and it is not to be expected that they\\nshould raise money by internal taxation, direct or in-\\ndirect, for the benefit of that commerce, the revenues\\nderived from which do not, either in whole or in part,\\ngo into their own treasuries. Nor do I perceive any\\ndifference between the power of Congress to make\\nappropriations for objects of this kind on the ocean,\\nand the power to make appropriations for similar ob-\\njects on lakes and rivers, wherever they are large\\nenough to bear on their waters an extensive traffic.\\nThe magnificent Mississippi and its tributaries, and\\nthe vast lakes of the north and north-west, appear to\\nme to fall within the exercise of the power as justly\\nand as clearly as the ocean and the Gulf of Mexico.\\nIt is a mistake to regard expenditures judiciously\\nmade for these objects as expenditures for local ob-\\njects. The position, or site, of the work would be\\nnecessarily local but its utility is general. A ship\\ncanal around the Falls of St. Mary of less than a\\nmile in length, though local in its construction, would\\nyet be national in its purpose and benefits, as it would\\nremove the only obstruction to a navigation of more\\nthan a thousand miles, affecting several states, as well\\nas our commercial relations with Canada. So, too,\\nthe breakwater at the mouth of the Delaware is erected\\nnot for the exclusive benefit of the states on the bay\\nand river of that name, but for that of the whole\\ncoastwise navigation of the United States, and, to a\\nconsiderable extent also, of foreign commerce. If a\\nship be lost on the bar at the entrance of a southern\\nport, for want of sufficient dejjth of water, it is very\\nlikely to be a northern ship; and if a steamboat be\\nsunk in any part of the Mississippi, on account of its\\nchannel not havin.\u00c2\u00abT been properly cleared of obstruc-\\ntions, it may be a boat belonging to either of eight or\\nten states. I may add, as somewhat remarkable, that\\namong all the thirty-one states there is none that is\\nnot, to a greater or less extent, bounded on the ocean,\\nor the Gulf of Mexico, or one of the great lakes, or\\nsome navigable river.\\nIn fulfilling our constitutional duties on this sub-\\nject, as in carrying into effect all other powers con-\\nferred by the constitution, we should consider our-\\nselves as deliberating and acting for one and the\\nsame country, and bear constantly in mind that our\\nregard and our duty are due not to a particular part\\nonly, but to the whole.\\nSuch are the right reasonings of far-sighted polit-\\nical sagacity on two long and severely-controverted\\ntopics, which nothing but the physical mig-ht of a mere\\npolitical majority has ever been able to answer or re-\\nsist. And, strange as it may seem, though the history\\nof American commerce perfectly illustrates and con-\\nfirms the truth and profitableness of one set of views,\\nand the fallacy and destructive tendency of the other,\\nit has never been possible to obtain for the Amer-\\nican system a fair experimental trial. The slave\\npower, which has dictated and controlled the entire\\nforeign policy of the country, has opposed it with un-\\nbroken front, always finding a party of impracticablea\\nin the free states to aid them in breaking down home in-\\ndustry, and fettering the internal commerce of the states.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0563.jp2"}, "564": {"fulltext": "532\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nA bill making appropriation for the improvement\\nof rivers and harbors, in accordance with the recom-\\nmendation of the president, passed the House of\\nRepresentatives, and was favored by a majority of\\nthe Senate. It was defeated, however, by a well-\\ndrilled minority, who, talking against time, on the\\nvery last day of the session, spun out the discussion-\\ntill the expiring hour of Congress, and thus prevented\\na vote. This ruse which is resorted to on all occa-\\nsions by the (so called) democratic party, whose fun-\\ndamental principle is, that the majority must always\\ngovern is deemed little short of high treason if at-\\ntempted by the opposing party.\\nThe Capitol being found insufficient for the con-\\nvenient accommodation of the government, an appro-\\npriation was made at this session to extend it according\\nto such plan as might be approved by the president.\\nHaving adopted a plan by which the original building\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0would be more than doubled in size, by the addition\\nof two extensive wings, the work was immediately\\ncommenced, and the corner stone laid by the presi-\\ndent, on the 4th of July, amid a large concourse of\\npeople. Mr. Webster made one of his eloquent ad-\\ndresses on this occasion.\\nNot satisfied with the inglorious issue of his first\\npiratical invasion of Cuba, General liopez whose\\ncowardly retreat and hair-breadth scape are themes\\nof merriment with the ladies of Key West, to whom\\nthe flying filibusters appealed for protection had\\nnow organized another buccaneering expedition, which,\\nlike the former, sailed in open day from New Orleans,\\naided and abetted by many prominent persons there,\\nand plainly connived at by the collector of the port\\nfor which he was removed from office. Rumors of\\nthis project, which, for some time, were rife in the\\ncommnnity, assumed at length so much of substance\\nand form, that the president deemed it necessary to\\ninterpose his constitutional power to prevent it. Ac-\\ncordingly, on the 25th of April, 1851, he issued a\\n|)roclaiiiation, reciting a portion of the neutrality law\\nbearing upon the subject, and warning all persons of\\nthe consequences of such an infringement of that law.\\nHe also made such disposition of the naval force at\\nhis command as seemed best calculated to arrest these\\ntreasonable movements, and save the honor of the\\ngovernment. Whatever effect this might have had\\nto delay proceedings, it did not effectually arrest\\nthem. Preparations were proceeded with cautiously,\\nthrough the summer, until on the 4th of August, when\\nthe ill-fated expedition sailed. Its result was no less\\ninglorious, and far more unfortunate, than that of the\\npreceding one. A landing was effected at Playtas,\\nabout sixty miles from Havana, on the night of the_\\n11th of August. Between four and five hundred men\\nwere involved in this expedition most of them young\\nand ill informed. The main body of them, under com-\\nmand of General Lopez, proceeded inland at once,\\nand took- possession of a small village, some eighteen\\nmiles from the coast. The remainder were left be-\\nhind to bring up the baggage, as soon as means of\\ntransportation could be found. Having made all\\nnecessary arrangements, and taken up their line of\\nmarch, they had proceeded about twelve miles, when,\\non the morning of the 13th, they were attacked by a\\nbody of Spanish troops. A bloody conflict ensued.\\nThose of the invaders who escaped death in this con-\\nflict retreated to the shore, where about fifty of them\\nfound boats, in which they put out to sea. They\\nwere, however, intercepted among the islands by a\\nSpanish steamer cruising on the coast, captured, and\\ncarried into Havana where, after a summary military\\ntrial, they were condemned and executed as pirates\\non the 16th. The main body, under Lopez, was at-\\ntacked on the 24th, and put to rout. Lopez escaped,\\nbut was captured in the mountains some days after,\\nand executed on the 1st of September. Many of his\\nfollowers were killed, or died of hunger and fatigue\\nand the rest, some one hundred and seventy in num-\\nber, were made prisoners. Of these, several were par-\\ndoned on the intercession of friends. About one hun-\\ndred and sixty of them were sent to Spain, but were\\nsubsequently, by the clemency of the queen, at the\\nurgent request of the president, permitted to return\\nto their homes.\\nThe president, in his annual messE^e to Congress,\\nthus comments upon this illegal and ill-fated expe-\\ndition Too severe a judgment can hardly be\\npassed by the indignant sense of the community\\nupon those, who, being better informed them.^elves,\\nhave led away the ardor of youth and ill-directed\\nlove of political liberty. He also expresses the hope\\nthat the interposition of the government to procure\\nthe release of such citizens of the United States, en-\\ngaged in this unlawful enterprise, as are now in con-\\nfinement in Spain, may not be considered as affording\\nany ground of expectation that government would\\nhereafter feel itself under any obligation to intercede\\nfor the liberation or pardon of such persons as are\\nflagi-ant offenders against the law of nations and the\\nlaws of the United States.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0564.jp2"}, "565": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n533\\nIn addition to the strong inherent tendency of sla-\\nvery to extend its area, there were at this period some\\npeculiar elements at work in America which favored\\ndesigns of this character. The disbanding of the Mex-\\nican army had thrown upon the community a vast\\nnumber of idle, demoralized men, who were ready for\\nany plausible expedition which promised excitement,\\nglory, or plunder. The discovery of rich deposits of\\ngold ill California, while it offered a vent for a por-\\ntion of this restless and explosive material, greatly\\naggravated the difficulty by unsettling the minds of\\nan immense number of those who had remained at\\nhome, and arousing, on every side, a spirit of almost\\nreckless adventure. The calm, even course of indus-\\ntry and patient endeavor for the support of life and\\nthe accumulation of wealth was abandoned by thou-\\nsands in all sections of the country. The regular\\nchannels of business were, to some extent, interrupted\\nand broken up, and the whole country seemed run-\\nning wild in the chase of golden phantoms. To af-\\nford exercise to some part of this restless spirit, and\\ndivert the feckless from further marauding expeditions\\nagainst peaceful neighbors, it seemed good to the pres-\\nident to suggest and open new objects of public in-\\nterest, and new fields of individual enterprise. With\\nthis .view, he proposed the fitting out of exploring ex-\\npeditions to foreign countries, which should add to\\nour geographical knowledge, extend our commerce,\\nand increase our facilities of communication with dis-\\ntant parts of our own country and the world. One\\nof the first and principal objects of this class was, to\\nsecure a shorter and convenient route to California;\\nand great eflbrts were made to negotiate the Tehuan-\\ntepec route through Mexico, and the Nicaragua route\\nthrough Central America.\\n.Japan, Ihe recluse of the Northern Pacific, also at-\\ntracted attention, and invited an effort to initiate her\\ninto the community of nations. The ostensible mo-\\ntive for present action in this quarter was found in\\nthe fact that several American sailors had been ship-\\nwrecked, cast upon the shores of Japan, and there\\ntreated with great severity. Information of their un-\\nhappy condition having been communicated to Com-\\nmodore Geisinger, then cruising in the Pacific, he de-\\nspatched the United States ship Preble, Commander\\nJames Glynn, to demand their release and bring them\\naway. This service was ably and manfully performed,\\nand an impression made upon the Japanese govern-\\nment that the United States of America could not be\\ntrifled with. Having fulfilled his benevolent mission,\\nand returned to the United States, Commander Glynn\\naddressed a letter to the president, recommending an\\nearly and a vigorous effort to draw or drive Japan from\\nher unsocial position, and to obtain, in some part of\\nher territory, a depot for our Pacific steamers. The\\nfollowing extract will fully explain the design of the\\nletter, and the subsequent action of the government:\\nWashington, June 10, 1851.\\nSir: I have the honor to submit herewith, in\\nwriting, by your direction, the substance of my re-\\nmarks to you a few days since upon the project of\\nopening an intercourse between the United States\\nand the empire of Japan. Soon a commercial treaty\\nbetween the two countries will be demanded by our\\npeople and already a depot to stop at in Japan is\\nabsolutely necessary for the accommodation of a line\\nof steamships contemplated to be established between\\nCalifornia and China. These arrangements must be\\neffected soon or late, and if not peaceably, then by\\nforce the progress of civilization demands them, and\\nevery humane man must desire that the necessary\\nchanges in the relations existing between the two\\ngovernments should be effected with as little violence\\nas possible, and also with as little delay.\\nThe present appears a favorable time for entering\\nupon a negotiation with Japan. Recent occurrences\\nhave attracted the attention of the two countries to-\\nwards each other; but as yet there has been no un-\\nkind feeling grown into existence between the two\\npeople. It is important that advantage should be\\ntaken of this favorable condition of things, which\\ncannot, reasonably, be anticipated to continue much\\nlonger, at least on our part, where our interests are so\\nlargely involved in greater accommodation for our\\ncommerce; where a claim so reasonable in itself is\\nmet by arbitrary prohibition where might and right\\nare resisted by imbecility and injustice.\\nHaving taken precautionary measures to make\\nfriends of those who might hkve it in their power to\\ninjure our cause, the next thing is to select a proper\\nbearer of the communication for on him will de-\\npend, in a great degree, the result of this first attempt\\nto change the foreign policy of Japan. He should be\\na man of matured judgment, and of ready tact to\\ncomprehend and to extricate himself from any un-\\npleasant position he might find himself suddenly and\\nunexpectedly placed in while negotiating with a peo-\\nple so pectiliarly situated, and a government so pecu-\\nliarly constituted as is that of Japan. He should have", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0565.jp2"}, "566": {"fulltext": "534\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\npatience to sustain himself under trying circum-\\nstances not designed to annoy him, and spirit to\\nrepel every attempt to exact from him any humiliat-\\ning act of ceremonial deference to the native author-\\nities he should be a naval officer, knowing what a\\nman-of-war could be made to do under any circum-\\nstances, and what he should do with her in an unex-\\npected emergency, or in an unlooked-for turn in the\\ncharacter of the negotiation. While he is the peace-\\nful bearer of a friendly letter, he should be studying\\nthe best mode of conducting hostile operations against\\nthe empire, if they should ever be deemed necessary\\nby his government and with this object he should,\\nif possible, get into the country, claiming the right to\\ndeliver in person his letter to the highest functionary\\nof the local government to whom it may be directed.\\nDesigns of opening a communication with Japan\\nhad been seriously entertained for many years. Mr.\\nLivingston, secretary of state under General Jackson,\\nissued a commission to that effect to Mr. Edmund\\nRoberts, then United States commissioner in China.\\nBut it was so restricted in its instructions, and in the\\nmeans of commanding respect, that its execution was\\nnever attempted.\\nIn 1845, Commodore Biddle was instructed to\\nhold his squadron at the disposal of the commis-\\nsioner, in case he should incline to make the effort\\nof gaining access to Japan and if the commissioner\\ndeclined so to do, himself to persevere in the design;\\nyet not in such a manner as to excite a hostile feel-\\ning, or a distrust of the government of the United\\nStates.\\nIn pursuance of these instructions, Commodore\\nBiddle, in the United States ship Columbus, pro-\\nceeded to the Bay of Yedo, where he anchored on the\\n20th of July, 1846. He was, however, entirely unsuc-\\ncessful in his endeavors to open the desired negotia-\\ntions. The edict issued for the purpose of explaining\\nthe reasons of this refbsal contained the following\\nvery decided declarations It will be of no use to\\nrenew the attempt, as all applications of the kind,\\nhowever numerous they may be, will be steadily re-\\njected. The emperor positively refuses the permis-\\nsion you desire. He earnestly advises you to depart\\nimmediately, and to consult your own safety by not\\nappearing again upon our coast.\\nNotwithstanding tliese peremptory repulses, Mr.\\nFillmore resolved on another and a determined effort\\nto secure an object so important to the increasing\\ncommerce in the Pacific, and particularly to the pro-\\ntection due to American seamen shipwrecked on those\\ncoasts. The latter was to be demanded as a right,\\nand secured at any cost the former to be insisted\\nupon by all arguments consistent with a due regard\\nto the rights of Japan as an independent nation.\\nWith these views, the following instructions were\\ngiven to Commodore Aulick\\nDepartment of State,\\nWashington, June 10, 1851.\\nSir The moment is near when the last link in\\nthe chain of oceanic steam navigation is to be formed.\\nFrom China and the East Indies to Egypt, thence\\nthrough the Mediterranean and Atlantic Ocean to\\nEngland, thence again to our happy shores, and other\\nparts of this great continent from our own ports to\\nthe southernmost part of the isthmus that connects the\\ntwo western continents and from its Pacific coast,\\nnorth and southwards, as far as civilization has spread,\\nthe steamers of other nations and of our own carry\\nintelligence, the wealth of the world, and thousands\\nof travellers.\\nIt is the president s opinion that steps should be\\ntaken at once to enable our enterprising merchants to\\nsupply the last link in that great chain which unites\\nall nations of the world by the early establishment of\\na line of steamers from California to China. In order\\nto facilitate this enterprise it is desirable that we\\nshould obtain from the Emperor of Japan permission\\nto purchase from his subjects the necessary supplies of\\ncoal which our steamers, on their out and inward\\nvoyages, may require. The well-known jealousy with\\nwhich the Japanese empire has, for the last two cen-\\nturies, rejected all overtures from other nations to\\nopen its ports to their vessels, embarrasses all new at-\\ntempts to change the exclusive policy of that country.\\nThe interests of commerce, and even those of hu-\\nmanity, demand, however, that we should make an-\\nother appeal to the sovereign of that country, in ask-\\ning him to sell to our steamers, not the manufactures\\nof his artisans, or the results of the toil of his hus-\\nbandmen, but a gift of Providence, deposited, by the\\nCreator of all things, in the depths of the Japanese\\nIslands for the benefit of the human family.\\nBy the president s direction I now transmit to\\nyou a letter to the Emperor of Japan, (with an open\\ncopy,) which you are to carry to Yedo, his capital, in\\nyour flagship, accompanied by as many vessels of the\\nsquadron under your command as may convenientl", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0566.jp2"}, "567": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n535\\nbe employed in this service. A Chinese translation\\nof this letter will be furnished to you by the United\\nStates legation at Canton, or sent to your anchorage\\nat Hong Kong or Macao.\\nAt one of the latter places you will probably meet\\nwith a national vessel, detached by the commodore\\nof the squadron in the Pacific, (as you will perceive\\nby the enclosed copy of a correspondence between\\nthis and the navy department,) to carry to you a\\nnumber of shipwrecked Japanese mariners, who were\\nsome time ago picked up at sea by the bark Auck-\\nland. These men you will take with you to Yedo,\\nand deliver them over to the officers of the emperor,\\ngiving them, through your interpreter, the assurance\\nthat the American government will never fail to treat\\nwith kindness any of the natives of Japan whom mis-\\nfortune may bring to our shores, and that it expects\\nsimilar treatment of such of its own citizens who may\\nbe driven on the coasts of Japan.\\nThe letter of the president to the Emperor of\\nJapan you will deliver to such of his high officers as\\nhe may appoint for the purpose of receiving it. To\\nthem you will also explain the main object of your\\nvisit.\\nMineral coal is so abundant in Japan that the\\ngovernment of that country can have no reasonable\\nobjection to supply our steamers, at fair prices, with\\nthat great necessary of commerce. One of the east-\\nern ports of Niphon would be the most desirable place\\nfor this purpose. Should, however, the government\\nof Japan persist in following out its system of exclu-\\nsiveness, you might, perhaps, induce them to consent\\nto the transportation of the coal, by their own ves-\\nsels, to a neighboring island, easy of access, where\\nthe steamers could supply their wants avoiding thus\\nthe necessity of an intercourse with any large number\\nof the people of the country.\\nIt is considered important that you should avail\\nyourself of every occasion to impress upon the Jap-\\nanese officers with whom you will be brought in con-\\ntact, that the government of the United States does\\nnot possess any power over the religion of its own\\ncitizens, and that there is, therefore, no cause to ap-\\nprehend that it will interfere with the religion of other\\ncountries.\\nThe president, although fully aware of the great\\nreluctance hitherto shown by the Japanese government\\nto enter into treaty stipulations with any foreign na-\\ntion, a feeling which it is sincerely wished that you\\nmay be able to overcome, has thought it proper, in\\n68\\nanticipation of this latter favorable contingency, to\\ninvest you with full power to negotiate and sign a\\ntreaty of amity and commerce between the United\\nStates and the empire of Japan.\\nI transmit, herewith, the act of the president cloth-\\ning you with that power, as also copies of the treaty\\nbetween the United States and China, with Siam,\\nand with Muscat, which may, to a certain extent, be\\nof use to you as precedents. It is important that you\\nshould secure to our vessels the right to enter one or\\nmore of the ports of Japan, and there to dispose of\\ntheir cargoes, either by sale or by barter, without be-\\ning subjected to extravagant port charges and even\\nmore important is it that the government of Japan\\nshould bind itself to protect American sailors and\\nproperty which may be wrecked on their shores. The\\nsecond article of our treaty with Muscat, and the fifth\\narticle of our treatywith Siam, embrace these objects.\\nEvery treaty has to be submitted to the Senate\\nfor ratification, as you are aware. In consideration\\nof the great distance between the two countries, and\\nunforeseen difficulties, it would be prudent, should you\\nsucceed in efl ecting the object proposed, to fLx the\\nperiod for the exchange of the ratifications at three\\nyears.\\nI am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,\\nDANIEL WEBSTER.\\nCommodore John H. Aulick, c., c.\\nPresident of the United States to the Emperor of Japan.\\nMILLARD FILLMORE, PRESIDENT OF THE LTNITED\\nSTATES OF AMERICA, TO HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY\\nTHE EMPEROR OF JAPAN.\\nGreat and good Friend I send you this letter\\nby an envoy of my own appointment, an officer of\\nhigh rank in his country, who is no missionary of re-\\nligion. He goes by my command to bear to you my\\ngreeting and good wishes, and to promote friendship\\nand commerce between the two countries.\\nYou know that the United States of America now\\nextend from sea to sea that the great countries of\\nOregon and California are parts of the United States\\nand that from these countries, which are rich in gold,\\nand silver, and precious stones, our steamers can reach\\nthe shores of your happy land in less than twenty days.\\nMany of our ships will now pass in every year,\\nand some, perhaps, in every week, between California\\nand China these ships must pass along the coasts\\nof your empire storms and winds may cause them\\nto be wrecked on your shores and we ask and expect", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0567.jp2"}, "568": {"fulltext": "536\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfrom your friendship and your greatness kindness for\\nour men, and protection for our property. We wish\\nthat our people may be permitted to trade with your\\npeople but we shall not authorize them to break any\\nlaws of your empire.\\nOur object is friendly commercial intercourse, and\\nnothing more. You have many productions which we\\nshould be glad to buy; and we have productions\\nwhich might suit your people.\\nYour empire hath a great abundance of coal this\\nis an article which our steamships, in going from Cal-\\nifornia to China, must use. They would be glad that\\na harbor in your empire should be appointed to which\\ncoal might be brought, and where they might always\\nbe able to purchase it.\\nIn many other respects commerce between your\\nempire and our country would be useful to both.\\nLet us consider well what new interests arise from\\nthese recent events which have brought our two coun-\\ntries so near together, and what purposes of friend-\\nship, amity, and intercourse they ought to inspire in\\nthe breasts of those who govern both countries.\\nFarewell.\\nGiven under my hand and seal, at the city of\\nWashington, the 10th day of May, 1851, and\\n[l. s.] of the independence of the United States the\\nseventy-fifth.\\nBy the President.\\nD. Webster, Secretary of State.\\nM. FILLMORE.\\nThis commission was subsequently transferred to\\nCommodore Perry, who was sent out with an inde-\\npendent fleet, and clothed with full powers of negoti-\\nation. The mission was conducted with great abil-\\nity and complete success. The same jealousy and\\nwatchfulness, which had foiled all previous attempts\\nto open negotiations with the emperor, characterized\\nthe movements of the officials on his first arrival.\\nEvery obstacle was thrown in the way of his com-\\nmunication with the shore. But conscious of power,\\nand of a just right to demand a hearing, at least so\\nfar as the protection of shipwrecked seamen was con-\\ncerned, Commodore Perry went boldly forward, passed\\ninto the forbidden harbor, cast anchor in a safe and\\nconvenient place, and insisted peremptorily on hav-\\ning his communication presented to the emperor, and\\nduly answered. Prudent as well as courageous, and\\ncourteous as well as determined, he cbolly and kindly\\npersisted in his demands till immemorial usage and\\nJapanese obstinacy gave way, and the objects of his\\nimportant mission were entirely accomplished. The\\ndetails of this arrangement belong rather to the his-\\ntory of the subsequent administration than to that of\\nMr. Fillmore but thus much is due to him, under\\nwhose auspices and instructions the successful mis-\\nsion was originated.\\nWhile this matter was in progress, an exploring ex-\\npedition was sent to the Chinese Seas, under command\\nof Captain Ringgold, with a view to securing safe and\\nconvenient depots for coal for steamers employed in\\nthe Pacific trade, and other safeguards and facilities\\nfor the widely-extending commerce and enterprise of\\nthe states.\\nEfforts were also made to open to American enter-\\nprise and commerce the immense and almost unex-\\nplored territories of the interior of South America.\\nA favorable opportunity seemed to be afforded on the\\nexpulsion of Rosas from Buenos Ayres, and efforts\\nwere immediately made to negotiate treaties of amity\\nand commerce with the new authorities, which would\\nhave the effect to invite American adventurers to the\\nrich and extensive regions of the La Plata and its\\nconfluents. Investigations were also made into the\\ncharacter and facilities of the country watered by the\\nAmazon and its branches and treaties were formed\\nwith Brazil, Uruguay, Costa Rica, and Peru.\\nUnder the strong conviction, derived from the gold\\nwashings of the rivers of Africa, that the mountains\\nfrom which they take their rise would be found rich\\nin metalliferous ore, and offer an inviting field for the\\nenterprise of the free colored people of the states, and\\nan inducement to them to emigrate to the land of\\ntheir fathers. Lieutenant Lynch was sent thither on\\nan exploring expedition, the results of which yet re-\\nmain to be known,\\nThe guano trade of the Pacific islands, the monop-\\noly of which was claimed by Peru, had now become\\nvery important, and an object of envy to American\\nadventurers. In respect to the Islands of Lobos, a\\ndifference of opinion arose between Mr. Webster,\\nthen secretary of state, and the Peruvian minis-\\nter at Washington. The latter claimed them, per-\\nemptorily, as the property of Peru, and occupied by\\nPeruvian subjects while the former denied the right\\nof Peru altogether, considering them as desert is-\\nlands, vi hich had been discovered by a captain in the\\nAfnerican service, and therefore asserting officially\\nthat the government of the United States would\\nprotect all her subjects who might go to those islands\\nfor the purpose of taking guano. In pursuance of", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0568.jp2"}, "569": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n537\\nthese views, authority was given to American cit-\\nizens to send to the Lobos Islands for guano without\\nrecognizing or submitting to any right on the part of\\nPeru to demand payment therefor; and instructions\\nwere issued to the American squadron in the Pacific\\nto protect all such enterprises. This order was after-\\nwards recalled, or rather suspended, in consideration\\nof new and plausible evidence presented by the Peru-\\nvian government of a presumptive title to the juris-\\ndiction of those islands. The matter may be regarded\\nas not fully settled, though the pacific policy of the\\nUnited States leaves no ground of apprehension that\\nthe good understanding between the two governments\\nwill be disturbed by a question of so little importance.\\nDuring the presidency of General Taylor, a confi-\\ndential agent of the government had been sent to Eu-\\nrope to examine and report upon the condition and\\nprospects of the people of Hungary during their mem-\\norable, but unfortunate struggle for independence.\\nThis fact having transpired, the attention and jeal-\\nousy of Austria were aroused, and her charge d affaires\\nat Washington was instructed to remonstrate against\\nso unprecedented and dangerous an interference in\\nthe political concerns of monarchical Europe. An\\nanimated diplomatic correspondence ensued. A se-\\nvere lecture on international courtesy was read to the\\nAmerican secretary, which was probably expected to\\nannihilate him, and to bring the nation on its knees.\\nMr. Webster, however, survived the attack, and soon\\nsatisfied the world, if not the Austrian charge, that\\nthe United States government fully comprehended its\\nposition, and that remonstrances of this nature, from\\nwhatever quarter they might come, were a very un-\\nprofitable kind of diplomacy.\\nChevalier J. G. Huhemann to the Secretary of State.\\nAustrian Leoation,\\nWashington, September 30, 1850.\\nThe undersigned, charge d affaires of his majesty\\nthe Emperor of Austria, has been instructed to make\\nthe following communication to the secretary of\\nstate\\nAs soon as the imperial government -became\\naware of the fact that a United States agent had\\nbeen despatched to Vienna, with orders to watch for\\na favorable moment to recognize the Hungarian re-\\npublic, and to conclude a treaty of commerce with\\nthe same, the undersigned was directed to address\\nBome confidential, but pressing representations to the\\ncabinet of Washington against that proceeding, which\\nis so much at variance with those principles of inter-\\nnational law so scrupulously adhered to by Austria,\\nat all times, and under all circumstances, towards the\\nUnited States. In fact, how is it possible to recon-\\ncile such a mission with the principle of non-interven-\\ntion so formally announced by the United States as\\nthe basis of American policy, and which had just\\nbeen sanctioned with so much solemnity by the pres-\\nident in his inaugural address of March 5, 1849\\nWas it in return for the friendship and confidence\\nwhich Austria had never ceased to manifest towards\\nthem that the United States became so impatient for\\nthe downfall of the Austrian manarchy, and even\\nsought to accelerate that event by the utterance of\\ntheir wishes to that effect Those who did not hes-\\nitate to assume the responsibility of sending Mr.\\nDudley Mann on such an errand, should, independ-\\nently of considerations of propriety, have borne in\\nmind that they were exposing their emissary to be\\ntreated as a spy. It is to be regretted that the Amer-\\nican government was not better informed as to the\\nactual resources of Austria, and her historical perse-\\nverance in defending her just rights. A knowledge\\nof those resources would have led to the conclusion\\nthat a contest of a few months duration could nei-\\nther have exhausted the energies of that power nor\\nturned aside its purpose to put down the insurrection.\\nAustria has struggled against the French revolution\\nfor twenty-five years. The courage and perseverance\\nwhich she exhibited in that memorable contest have\\nbeen appreciated by the whole world.\\nTo the urgent representations of the undersigned,\\nMr. Clayton answered that Mr. Mann s mission had\\nno other object in view than to obtain reliable infor-\\nmation as to the true state of affairs in Hungary by\\npersonal observation. This explanation can hardly\\nbe admitted for it says very little as to the cause of\\nthe anxiety which was felt to ascertain the chances\\nof the revolutionists. Unfortunately, the language in\\nwhich Mr. Mann s instructions were drawn gives us\\na very correct idea of their scope. This language\\nwas offensive to the imperial cabinet for it desig-\\nnates the Austrian government as an iron rule, and\\nrepresents the rebel chief Kossuth as an illustrious\\nman while improper expressions are introduced in\\nregard to Russia, the intimate and faithful ally of\\nAustria. Notwithstanding these hostile demonstra-\\ntions, the imperial cabinet has deemed it proper to\\npreserve a conciliatory deportment, making ample al-\\nlowance for the ignorance of the cabinet of Wash-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0569.jp2"}, "570": {"fulltext": "538\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nington on the subject of Hungarian affairs, and its\\ndisposition to give credence to the mendacious ru-\\nmors which are propagated by the American press.\\nThis extremely painful incident, therefore, might have\\nbeen passed over without any written evidence being\\nleft on our part in the archives of the United States,\\nhad not General Taylor thought proper to revive the\\nwhole subject by communicating to the Senate, in his\\nmessage of the 18th of last March, the instructions\\nwith which Mr. Mann had been furnished on the oc-\\ncasion of his mission to Vienna. The publicity which\\nhas been given to that document has placed the imperial\\ngovernment under the necessity of entering a formal\\nprotest, through its official representative, against the\\nproceedings of the American government, lest that\\ngovernment should construe our silence into approba-\\ntion, or toleration even, of the principles which ap-\\npear to have guided its action, and the mejns it has\\nadopted.\\nIn view of all these circumstances the undersigned\\nhas been instructed to declare that the imperial gov-\\nernment totally disapproves, and will always continue\\nto disapprove, of those proceedings, so offensive to\\nthe laws of propriety, and that it protests against all\\ninterference in the internal aff airs of its government.\\nHaving thus fulfilled his duty, the undersigned con-\\nsiders it a fortunate circumstance that he has it in his\\npower to assure the secretary of state that the impe-\\nrial government is disposed to cultivate relations of\\nfriendship and good understanding with the United\\nStates relations which may have been momentarily\\nweakened, but which could not again be seriously dis-\\nturbed without placing the cardinal interests of the two\\ncountries in jeopardy.\\nThe instructions for addressing this communica-\\ntion to Mr. Clayton reached Washington at the time\\nof General Taylor s death. In compliance with the\\nrequisitions of propriety, the undersigned deemed it\\nhis duty to defer the task until the new administra-\\ntion had been completely organized a delay which\\nhe now rejoices at, as it has given him the opportunity\\nof ascertaining from the new president himself, on the\\noccasion of the reception of the diplomatic corps, that\\nthe fundamental policy of the United States, so fre-\\nquently proclaimed, would guide the relations of the\\nAmerican government with other powers. Even if\\nthe government of the United States were to think it\\nproper to take an indirect part in the political move-\\nments of Europe, American policy would be exposed\\nto acts of retaliation, and to certain inconveniences.\\nwhich could not fail to affect the commerce and the\\nindustry of the two hemispheres. All countries are\\nobliged, at some period or other, to struggle against\\ninternal difficulties all forms of government are ex-\\nposed to such disagreeable episodes the United\\nStates have had some experience in this very re-\\ncently. Civil war is a possible occurrei.ce every\\nwhere and the encouragement which is given to the\\nspirit of insurrection and of disorder most frequently\\nfalls back upon those who seek to aid it in its devel-\\nopments in spite of justice and wise policy.\\nThe undersigned avails himself of this occasion\\nto renew to the secretary of state the assurance of his\\ndistinguished consideration.\\nHULSEMANN.\\nTo THE Hon. Daniel Webster,\\nSea-etary of State of the United States.\\nThe Sea-aary of State to Mr. Hukemann.\\nDepaktment of_ State,\\nWashington, December 21, 1850.\\nThe undersigned, secretary of state of the United\\nStates, had the honor to receive, some time ago, the\\nnote of Mr. Hulsemann, charge d affaires of his majes-\\nty the Emperor of Austria, of the 30th September.\\nCauses, not arising from any want of personal regard\\nfor Mr. Hulsemann, or of proper respect for his gov-\\nernment, have delayed an answer until the present\\nmoment. Having submitted Mr. Hulsemann s letter\\nto the president, the undersigned is now directed by\\nhim to return the following reply\\nThe objects of Mr. Hulsemann s note are,\\nfirst, to protest, by order of his government, against\\nthe steps taken by the late president of the United\\nStates to ascertain the progress and probable result\\nof the revolutionary movements in Hungary and, sec-\\nondly, to complain of some expressions in the instruc-\\ntions of the late secretary of state to Mr. A. Dudley\\nMann, a confidential agent of the United States, as\\ncommunicated by President Taylor to the Senate on\\nthe 28th of March last.\\nThe principal ground of protest is founded on the\\nidea, or in the allegation, that the government of the\\nUnited States, by the mission of Mr. Mann, and his\\ninstructions, has interfered in the domestic affairs of\\nAustria, in a manner unjust or disrespectful towards\\nthat power. The president s message was a com-\\nmunication made by him to the Senate, transmitting\\na correspondence between the executive government\\nand a confidential agent of its own. This would\\nseem to be itself a domestic transaction a mere", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0570.jp2"}, "571": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n539\\ninstance of intercourse between the president and the\\nSenate, in the manner which is usual and indispensa-\\nble in communications between the different branches\\nof the government. It was not addressed either to\\nAustria or Hungary; nor was it any public manifesto,\\nto which any foreign state was called on to reply. It\\nwas an account of its transactions communicated by\\nthe executive government to the Senate, at the re-\\nquest of that body made public, indeed, but made\\npublic only because such is the common and usual\\ncourse of proceeding; and it may be regarded as\\nsomewhat strange, therefore, that the Austrian cab-\\ninet did not perceive, that, by the instructions given\\nto Mr. Hulsemann, it was itself interfering with the\\ndomestic concerns of a foreign state the very thing\\nwhich is the ground of its complaint against the\\nUnited States.\\nThis depattment has, on former occasions, in-\\nformed the ministers of foreign powers that a com-\\nmunication from the president to either house of\\nCongress is regarded as a domestic communication,\\nof which, ordinarily, no foreign state has cognizance\\nand, in more recent instances, the great inconvenience\\nof raaliing such communications subjects of diplo-\\nmatic correspondence and discussion has been fully\\nshown. If it had been the pleasure of his majesty\\nthe Emperor of Austria, during the struggles in Hun-\\ngary, to have admonished the provisional government,\\nor the people of that country, against involving them-\\nselves in disaster by following the evil and dangerous\\nexample of the United States of America in maidng\\nefforts for the establishment of independent govern-\\nments, such an admonition from that sovereign to his\\nHungarian subjects would not have originated here\\na diplomatic correspondence. The president might,\\nperhaps, on this ground, have declined to direct any\\nparticular reply to Mr. Hulsemann s note; but, out\\nof proper respect for the Austrian government, it has\\nbeen thought better to answer that note at length\\nand the more especially as the occasion is not unfa-\\nvorable for the expression of the general sentiments\\nof the government of the United States upon the\\ntopics which that note discusses.\\nA leading subject in Mr. Hulsemann s note is that\\nof the correspondence between Mr. Hulsemann and\\nthe predecessor of the undersigned, in which Mr.\\nClayton, by direction of the president, informed Mr.\\nHulsemann that Mr. Mann s mission had no other\\nobject in view than to obtain reliable information as\\nto the true state of affairs in Hungary by personal\\nobservation. Mr. Hulsemann remarks, that this ex-\\nplanation can hardly be admitted; for it says very\\nlittle as to the cause of the anxiety which was felt to\\nascertain the chances of the revolutionists. As this,\\nhowever, is the only purpose which can with any ap-\\npearance of truth be attributed to the agency, as\\nnothing whatever is alleged by Mr. Hulsemann to\\nhave been either done or said by the agent incon-\\nsistent with such an object, the undersigned con-\\nceives that Mr. Clayton s explanation ought to be\\ndeemed not only admissible, but quite satisfactory.\\nMr. HulsemaiHi states, in the course of his note, that\\nhis instructions to address his present communication\\nto Mr. Clayton reached Washington about the time\\nof the lamented death of the late president, and that\\nhe delayed, from a sense of propriety, the execution\\nof his task until the new administration should be\\nfully organized a delay which he now rejoices at,\\nas it has given him the opportunity of ascertaining\\nfrom the new president himself, on the occasion of\\nthe reception of the diplomatic corps, that the funda-\\nmental policy of the United States, so fequently pro-\\nclaimed, would guide the relations of the American\\ngovernment with other powers. Mr. Hulsemann also\\nobserves, that it is in his power to assure the under-\\nsigned that the imperial government is disposed to\\ncultivate relations of friendship and good understand-\\ning with the United States. The president receives\\nthis assurance of the disposition of the imperial gov-\\nernment with great satisfaction and, in considera-\\ntion of the friendly relations of the two governments,\\nthus mutually recognized, and of the peculiar nature\\nof the incidents by which their good understanding\\nis supposed by Mr. Hulsemann to have been for a\\nmoment disturbed or endangered, the president re-\\ngrets that Mr. Hulsemann did not feel himself at lib-\\nerty wholly to forbear from the execution of instruc-\\ntions which were of course transmitted from Vienna\\nwithout any foresight of the state of things under\\nwhich they would reach Washington. If Mr. Hulse-\\nmann saw in the address of the president to the dip-\\nlomatic corps satisfactory pledges of the sentiments\\nand the policy of this government in regard to neu-\\ntral rights and neutral duties, it might perhaps have\\nbeen better not to bring on a discussion of jjast trans-\\nactions. But the undersigned readily admits that this\\nwas a question fit only for the consideration and de-\\ncision of Mr. Hulsemann himself; and although the\\npresident does not see that^ny good purpose can be\\nanswered by reopening the inquiry into the propriety", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0571.jp2"}, "572": {"fulltext": "540\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nof the steps taken by President Taylor to ascertain\\nthe probable issue of the late civil war in Hungary,\\njustice to his memory requires the undersigned briefly\\nto restate the history of those steps, and to show their\\nconsistency with the neutral policy which has invari-\\nably guided the government of the United States in\\nits foreign relations, as well as with the established\\nand well-settled principles of national intercourse and\\nthe doctrines of public law.\\nThe undersigned will first observe that the pres-\\nident is persuaded his majesty the Emperor of Aus-\\ntria does not think that the government of the United\\nStates ought to view with unconcern the extraordi-\\nnary events which have occurred, not only in his do-\\nminions, but in many other parts of Europe, since\\nFebruary, 1S48. The government and people of the\\nUnited States, like other intelligent governments and\\ncommunities, take a lively interest in the movements\\nand the events of this remarkable age, in whatever\\npart of the world they may be exhibited. But the\\ninterest taken by the United States in those events has\\nnot proceeded from any disposition to depart from that\\nneutrality towards foreign powers which is among the\\ndeepest principles and the most cherished traditions of\\nthe political history of the Union. It has been the neces-\\nsary effect of the unexampled character of the events\\nthemselves, which could not fail to arrest the atten-\\ntion of the contemporary world, as they will doubtless\\nfill a memorable page in history. But the undersigned\\ngoes further, and freely admits, that, in .proportion as\\nthese extraordinary events appeared to have their ori-\\ngin in those great ideas of responsible and popular\\ngovernments on which the American constitutions\\nthemselves are wholly founded, they could not but\\ncommand the warm sympathy of the people of this\\ncountry.\\nWell-known circumstances in their history in-\\ndeed their whole history have made them the repre-\\nsentatives of purely popular principles of government.\\nIn this light they now stand before the world. They\\ncould not, if they would, conceal their character, their\\ncondition, or their destiny. They could not, if they\\nso desired, shut out from the view of mankind the\\ncauses which have placed them, in so short a national\\ncareer, in the station which they now hold among the\\ncivilized states of the world. They could not, if they\\ndesired it, suppress either the thoughts or the hopes\\nwhich arise in men s minds, in other countries, from\\ncontemplating their sucgessful example of free gov-\\nernment. That very intelligent and distinguished\\npersonage, the Emperor Joseph II., was among the\\nfirst to discern this necessary consequence of the\\nAmerican revolution on the sentiments and opinions\\nof the people of Europe. In a letter to his minister\\nin the Netherlands, in 1787, he observes, that it is\\nremarkable that France, by the assistance which she\\nafforded to the Americans, gave birth to reflections on\\nfreedom. This fact, which the sagacity of that mon-\\narch perceived at so early a day, is now known and\\nadmitted by inteUigent powers all over the world.\\nTrue, indeed, it is, that the prevalence on the other\\ncontinent of sentiments favorable to republican lib-\\nerty is the result of the reaction of America upon\\nEurope and the- source and centre of this reaction\\nhas doubtless been, and now is, in these United\\nStates. The position thus belonging to the United\\nStates is a fact as inseparable from their history, their\\nconstitutional organization, and their character, as the\\nopposite position of the powers composing the Euro-\\npean alliance is from the history and constitutional\\norganization of the governments of those powers.\\nThe sovereigns who form that alliance have not un-\\nfrequently felt it their right to interfere with the po-\\nlitical movements of foreign states, and have, in their\\nmanifestoes and declarations, denounced the popular\\nideas of the age in terms so comprehensive as of ne-\\ncessity to include the United States and their forms\\nof government. It is well known that one of the\\nleading principles announced by the allied sovereigns\\nafter the restoration of the Bourbons, is, that all pop-\\nular or constitutional rights are holden no otherwise\\nthan as grants and indulgences from crowned heads.\\nUseful and necessary changes in legislation and ad-\\nministration, says the Laybach Circular of May,\\n1821, ought only to emanate from the free will and\\nintelligent conviction of those whom God has ren-\\ndered responsible for power. All that deviates from\\nthis line necessarily leads to disorder, commotions,\\nand evils far more insufferable than those which they\\npretend to remedy. And his late Austrian majesty\\nFrancis I. is reported to have declared, in an address\\nto the Hungarian Diet in 1820, that the whole world\\nhad become foolish, and, leaving their ancient laws,\\nwere in search of imaginary constitutions. These\\ndeclarations amount to nothing less than a denial of\\nthe lawfulness of the origin of the government of the\\nUnited States, since it is certain that that government\\nwas established in consequence of a change which\\ndid not proceed from thrones or the permission of\\ncrowned heads. But the government of the United", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0572.jp2"}, "573": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n541\\nStates heard these denunciations of its fundamental\\nprinciples without remonstrance or the disturbance of\\nits equanimity. This was thirty years ago.\\nThe power of this republic at the present moment\\nis spread over a region one of the richest and most\\nfertile on the globe, and of an extent in comparison\\nwith which the possessions of the house of Hapsburg\\nare but as a patch on the earth s surface. Its popu-\\nlation already twenty-five millions will exceed\\nthat of the Austrian empire within the period during\\nwhich it may be hoped that Mr. Huisemann may yet\\nremain in the honorable discharge of his duties to his\\ngovernment. Its navigation and commerce are hardly\\nexceeded by the oldest and most commercial nations;\\nits maritime means and its maritime power may be\\nseen by Austria herself in all seas where she has\\nports, as well as it may be seen, also, in all other\\nquarters of the globe. Life, liberty, property, and all\\npersonal rights, are amply secured to all citizens, and\\nprotected by just and stable laws; and credit, public\\nand private, is as well established as in any govern-\\nment of continental Europe. And the country, in all\\nits interests and concerns, partakes most largely in all\\nthe improvements and progress which distinguish the\\nage. Certainly the United States may be pardoned,\\neven by those who profess adherence to the principles\\nof absolute governments, if they entertain an ardent\\naffection for those popular forms of political organiza-\\ntion which have so rapidly advanced their own pros-\\nperity and happiness, and enabled them in so short a\\nperiod to bfing their country and the hemisphere to\\nwhich it belongs to the notice and respectful regard\\nnot to say the admiration of the civilized world.\\nNevertheless, the United States have abstained at all\\ntimes from acts of interference with the political\\nchanges of Europe. They cannot, however, fail to\\ncherish always a lively interest in the fortunes of\\nnations struggling for institutions like their own.\\nBut this sympathy, so far from being necessarily a\\nhostile feeling towards any of the parties to these\\ngreat national struggles, is quite consistent with ami-\\ncable relations with them all. The Hungarian people\\nare three or four times as numerous as the inhabitants\\nof* these United States were when the American rev-\\nolution broke out. They possess, in a distinct lan-\\nguage, and in other respects, important elements of a\\nseparate nationality, which the Anglo-Saxon race in\\nthis country did not possess. And if the United\\nStates wish success to countries contending for pop-\\nular constitutions and national independence, it is only\\nbecause they regard such constitutions and such na-\\ntional independence not as imaginary, but as real\\nblessings. They claim no right, however, to take\\npart in the struggles of foreign powers in order to\\npromote these ends. It is only in defence of his own\\ngovernment and its principles and character that the\\nundersigned has now expressed himself on this sub-\\nject. But when the United States behold the people\\nof foreign countries, without any such interference,\\nspontaneously moving towards the adt)ption of insti-\\ntutions like their own, it surely cannot be expected\\nof them to remain wholly indifferent spectators.\\nIn regard to the recent very important occurrences\\nin the Austrian empire, the undersigned freely admits\\nthe difficulty which exists in this country, and is al-\\nluded to by Mr. Huisemann, of obtaining accurate\\ninformation. But this difficulty is by no means to\\nbe ascribed to what Mr. Huisemann calls with lit-\\ntle justice, as it seems to the undersigned the\\nmendacious rumors propagated by the American\\npress. For information on this subject, and others\\nof the same kind, the American press is, of necessity,\\nalmost wholly dependent upon that of Europe and\\nif mendacious rumors respecting Austrian and\\nHungarian affairs have been any where propagated,\\nthat propagation of falsehoods has been most prolific\\non the European continent, and in countries imme-\\ndiately bordering on the Austrian empire. But,\\nwherever these errors may have originated, they cer-\\ntainly justified the late president in seeking true in-\\nformation through authentic channels. His attention\\nwas first particularly drawn to the state of things in\\nHungary by the correspondence of Mr. Stiles, charge\\nd affaires of the United States at Vienna. In the\\nautumn of 1848 an application was made to this\\ngentleman on behalf of Mr. Kossuth, formerly minis-\\nter of finance for the kingdom of Hungary by impe-\\nrial appointment, but, at the time fhe application was\\nmade, chief of the revolutionary government. The\\nobject of this application was to obtain the good of-\\nfices of Mr. Stiles with the imperial government with\\na view to the suspension of hostilities. This appli-\\ncation became the subject of a conference between\\nPrince Schwarzenberg, the imperial minister for for-\\neign affairs, and Mr. Stiles. The prince commended\\nthe considerateness and propriety with which Mr.\\nStiles had acted, and, so far from disapproving his\\ninterference, advised him, in case he received a fur-\\nther communication from the revolutionary govern-\\nment in Hungary, to have an interview with Prince", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0573.jp2"}, "574": {"fulltext": "642\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nWindischgratz, who was charged by the emperor\\nwith the proceedings determined on in relation to\\nthat kingdom. A week after these occurrences, Mr.\\nStiles received, through a secret channel, a communi-\\ncation signed by L. Kossuth, President of the Com-\\nmittee of Defence, and countersigned by Francis\\nPuisky, Secretary of State. On the receipt of this\\ncommunication Mr. Stiles had an interview with\\nPrince Windischgratz, who received him with the\\nutmost kindness, and thanked him for his efforts to-\\nwards reconciling the existing difficulties. Such were\\nthe incidents which first drew the attention of the gov-\\nernment of the United States particularly to the af-\\nfairs of Hungary; and the conduct of Mr. Stiles,\\nthough acting without instructions, in a matter of\\nmuch delicacy, having been viewed with satisfaction\\nby the imperial government, was approved by that of\\nthe United States.\\nIn the course of the year 1848 and the early part\\nof 1849 a considerable number of Hungarians came\\nto the United States. Among them were individuals\\nrepresenting themselves to be in the confidence of the\\nrevolutionary government and by these persons the\\npresident was strongly urged to recognize the exist-\\nence of that government. In these applications, and\\nin the manner in which they were viewed by the\\npresident, there was nothing unusual still les.s was\\nthere any thing unauthorized by the law of nations.\\nIt is the right of every independent state to enter into\\nfriendly relations with every other independent state.\\nOf course, questions of prudence naturally arise in\\nreference to new states brought by successful revolu-\\ntions into the family of nations but it is not to be\\nrequired of neutral powers that they should await the\\nrecognition of the new government by the parent\\nstate. No principle of public law has been more fre-\\nquently acted upon within the last thirty years by the\\ngreat powers of tne world than this. Within that\\nperiod eight or ten new states have established inde-\\npendent governments within the limits of the colo-\\nnial dominions of Spain on this continent; and in\\nEurope the same thing has been done by Belgium\\nand Greece. The existence of all these governments\\nwas recognized by some of the leading powers of\\nEurope, as well as by the United States, before it was\\nacknowledged by the states from which they had sep-\\narated themselves. If, therefore, the United States\\nhad gone so far as formally to acknowledge the inde-\\npendence of Hungary, although, as the result has\\nproved, it would have been a precipitate step, and\\none from which no benefit would have resulted to\\neither party, it would not, nevertheless, have been an\\nact against the law of nations, provided they took no\\npart in her contest with Austria. But the United\\nStates did no such thing. Not only did they not\\nyield to Hungary any actual countenance or succor;\\nnot only did they not show their ships of war in the\\nAdriatic with any menacing or hostile aspect, but\\nthey studiously abstained from every thing which had\\nnot been done in other cases in times past, and con-\\ntented themselves with instituting an inquiry into the\\ntruth and reality of alleged political occurrences. Mr.\\nHulsemann incorrectly states unintentionally, cer-\\ntainly the nature of the mission of this agent when\\nhe says that a United States agent had been de-\\nspatched to Vienna with orders to watch for a favor-\\nable moment to recognize the Hungarian republic,\\nand to conclude a treaty of commerce with the same.\\nThis, indeed, would have been a lawful object but\\nMr. Mann s errand was, in the first instance, purely\\none of inquiry. He had no power to act, unless he\\nhad first come to the conviction that a firm and stable\\nHungarian government existed. The principal ob-\\nject the president has in view, according to his in-\\nstructions, is to obtain minute and reliable informa-\\ntion in regard to Hungary in connection with the\\naffairs of adjoining countries, the probable issue of\\nthe present revolutionary movements, and the chances\\nwe may have of forming commercial arrangements\\nwith that power favorable to the United States.\\nAgain, in the same paper, it is said, The object of\\nthe president is to obtain information in regard to\\nHungary and her resources and prospects, with a view\\nto an early recognition of her independence and the\\nformation of commercial relations with her. It was\\nonly in the event that the new government should\\nappear, in the opinion of the agent, to be firm and\\nstable, that the president proposed to recommend its\\nrecognition.\\nMr. Hulsemann, in qualifying these steps of Pres-\\nident Taylor with the epithet of hostile, seems to\\ntake for granted that the inquiry could, in the ex-\\npectation of the president, have but one result, and\\nthat favorable to Hungary. If this vi ere so, it would\\nnot change the case. But the American government\\nsought for nothing but truth it desired to learn the\\nfacts through a reliable channel. It so happened, in\\nthe chances and vicissitudes of human affairs, that the\\nresult was adverse to the Hungarian revolution. The\\nAmerican agent as was stated in his instructions", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0574.jp2"}, "575": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n543\\nto be not unlikely found the condition of Hunga-\\nrian affairs less prosperous than it had been, or had\\nbeen believed to be. He did not enter Hungary, nor\\nhold any direct communication with her revolutionary\\nleaders. He reported against the recognition of her\\nindependence because he found that she had been\\nunable to set up a firm and stable government. He\\ncarefully forbore, as his instructions required, to give\\npublicity to his mission; and the undersigned sup-\\nposes that the Austrian government first learned its\\nexistence from the communications of the president\\nto the Senate.\\nMr. Hulsemann will observe from this statement\\nthat Mr. Mann s mission was wholly unobjectionable,\\nand strictly within the rule of the law of nations, and\\nthe duty of the United States as a neutral power.\\nHe will accordingly feel how little foundation there is\\nfor his remark, that those who did not hesitate to\\nassume the respo |sibility of sending Mr. Dudley\\nMatm on such an errand, should, independently of\\nconsiderations of propriety, have borne in mind that\\nthey were exposing their emissary to be treated as a\\nspy. A spy is a person sent by one belligerent to\\ngain secret information of the forces and defences of\\nthe other, to be used for hostile purposes. According\\nto practice, he may use deception, under the penalty\\nof being lawfully hanged if detected. To give this\\nodious name and character to a confidential agent of\\na neutral power, bearing the commission of his coun-\\ntry, and sent for a purpose fully warranted by the law\\nof nations, is not only to abuse language, but also to\\nconfound all just ideas, and to announce the wildest\\nand most extravagant notions, such as certainly were\\nnot to have been expected in a grave diplomatic\\npaper and the president directs the undersigned to\\nsay to Mr. Hulsemann that the American government\\nwould regard such an imputation upon it by the cab-\\ninet of Austria as that it employs spies, and that in a\\nquarrel none of its own, as distinctly offensive, if it\\ndid not presume, as it is willing to presume, that the\\nword used in the original German was not of equiv-\\nalent meaning with spy in the English language, or\\nthat in some other way the employment of such an\\nopprobrious term may be explained. Had the impe-\\nrial government of Austria subjected Mr. Mann to the\\ntreatment of a spy, it would have placed itself with-\\nout the pale of civilized nations and the cabinet of\\nVienna may be assured, that, if it had carried, or at-\\ntempted to carry, any such lawless purpose into eflFect\\nin the case of an authorized agent of this govern-\\n69\\nment, the spirit of the people of this country vi ould\\nhave demanded immediate hostilities to be waged by\\nthe utmost exertion of the power of the republic, mil-\\nitary and naval.\\nMr. Hulsemann proceeds to remark, that this ex-\\ntremely painful incident, therefore, might have been\\npassed over, without any written evidence being left\\non our part in the archives of the United States, had\\nnot General Taylor thought proper to revive the whole\\nsubject by communicating to the Senate, in his mes-\\nsage of the 18th [28th] of last March, the instructions\\nwith which Mr. Mann had been furnished on the oc-\\ncasion of his mission to Vienna. The publicity which\\nhas been given to that document has placed the im-\\nperial government under the necessity of entering a for-\\nmal protest, through its official representative, against\\nthe proceedings of the American government, lest that\\ngovernment should construe our silence into approba-\\ntion, or toleration even, of the principles which appear\\nto have guided its action, and the means it has adopt-\\ned. The undersigned reasserts to Mr. Hulsemann,\\nand to the cabinet of Vienna, and in the presence\\nof the world, that the steps taken by President\\nTaylor, now protested against by the Austrian gov-\\nernment, were warranted by the law of nations, and\\nagreeable to the usages of civilized states. With\\nrespect to the communication of Mr. Mann s instruc-\\ntions to the Senate, and the language in which they\\nare couched, it has already been said and Mr. Hulse-\\nmann must feel the justness of the remark that these\\nare domestic affairs, in reference to which the govern-\\nment of the United States cannot admit the slightest\\nresponsibility to the government of his imperial ma-\\njesty. No state, deserving the appeUation of inde-\\npendent, can permit the language in which it may\\ninstruct its own officers in the discharge of their du-\\nties to itself to be called in question, under any pre-\\ntext, by a foreign power. But, even if this were not\\nso, Mr. Hulsemann is in an error in stating that the\\nAustrian government is called an iron rule in Mr.\\nMann s instructions. That phrase is not found in the\\npaper and in respect to the honorary epithet bestowed\\nin Mr. Mann s instructions on the late chief of the rev-\\nolutionary government of Hungary, Mr. Hulsemann\\nwill bear in mind that the government of the United\\nStates cannot justly be expected, in a confidential\\ncommunication to its own agent, to withhold from\\nan individual an epithet of distinction of which a\\ngreat part of the world thinks him worthy, merely on\\nthe ground that his own government regards him as", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0575.jp2"}, "576": {"fulltext": "544\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\na rebel. At an early stage of the American revolu-\\ntion, while Washington was considered by the Eng-\\nlish government as a rebel chief, he was regarded on\\nthe continent of Europe as an illustrious hero. But\\nthe undersigned will take the liberty of bringing the\\ncabinet of Vienna into the presence of its own pred-\\necessors, and of citing for its consideration the con-\\nduct of the imperial government itself. In the year\\n.1777 the war of the American revolution was raging\\nall over these United States; England was prosecut-\\ning that war with a most resolute determination, and\\nby the exertion of her military means to the fullest\\nextent. Germany was at that time at peace with\\nEngland; and yet an agent of that Congress which\\nwas looked upon by England in no other light than\\nthat of a body in open rebellion was not only received\\nwith great respect by the ambassador of the empress\\nqueen at Paris, and by the minister of the Grand\\nDuke of Tuscany, who afterwards mounted the im-\\nperial throne, but resided in Vienna for a consider-\\nable time not, indeed, officially acknowledged, but\\ntreated with courtesy and respect and the emperor\\nsuffered himself to be persuaded by that agent to\\nexert himself to prevent the German powers from\\nfurnishing troops to England to enable her to sup-\\npress the rebellion in America. Neither Mr. Hulse-\\nraann nor the cabinet of Vienna, it is presumed, will\\nundertake to say that any thing said or done by this\\ngovernment in regard to the recent war between Aus-\\ntria and Hungary is not borne out, and much more\\nthan borne out, by this example of the imperial court.\\nIt is believed that the Emperor Joseph II. habitually\\nspoke in terms of respect and admiration of the char-\\nacter of Washington, as he is known to have done of\\nthat of Franklin and he deemed it no infraction of\\nneutrality to inform himself of the progress of the\\nrevolutionary struggle in America, or to express his\\ndeep sense of the merits and the talents of those illus-\\ntrious men who were then leading their country to\\nindependence and renown. The undersigned may\\nadd, that, in 1781, the courts of Russia and Austria\\nproposed a diplomatic congress of the belligerent\\npowers, to which the commissioners of the United\\nStates should be admitted.\\nMr. Hulsemann thinks that in Mr. Mann s in-\\nstructions improper expressions are introduced in re-\\ngard to Russia; but the undersigned has no reason to\\nsuppose that Russia herself is of that opinion. The\\nonly observation made in those instructions about\\nRussia is, that she has chosen to assume an attitude\\nof interference; and her immense preparations for in-\\nvading and reducing the Hungarians to the rule of\\nAustria from which they desire to be released\\ngive so serious a character to the contest as to awaken\\nthe most painful solicitude in the minds of Americans.\\nThe undersigned cannot but consider the Austrian\\ncabinet as unnecessarily susceptible in looking upon\\nlanguage like this as a hostile demonstration. If\\nwe remember that it was addressed by the govern-\\nment to its own agent, and has received publicity\\nonly through a communication from one department\\nof the American government to another, the language\\nquoted must be deemed moderate and inoffensive.\\nThe comity of nations would hardly forbid its being\\naddressed to the two imperial powers themselves. It\\nis scarcely necessary for the undersigned to say that\\nthe relations of the United States with Russia have\\nalways been of the most friendly kind, and have never\\nbeen deemed by either party to require any compro-\\nmise of their peculiar views upon subjects of domes-\\ntic or foreign polity, or the true origin of govern-\\nments. At any rate, the fact that Austria, in her\\ncontest with Hungary, had an intimate and faithful\\nally in Russia, cannot alter the real nature of the\\nquestion between Austria and Hungary, or in any\\nway affect the neutral rights and duties of the gov-\\nernment of the United States, or the justifiable sym-\\npathies of the American people. It is, indeed, easy\\nto conceive that favor towards struggling Hungary\\nwould not be diminished, but increased, when it was\\nseen that the arm of Austria was strengthened and\\nupheld by a power whose assistance threatened to\\nbe, and which in the end proved to be, overwhelm-\\ningly destructive of all her hopes.\\nTowards the conclusion of his note, Mr. Hulse-\\nmann remarks, that if the government of the United\\nStates were to think it proper to take an indirect part\\nin the political movements of Europe, American pol-\\nicy would be exposed to acts of retaliation, and to\\ncertain inconveniences, which would not fail to affect\\nthe commerce and the industry of the two hemi-\\nspheres. As to this possible fortune, this hypothet-\\nical retaliation, the government and people of the\\nUnited States are quite willing to take their chances,\\nand abide their destiny. Taking neither a direct nor\\nan indirect part in the domestic or intestine move-\\nments of Europe, they have no fear of events of the\\nnature alluded to by Mr. Hulsemann. It would be\\nidle now to discuss with Mr. Hulsemann those acts\\nof retaliation which he imagines may possibly take", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0576.jp2"}, "577": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n545\\nplace at some indefinite time hereafter. Those ques-\\ntions will be discussed when they arise and Mr.\\nHulsemann and the cabinet at Vienna may rest\\nassured that, in the mean time, while performing with\\nstrict and exact fidelity all their neutral duties, noth-\\ning will deter either the government or the people of\\nthe United States from exercising, at their own dis-\\ncretion, the rights belonging to them as an inde-\\npendent nation, and of forming and expressing their\\nown opinions, freely and at all times, upon the great\\npolitical events which may transpire among the civ-\\nilized nations of the earth. Their own institutions\\nstand upon the broadest principles of civil liberty\\nand, believing those principles and the fundamental\\nlaws in which they are imbodied to be eminently\\nfavorable to the prosperity of States, to be, in fact,\\nthe only principles of government which meet the\\ndemands of the present enlightened age, the presi-\\ndent has perceived with great satisfaction that, in\\nthe constitution recently introduced into the Austrian\\nempir many of these great principles are recognized\\nand applied, and he cherishes a sincere wish that they\\nmay produce the same happy effects throughout his\\nAustrian Majesty s extensive dominions that they\\nhave done in the United States.\\nThe undersigned has the honor to repeat to Mr.\\nHulsemann the assurance of his high consideration.\\nDANIEL WEBSTER.\\nAllusion has already been made to a demonstra-\\ntion of jealousy, on the part of Austria, on account\\nof the interest taken by the American people and\\ngovernment in the effort of Hungary to shake off the\\nyoke of the Hapsburgs. This sentiment received a\\nnew and stronger impulse in the following year.\\nKossuth, the able and illustrious Magyar chief,\\nhaving arrived in the country towards the close of\\nthe year 1851, was every where hailed with acclama-\\ntions of welcome, and listened to by admiring mil-\\nlions, in his masterly advocacy of the cause he\\nrepresented. The people every where sympathized\\nin his desire and request for active intervention in\\nfavor of republican freedom in Europe. The gov-\\nernment, on the contrary, bound by precedent and\\ntraditional maxims of political prudence, carefully\\nabstained from any action which could by any means\\nlead to entangling alliances in the old world, or\\nawaken suspicion, on the part of the despotisms\\nthere, that substantial encouragement, or material aid,\\nwould be proffered, or given, to the revolutionary\\nspirit which threatened the stability of their thrones.\\nThe matter was earnestly discussed in Congress, and\\nin the legislative halls of the states, and ready active\\nintervention in behalf of struggling freedom was ably\\nand urgently advocated by many of the most eminent\\nand influential men in the country. Members of the\\ncabinet, senators, judges, legislators, and persons in\\nall ranks and stations were loud in their encomiums\\nof. the exalted character and services of Kossuth, and\\nliberal in their expressions of sympathy with him and\\nhis cause. He was received with public, civic, and\\nmilitary honors in all the principal cities and towns\\nthrough which he passed, was escorted from place to\\nplace with the honors of a conqueror, and feted every\\nwhere, as if he were the nation s guest. At Wash-\\nington, he was assigned an honorary seat in the Cap-\\nitol during the session of Congress, and invited to a\\npublic dinner got up by private subscription, at which\\nmost of the leading men of both houses of Congress\\nwere present. On this, as on similar occasions,\\nthroughout the country, he addressed the people in\\nadvocacy of the cause of the oppressed people of\\nEurope, and was freely responded to by men of all\\nparties and from all sections. It was here that Dan-\\niel Webster, then secretary of state, gave him, in his\\ncapacity of a private citizen, the right hand of fellow-\\nship, and proclaimed his entire and cordial sympathy\\nwith the cause he represented. This speech gave\\ngreat offence to the Austrian representative, Chevalier\\nHulsemann, who had been all but annihilated in his\\nofficial controversy with the great secretary, some\\nmonths before. He now renewed the onset by calling\\nMr. Webster to account for the revolutionary senti-\\nments uttered in his speech at the Kossuth dinner.\\nAccustomed to entire freedom of thought and speech,\\nas a private individual, the secretary paid no attention\\nto the call. This only offended the chevalier s dignity\\nthe more. Annoyed, at the same time, by the free-\\ndom with which the public press discussed him and\\nhis affairs, he appealed personally to the president,\\nwhich was contrary to all diplomatic usage and cour-\\ntesy. Finding no satisfaction from any quarter, and\\nworsted in every conflict with the constitutional Her-\\ncules, he petulantly withdrew from the country, and\\nremained absent until after Mr. Webster s decease\\na commendable exhibition of the better part of\\nvalor, which, if earlier made, would have saved him\\nno little mortification. The following correspondence\\nwill more fully illustrate this ridiculous episode in\\ndiplomacy.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0577.jp2"}, "578": {"fulltext": "546\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThe Chevalier Hidsemarm to the Secretary of State.\\nAtjstkian Legation,\\nWashington, April 29, 1852.\\nMr. Secretary of State On my return from\\nHavana, very lately, I found that the moment had\\narrived for carrying out the intentions of my govern-\\nment in regard to my official relations with the gov-\\nernment of the United States. The secretary of\\nstate has not thought proper to reply to the note,\\nwhich I deemed it my duty to address him, under\\ndate of December 13, relative to the reception and\\nmilitary honors which had been paid to Kossuth by\\nthe federal authorities.\\nThe secretary of state had induced me to hope that\\nmy interviews with him at the department of state\\nwould no longer be commented upon in a style of\\nderision, in certain newspapers of Baltimore and\\nPhiladelphia. These assurances, which had been\\ngiven me in writing even, were immediately bur-\\nlesqued in those very sheets, and have only led to\\nfresh virulent attacks, which have been continued in\\na journal very largely circulated in New Orleans and\\nduring my passage through that city, I was made the\\nsubject of demonstrations of an extremely disagree-\\nable character.\\nI thought it my duty then (the 21st of November\\nlast) to inform the president of these improprieties,\\nso singularly countenanced and thereupon the sec-\\nretary of state declared to me, (on the 28th of No-\\nvember) that henceforth his intercourse with me must\\nbe exclusively in writing.\\nOn the 7th of January last, the secretary of state\\nthought it fit to deliver publicly, and in the presence\\nof Kossuth, a revolutionary address, in which he\\nopenly held out encouragement to Hungary, spurring\\nher on to a new rebellion, and formally proposed a\\ntoast for the speedy emancipation of that kingdom.\\nThis demonstration partook of so strange a charac-\\nter, it was so much at variance with the most com-\\nmon international courtesy, and the positive promises\\nyou had given me at the department of state, that I\\nthought it incumbent on me to apply at once to the\\nhighest authority of the republic, in order to ascertain\\nwhether the address in question imbodied the senti-\\nment of the government of the United States.\\nI consider myself fortunate in being able to say\\nthat the imperial government, approving of the step\\nI had taken, has fully appreciated the declaration\\nthe president thought proper to make to me, on\\nthe 12th of January last, in favor of maintaining\\nfriendly relations between Austria and the United\\nStates.\\nThese verbal assurances have not been followed\\nsince by any action on the part of the secretary of state\\nin order to corroborate, officially, the declaration of the\\npresident, and to effect a satisfactory reconciliation.\\nAfter having specified with a great deal of caution\\nthe hostile proceedings of the secretary of state, and\\nafter having demonstrated the false and disagreeable\\nposition which has been the result of such proceed-\\nings, I think it my duty to declare, from motives of\\npropriety very palpable, that rny government could\\nnot allow me to remain here any longer, to continue\\nan official intercourse with the principal promoters of\\nthe much to be lamented Kossuth episode.\\nI avail myself of this occasion to tender my re-\\nspectful thanks to the president for his invariably\\nobliging conduct towards me. M. August Belmont,\\nconsul general of Austria in New York, will continue\\nto perform his functions until further orders.\\nPlease to accept, Mr. Secretary of State, the ex-\\npression of my distinguished consideration.\\nHULSEMANN.\\nTo Hon. Daniel Webstek,\\nSecretary of State of the United States.\\nMr. Hunter to the Chevalier Hithemann.\\nDepartment of State,\\nWashington, May 3, 18.32.\\nSir: Your communication to the secretary of state\\nof the 29th ult., announcing your intention to leave\\nthe United States, and stating that Mr. August Bel-\\nmont, the consul general of Austria, at New York,\\nwill continue in the discharge of his functions until\\nfurther orders, has been received.\\nIn reply, I have the honor to inform you that Mr.\\nBelmont is well known to the secretary of state, as a\\ngentleman of much respectability; any communica-\\ntion which it may be proper for him to address to the\\ndepartment in his official character will be received\\nwith entire respect. I avail myself of this occasion\\nto offer to you, sir, the assurance of my high con-\\nsideration.\\nW. nUNTEK,\\nActing Secretary.\\nTo Chevaljee Hulsemanh, cJ-c, ^c, Austria.\\nITie Secretary of State to Mr. Mc Curdy.\\nDepartment of State,\\nWashington, June S, 1852.\\nSir I transmit a copy of a note of the 29th April\\nlast, addressed to me by the Chevalier Hulsemann,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0578.jp2"}, "579": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n547\\nannouncing his intention of returning to Austria.\\nThis note reached me in Baltimore, I being then\\nbound on a visit to Massachusetts, from which I have\\nnow lately returned. On receiving it, I directed Mr.\\nHunter to return the answer, a copy of which is also\\nherewith enclosed.\\nIt is obvious from the tenor of all his recent com-\\nmunications to this department, that the Chevalier\\nHulsemann s experience in the diplomatic service of\\nhis government has not instructed him accurately in\\nthe nature and limits of his official functions, and\\nthat, notwithstanding his long residence in this coun-\\ntry, he is quite uninformed as to the character of our\\ninstitutions and the responsibilities of public men in\\nthe United States, for their acts or their sentiments in\\na private capacity in regard to foreign powers.\\nThe Chevalier Hulsemann came hither in 1838, as\\nsecretary of legation under the highly accomplished\\nBaron de Mareschall, who was accredited as envoy\\nextraordinary of his imperial majesty. Ever since the\\nretirement of that gentleman he has acted as charge\\nd affaires, but, so far as we are aware, without any\\nregular commission from his government. It is cer-\\ntain that he has never been accredited to this depart-\\nment by the Austrian minister for foreign aflkirs.\\nThe Chevalier Hulsemann, it appears, has yet to\\nlearn that no foreign government or its representative\\ncan take just offence at any thing which an officer of\\nthis government may say in his private capacity.\\nOfficial communications only are to be regarded as\\nindicating the sentiments and views of the govern-\\nment of the United States. If those communications\\nare friendly in their character, the foreign government\\nhas no right or reason to infer that there is any insin-\\ncerity in them, or to point to other matters as showing\\nthe real sentiments of the government.\\nYou will see from the Chevalier Hulsemann s note\\nthat he made an appeal to the president against what\\nhe calls ne ^spaper improprieties, and unofficial re-\\nmarks of the head of this department. The president,\\nactuated by a benevolent desire to preserve unimpaired\\nthe friendly relations between the two governments,\\nwaived ceremony, and unofficially listened to his re-\\nmarks. In pursuing this course, however, he by no\\nmeans intended to allow the Chevalier Hulsemann to\\nsuppose that he was not well aware of his official\\nposition. The Chevalier Hulsemann should know\\nthat a charge d affaires, whether regularly commis-\\neioned or acting as such without commission, can\\nhold official intercourse only with the department of\\nstate. He has no right even to converse with the\\npresident on matters of business, and may consider it\\nas a liberal courtesy that he is presented to him at\\nall. I take it for granted that if you should imagine\\nthe Austrian minister for foreign affairs had offended\\nyou, you would claim no right of appeal to the\\nemperor. Although usually we are not rigid in these\\nmatters, yet a marked disregard of ordinary forms\\nimplies disrespect to the government itself.\\nI shall not, of course, notice the specific subjects\\nof complaint of Chevalier Hulsemann. Whatever is\\npersonal to him must be allowed to pass without\\nobservation. You are at liberty to read this despatch\\nto the Austrian minister for foreign affairs.\\nI am, sir, respectfully your obedient servant,\\nDANIEL WEBSTER.\\nC. J. McCuKDT, 4-c., 4-c., Vienna:\\nAbout this period another effort was made, from\\nanother quarter, to obtain the official intervention of\\nthe American government in the political affairs of\\nEurope. This was in the form of a petition from the\\nIrish citizens, of whom there were many thousands in\\nthe states, requesting the president to solicit from the\\nBritish crown a pardon for Smith O Brien and his\\nassociates, who were then under conviction for high\\ntreason, for the part they took in the Irish rebellion.\\nThis was evidently a political move, intended for\\neffect at home rather than abroad. The president\\nunderstood it as such, and, while he would not have\\nshrunk, as an individual, from any service which\\nhumanity might reasonably have demanded from\\nhim, respectfully declined to interfere officially in the\\nmatter.\\nIn November, 1851, a little cloud, no bigger than\\na man s hand, but such a one as wars are often\\nmade out of, darkened the political horizon on the\\nside towards Great Britain.\\nThe American steamer Prometheus, the property\\nof the American Atlantic and Pacific Ship Canal\\nCompany, having on board some five hundred pas-\\nsengers, being about to leave the harbor of San Juan\\nde Nicaragua, or Greytown, was boarded by a police\\nforce, and served with a process of attachment on the\\nship and captain, for certain charges claimed as port\\ndues, which the captain refused to pay. Thereupon,\\nthe English brig of war Express, lying in the harbor,\\nimmediately got under weigh, made sail for the\\nsteamer, and, when within a quarter of a mile of her\\nfired a shot over her forecastle, and a few minutes", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0579.jp2"}, "580": {"fulltext": "548\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nafterwards another over her stern, which passed so\\nnear that the force of the ball was distinctly felt by\\nseveral persons on board. The captain of the steamer\\nthen sent a boat on board the brig to inquire the\\ncause of the firing. The captain of the brig replied,\\nthat it was to jirotect the authorities of Greytown in\\ntheir demands that, if the steamer did not imme-\\ndiately anchor, he would fire a bombshell into her;\\nand he ordered his guns to be loaded with grape and\\ncanister shot. The steamer then proceeded to the\\nanchorage and anchored. The brig anchored very\\nnear the steamer, sent a boat on board the latter with\\norders that the fires should be extinguished, and to\\nsay that an officer would be sent to see that this was\\ndone. The authorities then came on board, the\\namount demanded was paid under protest, and the\\nsteamer was permitted to proceed to sea.\\nThis matter being duly represented to the American\\ngovernment, an explanation on the part of Great\\nBritain was promptly demanded. Immediately upon\\nreceipt of official intelligence of the facts in the case,\\nher majesty s government entirely disavowed the pro-\\nceeding of the commander of the Express, as an act\\nof violence and an infraction of treaty engagements.\\nDuring the presidency of Mr. Fillmore a very im-\\nportant question between the government of the\\nUnited States and that of Great Britain underwent a\\nthorough examination, in an able and voluminous\\ndiplomatic correspondence, the results of which have\\nsince been realized in a reciprocity treaty with the\\nBritish North American colonies, and the favorable\\nadjustment of the fisheries on the Banks of New-\\nfoundland, and the waters adjacent thereto.\\nThe Congress of 18-51-2, in pursuance of a sug-\\ngestion of the president, passed a bill for the erection\\nof a Lunatic Asylum in the city of Washington, and\\nappropriated $100,000 to carry it into effect. In the\\ncourse of the same year, the site was selected, plans\\nadopted, and the work commenced.\\nIIexrt Clay, born in Hanover county, Virginia, on the 12th\\nof April, 1777, died at Washington, District of Columbia, on the\\n28th of June, 1852, aged 75 years. He was the son of a poor Bap-\\ntist clergyman, John Clay, who died when Henry was but five years\\nold, leaving seven children to the care of a most excellent mother,\\nwho married again ten years afterwards, and removed to Kentucky.\\nHenry remained some years in Virginia, and at fourteen years of age\\nwas employed in a small store in Kichmond, whence he was soon\\ntransferred to a law office, where he attracted the notice of Chancel-\\nlor Wythe. He left Richmond in 1797, with a license to practise\\nlaw, and emigrated to Lexington, Kentucky, where he opened an\\noffice as a lawyer, and, though poor and friendless, rapidly acquired\\nau extensive and lucrative practice. He was very soon attracted to\\nThe second session of the 31st Congress was\\nmarked by one of those solemn and impressive events\\nwhich twice before had stirred the heart of Congress\\nand of the nation to its centre, silencing all conflicts,\\nharmonizing all opinions, and mingling all voices in\\neulogy over fallen greatness, and mourning for na-\\ntional loss. As Adams and Calhoun, after a long life\\nof public service, had fallen at their posts, spending\\ntheir last breath in the service of their country, and\\nlying down to die under the dome of the Capitol, so\\nfell, in his turn, their noble compeer, Plenry Clay, his\\nlast expiring energies devoted to the interests of a\\ncountry he had honored no less than he had loved.\\nHis health had been long declining, and he had not\\nbeen able to take much active part in the duties of\\nthe session. He had come to Washington, in the\\nfaint hope that, weak as he was, his influence might\\navail something to the public weal, which was dearer\\nto him than his own personal repose or comfort. He\\ndied on the 28th of June, 1852, a little before the\\nhour of noon.\\nCongress was just meeting as the news of his\\ndecease sped over Washington. The fact was sim-\\nply announced on either floor, and an adjournment,\\ntherefore, moved and carried. The next day was de-\\nvoted to eulogies and appointments for the funeral.\\nThe ashes of the great commoner were committed to\\nthe charge of a strong committee of members of each\\nhouse, and so conveyed through Baltimore, Philadel-\\nphia, Trenton, New York, Albany, Rochester, Buffalo,\\nCleveland, Columbus, Cincinnati, (k-c, .c., to Lex-\\nington, and there deposited in the tomb at Ashland\\nwhich Mr. Clay had previously provided. There let\\nthem rest forever, and thither let reverent steps be\\nturned from every quarter of our Union, to gaze on\\nthe earth enfolding the dust which once enshrined the\\nwise legislator, the fearless orator, the fervent patriot,\\nand the unpretending champion of justice, truth, and\\nhumanity.*\\nthe political arena by the agitation prece(Jing the exchange of a ter-\\nritorial for a state government, in which he bore an active fart,\\ndistinguishing himself by his public efforts in favor of affixing a con-\\nstitutional limit to the existence of slavery in the embryo state.\\nDefeated on this point, he embarked most heartily in the cause of\\nthe party then mustering under the banner of Thomas Jefferson, in\\nopposition to the alien and sedition acts of John Adams s administra-\\ntion. Here he had the popular current on his side, Kentucky being\\nalmost unanimous in its adhesion to Mr. Jefferson and the republican\\nparty.\\nHis first public station was that of representative in the state legis-\\nlature, to which he was nominated and elected while absent from the\\ncounty. He served two years in the assembly, and was, in 1806,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0580.jp2"}, "581": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n549\\nThe quadrennial election of 1852 was one which,\\nthough it moved the country to its centre as usual,\\nillustrated beautifully the peacefui^suprenmacy of the\\nballot box. The number of candidates for the presi-\\ndency was unusually large, and public sentiment was\\nchosen by the two houses to fill a short vacancy in the Senate of the\\nUnited States, where he took his seat on the 29th of December, 1806,\\nserving but a single term, in which he proposed a resolve looking to\\na comprehensive system of internal improvement by the Federal gov-\\nernment, M hich passed the Senate with only three dissenting voices.\\nThe next summer he was chosen again to the state legislature,\\nwhere he served two years more, submitting a series of resolves ap-\\nproving the embargo and the general course of President Jefferson,\\nwhich were adopted in the house by a vote of sixty-four to one.\\nHe also introduced a resolve proposing that each member should\\nclothe himself entirely in American fabrics, which likewise pre-\\nvailed, but was so acrimoniously denounced as to involve him in a\\nduel with its chief antagonist, Mr. Humphrej Marshall, in which\\nboth combatants were slightly wounded.\\nMr. Clay returned to the United States Senate in December, 1809,\\nhaving been again elected to fill a vacancy and again distinguished\\nhimself by his efforts in favor of the encouragement of home man-\\nufactures. He spoke and voted in favor of assuming the River Per-\\ndido as the true line between Louisiana and Florida, in opposition\\nto the pretensions of Spain and at the following session earnestly\\nopposed tlie recharter of the first United States Bank. He remained\\nin the Senate but two sessions, but left it with a reputation as a de-\\nbater and legislator which few have attained so early in life.\\nIn 1811 ho was for the first time elected to the House of Repre-\\nsentatives, whereof he was, on its assembling, chosen speaker by a\\nlarge majority. He was one of the master spirits of the majority\\nby which war with Great Britain was urged ujion President Mad-\\nison, and finally carried. He remained in the house as a leading\\nadvocate of war measures, having been rechosen speaker on the as-\\nsembling of a new Congress iu May, 1813, until January 19, 1814,\\nwhen he resigned in order to proceed to Europe as one of five com-\\nmissioners to negotiate a treaty of peace meeting the British com-\\nmissioners first at Gottingen, and afterwards at Ghent, where a peace\\nwas signed on the 18th of December, 18H, though the battle of New\\nOrleans, which practically closed the war, was fought three weeks\\nafterwards. Mr. Clay remained some months in Europe, returning\\nin September, 181.5, to learn that he had been unanimously reelected\\nto Congress some weeks before. When Congress assembled, in De-\\ncember, he was rechosen speaker by a nearly unanimous vote.\\nThe labors of that Congress were necessarily arduous. The war\\nhad disordered the finances, and deranged the industry of the coun-\\ntry, leaving every thing in chaos. Congress proceeded to readjust\\nthe tariff with avowed regard to the encouragement of home man-\\nufactures, and to charter a new national bank, both with the hearty\\nconcurrence of Mr. Clay, who frankly corrfessed that the experience\\nof the war had convinced him that such an institution was desirable,\\nand even necessary, and to this opinion he evermore adhered. The\\nsame Congress passed a bill increasing the compensation of members\\nof both houses, wliich excited great dissatisfaction, and defeated\\nmost of those who stood for reelection. Mr. Clay was, therefore,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0warmly opposed, for the first time in several years, but defeated his\\nopponent, (John Pope,) after a severe and animated struggle.\\nMr. Clay remained a member of the house, and its speaker, up to\\nthe 4th of March, 1825, save a short period when pecuniary embar-\\nlassments, caused by the failure of a iend for whom he was a heavy\\nso divided between them, that any choice by the peo-\\nple seemed utterly hopeless.\\nThe democratic national convention assembled at\\nBaltimore on the 1st of June, and after a vehement\\nstruggle between the partisans of General Cass, of\\nindorser, constrained him to resign, and devote his attention to his\\nprivate affairs. Returning to the next Congress, he was forthwith\\nchosen speaker, by a large majority, over Mr. P. P. Barbour, of Vir-\\nginia, who had been elected in his absence. He signalized himself,\\nthroughout these ten years, by his earnest and persistent advocacy\\nof protection to home industry, national internal improvement, the\\nrecognition of South American and Greek independence, c. The\\nfierce excitement which overspread the country upon the question\\nof admitting Missouri into the Union as a slave state, with a consti-\\ntution peculiarly offensive to the free north, was finallj calmed bv\\nhis exertions, the constitution modified, and the state admitted,\\nthough by a very small majority. He succeeded in carrying through\\nthe house a more protective tariff bill in 1820, but it was lost in the\\nSenate and in 1824 a similar bill was piloted by him through the\\nhouse, (one hundred and seven to one hundred and two,) which\\nwas concurred in by the Senate, and thus became a law.\\nIn 1824 five candidates for president were presented Messrs.\\nJohn Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson, William H. Crawford, Henry\\nClay, and John C. Calhoun. The latter soon withdrew, and became\\na candidate for vice president, throwing his own strength into the\\nJackson scale. Mr. Crawford had been nomin.ited by a meagre con-\\ngressional caucus, and was thereupon commended as the regu-\\nlar republican candidate. The anti-caucus votes in the northern\\nstates were mainly concentrated on Mr. Adams in the south and\\nwest on General Jackson. Mr. Clay was much the youngest of the\\ncandidates remaining in nomination, and received only the votes of\\nOhio, Kentucky, Missouri, and four from Now York thirty-seven\\nin all. Six more would have carried him into the house, over which\\nhe presided, and where his popularity was unbounded. As it was,\\nthe constitutional candidates were Messrs. Adams, Jackson, and\\nCrawford the latter prostrate by a disease which soon after closed\\nhis mortal career. Mr. Clay and his friends were obliged to choose\\nbetween Messrs. Adams and Jackson, neither of them personally\\nacceptable to Mr. Clay, and the latter at bitter feud with him on ac-\\ncount of Mr. Clay s unsparing denunciation of his course in invading\\nFlorida and capturing its chief posts without authority. Mr. Clay\\ndecided in favor of Mr. Adams, as he had months before informed\\nLafayette that he should do if compelled to choose between him\\nand Jackson so Lafayette testified in a letter to Mr. Clay written\\niu 1832.\\nMr. Clay s choice, and the consequent election of Adams, were\\ndeeply resented, by the partisans of the disappointed candidates; and\\nthe acceptance of the office of secretary of state by the speaker (who\\nbade adieu to the house on the 3d of March, 1825, never to return\\nas a member) was made the pretext for a concerted outcry of bar-\\ngain and corruption against him and the new president. The sup-\\nporters of Jackson, Crawford, and Calhoun coalesced to form aR\\nopposition, which embarrassed Mr. Adams s administration through-\\nout, controlled the action ol Congress, and elected General Jackson\\npresident in 1828 by a large majority. Mr. Calhoun was rechosen\\nvice president, and Mr. Clay retired to private life.\\nMr. Clay was returned to the United States Senate in December,\\n1831, after an absence of more than twenty years, having been elected\\nover Colonel Richard M. Johnson. He there advocated internal im-\\nprovement, the recharter of the United States Bank, and a distribu-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0581.jp2"}, "582": {"fulltext": "r)50\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nMichigan, Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, Judge\\nDouglass, of Illinois, Governor Marcy, of New York,\\nand some other less prominent names, finally united\\nin nominating General Franklin Peirce, of New\\nHampshire, for president, and Hon. William Rufus\\ntion among the states of the proceeds of sales of public lands for\\npurposes of education and internal improvement a proposition he\\noriginated at this time. He was presented as a candidate for pres-\\nident against General Jackson but the opposition was distracted by\\nantimasonry and other questions, and Mr. Clay received only the\\nvotes of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Delaware, Ken-\\ntucky, and part of Maryland in all, forty- nine. Vermont voted for\\nAVilliam Wirt, the antimasonic candidate, .South Carolina for John\\nFloyd, of Virginia, and all the rest for General Jackson, who had an\\noverwhelming majority.\\nMr. Clay remained in the Senate, whore he proposed and carried\\nthe tariff compromise of 1834, and put forth his utmost exertions in\\nopposition to the removal of the deposits, specie circular, and other\\narbitrary measures of General Jackson, but without success. In\\n1836 he was rechosen to the Senate, but was not a candidate for\\npresident. General Harrison received most of the anti-Jackson\\nvotes, but Mr. Webster took that of Massachusetts, and those of\\nGeorgia and Tennessee were thrown for Judge White, of Tennessee.\\nMr. Van Buren was elected by a majority over all but the com-\\nmercial disasters which speedily ensued rendered his administration\\na stormy one, witli a dubious ascendency iu Congrefis. Mr. Clay s\\nname, in connection with the presidency, was presented to the whig\\nnational convention which met at Harrisburg in December, 18.39,\\nand a very large plurality of the delegates favored his nomination\\nbut a majority finally united on General Harrison, who was elected\\nover Mr. Van Buren in November ensuing by a very great majority.\\nMr. Clay still kept his seat in the Senate, and was its master ^irit\\nduring the greater part of the memorable twenty-seventh Congress.\\nThe two successive bills chartering a new national bank, the bankrupt\\nlaw, land distribution, c., received his ardent support and ho was\\namong the first to denounce the duplicity and treachery of the ca-\\nlamity whom the death of General Harrison had elevated to the\\npresidency. On the 31st of March, 1812, believing that there was\\nno further need of his remaining in the public service, he took a formal\\nand affecting farewell of the Senate, and returned to his home, in\\nKentucky. He spent the two following winters in the south, mainly\\nat New Orleans, returning in the spring of 1844 to the Southern At-\\nlantic States, and writing from llaleigh, North Carolina, a letter in\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which he took ground strongly against the annexatioir of Texas a\\nmeasure then pending before the Senate on a treaty negotiated under\\nthe auspices of President Tyler and his foreign secretary, John C. Cal-\\nhoun. Mr. Clay was unanimously nominated for president by the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0whig national convention which assembled at Baltimore in May, and\\nthe nomination was received with enthusiasm by the whigs of the\\nUnion. It was not destined, however, to be successful. The dem-\\nocratic national convention met at the same place four weeks later,\\nand proceeded to throw over Mr. Van Buren, whom a majority of\\nits member* were pledged to support, and finally, after a stormy sit-\\nting or two, nominated James K. Polk, of Tennessee, formerly\\nspeaker of the house, a man of very moderate ability, but a fair\\nstump speaker, of good personal character, and an unhesitating\\nchampion of annexation and every kindred measure. Mr. Van\\nBuren had sealed his own doom by taking ground against annex-\\nation. Mr. Polk carried most of the Soutlieru States, on the assump-\\ntion that the acquisition of Texas would strengthen the power of\\nKing, of Alabama, for vice president. The first nom\\nination was a surprise to the country and the world,\\nGeneral Pierce having never been named before for\\nsuch a distinction, or made in any way so conspicu-\\nous as to be thought of in connection with it.\\nslavery, and improve the market for slaves while New York and\\nother states hostile to that policy were lost to Mr. Clay by the anti-\\nTexas votes thrown away on James G. Bimey. Mr. Polk received\\none hundred and seventy electoral votes, Mr. Clay one hundred and\\nfive. New York alone would have changed the result and her\\nelectors were secured to Polk by a plurality of five thousand one\\nhundred and six, while more than fifteen thousand votes were\\nsquandered on the Birney abolition ticket.\\nThe annexation of Texas was the first result of Mr. Polk s elec-\\ntion, accomplished even before he had nominally assumed the reins\\nof government. The marching of troops down to the Rio Grande,\\nin the heart of a Mexican province, and the consequent breaking\\nout of ho.stilities, speedily and naturally followed. The protective\\ntariff of 1842, under which the country had steadily and rapidly\\nincreased in industry, prosperity, and wealth, was overthrown, and\\nthe present ad vahrem revenue tariff enacted in its stead a tariff\\nunder which we are this day running in debt to Europe at least fifty\\nmillions per annum for iron and fabrics \u00e2\u0096\u00a0which we should have made\\nfor ourselves had the tariff of 1842 been left undisturbed. For\\nwhatever of disaster and demoralization has resulted or shall result\\nfrom the career of aggression and lust of dominion on which the\\nUnited States have now entered, the initial cause may be found in\\nthe defeat of Henry Clay in the presidential contest of 1844.\\nMr. Clay deprecated and condemned the w.ar on Mexico through-\\nout, and on the 13th of November, 1847, made a speech at Le.xing-\\nton, urging the abandonment of all projects of conquest, and the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0withdrawal of our armies from Mexico, as an earnest of our desire\\nfor peace. His recommendations were warmly responded to by the\\ngreat mass of the whigs, and doubtless did much to hasten the nego-\\ntiation of a treaty the following autumn. Meantime, his own most\\npromising and beloved son, Henry Clay, Jr., had been killed at the\\nbattle of Buena Vista, as Lieutenant Colonel of the Kentucky regi-\\nment, February 22, 1847.\\nFour months thereafter, Mr. Clay, \u00e2\u0096\u00a0who had always been a believer\\nin the Christian religion, and had often borne impressive testimony\\nto its divine origin, united with the Protestant Episcopal church in\\nLexington, and received the rite of baptism.\\nDuring the winter and spring of 1848, Mr. Clay s name was again\\npresented in connection with the whig nomination for the presiden-\\ncy, and was very warmly hailed by the great niass of the people\\nbut the leading politicians, believing that the prejudice against him\\nin the minds of a majority of the voters, however unjust, was rooted\\nand invincible, were generally in favor of nominating General Tay-\\nlor, who was accordingly selected as the whig standard bearer by\\nthe national convention which met at Philadelphia. General Taylor\\nreceived one hundred and eleven votes on the first ballot to ninety-\\nseven for Mr. Clay, and some eighty for General Scott, Mr. Webster,\\nand others. General Taylor gained on every ballot till the fourth,\\nwhen he was nominated by a decisive majority. Mr. Clay, cousid-\\nering thSt General Taylor had given no clear assurance of his devo-\\ntion to whig principles, and had never consented to abide the choice\\nof the convention, could not feel justified in rendering him an active\\nsupport, but he peremptorily refused to allow his own name to be\\nused in opposition.\\nKentucky revised her state constitution in 1849, and Mr. Clay", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0582.jp2"}, "583": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n551\\nThe whig national convention was also held at\\nBaltimore, on the 17th of the same month, having\\nthree prominent and highly distinguished candidates,\\nPresident Fillmore, of New York, Daniel Webster,\\nof Massachusetts, and General Winlield Scott, of\\nmade another effort to ingraft on it a gradual emancipation of slaves,\\nbut was again baffled,\\nMr. Clay was reelected to the Senate in December, 1818, by the\\nlegislature of Kentucky, by a vote nearly or quite unanimous. He\\ndid not take his seat at the March session, called to act on General\\nTaylor s appointments, but the opening of the regular session found\\nhim, despite his advanced age, erect, buoyant, and active, to an ex-\\ntent which few young men could exceed. His labors, through that\\nlong and memorable session, were unsurpassed, and his attempts to\\neffect a qpmpromise or adjustment of the perilous questions respect-\\ning slavery in the territories, the admission of California, c., though\\nbaffled at the outset, were ultimately crowned with success. On the\\nmerits of these measures, taken as a whole, we here express no opin-\\nion but that Mr. Clay believed in the existence of an imperative\\nnecessity for some such adjustment, and urged it under the impulse\\nof an ardent patriotism, we cannot consider doubtful.\\nMr. Clay served through the following session, (closing the thirty-\\nfirst Congress,) urging upon Congress the duty of further protection\\nto home industry, and making a gallant but unsuccessful struggle\\nfor the passage of a river and harbor improvement bill. He was de-\\nfeated in this, not by votes, but by parliamentary strategy by talk-\\ning against time, until the session had been talked to death. He\\nwent home to Kentucky in the spring, remained at Ashland, in fee-\\nble health, through the warm season, and in December returned to\\nWashington to die. His health was so broken and evidently failing\\nthat he scarcely took his seat in the Senate at all, and was soon\\nobliged to keep his room, and ultimately his bed. Finally, after a\\nprotracted struggle between the native vigor of his constitution and\\nthe relentless progress of disease, his mortal career was closed by\\ndeath a little before noon on the 28th of June, 1852.\\nThat President Fillmore and his secretary, Webster, should be\\ncandidates at the same time, while maintaining relations of cordial\\nfriendship and political confidence, may appear strange and incon-\\nsistent. It was owing, however, to the distracted state of the party,\\nand neither of them felt at liberty to withdraw in favor of the other,\\nlest a further distraction should ensue.\\nThe following letter wiU explain Mi-. Fillmore s position and views.\\nIt was written prior to the assembling of the convention, and placed\\nin the hands of one of his friends, a delegate to the convention, to\\nbe read before that body whenever it should appear that its pres-\\nentation could further the interests of the whig party. The letter\\nwas not read, because the opportunity contemplated did not, in the\\njudgment of those who held it in custody, arise. But it stands an\\nequally noble testimony now, for its patriotic author. Its sentiments\\nare worthy of the man who has served his country with an adminis-\\ntration only second to Washington s, if second to that, and they\\nare all, in manliness, that we could desire from any man.\\nWashington, June 10, 18.52.\\nTo the President of the National Whig Convention.\\nSiK This communication will be presented to you, and through\\nyou to the delegated wisdom of the whig party over which you pre-\\nside, by the Hon. George R. Babcock, who represents in your body\\nthe congressional district in which I reside.\\nI trust that I shall be pardoned by the convention for adverting\\n70\\nNew Jersey. The canvass was earnest and pro-\\nlonged, and resulted in the nomination of General\\nScott for the presidency, and William A. Graham,\\nof North Carolina, for vice president.*\\nThe free soil democrats, who assembled in conven-\\nbriefly to the course which I have pursued and the causes which\\nhave induced it, as a means of explaining why I have selected this\\ntime and mode of making this communication.\\nAll must recollect that when I was so suddenly and unexpectedly\\ncalled to the exalted station which I now occupy, by the death of\\nmy lamented and illustrious predecessor, there was a crisis in out\\npublic affairs full of difficulty and danger. The country was agitated\\nby political and sectional passions and dissensions, growing out of\\nthe slavery and territorial questions then pending, and for which\\nCongress had as yet been able to agree upon no measure of com-\\npromise and adjustment.\\nThe Union itself was threatened with dissolution, and patviots\\nand statesmen looked with apprehension to the future. In that feel-\\ning I participated most profoundly. The difficulties and dangers\\nwhich surrounded us were calmly but anxiously surveyed. I was\\noppressed by a sense of the great responsibilities that rested upon\\nme, and sincerely distrusted my ability to sustain them in a manner\\nsatisfactory and useful to the country. But I was bound to make\\nthe attempt and to do it with any hope of success, I felt it neces-\\nsary to discard every personal consideration, and devote myself to\\nthe difficult task before me with entire singleness of heart.\\nTo prepare and strengthen myself for this task, I endeavored to\\nlay aside, as far as practicable, every merely selfish consideration\\nto banish from my mind every local or sectional prejudice and to\\nremember only that I was au American citizen, and the magistrate\\nof the American republic, bound to regard every portion and sec-\\ntion of it with equal justice and impartiality. That I might do\\nthis the more effectually, I resolved within myself not to seek a\\nredleetion.\\nThus prepared, I entered upon the discharge of my official duties,\\nwith a determination to do every thing in my power to aid in tho\\nsettlement of those dangerous controversies. Fortunately for our\\nfavored country, a majority in both houses of Congress, rising above\\nmere party and personal considerations, nobly and patriotically de-\\nvoted themselves to the great work of pacification. The constitu-\\ntional advisers whom I had called to my aid, and to whose fidelity,\\ntalents, and patriotism the country is chiefly indebted for any benefit\\nit may have received from my administration, with a unanimity and\\nzeal worthy of every commendation, cordially gave their countenance\\nand influence to the legislative department, in perfecting and adopt-\\ning those healing measures of comprojnisef to which upon their pas-\\nsage I felt bound, by every consideration of public diftj to give my\\nofficial approval. T nese laws being enacted, my constitutional duty\\nwas equally plain, to take care that they were faithfully executed*\\nBut this I found the most painful of all my official duties. Never-\\ntheless, I resolved to perform it, regardless of all consequences to\\nmyself; and in doing so, I determined to know no north and no\\nsouth and no friends but those who sustained the constitution and\\nlaws and no enemies but those who opposed them.\\nThe gratifying result of this policy is before you and the coun-\\ntry. The angry strife which for a time threatened to array state\\nagainst state, and brother against brother, and deluge our happy land\\nwith fraternal blood, and desolate it with fire and sword, has fortu-\\nnately passed away. The surging billows of sectional agitation are\\ncalmed, and the public mind is fast settling down to its accustomed", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0583.jp2"}, "584": {"fulltext": "552\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ntion at Pittsburg in August, had also several candi-\\ndates, but, with little division of sentiment, nominated\\nJohn P. Hale, of New Hampshire, for president, and\\nGeorge W. Julian, of Indiana, for vice president.\\nThe campaign was an earnest and active one, and\\nresulted in the success of the democratic candidates\\nby very large majorities.\\nThe death of Daniel Webster, which occurred at\\nMarshfield, October 24, 1852, was the great absorb-\\ning event of this period. Endeared as he was to his\\nfamily and friends, the loss to them was far less than\\nto the public. It was, in the broadest sense of the\\nphrase, a national calamity.\\nHis health had failed during the summer from his\\nsevere public labors, and from the insidious progress\\nchannels, and will soon renew its wonted devotion to the constitu-\\ntion and the Union.\\nAvailing myself of this happy change, I had determined, when\\nthe present Congress met, to announce to the public, in my annual\\nmessage, my previous resolution not to suffer my name to come be-\\nfore the national convention for a nomination. I accordingly pre-\\npared a paragraph to that effect, but was finally persuaded to strike\\nit out, lest it might have an unfavorable influence upon the then\\npending election in Virginia. After that had passed, I concluded to\\nwithdraw my name by a published address to the people, and pre-\\npared one accordingly but this coming to the knowledge of some\\nof ray friends, they represented to me that my withdrawal at that\\ntime would not only endanger the perpetuity of those measures\\nwhich I deemed so essential to the peace and welfare of the country,\\nbut would sacrifice many friends who had stood by my administra-\\ntion in the dark and perilous crisis through which it had so recently\\npassed. The first was an appeal to my patriotism, and the second to\\nmy gratitude. I could resist neither, and therefore yielded to their\\nrequest, and consented that my name should remain where it was,\\nuntil time should show, as I presumed it would, that its further use\\ncould neither benefit them nor the cause which we all had so much\\nat heart. It was, however, distinctly understood that I could not\\nconsent to use any efforts to procure a nomination, but if one were\\nfreely and voluntarily tendered I should not be at liberty to decline it.\\nThe embarrassing question now presents itself. Who is to deter-\\nmine when the use of my name can no longer benefit my friends or\\nour common cause To assume to decide this myself, in advance of\\nthe convention, without consultation with those who have so gen-\\nerously sustain4;d me, might be deemed by them unjust. To consult\\nthem is utterly impracticable, and to suffer my name to go into a\\ncontest for the nomination is contrary to my original intention, and\\nutterly repugnant to my feelings. I have, therefore, without con-\\nsultation with any one, felt justified in assuming the responsibility\\nof authorizing and requesting Mr. Babcock, either before or after\\nany vote may be taken in the convention, and whenever he shall be\\nsatisfied that I have discharged my duty to my friends and the\\ncountry, to present this letter, and withdraw my name from the\\nconsideration of the convention.\\nI trust that my friends will appreciate the necessity which com-\\npels me to act without consulting them. I would cheerfully make\\nany personal sacrifice for their sakes or for the good of my country,\\nbut I have nothing to ask for myself. I yielded with sincere reluc-\\nof an obscure disease in the liver, of long stand-\\ning, but now accelerated by the shock received by\\nthe overturning of his carriage a few months pre-\\nvious.\\nHis death was that of a philosopher and a Chris-\\ntian, or more appropriately that of a Christian philoso-\\npher, for while his transcendent intellect remained\\nclear and strong to the last moment, mastering and\\ncontrolling every subject it had to do with, his thoughts\\nand regards were almost wholly centred upon the\\ngreat themes of religion, and his own future life.\\nThe following, which he dictated to a friend about a\\nfortnight before his death, with a request that it should\\nbe inscribed on his monument, may be take^ as a\\nsummary of his dying thoughts.\\ntance to their entreaties to suffer my name to remain before the\\npublic as a possible candidate. I knew that it placed me in a false\\nposition. I foresaw that it would subject me to the base imputation\\nof seeking a nomination, and of using the patronage of the govern-\\nment to obtain it, and then to the mortifying taunts from the same\\nmalignant source of having been defeated. But, conscious of my\\nown integrity, I cheerfully consented to encounter all this, rather\\nthan that my friends should feel that I was indifferent, either to\\nthem or the cause; and I am most happy to avail myself of this oc-\\ncasion to return my sincere thanks, and to express the grateful\\nemotions of my heart, to those friends of the country who have so\\ngenerously and so nobly stood by the constitution and the Union,\\nduring the perilous scenes through which we have just passed.\\nMy sincere prayer is, that their country may cherish and reward\\nthem according to their merits.\\nI hope and trust that my withdrawal may enable the convention\\nto unite harmoniously upon some more deserving candidate one\\nwho, if elected, may be more successful in winning and retaining\\nthe confidence of the party to which he is attached than I have been.\\nDivided as we were, upon my accession to the presidency, on ques-\\ntions of vital importance, it was impossible for me to pursue a course\\nwhich would satisfy all. I have not attempted it. I have sought\\nmore anxiously to do what was right than what would please; and\\nI shall feel no disappointment at finding that my conduct has, in the\\nestimation of a majority of the convention, rendered me an unavail-\\nable candidate. But it should at all times be a subject of felicitation\\nto any man that he has been enabled to serve his country by sacrifi-\\ncing himself. This is a consequence which neither he nor his friends\\nhave any cause to regret and I hope mine will view it in that\\nlight.\\nFor myself, permit me to add, I have no further aspirations. I\\nfeel that I have enjoyed much more of public honors than I deserved,\\nand I shall soon retire from this e.xalted- station with infinitely more\\nsatisfaction than I entered upon it, and with a heart grateful for the\\nconfidence which my countrymen have reposed in me grateful for\\nthe indulgence with which they have received my humble efforts to\\nserve them, and anxious only that they may be better served by my\\nsuccessor, and that our glorious Union and free institutions may be\\nperpetual.\\nI have the honor to be, sir,\\nYour fellow-citizen and ob t. serv t,\\nMILLARD FILLMORE.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0584.jp2"}, "585": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n553\\nLord, I believe help thou mine unbelief.\\nPhilosophical argument, especially that drawn from\\nthe vastness of the universe, in comparison with the\\napparent insignificance of this globe, has sometimes\\nshaken my reason for the faith which is in me;\\nbut my heart has always assured and reassured me,\\nthat the gospel of Jesus Christ must be a divine\\nreality. The Sermon on the Mount cannot be a\\nmerely human production. This belief enters into\\nthe depth of my conscience. The whole history of\\nman proves it. Daniel Webster.\\nMr. Everett has remarked, that the bright devel-\\nopments of Mr. Webster s public character, in a long\\nDaniel Webster was born in Salisbury, New Hampshire, on\\nthe 18th of January, 17S2. His great-great grandfather, Thomas Web-\\nster, migrated from Norfolk, England, and settled in Hampton, New\\nHampshire, in 1656, nearly two centuries ago. Ebenezer Webster,\\nfather of Daniel, born in 1739, was a pioneer in Salisbury, served\\nwith credit in the Rangers during the old French war, and in our\\nrevolutionary struggle fought at White Plains, and led a company\\ngallantly in the battle of Bennington. After our independence was\\nsecured, he was chosen representative, senator, and finally a judge\\nof common pleas, which office he held from 1791 to 1805. He died\\nin 180S, aged sixty-seven.\\nDaniel Webster was cradled in poverty and early inured to labor,\\nwalking two miles and a half to common school in winter, and work-\\ning on his father s farm in summer. When fourteen, he was sent to\\nthe famous Phillips Academy, in Exeter, New Hampshire, and\\nthe next year to Dartmouth College, where he graduated with honor,\\ntaught an academy at Fryeburg, Maine, one year, and then betook\\nhimself to the study of law, first in Salisbury, and then in Boston,\\nin the office of Christopher Gore, afterwards governor of Massachu-\\nsetts; was admitted to the bar in 1805; practised a short time in\\nBoscawen, New Hampshire removing thence, in 1807, to Ports-\\nmouth, was married next year to Grace Fletcher, of Hopkinton,\\nNew Hampshire, by whom he had four children, of whom but one\\n(Fletcher) survives him. The mother died suddenly, while on her\\nway with her husband to Washington, late in 1827.\\nMr. Webster remained nine j ears in Portsmouth, and there ac-\\nquired an extensive practice and an enviable reputation. In 1812\\nhe was for the first time a candidate for office, being nominated for\\nCongress by the federalists of New Hampshire, and elected after a\\nmost vehement contest. (The state then chose its members by gen-\\neral ticket.) Though never before a member of a legislative body,\\nhe rose at once to a high rank among parliamentary debaters. He\\nopposed the invasion of Canada, and all schemes of aggression and\\nconquest, ardently advocated the enlargement of our navy, and the\\nprosecution of the war on the ocean, but condemned the policy\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2which had involved the country in hostilities, and urged an early\\npeace. His house, with all its contents, was destroyed by fire during\\nhis absence at Washington, in January, 1814. He removed to Bos-\\nton in August, 1816. His fame as a jurist was greatly increased by\\nhis defence of Dartmouth College against the assumptions of the\\nlegislature of New Hampshire to alter and modify its charter at pleas-\\nure a claim which was sustained by the courts of New Hampshire,\\nbut overruled by the United States Supreme Court, on Mr. Web-\\nster s argument, in March, 1818.\\nlife of service, are wrought into the annals of the\\ncountry. Whoever shall write the history of the\\nUnited States for the last forty years ivill write the\\nlife of Daniel Webster, and ivhoever tcrites the life\\nof Daniel Webster, as it ought to be written, will tvrite\\nthe history of the Union from the time he took a lead-\\ning part in its concerns. This is not mere eulogy, or\\nthe partial judgment of a friend. It is the sentiment\\nof the world, and has been fully illustrated in the\\npresent history by the copious allusions we have been\\ncompelled to make to his exalted public services. A\\nbrief outline of a mind so gifted, and a life so useful,\\nis necessary to complete our endeavor to do justice to\\nthis portion of the national history.*\\nHe devoted himself assiduously to the law in Boston, refusing in-\\nvitations to embark in politics, but serving as an elector of president,\\nand then as member of the state constitutional convention, until, in\\n1822, he was persuaded to stand for Congress, and elected by a large\\nmajority. He took his seat in December, 1823, and immediately\\nsignalized himself by a proposition and speech looking to the recog-\\nnition of Greece as an independent nation. He made, at the same\\nsession, the ablest free trade argument ever presented to Congress.\\nIt was overborne, however, by the speech of Mr. Clay in favor of\\nprotection, and the tariff bill of 1824 became a law. Mr. Webster\\nwas reelected without opposition in 1824, and would have been re-\\nturned in 1826, but he was that year elected to the United States\\nSenate, where he took his seat in January, 1828.\\nHis speeches against Hayne, in 1829, on the right of a state to\\nnuUify an act of Congress, were the greatest intellectual achieve-\\nments of his life. They may be said to have practically settled the\\nquestion, so that, though nullification has since been threatened, no\\ndanger remains that it will ever be in earnest attempted.\\nMr. Webster remained in the Senate till March 4, 1841, and was a\\nleading participator in the discussions growing out of the attempted\\nrecharter of the United States Bank, tariff compromise of 1834, the\\nremoval of the deposits, the specie circular, the expunging resolu-\\ntion, c. From an original free trader, he became a warm and im-\\npressive advocate of protection to home industry, regarding the policy\\nof the country as settled by the acts of 1824 and 1828, and the in-\\nterests thereby called into existence justly entitled to legislative\\nsupport. He therefore opposed the tariff compromise of 1834, which\\nnevertheless prevailed.\\nUpon General Harrison s election to the presidency, Sir. Webster\\nwas called to the post of secretary of state, which he continued to\\nhold after General Harrison s death and Mr. Tyler s accession, until\\nlate in 1842. During this time he negotiated with Lord Ashburton\\nthe treaty of Washington, by which the north-eastern boundary of\\nMaine was settled. After retiring from the cabinet, he remained in\\nprivate life till 1845, when he was again chosen to the Senate, on the\\nretirement of Mr. Choate. He spoke, in 1846, in favor of the Oregon\\nboundary treaty in 1848, against the claim of the south to extend\\nslavery into the new territories and on the 7th of March, ISoO, in\\nfavor of the adjustment of the territorial and slavery dispute by\\ncompromise, wherein the Wilmot proviso should be surrendered by\\nthe north as needless and irritating. He afterwards signalized him-\\nself by a zealous advocacy of the fugitive slave law.\\nMr. Webster was first proposed for president in 1836, when Mas-\\nsachusetts gave him her electoral vote, but was seconded by no other", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0585.jp2"}, "586": {"fulltext": "554\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nMr. Webster was a great writer, an eminent law-\\nyer, and a preeminent statesman. The talents requi-\\nsite for eminence in any one of these departments do\\nnot necessarily fit a man for eminence, or even dis-\\ntinction, in another. They are rarely associated in\\none person. Mr. Webster was distinguished and\\npeerless in all, and as such stands almost without a\\nparallel in history.\\nFrom the commencement of his career, the two\\ngreat functions of lawyer and statesman were con-\\nstantly and most ably sustained together. An eminent\\nleader in public affairs, and expected to be always\\nforemost in every conflict, he was at the same time\\nthe acknowledged head of the American bar. A labo-\\nrious and most successful devotee to his chosen pro-\\nfession, a safe counsellor, a powerful advocate, a\\nmanly but terrible opponent, a profound thinker, a\\nthorough and diligent student of every case he under-\\ntook, rapid in his decisions, yet cautious in examining\\nevery point of evidence, comprehensive and far reach-\\ning in his views, bold and confident of a position\\nonce taken, with an open, manly, masterly address,\\nand a logical force such as only comes from ascer-\\ntained truth and absolute conviction, he was sel-\\ndom successfully opposed, and never vanquished.\\nHis lucid statement of his case, in which he was\\nunrivalled, was often in itself an argument and a\\ntriumph. In his addresses to the jury he was frank,\\nmanly, and direct, never appealing to passion or\\nprejudice, but always, and with convincing power, to\\nreason and conscience. By the simple majesty of\\nhis manner, and the honest directness and force of\\nhis own inward convictions, conveyed in terms of\\nstudied clearness, he wrought an almost instant per-\\nsuasion in his favor, and easily carried with him to\\nthe end the convinced and captivated judgment of\\nhis hearers. He could not argue a bad cause. His\\nmental vision was too penetrating and comprehen-\\nsive, his logic too uncompromising, his perception of\\nstate. In IS-iS his name was submitted to the whig national con-\\nTention at Philadelphia, but hisTOte never reached thirty. In 1852\\nhis name was again submitted to the whig national convention at\\nBaltimore but his highest vote on any ballot was thirty-three. It\\nis understood that one hundred and six southern votes were ready\\nto be cist for him whenever they would secure his nomination but\\nthe opportunity was never presented.\\nIn 1850, on the accession of Mr. Fillmore to the presidency, Mr.\\nWebster was called again to the first place in the cabinet, which he\\ncontmued to hold till his death. He left Washington in ill health\\nduring the summer of 1852, and retired to his country residence at\\nMarshfield, Massachusetts, and soon after met with a severe injury\\nby being thrown from a wagon. His health continued to decline\\ntruth too clear, and his love of it too instinctive, to fit\\nhim as the champion of error. Where his convictions\\nled the way, he was the mightiest of the mighty, and\\nled all judgments captive. His arguments were often\\nno less instructive to the court than convincing to\\nthe jury, and much of the prevailing law of the land\\nis due to him as its ablest and best expounder. Ho\\ntouched no subject which be did not fully elucidate.\\nTo this end he always said precisely enough, and\\nnever a word too much. His ideas were so luminous,\\nand his expression of them so full and clear, that they\\nnever needed to be repeated or reenforced. He never\\ndallied with unimportant facts, or points of inferior\\nmagnitude, nor attempted to divert attention from the\\nreal merits of his case by irrelevant side issues. His\\nreading was extensive, almost universal, though some\\nof the scholars affect to underrate him in this re-\\nspect. His learning was vast, accurate, and perfectly\\nat command. His judgment was clear and control-\\nling. His taste was refined, exalted, severe. His\\nimagination was rich, almost to the height of genius,\\nbut ever subordinate to truth and reason. His illustra-\\ntions were always and studiously luminous, and never\\nmerely ornamental. Of mere rhetorical flourishes he\\nwas totally ignorant. They would have encumbered\\nthe majestic march of his argument, as the drapery\\nof the court or the saloon would encumber the\\nprogress of an army.\\nMr. Webster s great field, even in the department\\nof law, was that in which it verges towards and\\nrests upon fundamental and constitutional law. His\\nprofound mind could rest only in first principles. He\\npenetrated to the heart of the science, and was master\\nof its deepest and most abstruse mysteries. It. was\\na fortunate may we not say a providential? cir-\\ncumstance, that the growth of the country began to\\ndevolve upon the Supreme Court of the United States\\nthe consideration of this class of questions just at\\nthe time when Mr. Webster, in his ripe manhood\\nuntil, on the 21st of October, his illness was felt to be dangerous,\\nfrom which time he rapidly sank until his death, which occurred on\\nSunday morning, October 24, at a little before three o clock. His last\\nhours were irradiated by penitence, prayer, and the consolations of\\nChristian faith and hope.\\nThus lived and died the greatest man, intellectually, that America\\nhas yet produced her most chaste and cogent orator, and her most\\naccomplislu d and thoroughly qualified statesman. His Plymouth\\nllock and Bunker Hill orations, his replies to Ha\u00e2\u0084\u00a2e, and letter to\\nHulsemann, will live while our language is spoken, and the Ameri-\\ncan people will do honor to his genius, his understanding, and his\\npatj-iotism.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0586.jp2"}, "587": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n555\\nwas able to give them the benefit of his extraordinary\\npowers of argument and analysis. Previous to the\\nDartmouth College case, in 1818, not many important\\nconstitutional questions bad come before the court;\\nand since that time, the great lawyer, who then broke\\nupon it with so astonishing a blaze of learning and\\nlogic, has exerted a commanding influence in shaping\\nthat system of constitutional law almost a supple-\\nmentary constitution which has contributed so\\nmuch to our happiness and prosperity.\\nIn the discussion of constitutional questions, the\\nmind of this great man found a most congenial\\nemployment. Here, books, cases, and precedents are\\nof comparatively little value. We must ascend to\\nfirst principles, and be guided by the light of pure\\nreason. Geometry itself hardly leads the mind into\\na region of more abstract and essential truth. In\\nthese calm heights of speculation and analysis, the\\ngenius of Mr. Webster moved with natural and\\nmajestic sweep.\\nMr. Webster s argument in the Dartmouth Col-\\nlege case stands out among his other arguments, as\\nhis speech in reply to Hayne among his other speeches.\\nNo better argument has been spoken in the English\\ntongue in the memory of any living man. Judge\\nStory thus described the effect he then produced upon\\nthe court For the first hour we listened to him\\nwith perfect astonishment, for the second hour with\\nperfect delight, and for the third hour with perfect\\nconviction. It is not too much to say that he\\nentered the court on that day a comparatively un-\\nknown name, and left it with no rival but Pinck-\\nney.\\nOf the speech in reply to Mr. Hayne, Judge Sprague,\\nwho was in the Senate at the time, has said, A\\ngreat vital question of constitutional law was by that\\nspeech settled as completely and irrevocably as it\\ncould have been by the greatest minds in the highest\\njudicial tribunals.\\nMr. Webster evidently felt the magnitude of the\\noccasion, and a consciousness that he was more than\\nequal to it. On no other occasion, though I have\\nheard him a hundred times, have I seen him so\\nthoroughly aroused. Yet when he commenced, and\\nthroughout the whole, he was perfectly self-possessed\\nand self-controlled. Never was his bearing more\\nlofty, his person more majestic, his manner more ap-\\npropriate and impressive.\\nThe value of that speech cannot be measured,\\nwithout a just appreciation of our constitution and\\nof republican government. Nullification had become\\nformidable. It had been practically adopted in high\\nplaces, and was sustained by several states and some\\nof the ablest minds of the south, and was daily gain-\\ning strength as the offspring of the resolutions of 98.\\nBy this single effort that deadly heresy was prostrated\\nand crushed forever.\\nNo speech, ancient or modern, has, within the\\nsame time, convinced so many minds, and produced\\nso great and salutary results. It was not addressed\\nmerely to the enlightened and reflecting audience\\naround him, but to this great reading nation, and to\\nthe civilized world. If the doctrines of General\\nHayne had prevailed, this Union would have been\\nshattered into fragments but Mr. Webster and his\\ndoctrines have triumphed, and our Union remains in\\nall its magnificence and beneficence.\\nMr. Webster s public career commenced with his\\nelection to Congress, from the city of Boston, in\\n1822. From that time till his death, with an in-\\nterval of only two years, he .was constantly in the\\npublic service, as representative, senator, or secretary\\nof state.\\nMr. Webster was a statesman in the largest and\\nnoblest sense of the word. He was no politician.\\nHe sought not his own, but his country s good. He\\nhad no narrow, sectional, or partisan views. He\\nknew no north, no south, no east, no west. His great\\nmind and patriotic heart embraced the whole land,\\nwith all its interests and all its claims. No public\\nman ever earned more fully the title of a national, an\\nAmerican statesman.\\nAs a writer, but especially as a public speaker,\\nMr. Webster had no equal at home or abroad. He\\nhas been compared to Burke but he is less elaborate,\\nand far more massive, majestic, and enduring, yet\\nnever deficient in graceful flovi^ or appropriate orna-\\nment. His political speeches are marked by a pecu-\\nliar sagacity and a depth of practical wisdom which\\nbelong only and always to master minds. Yet with\\nall his mighty reach of thought, his almost prophetic\\nforecast, his comprehensive view of all the remoter\\nbearings of his theme, and his instinctive perception\\nof the inevitable conclusion, he easily and powerfully\\ncarried the common mind along with him; for his\\nlogic was as clear as it was compact, as simple and\\nnatural as it was vigorous and conclusive. He be-\\ncome so thoroughly master of his subject, that he\\neasily and necessarily mastered his audience. His\\noccasional discourses and his diplomatic writings", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0587.jp2"}, "588": {"fulltext": "556\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwould alone make a great reputation. The latter are\\nmodels of unqualified excellence, cautious yet firm,\\nhold, decided, and full of energy, yet perfectly cour-\\nteous, frank, and fair. Like the gallant knight in the\\ntournament, he scorns to ask, and manfully refuses to\\nyield, any thing that is not clearly and unquestionably\\nright. In fact he seems to demand nothing, but to\\nmake the right so clear that it is yielded of necessity\\nand without a demand. It is doubted if there are\\nany modern compositions which, in form and sub-\\nstance, imbody so much of what we understand by\\nthe epithet Roman. Such, indeed, we may imagine\\nthe state papers of the Roman Senate to have been,\\nin the best days of the republic.\\nThe more than royal mind of this majestic man\\nwas fitly tenanted in a frame of massive and com-\\nmanding proportions. He bore the unmistakable im-\\npress of greatness in his personal appearance. His\\nfigure was large, but admirably symmetrical. His\\nhead was capacious and finely developed, with a\\nnoble amplitude of brow, which betokened the largest\\npossession of the reflective and rational faculties.\\nThe deep overhanging eyebrow gave to the dark,\\npenetrating, eagle eye beneath, a commanding in-\\ntensity of power, which none who approached him\\nfailed to recognize and acknowledge. Take him all\\nin all, he was probably the grandest looking man\\nof his time.\\nIn his private relations Mr. Webster commanded\\nthe confidence and respect and won the aflection of\\nall who knew him. He was a kind husband, an in-\\ndulgent father, a dutiful, exemplary son, a generous\\nfriend, and an excellent neighbor. He had many\\nfriends, but no enemies. Even among his strongest\\npolitical opponents, he was held in the highest esteem\\nand regard a sentiment which he amply repaid by\\ncherishing no personal political animosities himself.\\nHis great southern antagonist, Mr. Calhoun, with\\nwhom he was brought into most direct collision, was\\nalways a personal friend, and remarked, towards the\\nclose of his life, that, of all the leading men of the\\nday, there was not one whose political course had\\nbeen more strongly marked by a strict regard to truth\\nand honor than Mr. Webster s. It was in this spirit\\nof true greatness that Mr. Webster gave his last\\ndirections to Mr. Everett respecting a new edition of\\nhis works, to be issued under the editorial supervision\\nof that gentleman. My friend, said he, I wish to\\nperpetuate no feuds. I have lived a life of strenuous\\npolitical warfare. I have sometimes, though rarely,\\nand that in self-defence, .been led to speak of others\\nwith severity. I beg you, where you can do it with-\\nout wholly changing the character of the speech, and\\nthus doing essential injustice to me, to obliterate\\nevery trace of personality of this kind. I should pre-\\nfer not to leave a word that would give unnecessary\\npain to any honest man, however opposed to me.\\nIn the same magnanimous spirit he lent some of his\\nbest and most gigantic efforts to support what he\\ndeemed a correct position of an administration of\\nwhich he was the ablest and most dreaded opposer.\\nOf this character was his mighty conflict with Ilayne,\\nsustaining the views and determinations of General\\nJackson, and enabling his administration easily and\\neffectually to crush the outbreaking spirit of nullifica-\\ntion. In the same spirit he uttered his great speech\\nof the 7th of March, defending and advocating the\\ncompromise measures of 1850, and thereby sacrificing\\nand knowingly sacrificing, a large portion of well-\\nearned popularity at the north.\\nMr. Webster s greatness was so unmatched and\\nunapproachable, and so nobly free from even the\\nsemblance of arrogance or presumption, that it was\\nalways and every where admitted, not only without\\njealousy, but with cordial and profound delight. Mr.\\nFillmore always took a generous pleasure in speaking\\nof him, on all appropriate occasions, as the right arm\\nof his administration, his best and perfect reliance in\\nall the complicated difficulties of the high office he\\nwas called to fill.\\nMr. Webster was an ardent lover of nature, the\\nopen volume of whose works he studied with great\\ndelight. An enthusiastic sportsman, an amateur\\nagriculturist, a passionate admirer of animal life and\\nbeauty, as well as of natural scenery, he spent in the\\ncountry all the time he could spare from the arduous\\nand engrossing cares of public life, and enjoyed in\\nretirement infinitely more than office, station, or\\npower was capable of conferring.\\nAt the opening of the thirty-second Congress, Presi-\\ndent Fillmore reiterated such of his former recommen-\\ndations as had not been acted upon, urging especially\\na modification of the tariff, the establishment of an\\nagricultural bureau, and appropriations for the im-\\nprovement of rivers and harbors. On the latter sub-\\nject he succeeded so far in overcoming the hostility\\nof its opponents as to procure the passage of a bill\\nfor the construction of a canal around the Falls of\\nSt. Mary. This work has been prosecuted with great\\nsuccess, and is now in such a state of progress towards", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0588.jp2"}, "589": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n557\\ncompletion, that it will be opened to navigation early\\nin the coming spring, (1855.)\\nThe frequent attempts which had been made by\\nvarious parties to gain forcible possession of the\\nIsland of Cuba, and revolutionize its government, and\\nthe manifest inability of Spain, alone and unassisted,\\nto defend the coveted colony against any thing like a\\nserious invasion, induced the governments of Great\\nBritain and France, early in 1852, to propose to that\\nof the United States to become a party with them to\\na tripartite convention, in virtue of which the three\\npowers should severally and collectively disclaim, now\\nand for the future, all intention to obtain possession\\nThe following letter from a correspondent of the tJtica Herald\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0will give some idea of this great national work, and illustrate the\\nabsurdity of the opposition to internal improvements\\nThe waters of Lake Superior find their way into Lake Huron\\nthrough St. Mary s River. This river is about sixty-three miles\\nlong at some places spreading out into little lakes, at others, rush-\\ning through narrow rapids or winding around beautiful islands. Its\\nentire length is navigable by vessels drawing eight feet of water up\\nto within one mile of Lake Superior. At this point navigation is\\narrested by the falls the Sault of the river.\\nThese falle or rapids are best described by saying that they are\\neomewhat like the rapids of Niagara, but instead of rushing into an\\nabyss, gradually subsiding into the quiet flow of a broad river, so\\nthat steambotits may run into the very foot of the rapids, and the\\nfrail bark cnnoe of the adventurous and skilful half-breed dash far\\nup among them in pursuit of the white fish. These rapids are\\nbroken up into several different channels, and among them are scat-\\ntered little islands, such as you see at Niagara, and like them bris-\\ntling with cedars in all possible attitudes.\\nAt this point, on the American side, is the little village of the\\nSault an old settlement in the State of Michigan, founded by the\\nJesuits about two centuries ago. ^t has evidently seen and felt noth-\\ning of the great progress which has been buUding up cities and\\nstates. Here is to be seen the native owner of the soil and the half-\\nbreed, (a cross of the French and Indian blood) and here, too, are\\nthe shops of the full-blooded Yankee, who buys and sells bead and\\nbirch bark work and white fish. On the British side of the river is\\ntlie agency of the Hudson Bay Company an old-fashioned build-\\ning, looking as firm and substantial as the company itself.\\nAbove these rapids, and where Lake Superior empties into the\\nriver, may be seen a few steamers, which have been hauled over land\\nfrom below.\\nHitherto vessels which have come from Buffalo, Cleveland, De-\\ntroit, and Chicago, to the Sault, have been compelled to unload\\nthere and return, while the goods destined for Lake Superior have\\nbeen drawn by horse power over a railroad to the upper end of the\\ntapids, and then loaded on the few vessels which have been hauled\\ninto the lake. Thus the waters of the largest fresh water lake in\\nthe world, whose shores are loaded with mineral wealth, more desi-\\nrable than the gold of California, have been locked up from the trade\\nof New York, Ohio, Michigan, Illinois, and Wisconsin, by less than\\na mile of rapids. To remedy this, Congress oflTered to the State of\\nMichigan 750,000 acres of land, if she would construct a ship canal\\naround these rapids and the State of Michigan has contracted to\\ngive these lands, free of taxation, for five years, to Erastus Coming\\nof the Island of Cuba, and bind themselves to dis-\\ncountenance all attempts to that effect, on the part\\nof any power or individual whatever. This invitation\\nwas promptly declined by the president, for reasons\\nassigned in the correspondence, and accompanied\\nwith the strongest assurances that the United States\\nnot only entertained no designs against Cuba, but\\nwould regard its incorporation into the Union, at\\nthe present time, as fraught with serious peril.\\nIn his annual message to Congress of this year,\\nthe president gave expression to the following views,\\nas those which he supposed to prevail in tlie public\\nmind Were this island comparatively destitute of\\nand others, in consideration that they build the canal by the 19th of\\nMay next.\\nThis is now completed, or so nearly so that it is not amiss to s])eak\\nof it as finKhed. The contract time in which to do the work was so\\nshort that it was supposed impossible, and many anticipated an ap-\\nplication to the legislature for an extension of time but the con-\\ntractors have already done more than they contracted to do, and the\\nopening of navigation next spring will open seventeen hundred mUes\\nof new coast to our trade.\\nIt is an interesting and important question, what state will reap\\nthe largest harvest from the opening of this wide mineral world\\nMichigan or Illinois, Detroit or Chicago, New Y ork or Ohio, Buffalo\\nor Cleveland Detroit has apparently the advantage, but Chicago\\nintends to win it from her if possible. The work is, in every sense,\\na national one i national in its objects, and in size and style superior\\nto any of its kind on this continent.\\nThe locks are supposed to be the largest in the world. Y ou can\\nmost readily judge of their size when I tell you that the main build-\\ning of the steam cotton factory in West Utica could be placed in\\neither of them, and the gates closed upon it without touching it\\nthat the City HaU in the Park in the city of New Y ork, if it is, as I\\nunderstand, two hundred and sixteen feet in length, might have one\\nhundred and thirty feet added to it, and still be locked through\\nthat the combined length of the two sides and wings of the two\\nlocks together is nearly one third of a mile in length, all of solid\\nmasonry, twenty-five feet high, ten feet thick at the base, with\\nbuttresses six feet in width at every twelve feet, all faced with cut\\nwhite limestone, equal if not superior to the best of this state. The\\ngates of these locks are each forty feet wide, or twice as wide as an\\nentire lock on the Erie Canal. Each gate is suspended and held in\\nplace like a suspension bridge, weighing many tons, and yet moved\\nwith ease by the strength of one man.\\nThe canal is one hundred feet wide at top of water, and one\\nhundred and fifteen feet wide at top of its banks. The depth of\\nwater in it is twelve feet. The main body of the canal is excavated\\nthrough rock, and walled up with such slope walls as the Erie Canal\\ncannot boast of. To protect this work large caisson gates are thrown\\nacross the canal above and below locks, supported by strong and\\nhandsome masonry.\\nThere is no instance on record in which land appropriated by\\nthe general government has been so honestly applied or made to\\naccomplish so much.\\nThe work has been accomplished in an unprecedentedly short\\ntime, and in the face of dilficultles which no ordinary energy or\\ncapital could have overcome.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0589.jp2"}, "590": {"fulltext": "558\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ninhabitants, or occupied by a kindred race, I should\\nregard it, if voluntarily ceded by Spain, as a most\\ndesirable acquisition. But under existing circum-\\nstances I should look upon its incorporation into our\\nUnion as a very hazardous measure. It would bring\\ninto the confederacy a population of a different na-\\ntional stock, speaking a differeii^ language, and not\\nlikely to harmonize with the other members. It\\nwould probably affect in a prejudicial manner the\\nindustrial interests of the south and it might revive\\nthose conflicts of opinion between the different sec-\\ntions of the country which lately shook the Union to\\nits centre, and which have been so happily com-\\npromised.\\nThe following correspondence, commenced by the\\nrepresentatives of England and France with Mr.\\nWebster, and concluded after his death by Mr. Ever-\\nett, on the part of the United States, will present the\\nsubject in all its bearings, and explain the precise\\nposition in which it now stands.\\nFrom the preceding summary it will be seen that\\nthe brief and peaceful administration of Mr. Fill-\\nmore was by no means barren or uneventful. It was\\na period of marked progress in some of the great\\nprinciples of constitutional government. It was an\\nadministration of distinguished ability and power, as\\nwell as of great purity and moral weight. And Mr.\\nFillmore descended from the exalted station to which\\nhe was so unexpectedly raised, with the entire con-\\nfidence and respect of all parties. Many even of\\nthose who opposed on political grounds his elec-\\ntion as vice president, would have cordially sup-\\nported him had he been a candidate for reelection\\nto the presidency.\\nJohn F. Cramplon, Esq., to the Hon. Daniel Webster.\\nWashington, Jul;/ 8, 1852.\\nSir: In reply to the note which I had the honor\\nof addressing to you on the 23d of April last, com-\\nmunicating to you a project for a convention respect-\\ning the Island of Cuba, together with a copy of the\\ninstructions with which I have been furnished in\\nregard to this matter by her majesty s principal secre-\\ntary of state for foreign affairs, you addressed to me\\na note, dated the 29th of April last, by which you\\nassured me that the subject of the communication I\\nhad made would be taken into consideration by the\\npresident of the United States, and would receive his\\nserious attention.\\nTw o months have, however, now elapsed and it\\nmay therefore now be proper that I should request\\nyou to enable me to inform her majesty s government\\nof the views and intentions of the government of the\\nUnited States in regard to the proposition which I\\nhad the honor of addressing to you, and by which\\nthe government of the United States is invited to\\njoin her majesty s government and the government\\nof France in a declaration, which the two latter gov-\\nernments have agreed to make, of a renunciation on\\ntheir part of all intention of becoming possessed,\\nunder whatever circumstances and by whatever means,\\nof the Island of Cuba. I would also avail myself of\\nthis opportunity to recall your attention to the verbal\\nremarks which, together with the minister of France,\\nI submitted to your consideration in support of the\\nproposal, in the conversation which the Count de\\nSartiges and myself had the honor of holding with\\nyou on that subject. These remarks were, I trust,\\ncalculated to place the matter in its true point of\\nview, and to remove any misapprehension which\\nmight arise, in whatever quarter, in regard to the acts\\nor to the language of any of the three governments\\nin relation to it.\\nAnd first in respect to the right of possession and\\nsovereignty. The Island of Cuba is a province of\\nSpain by the clearest of all titles discovery and\\nuninterrupted possession. Spain is determined to\\npreserve her dominion over the province and the\\nSpanish subjects who inhabit it show no disposition\\nto sever their connection with the mother country.\\nThis right of possession cannot be disputed, nor has\\nit been disputed and it gives me satisfaction to re-\\nmark that the government of the United States has\\non all occasions professed its respect for the validity\\nof the title. It is not, consequently, the simple ac-\\nknowledgment of the validity of this title which her\\nmajesty s government propose by the declaration\\nwhich they desire to make simultaneously and in\\nconcert with the governments of the United States\\nand of France. The object of her majesty s govern-\\nment is to guard against future contingencies, and to\\nput an end to a state of things far from satisfactory\\nas regards the friendly relations of Spain with other\\npowers respecting Cuba, and of great delicacy as it\\naffects the relations of the principal maritime powers\\nbetween themselves.\\nThere is at the present time an evident tendency\\nin the maritime commerce of the world to avail itself\\nof the shorter passages from one ocean to another\\noffered by the different routes existing or in contem-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0590.jp2"}, "591": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n559\\nplation across the isthmus of Central America. The\\nIsland of Cuba, of considerable importance in itself,\\nis so placed geographically that the nation which may\\npossess it, if the naval forces of that nation should\\nbe considerable, might either protect or obstruct the\\nthe commercial routes from one ocean to the other.\\nNow, if the maritime powers are, on the one hand,\\nout of respect to the rights of Spain, and from a\\nsense of her international duty, bound to dismiss all\\nintention of obtaining possession of Cuba, so, on the\\nother hand, are they obliged, out of consideration for\\nthe interests of their own subjects or citizens, and the\\nprotection of the commerce of other nations, who are\\nall entitled to the use of the great highways of com-\\nmerce on equal terms, to proclaim and assure, as far\\nas in them lies, the present and future neutrality of\\nthe Island of Cuba. Great Britain has omitted no\\nopportunity of manifesting in regard to Cuba her\\nrespect for the sovereign rights of Spain, and her dis-\\ninterestedness in regard to the present and the future\\npolitical position of that important colony. France\\nhas, by acts of the same nature, evinced similar senti-\\nments and views and the United States themselves\\nhave, on several occasions, declared that they could\\nnot acquiesce in the cession of Cuba to a European\\npower. This declaration of the United States par-\\ntakes of the same nature as that which Great Britain\\nand France propose to the American government to\\nimbody in an official act with this difference, how-\\never, that the British and French governments, while\\nthey declare that they would not acquiesce in the ces-\\nsion of Cuba to any maritime power, also declare\\nthat they entirely renounce all views upon that island,\\nboth now and hereafter, for themselves. I do not\\ndoubt that the government of the United States is\\nactuated by the same motives, in making its declara-\\ntion, which have impelled the British and French\\ngovernments to make theirs. The word European,\\nhowever, in juxtaposition with the word power,\\nmight justify, on the part of the latter two govern-\\nments, some doubt as to the signification of the\\ndeclaration of the United States; and it might be\\nthought that the United States, while by their dec-\\nlaration they exclude other nations from profiting by\\nthe chances of future possible events, have not de-\\nbarred themselves by that declaration from availing\\nthemselves of such events. Between powers such as\\nGreat Britain, the United States, and France, it could\\nnever be intended to give to political acts or language\\nany other meaning than that which those acts or that\\n71\\nlanguage would clearly convey. A concuwence by\\nthe United States in the joint declaration, the project\\nof which I had the honor of communicating to you\\non the 23d of April last, would prevent the possibility\\nof the misapprehension to which I have alluded and\\nthe true signification of the declarations made by\\nEngland, the United States, and France, would thus\\nbe exactly defined. It is highly desirable, for the\\nreasons which I have given above, that the question\\nof the future position of Cuba should be definitively\\ndetermined and it is desirable that this determina-\\ntion should assure the permanent neutrality of the\\nisland, among others, for the following reasons\\nYou are, no doubt, aware that British and French\\nsubjects, as well as the French government, are, on\\ndifferent accounts, creditors of Spain for large sums\\nof money. The expense of keeping up an armed\\nforce in the Island of Cuba of 25,000 men is heavy,\\nand obstructs the government of Spain in the efforts\\nwhich they make to fulfil their pecuniary engage-\\nments. By putting an end to the state of apprehen-\\nsion which is the cause of those armaments, we\\nshould increase to Spain the means of meeting those\\nengagements. This consideration is, no doubt, appli-\\ncable more particularly to Spain, to England, and to\\nFrance. But there are others which apply more gen-\\nerally to the commercial interests of all nations, and\\nespecially to the commercial interests of the United\\nStates, which are greater than those of any other\\nnation in Cuba. One of these considerations is, that,\\nin the present state of things, we cannot reasonably\\nexpect Spain to take any measure towards lowering\\nher tariff at Havana a tariff, the high rates of\\nwhich are a subject of complaint in the United States\\nand this circumstance has not unfrequently been put\\nforward as an excuse for unauthorized aggressions\\nagainst the Spanish authorities in the island. But if,\\nby the guaranty of quiet possession which the pro-\\nposed declaration of the great maritime powers would\\nconfer, Spain should be enabled to diminish her mili-\\ntary force in Cuba, she might probably be induced to\\nrelieve foreign commerce there from the charges which\\nnow press upon it; and of this foreign commerce, as\\nI have already observed, the United States have by\\nfar the largest share.\\nIn conclusion, the project of a convention which I\\nhave had the honor of presenting to you consists of a\\nsingle article, and has but two objects in view the\\none, a mutual renunciation of the future possession\\nof Cuba the other, an engagement to cause this", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0591.jp2"}, "592": {"fulltext": "560\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nrenunciation to be respected. Botli of these objects\\nseem to have been matters which have already at-\\ntracted the attention of the American government.\\nDecisive measures, indeed, for the preservation of the\\nsovereignty of Cuba to Spain have been contem-\\nplated by the government of the United States on\\nseveral occasions. Among others, at the time when\\na report was in circnlation (although without founda-\\ntion) that a Spanish general intended retiring to\\nCuba, and there declaring himself independent of\\nSpain, under the protection of one of the great mari-\\ntime powers, the government of the United States\\ndid not hesitate to offer to the Spanish government\\nthe assistance of their forces, both naval and military,\\nin resisting any such attempt.\\nOn the present occasion, Great Britain and France\\ndo not propose to the United States to do more in\\nconcert with them than the United States themselves\\noffered to do alone on the occasion I allude to for\\nthe project of a convention which I have had the\\nhonor of submitting to you proposes that the three\\ncontracting powers should engage themselves to\\ndiscountenance and prevent, as far as in them lies,\\nc., and consequently would not engage any one of\\nthe three governments to do more than their respec-\\ntive constitutions may authorize. This will, it is\\nhoped, facilitate the adoption by the government of\\nthe United States of the project, and enable the gov-\\nernment of the United States, by associating them-\\nselves with those of Great Britain and France in this\\nimportant declaration, to secure the future tranquillity\\nof the commerce of the world in those seas, to dis-\\ncourage illegal enterprises against Cuba, and to draw\\ncloser the bonds of amity which bind the United\\nStates to Great Britain, as well as to France and\\nSpain.\\nI avail myself of this opportunity to renew to\\nyou, sir, the assurance of my high consideration.\\nJOHN F. CRAMPTON.\\nThe letter of the French minister was of precisely\\nthe same import, and Mr. Everett s answer was ad-\\ndressed to that gentleman.\\nil/r. Everett to the Comte de Sarti ges.\\nDepartment op State,\\nWashington, December 1, 18J2.\\nSir: You are well acquainted with the melan-\\ncholy circumstances which have hitherto prevented a\\nreply to the note which you addressed to my prede-\\ncessor on the 8th of July.\\nThat note, and the instruction of M. de Turgot\\nof the 31st of March, with a similar communication\\nfrom the English minister, and the projet of a conven-\\ntion between the three powers relative to Cuba, have\\nbeen among the first subjects to which my attention\\nhas been called by the president.\\nThe substantial portion of the proposed conven-\\ntion is expressed in a single article in the following\\nterms The high contracting parties hereby severally\\nand collectively disclaim, now and for hereafter, all\\nintention to obtain possession of the Island of Cuba;\\nand they respectively bind themselves to discounte-\\nnance all attempt to that effect on the part of any\\npower or individuals whatever.\\nThe high contracting parties declare, severally\\nand collectively, that they will not obtain or maintain\\nfor themselves, or for any one of themselves, any ex-\\nclusive control over the said island, nor assume nor\\nexercise any dominion over the same.\\nThe president has given the most serious atten-\\ntion to this proposal, to the notes of the French and\\nBritish ministers accompanying it, and to the insti uc-\\ntions of M. de Turgot and the Earl of Malmesbury,\\ntransmitted with the project of the convention and\\nhe directs me to make known to you the view which\\nhe takes of this important and delicate subject.\\nThe president fully concurs with his predecessors,\\nwho have on more than one occasion authorized the\\ndeclaration referred to by M. de Turgot and Lord\\nMalmesbury, that the United States could not see\\nwith indifference the Island of Cuba fall into the\\npossession of any other European government than\\nSpain not, however, because we should be dissat-\\nisfied with any natural increase of territory and power\\non the part of France or England. France has,\\nwithin twenty years, acquired a vast domain on the\\nnorthern coast of Africa, with a fair prospect of\\nindefinite extension. England, within half a century,\\nhas added very extensively to her empire. These\\nacquisitions have created no uneasiness on the part\\nof the United States.\\nIn like manner, the United States have, within the\\nsame period, greatly increased their territory. The\\nlargest addition was that of Louisiana, which was\\npurchased from France. These accessions of terri-\\ntory have probably caused no uneasiness to the great\\nEuropean powers, as they have been brought about\\nby the operation of natural causes, and without any", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0592.jp2"}, "593": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n561\\nJisturbancc of the international relations of the\\nprincipal states. They have been followed, also,\\nhy a great increase of mutually beneficial commer-\\ncial intercourse between the United States and Eu-\\nrope.\\nBut the case would be different in reference to th^\\ntransfer of Cuba from Spain to any other European\\npower. That event could not take place without a\\nserious derangement of the international system now\\nexisting, and it would indicate designs in reference to\\nthis hemisphere whicli could not but awaken alarm in\\nthe United States.\\nWe should view it in somewhat the same light in\\nwhich France and England would view the acquisi-\\ntion of some important island in the Mediterranean\\nby the United States, with this difference, it is true\\nthat the attempt of the United States to establish\\nthemselves in Europe would be a novelty, while the\\nappearance of a European power in this part of the\\nworld is a familiar fact. But this difference in the\\ntwo cases is merely historical, and would not diminish\\nthe anxiety which, on political grounds, would be\\ncaused by any great demonstration of European power\\nin a new direction in America.\\nM. de Turgot states that France could never see\\nwith indifference the possession of Cuba by any\\npower but Spain, and explicitly declares that she has\\nno wish or intention of appropriating the island to\\nherself; and the English minister makes the same\\navowal. on behalf of his government. M. de Turgot\\nand Lord Malmesbury do the government of the\\nUnited States no more than justice in remarking\\nthat they have often pronounced themselves substan-\\ntially in the same sense. The president does not\\ncovet the acquisition of Cuba for the United States;\\nat the same time, he considers the condition of Cuba\\nas mainly an American question. The proposed con-\\nvention proceeds on a different principle. It assumes\\nthat the United States have no other or greater in-\\nterest in the question than France or England\\nwhereas it is necessary only to cast one s eye on the\\nmap to see how remote are the relations of Europe,\\nand how intimate those of the United States with\\nthis island.\\nThe president, doing full justice to the friendly\\nspirit in which his concurrence is invited by France\\nand England, and not insensible to the advantages of\\na good understanding between the three powers in\\nreference to Cuba, feels himself, nevertheless, unable\\nto become a party to the proposed compact, for the\\nfollowing reasons\\nIt is, in the first place, in his judgment, clear (as\\nfar as the respect due from the executive to a coordi-\\nnate branch of the government will permit him to\\nanticipate its decision) that no such convention would\\nbe viewed with favor by the Senate. Its certain re-\\njection by that body would leave the question of\\nCuba in a more unsettled position than it is now.\\nThis objection would not require the president to\\nwithhold his concurrence from the convention if no\\nother objection existed, and if a strong sense of the\\nutility of the measure rendered it his duty, as far as\\nthe executive action is concerned, to give his con-\\nsent to the arrangement. Such, however, is not the\\ncase.\\nThe convention would be of no value unless it\\nwere lasting: accordingly its terms express a per-\\npetuity of purpose and obligation. Now, it may\\nwell be doubted whether the constitution of the United\\nStates would allow the treaty-making power to im-\\npose a permanent disability on the American govern-\\nment for all coming time, and prevent it, under any\\nfuture change of circumstances, from doing what has\\nbeen so often done in times past. In 1803 the United\\nStates purchased Louisiana of France and in 1819\\nthey purchased Florida of Spain. It is not within\\nthe competence of the treaty-making power in 1853\\neffectually to bind the government in all its branches\\nand, for all coming time, not to make a similar pur-\\nchase of Cuba. A like remark, I imagine, may be\\nmade even in reference both to France and England,\\nwhere the treaty-making power is less subject than it\\nis with us to the control of other branches of the\\ngovernment.\\nThere is another strong objection to the proposed\\nagreement. Among the oldest traditions of the fed-\\neral government is an aversion to political alliances\\nwith European powers. In his memorable farewell\\naddress. President Washington says, The great rule\\nof conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in\\nextending our commercial relations, to have with\\nthem as little political connection as possible. So\\nfar as we have already formed engagements, let tjiem\\nbe fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.\\nPresident Jefferson, in his inaugural address in 1801,\\nwarned the country against entangling alliances.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0593.jp2"}, "594": {"fulltext": "562\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThis expression, now become proverbial, was unques-\\ntionably used by Mr. Jefferson in reference to the\\nalliance with France of 1778 an alliance, at the\\ntime, of incalculable benefit to the United States;\\nbut wliich, in less than twenty years, came near in-\\nvolving us in the wars of the French revolution, and\\nlaid the foundation of heavy claims upon Congress,\\nnot extinguished to the present day. It is a signifi-\\ncant coincidence, that the particular provision of the\\nalliance which occasioned these evils was that under\\nwhich France called upon us to aid her in defending\\nher West Indian possessions against England. Noth-\\ning less than the unbounded influence of Washing-\\nton rescued the Union from the perils of that crisis,\\nand preserved our neutrality.\\nBut the president has a graver objection to enter-\\ning into the proposed convention. He has no wish to\\ndisguise the feeling that the compact, although equal\\nin its terms, would be very unequal in substance.\\nFrance and England, by entering into it, would dis-\\nable themselves from obtaining possession of an\\nisland remote from their seats of government, belong-\\ning to another European power, whose natural right\\nto possess it must always be as good as their own\\na distant island in another hemisphere, and one which\\nby no ordinary or peaceful course of things could\\never belong to either of them. If the present balance\\nof power in Europe should be broken up, if Spain\\nshould become unable to maintain the island in her\\npossession, and France and England should be en-\\ngaged in a death struggle with each other, Cuba\\nmight then be the prize of the victor. Till these\\nevents all take place, the president does not see\\nhow Cuba can belong to any European power but\\nSpain.\\nThe United States, on the other hand, would, by\\nthe proposed convention, disable themselves from\\nmaking an acquisition which might take place with-\\nout any disturbance of existing foreign relations, and\\nin the natural order of things. The Island of Cuba\\nlies at our doors. It commands the approach to the\\nGulf of Mexico, which washes the shores of five of\\nour states. It bars the entrance of that great river\\nwhich drains half the North American continent, and\\nwith its tributaries forms the largest system of inter-\\nnal water communication in the world. It keeps\\nwatch at the doorway of our intercourse with Cali-\\nfornia by the Isthmus route. If an island like Cuba,\\nbelonging to the Spanish crown, guarded the entrance\\nof the Thames and the Seine, and the United States\\nshould propose a convention like this to France and\\nEngland, those powers would assuredly feel that the\\ndisability assumed by ourselves was far less serious\\nkhan that which we asked them to assume.\\nThe opinions of American statesmen at different\\ntimes, and under varying circumstances, have differed\\nas to the desirableness of the acquisition of Cuba by\\nthe United States. Territorially and commercially\\nit would, in our hands, be an extremely valuable pos-\\nsession. Under certain contingencies it might be\\nalmost essential to our safety. Still, for domestic\\nreasons, on which, in a communication of this kind, it\\nmight not be proper to dwell, the president thinks that\\nthe incorporation of the island into the Union at the\\npresent time, although effected with the consent of\\nSpain, would be a hazardous measure; and he would\\nconsider its acquisition by force, except in a just war\\nwith Spain, (should an event so greatly to be depre-\\ncated take place,) as a disgrace to the civilization of\\nthe age.\\nThe president has given ample proof of the sin-\\ncerity with which he holds these views. He has\\nthrown the whole force of his constitutional power\\nagainst all illegal attacks upon the island. It would\\nhave been perfectly easy for him, without any seem-\\ning neglect of duty, to allow projects of a formidable\\ncharacter to gather strength by connivance. No\\namount of obloquy at home, no embarrassments\\ncaused by the indiscretions of the colonial govern-\\nment of Cuba, have moved him from the path of\\nduty in this respect. The captain general of that\\nisland, an officer apparently of upright and concilia-\\ntory character, but probably more used to military\\ncommand than the management of civil affairs, has,\\non a punctilio in reference to the purser of a private\\nsteamship, (who seems to have been entirely innocent\\nof the matters laid to his charge,) refused to allow\\npassengers and the mails of the United States to be\\nlanded from a vessel having him on board. This cer-\\ntainly is a very extraordinary mode of animadverting\\nupon a supposed abuse of the liberty of the press by\\nthe subject of a foreign government in his native\\ncountry. The captain general is not permitted by his\\ngovernment, three thousand miles off, to hold any\\ndiplomatic intercourse with the United States. He\\nis subject in no degree to the direction of the Spanish", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0594.jp2"}, "595": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n563\\nminister at Washington and the president has to\\nchoose between a resort to force, to compel the aban-\\ndonment of this gratuitous interruption of commercial\\nintercourse, (which would result in war,) and a delay\\nof weeks and months, necessary for a negotiation\\nwith Madrid, with all the chances of the most de-\\nplorable occurrences in the interval and all for a\\ntriile, that ought to have admitted a settlement by an\\nexchange of notes between Washington and the\\nHavana. The president has, however, patiently sub-\\nmitted to these evils, and has continued faithfully to\\ngive to Cuba the advantages of those principles of the\\n])ublic law under the shelter of which she has departed,\\nin this case, from the comity of nations. But the inci-\\ndents to which I allude, and which are still in train,\\nare among many others which point decisively to the\\nexpediency of some change in the relations of Cuba\\nand the president thinks that the influence of France\\nand England with Spain would be well employed in\\ninducing her so to modify the administration of the\\ngovernment of Cuba as to afford the means of some\\nprompt remedy for evils of the kind alluded to, which\\nhave done much to increase the spirit of unlawful\\nenterprise against the island.\\nThat a convention such as is propos ed would be a\\ntransitory arrangement, sure to be swept away by the\\nirresistible tide of affairs in a new country, is, to the\\napprehension of the president, too obvious to require\\na labored argument. The project rests on principles\\napplicable, if at all, to Europe, where international\\nrelations are, in their basis, of great antiquity, slowly\\nmodified, for the most part, in the progress of time\\nand events; and not applicable to America, which,\\nbut lately a waste, is filling up with intense rapidity,\\nand adjusting on natural principles those territorial\\nrelations which, on the first discovery of the continent,\\nwere in a good degree fortuitous.\\nThe comparative history of Europe and America,\\neven for a single century, shows this. In 1752,\\nFrance, England, and Spain, were not materially dif-\\nferent in their political position in Europe from what\\nthey now are. They were ancient, mature, consoli-\\ndated states, established in their relations with each\\nother and the rest of the world the leading powers\\nof Western and Southern Europe. Totally different\\nwas the state of things in America. The United\\nStates had no existence as a people a line of Eng-\\nlish colonies, not numbering much over a million\\nof inhabitants, stretched along the coast. France\\nextended from the Bay of St. Lawrence to the Gulf\\nof Mexico, and from the Alleghanies to the Missis-\\nsippi beyond which, westward, the continent was a\\nwilderness, occupied by wandering savages, and sub-\\nject to a conflicting and nominal claim on the part\\nof France and Spain. Every thing in Europe was\\ncomparatively fixed every thing in America provis-\\nional, incipient, and temporary, except the law of\\nprogress, which is as organic and vital in the youth\\nof states as of individual men. A struggle between\\nthe provincial authorities of France and England for\\nthe possession of a petty stockade at the confluence\\nof the Monongahela and Alleghany, kindled the seven\\nyears war at the close of which the great European\\npowers, not materially affected in their relations at\\nhome, had undergone astonishing changes on this\\ncontinent. France had disappeared from the map of\\nAmerica, whose inmost recesses had been penetrated\\nby her zealous missionaries and her resolute and gal-\\nlant adventurers; England had added the Canadas\\nto her transatlantic dominions Spain had become\\nthe mistress of Louisiana, so that, in the language\\nof the Archbishop of Mexico, in 1770, she claimed\\nSiberia as the northern boundary of New Spain.\\nTwelve years only from the treaty of Paris elapsed,\\nand another great change took place, fruitful of still\\ngreater changes to come. The American revolution\\nbroke out. It involved France, England, and Spain\\nin a tremendous struggle and at its close the United\\nStates of America had taken their place in the family\\nof nations. In Europe, the ancient states were re-\\nstored substantially to their former equilibrium but a\\nnew element, of incalculable importance in reference\\nto territorial arrangements, is henceforth to be recog-\\nnized in America.\\nJust twenty years from the close of the war of\\nthe American revolution, France, by a treaty with\\nSpain, of which the provisions have never been\\ndisclosed, possessed herself of Louisiana, but did\\nso only to cede it to the United States; and in the\\nsame year Lewis and Clark started on their expedi-\\ntion to plant the flag of the United States on the\\nshores of the Pacific. In 1819 Florida was sold by\\nSpain to the United States, whose territorial posses-\\nsions in this way had been increased threefold in\\nhalf a century. This last acquisition was so much a\\nmatter of course that it had been distinctly foreseen", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0595.jp2"}, "596": {"fulltext": "564\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nby the Count Aranda, then prime minister of Spain,\\nas long ago as 1783.\\nBut even these momentous events are but the\\nforerunners of new territorial revolutions still more\\nstupendous. A dynastic struggle between the Em-\\nperor Napoleon and Spain, commencing in 1808, con-\\nvulsed the Peninsula. The vast possessions of the\\nSpanish crown on this continent, viceroyalties and\\ncaptain generalships, filling the space between Cali-\\nfornia and Cape Horn, one after another asserted\\ntheir independence. No friendly power in Europe,\\nat that time, was able, or, if able, was willing, to\\nsuccor Spain, or aid her to prop the crumbling but-\\ntresses of her colonial empire. So far from it, when\\nFrance, in 1823, threw an army of one hundred\\nthousand men into Spain to control her domestic\\npolitics, England thought it necessary to counteract\\nthe movement by recognizing the independence of\\nthe Spanish provinces in America. In the remarka-\\nble language of the distinguished minister of the day,\\nin order to redress the balance of power in Europe,\\nhe called into existence a new world in the west\\nsomewhat overrating, perhaps, the extent of the de-\\nrangement in the old world, and not doing full jus-\\ntice to the position of the United States in America,\\nor their influence on the fortunes of their sister repub-\\nlics on this continent.\\nTlius, in sixty years from the close of the seven\\nyears war, Spain, like France, had lost the last re-\\nmains of her once imperial possessions on this con-\\ntinent. The United States, meantime, were, by the\\narts of peace and the healthful progress of things,\\nrapidly enlarging their dimensions and consolidating\\ntheir power.\\nThe great march of events still went on. Some\\nof the new republics, from the effect of a mixture of\\nraces, or the want of training in liberal institutions,\\nshowed themselves incapable of self-government.\\nThe province of Texas revolted from Mexico by the\\nsame right by which Mexico revolted from Spain.\\nAt the memorable battle of San Jacinto, in 1836, she\\npassed the great ordeal of nascent states, and her\\nindependence was recognized by this government, by\\nFrance, by England, and other European powers.\\nMainly peopled from the United States, she sought\\nnaturally to be incorporated into the Union. The\\noffer was repeatedly rejected by Presidents Jackson\\nand Van Buren, to avoid a collision with Mexico.\\nAt last the annexation took place. As a domestic\\nquestion, it is no fit subject for comment in a com-\\nmunication to a foreign minister as a question of\\npublic law, there never was an extension of territory\\nmore naturally or justifiably made.\\nIt produced a disturbed relation with the govern-\\nment of Mexico war ensued, and in its results other\\nextensive territories were, for a large pecuniary com-\\npensation on the part of the United States, added\\nto the Union. Without adverting to the divisions\\nof opinion which arose in reference to this war, as\\nmust always happen in free countries in reference to\\ngreat measures, no person surveying these events with\\nthe eye of a comprehensive statesmanship can fail to\\ntrace in the main result the undoubted operation of\\nthe law of our political existence. The consequences\\nare before the world. Vast provinces, which had\\nlanguished for three centuries under the leaden sway\\nof a stationary system, are coming under the influ-\\nences of an active civilization. Freedom of speech\\nand the press, the trial by jury, religious equality, and\\nrepresentative government, have been carried by the\\nconstitution of the United States into extensive re-\\ngions in which they were unknown before. By the\\nsettlement of California, the great circuit of intelli-\\ngence round the globe is completed. The discovery\\nof the gold of that region leading, as it did, to the\\nsame discovery in Australia has touched the nerves\\nof industry throughout the world. Every addition\\nto the territory of the American Union has given\\nhomes to European destitution and gardens to Euro-\\npean want. From every part of the United King-\\ndom, from France, from Switzerland and Germany,\\nand from the extremest north of Europe, a march of\\nimmigration has been taken up, such as the world\\nhas never seen before. Into the United States\\ngrown to their present extent in the manner de-\\nscribed but little less than half a million of the\\npopulation of the old world is annually pouring, to\\nbe immediately incorporated into an industrious and\\nprosperous community, in the bosom of which they\\nfind political and religious liberty, social position,\\nemployment, and bread. It is a fact which would\\ndefy belief, were it not the result of official inquiry,\\nthat the immigrants to the United States from\\nIreland alone, besides having subsisted themselves,\\nhave sent back to their kindred, for the three last\\nyears, nearly five millions of dollars annually thus", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0596.jp2"}, "597": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n565\\ndoubling in three years the purchase money of Lou-\\nisiana.\\nSuch is the territorial development of the United\\nStates in the past century. Is it possible that Eu-\\nrope can contemplate it with an unfriendly or jealous\\neye What would have been her condition in these\\ntrying years but for the outlet we have furnished for\\nher starving millions\\nSpain, meantime, has retained of her extensive\\ndominions in this hemisphere but the two islands of\\nCuba and Porto Rico. A respectful sympathy with\\nthe fortunes of an ancient ally and a gallant people,\\nwith whom the United States have ever maintained\\nthe most friendly relations, would, if no other reason\\nexisted, make it our duty to leave her in the undis-\\nturbed possession of this little remnant of her mighty\\ntransatlantic empire. The president desires to do\\nso no word or deed of his will ever question her\\ntitle or shake her possession. But can it be expected\\nto last very long Can it resist this mighty current\\nin the fortunes of the world Is it desirable that it\\nshould do so Can it be for the interest of Spain to\\ncling to a possession that can only be maintained by\\na garrison of twenty-five or thirty thousand troops, a\\npowerful naval force, and an annual expenditure for\\nboth arms of the service of at least twelve millions\\nof dollars Cuba, at this moment, costs more to\\nSpain than the entire naval and military establish-\\nment of the United States costs the federal govern-\\nment. So far from being really injured by the loss\\nof this island, there is no doubt that, were it peace-\\nfully transferred to the United States, a prosperous\\ncommerce between Cuba and Spain, resulting from\\nancient associations and common language and tastes,\\nwould be far more productive than the best contrived\\nsystem of colonial taxation. Such, notoriously, has\\nbeen the result to Great Britain of the establishment\\nof the independence of the United States. The de-\\ncline of Spain from the position which she held in\\nthe time of Charles V. is coeval with the foundation\\nof her colonial system while within twenty-five years,\\nand since the loss of most of her colonies, she has en-\\ntered upon a course of rapid improvement unknown\\nsince the abdication of that emperor.\\nI will but allude to an evil of the first magni-\\ntude: I mean the African slave trade, in the sup-\\npression of which France and England take a lively\\n/iterest an evil which still forms a great reproach\\nupon the civilization of Christendom, and perpetuates\\nthe barbarism of Africa, but for which, it is to be\\nfeared, there is no hope of a complete remedy while\\nCuba remains a Spanish colony.\\nBut, whatever may be thought of these last sug-\\ngestions, it would seem impossible for any one who\\nreflects upon the events glanced at in this note to\\nmistake the law of American growth and progress,\\nor think it can be ultimately arrested by a convention\\nlike that proposed. In the judgment of the president,\\nit would be as easy to throw a dam from Cape\\nFlorida to Cuba, in the hope of stopping the flow of\\nthe Gulf Stream, as to attempt, by a compact like this,\\nto fix the fortunes of Cuba now and for hereafter;\\nor, as expressed in the French text of the convention,\\nfor the present as for the future, (pour le present\\ncomme pour I avenir,) that is, for all coming time.\\nThe history of the past of the recent past affords\\nno assurance that twenty years hence France or Eng-\\nland will even wish that Spain should retain Cuba;\\nand a century hence, judging of what will be from\\nwhat has been, the pages which record this proposition\\nwill, like the record of the family compact between\\nFrance and Spain, have no interest but for the\\nantiquary.\\nEven now the president cannot doubt that both\\nFrance and England would prefer any change in the\\ncondition of Cuba to that which is most to be appre-\\nhended, viz., an internal convulsion which should re-\\nnew the horrors and the fate of San Domingo.\\nI will intimate a final objection to the proposed\\nconvention. M. de Turgot and Lord Malmcsbury\\nput forward, as the reason for entering into such a\\ncompact, the attacks which have lately been made\\non the Island of Cuba by lawless bands of adven-\\nturers from the United States, with the avowed de-\\nsign of taking possession of that island. The\\npresident is convinced that the conclusion of such a\\ntreaty, instead of putting a stop to these lawless\\nproceedings, would give a new and powerful impulse\\nto them. It would strike a death blow to the con-\\nservative policy hitherto pursued in this country\\ntoward Cuba. No administration of this govern-\\nment, however strong in the public confidence in\\nother respects, could stand a day under the odium\\nof having stipulated with the great powers of Europe,\\nthat in no future time, under no change of circum-\\nstances, by no amicable arrangement with Spain, by", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0597.jp2"}, "598": {"fulltext": "566\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATJES.\\nno act of lawful war, (should that calamity unfortu-\\nnately occur,) by no consent of the inhabitants of\\nthe island, should they, like the possessions of Spain\\non the American continent, succeed in rendering\\nthemselves independent, in fine, by no overruling ne-\\ncessity of self-preservation, should the United States\\never make the acquisition of Cuba.\\nFor these reasons, which the president has thought\\nit advisable, considering the importance of the sub-\\nject, to direct me to unfold at some length, he feels\\nconstrained to decline respectfully the invitation of\\nFrance and England to become parties to the pro-\\nposed convention. He is persuaded that these friendly\\npowers will not attribute this refusal to any insen-\\nsibility on his part to the advantages of the utmost\\nharmony between the great maritime states on a\\nsubject of such importance. As little will Spain\\ndraw any unfavorable inference from this refusal\\nthe rather, as the emphatic disclaimer of any designs\\nagainst Cuba on the part of this government, con-\\ntained in the present note, affords all the assurance\\nwhich the president can constitutionally, or to any\\nuseful purpose, give of a practical concurrence with\\nFrance and England in the wish not to disturb the\\npossession of that island by Spain.\\nI avail myself, sir, of this opportunity to assure\\nyou of my distinguished consideration.\\nEDWARD EVERETT.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0598.jp2"}, "599": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER I.\\nPresident Pierce. luauguration and Inanirural Address. The\\nVice-President. Cabinet and Diplomatic Appointments.\\nPacific Railroad. I ^xpeditions under President Fillmore.\\nLord John Russell and Cuba. Letter from Honorable Edward\\nEverett. Release of Maitin Koszta. New York Crystal\\nPalace Exhibition.\\nFranklin Pierce, the fourteenth president,\\nwas born at Hillsborough, New Hamp.shire,\\nNovember 2.3d, 1804, and was, therefore, at the\\ntime of his election to the presidency, forty-eight\\nyears of age. His fether was a soldier in the\\nrervolutionary war, who, at the first call to arms,\\nhad left his plough and enlisted in the patriot\\ncause, being present at the battle of Bunker\\nHill, and returning only at the end of the war,\\nafter seven years absence. General Pierce was\\neducated at Bowdoin College, in Maine, where\\nbe graduated in 1824. He commenced the\\nstudy of law with the late Judge Woodbury,\\nand afterwards pursued his studies at the law\\nschool in Northampton, Massachusetts, and with\\nthe late Judge Parker of that state. When\\nfirst admitted to practice at the bar he gained\\nlittle distinction, and preferred the excitement\\nof political life to the duller business of country\\n72\\npractice. He enlisted warmly in the presiden-\\ntial canvass of that time, in favor of General\\nJackson.\\nIn 1829, Franklin Pierce, was elected a mem-\\nber of the legislature of his state, and served in\\nthat capacity four years, during the two latter\\nbeing speaker of the house. He was elected a\\nmember of Congress in 1833. In that place\\nhe did not attain to a very prominent position\\nhis speeches were few, and not remarkable for\\neloquence or power. He was, however, a stanch\\nsupporter of the policy of his party, and he la-\\nbored zealously to carry out the measures of\\nGeneral Jackson s administration. While in the\\nlower house of Congress, he took that stand\\non the slavery question, from which he has\\nnever since swerved a hair s breadth. He fully\\nrecognized, by his votes and by his voice, the\\nrights pledged to the South by the constitu\\ntion, a position which in after years was duly\\nacknowledged by the South, with the nomina-\\ntion for the presidency.\\nAfter serving four years in the house of repre\\nsentatives, Mr. Pierce was elected to the United\\nStates senate in 1837, at the commencement\\nof Mr. Van Buren s administration. The sen-\\n(567)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0599.jp2"}, "600": {"fulltext": "568\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nate at that time numbered many of the ablest\\nstatesmen who have adoi-ned the annals of our\\ncountry, and among such men, it could hardly be\\nexpected thit Mr. Pierce, who was the youngest\\nmember of that body, should occupy a very\\nconspicuous position. He was, however, es-\\nteemed by his political friends as one of the\\nstanchest of their number, and as a tactician\\nand party champion his ability was acknowl-\\nedged by even the veteran leaders. After one\\nterm of service in the senate, in 1842, Mr.\\nPierce voluntarily retired from public life, and\\ngave his attention to his profession. He had\\nalready achieved a reputation as an advocate,\\nby his occasional efibrts at the bar during his\\npublic life, so that on his retirement from the\\nsenate he entered at once upon a large prac-\\ntice, and soon attained to eminence in his pro-\\nfession, his services being in demand on all the\\nimportant trials which occurred in the state.\\nAn oifer of the appointment. to a vacancy in\\nthe United States senate, and a place in the\\ncabinet of Mr. Polk, as attorney general, could\\nnot withdraw him from the extensive practice\\nin which he was then engaged.\\nThe war with Mexico, however, drew Mr.\\nPeirce from private life, and when the army\\nwas increased by the addition of several new\\nregiments, he was appointed to the 9 th, or\\nNew England, regiment. He shortly after re-\\nceived the commission of brigadier-general, and\\nproceeded to Vera Cruz, where he took com-\\nmand of his brigade, which was to reenforce the\\narmy of General Scott, then on its march to the\\ncapital. The command of General Pierce, while\\non the march to join General Scott, was at-\\ntacked at the National Bridge, and met with\\nsome other slight obstructions but it reached\\nthe main army in time to participate in the\\nbattles that took place in the neighborhood of\\nMexico. At the battle of Contreras, General\\nPierce, early in the contest, received severe in-\\niuries by the fall of his horse but he continued\\non the field through that day and night, and\\nwas at the head of his column the next, when\\nthe battle was continued. In the battle of\\nCherubusco, which followed, he still led his\\nbrigade, though suffering from his injuries, until,\\nwhile at the head of the column and under a\\nsevere fire, he fainted from pain and exhaustion.\\nThe estimation in which General Scott held the\\nservices of General Pierce was shown by the\\nappointment of the latter as one of the com-\\nmissioners to arrange the terms of the armis-\\ntice, which was proposed by Santa Anna. Sub-\\nsequently he wa\u00c2\u00ab engaged with his command\\nin the battle of Molino del Key, and would\\nhave been in the last battle of the war, Che-\\npultepec, had he not been taken so ill that he\\ncould not leave the quarters of General Worth,\\nto which he was obliged to retire before the\\nfight commenced.\\nAt the close of the war. General Pierce re-\\nsigned his commission, and resumed the prac-\\ntice of his profession in New Hampshire, and\\nhe remained in this position until nominated\\nfor the presidency. This nomination, as has\\nbeen already intimated, was one which occa-\\nsioned some surprise to the country, as General\\nPierce s name had not been mentioned much\\nin connection with that office, except among\\nthe shrewder managers of the party. It was,\\nhowever, for the party, a safe nomination, and\\nresulted in success.\\nThe inauguration of President Pierce took\\nplace March 4th, 1853. His cabinet was named\\nand confirmed a few days after his inaugura-\\ntion, and was composed as follows\\nSecretary of State, Wm. L. Marcy, of N. Y.\\nthe Treasury, James Guthrie, of Ky.\\nthe Interior, Rob t McClelland, of Mich.\\nWar, Jefferson Davis, of Miss.\\nthe Navy, James C. Dobbin, of N. C.\\nPostmaster-General, James Campbell, of Penn.\\nAttorney-General, Caleb Gushing, of Mass.\\nThe vice-president, elected with President\\nPierce, was Honorable William R. King, of Al-\\nabama, who had served for more than thirty", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0600.jp2"}, "601": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n569\\nyears, almost continuously, in Congress, or in\\nother prominent positions, and was much re-\\nspected for his pure character, wisdom, and ex-\\nperience. He did not, however, live to enter\\nupon the duties of the station to which he had\\nbeen chosen. His health was failing at the\\ntime of the election, and he was seeking its\\nrestoration in Cuba at the time of the inaugu-\\nration of the new administration. But, on the\\n2d of March, in order to provide against any\\nquestion of succession which might arise in the\\nevent of a vacancy in the presidency, Congress\\npassed an act authorizing the oath of office to\\nbe administered to him while abroad. This\\nwas accordingly done at the x\\\\riadne estate,\\nnear Matanzas, in Cuba, on the 24th of March,\\n1853. Mr. King s health continued to decline,\\nand he had barely sufficient strength to reach\\nhis home in Alabama, where he died on the\\n18th of April.\\nSome of the principal diplomatic apjDoint-\\nments, subsequently made, were,\\nJames Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, to Great Britain.\\nThomas H. Seymour, of Connecticut, to Russia.\\nJames Gadsden, of South Carolina, to Mexico.\\nPierre A. Soul^, of Louisiana, to Spain.\\nSolon Borland, of Arkansas, to Central America.\\nPeter D. Vroom, of New Jersey, to Prussia.\\nWilliam Trousdale, of Tennessee, to Brazil.\\nFew administrations have come into power\\nunder more favorable circumstances than that\\nof President Pierce. The country had passed\\nthrough the severe political struggle arising\\nfrom the acquisition of new territories, and\\nculminating in the compromises of 1850, and\\nafter the presidential canvass, which was also\\nan exciting one, the people seemed to desire\\nrepose from this sort of contests, and were dis-\\nposed to look with favor upon the course of the\\nnew administration. His inaugural address and\\nhis first annual message, therefore, in their allu-\\nsions to this state of things, afforded much sat^\\nisfaction, and a strong hope that, the agitation\\nhaving ceased, the aim of the government, in all\\nits departments, would be directed to its legiti-\\nmate pui poses the promotion of the varied\\ninterests of the whole country. In his inau-\\ngural address President Pierce declared, that\\nto every theory of society or of government,\\nwhether the offspring of feverish ambition or\\nof morbid enthusiasm, calculated to dissolve\\nthe bonds of law and affection which unite us,\\nI shall oppose a ready and stern resistance.\\nThe compromise measures of 1850 he held\\nto be strictly constitutional, and to be unhesi-\\ntatingly carried into effect, that they are to\\nbe respected and obeyed, not with a reluctance\\nencouraged by abstract opinions as to their\\npropriety in a different state of society, but\\ncheerfully, and according to the decisions of\\nthe tribunal to which their exposition belongs.\\nThe views expressed on the part of the ad-\\nministration, and acquiescence on the part of\\nthe people of all sections, in the present posi-\\ntion of the great questions which had agitated\\nthem, indicated that years of peace might en-\\nsue, and men hoped that while the country\\nadvanced in material prosperity a better feel-\\ning would eventually lead to a more friendly\\nand satisfactory solution of old difficulties.\\nSubsequent events, however, proved that these\\nhopes were delusive.\\nThe president, in his inaugural, also expressed\\nhis views in regard to subjects of interest to the\\nnation, thus in some degree indicating the pol-\\nicy to be pursued by his administration. On the\\nsubject of extended territory, multiplication of\\nstates, and increased population, which had\\nbeen in earlier days regarded with some fore-\\nbodings, he believed that experience had shown\\nthat these apprehensions were unfounded, and\\nhe declared, The policy of my administration\\nwill not be controlled by any timid forebodings\\nof evil from expansion. Indeed, it is not to be\\ndisguised, that our attitude as a nation, and our\\nposition on the globe, render the acquisition\\nof certain possessions, not within our jurisdic-\\ntion, eminently important for our protection,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0601.jp2"}, "602": {"fulltext": "070\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nif not, in the future, essential for our preserva-\\ntion of the rights of commerce and the peace\\nof the world. Should they be obtained, it will\\nbe throifgh no grasping spirit, but with a view\\nto obvious national interest and security, and\\nin a manner entirely consistent with the strict-\\nest observance of national faith.\\nHe said, further, that the policy of our coun-\\ntry ought to be eminently peaceful, and with\\nthe neiohboring nations on our continent we\\nshould cultivate kindly and fraternal relations,\\nwhile, on the other hand, we should avoid be-\\ncoming entangled in the politics of Europe.\\nIn this connection President Pierce declared,\\nthat the rights, security, and repose of this\\nconfederacy, reject the idea of interference or\\ncolonization, on this side of the ocean, by any\\nforeign power, beyond present jurisdiction, as\\n\\\\itterly inadmissible. The other topics of the\\naddress were, for the most part, such as ma} be\\nusually found in such a document, the rela-\\ntions of the government to the people, of the\\nstates to the Federal Union, of office holders to\\nthe administration, etc., in which the political\\nviews of the party are set forth with such\\nmoderation and modifications as may satisfy\\nfriends and not exasperate foes. As a whole,\\nthe inaugural was acceptable to the country,\\nand, as before stated, a season of domestic\\npeace and progress was anticipated.\\nShortly before the close of the session of\\nCongress in March, 185-3, an appropriation of\\none hundred and fifty thousand dollars was\\nmade to defray the expenses of surveys of\\nvarious routes for a railroad from the Missis-\\nsippi to the Pacific an object which had I e-\\nceived the encouragement of Mr. Fillmore s\\nadministration. For these surveys six parties\\nAvere organized by the war department, to ex-\\nplore four main routes the} were early in the\\nfield, and were completely organized for a thor-\\nough exploration. The first, under the com-\\nmand of Governor I. I. Stevens, was to survey\\nthe line of the forty-seventh parallel, or what is\\ntermed the northern route. The second, under\\nthe command of Captain J. W. Gunnison, took\\nthe line of the thirty-eighth, thirty-ninth, and\\nforty-first parallels. Captain Gunnison, how-\\never, with two of his officers, was killed by the\\nIndians, and Captain E. G. Beckwith succeeded\\nto his command. The third party, under Cap-\\ntain A. W. Whipple, took the line of the thirty-\\nfiifth parallel. The fourth party, under Lieu-\\ntenant E. S. Williamson, surveyed the California\\nportion of the routes to San Francisco. The\\nfifth and sixth, under Captain J. Pope and\\nLieutenant J. G. Parke, surveyed the thirty-\\nsecond parallel, or southern route. These sur-\\nveys were made with efficiency, and valuable\\ngeological, zoological, and botanical collections\\nwere made. The reports of these several ex-\\npeditions, though tardy in their preparation\\nand apparently of little practical importance,\\nso far as their original object was concerned,\\nhave^ added much to the geography and nat-\\nural history of the regions explored.\\nIt may be proper here to allude to several\\nother expeditions which were initiated and\\norganized under President Fillmore, whose\\nadministration thus did much to develop the\\nresources of our own country, and to open oth-\\ners to its commerce. The expedition to Japan,\\nunder Commodore Perry, has already been\\nalluded to, and its results will be mentioned\\nhereafter. Besides this, expeditions were sent\\nto explore the valley of the Amazon, to explore\\nthe La Plata and the Paraguay and Parana\\nRivers far into the interior of South America,\\nand a party was also sent to explore the Red\\nRiver, and the country which it drains, while\\nother similar works of minor importance were\\nalso encouraged.\\nThe letter of Mr. Everett, then secretary of\\nstate, rejecting the proposal made by France\\nand England for a tripartite treaty relative to\\nthe Island of Cuba, (page 560,) called out a\\nletter from Lord John Ru.ssell in reply to the\\npositions taken by Mr. Everett. The letter", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0602.jp2"}, "603": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n571\\nwas a despatch to Mr. Cramptou, the British\\nminister at Washington, and was subsequently\\nlaid before the government, but was not con-\\nsidered as demanding any reply. In it his\\nlordship says,\\nThe object of the argument, introduced by\\nMr. Everett with so much preparation, and\\nurged with so much ability, is clearly to pro-\\ncure the admission of a doctrine, that the\\nUnited States have an interest in Cuba, to\\nwhich Great Britain and France cannot pre-\\ntend. If the object of the United States is sim-\\nply to prevent Cuba from falling into the hands\\nof any European power, the convention pro-\\nposed would secure that end. But if it is\\nintended to maintain that Great Britain and\\nFrance have no interest in the maintenance of\\nthe present status of Cuba, and that the United\\nStates alone have a right to a voice in that\\nmatter, the British government at once refuses\\nto admit such a claim. Her possessions in the\\nWest Indies, to say nothing of the interests of\\nMexico and other friendlv states, oive Great\\nBritain an interest in the question which she\\ncannot forego and France has similar inter-\\nests, which she will doubtless urge at the proper\\ntime.\\nThe distinguished minister then endeavors\\nto controvert the arguments and weaken the\\npositions of Mr. Everett, the force of which ap-\\npears to have been felt by the British ministry.\\nIn conclusion, he says, While fully admitting\\nthe right of the United States to reject the\\nproposal, Great Britain must at once resume\\nher entire liberty, and upon any occasion that\\nmay call for it, be free to act singly or in\\nconjunction with other powers, as to her may\\nseem fit.\\nAlthough this despatch did not seem to re-\\nquire any further discussion of the question on\\nthe part of the government, (the administra-\\ntion apparently taking the same position as\\nthat of its predecessor on this question,) Mr.\\nEverett took occasion to reply, individually, to\\nLord John Russell and as his letter relates to\\na subject of importance, and serves to enforce\\nhis former arguments, the following extracts\\nare not out of place in these pages\\nBoston, September 17, 1853.\\nMy Lord: Your despatch of the 16th\\nFebruary last to Mr. Crampton has lately\\nappeared in our public papers. As it is in\\nreality, if not in form, a reply to my letter of\\nthe 1st December, 18-52, on the subject of\\nCuba, I regret that it was not prepared and\\nsent before my retirement from the department\\nof state. But though I must now do it as a\\nprivate individual, I feel as if it were to some\\nextent my duty to answer it. I shall endeavor\\nto do so in a manner consistent with my sin-\\ncere respect for your public character, and a\\nlively recollection of your personal kindness\\nduring my residence in England.\\nBefore remarking on the contents of your\\nletter, I will observe that, though it contains\\nsome courteous expressions, its tone is, upon\\nthe whole, not quite as conciliatory as might\\nhave been expected, considering that my letter\\nof the 1st December was altogether respectful\\nand friendly towards the two powers, both in\\nform and in substance. I have heard that in\\npresenting this correspondence to parliament\\nyou indulged in some sarcastic remarks, but\\nI have not seen any report of them. Your\\ndespatch is not free from a shade of sarcasm\\nin one or two sentences. This I shall endeavor\\nto avoid in reply, not that it would be difficult\\nto follow you into that field, but because I can-\\nnot think that an encounter of wits between\\nus would be an edifying spectacle, or one wh ch\\nwould promote any desirable national object.\\nYou say, that in my letter of the 1st Decem-\\nber I entered into arguments not required by\\nthe simple nature of the question before me;\\nand the length of my letter has been com-\\nplained of in other quarters. The question\\npropounded to us was certainly in one sense", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0603.jp2"}, "604": {"fulltext": "572\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsimple, as every question is that can be an-\\nswered Yes or No. But liow various, com-\\nplicated, and important the interests and rela-\\ntions involved in it! Besides, the organ of\\nevery government must be the only judge of\\nthe proper-length and relevancy of his replies\\nto the communications of foreign powers.\\nYou say that it occurs to her Majesty s\\ngovernment to ask for what purpose are these\\narguments introduced with so much prepara-\\ntion and urged with so much ability and you\\nanswer the question in the following manner\\nIt would appear that the purpose, not fully\\navowed, hut liardlij concealed, is to procure the\\nadmission of a doctrine, that the United States\\nhave an interest in Cuba, to which Great Brit-\\nain and France cannot pretend.\\nHere a little unintentional injustice is done\\nto my letter, in which it is distinctly stated,\\nmore than once, for reasons set forth at length\\nand very partially controverted by you, that\\nthe government of the United States consid-\\nered the condition of Cuba as mainly an\\nAmerican question, in which they had a very\\ndeep interest, and you a very limited one.\\nNot only was no attempt whatever made to\\nconceal this doctrine, but it was fully avowed\\nand reasoned out in my letter of the 1st De-\\ncember, 1852.\\nBut though the United States certainly\\nconsider that they have an interest in the\\ncondition of Cuba, to which Great Britain and\\nFrance cannot pretend, it is not, either in my\\nletter, nor in any other American state paper\\nwithin my recollection, assumed that Great\\nBritain and France have \u00e2\u0096\u00a0no interest in the\\nmaintenance of the present statu quo, and that\\nthe United States alone have a right to a voice\\nin the matter. Our doctrine is, not that we\\nhave an absolutely exclusive interest in the\\nsubject, but that we have a far deeper and\\nmore immediate interest than France or Eng-\\nland can possibly lay claim to. A glance at\\nthe map, one would think, would satisfy every\\nimpartial mind of this truth.\\nIn order to establish for France and Eng-\\nland an equal interest with the United States\\nin the condition of Cuba, you say, Great\\nBritain is in possession, by treaty, of the Island\\nof Trinidad, which in the last century was a\\ncolony of Spain. France was in possession at\\nthe commencement of this century of Louis-\\niana by voluntary cession of Spain. It is true\\nthat Spain was compelled by France to cede\\nTrinidad to Great Britain by the treaty of\\nAmiens. If, while this cession was in agitation,\\nas it was for some time, the United States\\nand any other neutral power (if there was any\\nother) had exerted themselves to defeat it, and\\nhad invited you and France to bind yourselves\\nby a perpetual compact never to acquire it, the\\ninterference, I apprehend, would have been\\nregarded as worse than gratuitous. I cannot\\nsee why we have not as good a right to obtain,\\nif we can, from Spain, the voluntary cession of\\nCuba, as you had to accept the compulsory\\ncession of Trinidad, which is, by position and\\nstrength, the Cuba of the south-eastern Antilles.\\nFrance was, as you say, at the begmnmg\\nof this century, in possession of Louisiana, by\\nthe voluntary cession of Spain. This posses-\\nsion, however, (nominal at best,) did not take\\nplace till seven months after France had sold\\nLouisiana to the United States for eighty mil-\\nlions of francs, and it lasted only from the 30th\\nNovember to the 20th December, 1803. The\\nobject of France in acquiring Louisiana, was to\\nreestablish herself in the interior of this coun-\\ntry an object, I need not say, as menacing to\\nyour North American possessions as to the\\nUnited States. Is it possible you can think\\nsuch a possession of Louisiana for such a pur-\\npose a sufficient ground on the part of France\\nfor interfering with our relations with Cuba?\\nMay she, a European power, without consulting\\nus, obtain from Spain, in 1800, a cession of", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0604.jp2"}, "605": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n573\\nhalf the habitable portion of North America,\\na cession -which threw her for fifteen hun-\\ndred miles on our western frontier, and not\\nonly shut us out from the Pacific, but enabled\\nher to close the Mississippi; and is it so very\\nunreasonable in us to decline her invitation to\\nbind ourselves for all time not to accept the\\ncession of an island which lies within thirty-\\nfive leagues of our coast? Does she even\\nderive her right thus to control our relations\\nwith Cuba in 1853 from her twenty days pos-\\nsession of Louisiana in 1803 What can be\\nclearer than that whatever right accrued to\\nher from that three weeks possession (which\\nwas a mere ceremonial afl air, to give form to\\nthe transfer of the province to the United\\nStates) must have passed to us by that trans-\\nfer, followed by our actual possession and oc-\\ncupation for half a century\\nThe expeditions to which you allude, as\\ncalculated to excite the reprobation of every\\ncivilized state, were discountenanced by the\\npresident in every constitutional and legal way.\\nThe utmost vigilance was at all times em-\\nployed, but, unhappily for the adventurers\\nthemselves, without effect. In this there is\\nmatter neither for wonder nor reproach. The\\nterritory of the United States is but little less\\nthan the whole of Europe while their popula-\\ntion is not quite equal to that of the United\\nKingdom, and their standing military force\\nsmall, and scattered over an immensely exten-\\nsive frontier. Our government, like that of\\nEngland, is one of law and there is a great\\nsimilarity between the laws of the two coun-\\ntries which prohibit military expeditions\\nagainst the possessions of friendly powers. In\\nfact your foreign enlistment act of 1819 was\\nadmitted by Mr. Canning to have been founded\\nin part on our neutrality law of the preceding\\nyear. Of the two, I believe our laws are the\\nmore stringent but it is somewhat difficult to\\nenforce them in both countries.\\nThese expeditions, got up in the United\\nStates by a Spanish general, and supposed to\\nindicate a lawless disposition on the part of the\\nAmerican people, comprised a very small num-\\nber of persons, some of whom were foreigners,\\nenjoying the same freedom of action in the\\nUnited States, that refugees from every part\\nof the continent enjoy in England. The same\\nreproach which is cast upon us for these expe-\\nditions is, at this moment, cast upon England\\nby the continental powers. Events which have\\noccurred in London since your despatch was\\nwritten, strikingly illustrate the difficulty and\\nthe risk, under constitutional governments, of\\npreventing abuses of that hospitality which it\\nis the privilege and boast of such governments\\nto extend to all who seek it.\\nThere is, no doubt, widely prevalent in this\\ncountry a feeling that the people of Cuba are\\njustly disaffected to the government of Spain.\\nA recent impartial French traveller, M. Ampere,\\nconfirms this impression. All the ordinary\\npolitical rights enjoyed in free countries are\\ndenied to the people of that island. The gov-\\nernment is, in principle, the woi st form of des-\\npotism, namely, absolute authority delegated\\nto a military viceroy, and supported by an army\\nfrom abroad. I speak of the nature of the\\ngovernment, and not of the individuals by\\nwhom it is administered for I have formed a\\nvery favorable opinion of the personal char-\\nacter of the present captain-general, as of one\\nor two of his predecessors. Of the bad faith\\nand the utter disregard of treaties with which\\nthis bad government is administered, your com-\\nmittees on the slave trade have spoken plainly\\nenough at the late session of parliament.\\nSuch being the state of things in Cuba, it does\\nnot seem to me very extraordinary or re-\\nproachful, that, throughout the United States,\\na handful of misguided young men should be\\nfound ready to join a party of foreigners,\\nheaded by a Spanish general, who was able to\\npersuade them, not as you view it, by armed\\ninvasion to excite the obedient to revolt and", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0605.jp2"}, "606": {"fulltext": "574\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe tranquil to disturbance, but, as they were\\nled to believe, to aid an oppressed people in\\ntheir struggle for freedom. There is no reason\\nto doubt that there are, at this moment, as\\nmany persons, foreigners as well as natives, in\\nEngland, who entertain these feelings and\\nopinions as in the United States and if Great\\nBritain lay at a distartf;e of one hundred and\\nten miles from Cuba, instead of thirty-five\\nhundred, you might not, with all your repres-\\nsive force, find it easy to prevent a small\\n.steamer, disguised as a trading vessel, from\\nslipping off from an outport in the night, on\\nan unlawful enterprise. The expedition of\\nGeneral Torrijos, in 1831, as far as illegality is\\nconcerned, is the parallel of that of General\\nLopez. It was fitted out in the Thames, with-\\nout interruption till the last moment, and\\nthough it then fell under the grasp of the\\npolice, its members succeeded in escaping to\\nSpain, where, for some time, they found shelter\\nat Gibraltar. It is declared, in the last number\\nof the Quarterly Eeview, to be notorious, that\\nassociations have been formed in London for\\nthe subversion of dynasties with which England\\nis at peace; that arms have been purchased\\nand loans proposed that central committees\\nissue orders from England, and that Messrs.\\nMazzini and Kossuth have established and pre-\\nside over boards of regency for the Koman\\nStates and Hungary, and for the promotion of\\nrevolution in every part of the world. I have\\nbefore me a list, purporting to be taken from a\\nPrussian police gazette, of fifteen associations\\nof continental refugees organized in London,\\nand now in action, for the above-mentioned\\npurposes.\\nConsidjer, too, the recent antecedents of the\\npowers that invite us to disable ourselves to\\nthe end of time from the acquisition in any\\nway of this natural appendage to our conti-\\nnent. France, within the present century, to\\nsay nothing of the acquisition of Louisiana,\\nhas wrested a moiety of Europe from its native\\nsovereigns has possessed herself, by force of\\narms, and at the time greatly to the discontent\\nof England, of six hundred miles of the north-\\nern coast of Africa, with an indefinite exten-\\nsion into the interior and has appropriated to\\nherself one of the most important insular\\ngroups of the Pacific. England, not to mention\\nher other numerous recent acquisitions in every\\npart of the globe, has, even since your despatch\\nof the 16th February was written, annexed\\nhalf of the Burman empire to her overgrown\\nIndian possessions, on grounds if the state-\\nments in Mr. Cobden s pamphlet are to be relied\\nupon compared, with which the reasons\\nassigned by Russia for invading Turkey are\\nrespectable.\\nThe United States do not require to be\\nadvised of the utility of those rules for the\\nobservance of international relations, which for\\ncenturies have been known to Europe by the\\nname of the law of nations. They are known\\nand obeyed by us under the same venerable\\nname. Certain circumstances in our history\\nhave caused them to be studied more generally\\nand more anxiously here than in Europe.\\nFrom the breaking out of the Avars of the\\nFrench revolution to the year 1812, the United\\nStates knew the law of nations only as the vic-\\ntims of its systematic violation by the great\\nmaritime powers of Europe. For these viola-\\ntions on the part of England, prior to 1794,\\nindemnification was made under the seventh\\narticle of Jay s treaty. For similar injuries on\\nthe part of France, we were compelled to\\naccept an illusory set-off, under the convention\\nof 1800. A few years only elapsed, before a\\nnew warfare upon our neutral rights was com-\\nmenced by the two powers. One hundred\\nmillions at least of American property Avere\\nswept from the seas, under the British orders\\nin council, and the French Berlin and Milan\\ndecrees. These orders and decrees were at the\\ntime reciprocally declared to be in contraven-\\ntion of the law of nations by the two powers", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0606.jp2"}, "607": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0607.jp2"}, "608": {"fulltext": "r-3", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0608.jp2"}, "609": {"fulltext": "M", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0609.jp2"}, "610": {"fulltext": "-II", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0610.jp2"}, "611": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n575\\nthemselves, each speaking of the measures of\\nthe other party. In 1831, after the generation\\nof the original sufferers had sunk under their\\nruined fortunes to the grave, France acknowl-\\nedged her decrees to have been of that char-\\nacter, by a late and partial measure of indem-\\nnification. For our enormous losses under the\\nBritish orders in council, we not only never\\nreceived indemnification, but the sacrifices and\\nsufferings of war were added to those spolia-\\ntions on our commerce and invasion of our\\nneutral rights which led to its declaration.\\nThose orders were at the time regarded by the\\nLansdownes, the Barings, the Broughams, and\\nthe other enlightened statesmen of the school\\nto which you belong, as a violation of right\\nand justice as well as of sound policy and\\nwithin a very few years the present distin-\\nguished lord chief justice, placed by yourself\\nat the head of the tribunals of England, has\\ndeclared that the orders in council were griev-\\nously unjust to neutrals, and it is now generallij\\nalhtved, tJiat tliey were contrary to the hiv of nations\\nand our own municipal laiv\\nThat I call, my Lord, to borrow your ex-\\npression, a melancholy avowal for the chief\\nof the jurisprudence of a great empire, though\\nhighly creditable for the candor with which it\\nis made. Acts of its sovereign authority, coun-\\ntenanced by its parliament, rigidly executed by\\nits fleets on every sea, enforced in the courts\\nof admiralty by a magistrate whose learning\\nand eloquence are among the modern glories\\nof England, persisted in till the lawful com-\\nmerce of a neutral and kindred nation was\\nannihilated, and pronounced, by the highest\\nlegal authority of the present day, contrary\\nnot merely to the law of nations, but your own\\nmunicipal law\\nUnder these circumstances, the government\\nand people of the United States, who have\\nnever committed or sanctioned a violation of\\nthe law of nations against any other power,\\nmay well think it out of place, that they should\\n7-3\\nbe instructed by an English minister in the\\nutility of those rules which for centuries have\\nbeen known to Europe by the name of the\\nlaw of nations.\\nYou will not, I hope, misapprehend the\\nspirit in which this letter is written. As an\\nAmerican citizen, I do not covet the acquisition\\nof Cuba, either peaceably or by force of arms.\\nWhen I cast my thoughts back upon our brief\\nhistory as a nation, I certainly am not led to\\nthink that the -United States have reached the\\nfinal limits of their growth, or, what comes to\\nvery much the same thing, that representative\\ngovernment, religious equality, the trial by\\njury, the freedom of the press, and the other\\ngreat attributes of our Anglo-Norman civiliza-\\ntion are never to gain a further extension in\\nthis hemisphere. I regard the inquiry, under\\nwhat political organization this extension is to\\ntake place, as a vain attempt to penetrate the\\ninscrutable mysteries of the future. It will, if\\nwe are wise, be under the guidance of our ex-\\nample I hope it will be in virtue of the peace-\\nful arts, by which well-governed states extend\\nthemselves over unsettled or partially settled\\ncontinents. My voice was heard at the first\\nopportunity, in the senate of the United States,\\nin favor of developing the almost boundless\\nresources of the territory already in our pos-\\nsession, rather than seeking to enlarge it by\\naggressive wars. Still I cannot think it rea-\\nsonable hardly respectful on the part of\\nEngland and France, while they are daily\\nextending themselves on every shore and in\\nevery sea, and pushing their dominions, by new\\nconquests, to the uttermost ends of the earth,\\nto call upon the United States to bind them-\\nselves, by a perpetual compact, never, under\\nany circumstances, to admit into the Union an\\nisland which lies at their doors, and commands\\nthe entrance into the interior of their continent.\\nI remain, my Lord, with the highest respect,\\nfaithfully yours,\\nEdwaed Everett.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0611.jp2"}, "612": {"fulltext": "576\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nAn event which caused considerable excite-\\nment, in the summer of 1853, was the seizure\\nof Martin Koszta by the Austrian officials at\\nSmyrna, and his subsequent release through\\nthe bold measures of Captain Ingraham, of the\\nUnited States ship St. Louis. Koszta was an\\nHungarian by birth, who was one of the exiles\\nfrom that country after its unsuccessful strug-\\ngle for independence in 1848-9, and came\\nto this country in 1850. After remaining here\\nabout two years he made declaration of his\\nintention of becoming a citizen of the United\\nStates, and returned to Turkey on private busi-\\nness of a temporary character, claiming the\\nprotection of the government as a naturalized\\nAmerican citizen. While at Smyrna, and under\\nthe letter of safe conduct of the American con-\\nsul, he was forcibly seized by some tools of the\\nAustrian government, and carried on board an\\nAustrian brig of war lying in the harbor, where\\nhe was confined in irons. The American con-\\nsul at Smyrna and the American minister at\\nConstantinople interfered in behalf of the pris-\\noner, but without avail, and it had become known\\nin Smyrna that there was a design on the part\\nof the Austrians to convey him to Trieste, with-\\nin the dominions of their emperor. But fortu-\\nnately, just at that juncture, the United States\\nship St. Louis, Captain Ingraham, came into\\nthe harbor of Smyrna, and after making due\\ninquiry into the state of affairs. Captain Ingra-\\nham took measures to secure the release of the\\nprisoner, who claimed the protection of his flag.\\nHe found that there was evidence of bad faith\\non the part of the Austrians for while he was\\ninquiring into the justice of Koszta s claim to\\nAmerican protection, they were preparing to\\nhurry him away clandestinely. He therefore\\nplaced his ship alongside of the Austrian brig,\\nwith his guns shotted, and fully prepared to\\nenforce his demand that the prisoner should be\\ngiven up by a certain hour. This bold position\\nsettled the matter. Koszta was delivered into\\nthe custody of the French consul-general, by\\nagreement, to await the settlement of the affair\\nby the two governments, and he was subse-\\nquently released and returned to the United\\nStates. This affair was the subject of diplo-\\nmatic correspondence between the Austrian\\nminister. Chevalier Hulseman, and Mr. Marcy,\\nin which the former, who had been before so\\ncompletely overwhelmed by Mr. Webster, was\\nagain wholly discomfited. The purpose shown\\nby the American government, to protect all who\\ncould claim American nationality, was hailed\\nwith pleasure throughout the country, and sent\\na thrill to many a heart among the liberals of\\nEurope.\\nAnother event of the year 1853, which may\\nbe worthy of chronicling, was the opening of a\\ngreat Exhibition of the Industry of all Na-\\ntions, at the Crystal Palace in New York.\\nThis exhibition was of a similar character to\\nthe World s Fair in London two years before,\\nthough not on quite so extensive a scale. The\\npalace, however, was a handsome structure^\\nand afforded accommodations for a very large\\nexhibition. At the opening, the president of\\nthe United States with his cabinet, the earl of\\nEllesmere, Sir Charles Lyell, and other distin-\\nguished gentlemen from Europe, were present.\\nIt was an exhibition of very gi-eat interest, and\\nduring the several months that it was open\\nwas visited by thousands, and undoubtedly pro-\\nduced many good results by encouraging the\\nsciences, fine arts, and mechanic arts of the\\ncountry.\\nCHAPTER II.\\nThirty-third Congress. President s Message. Sectional Agi-\\ntation. Kansas-Nebraska Bill. Mr. Douglas. Excitement\\non the Question. Missouri Compromise. Colonel Benton.\\nMr. Douglas s Amendment adopted, and Missouri Compro-\\nmise declared void. Emigration to Kansas. Emigrant Aid\\nSocieties. Governors of Kansas and Nebraska. Missouri\\nBorder War. Election Frauds.\\nThe thirty-third Congress assembled in De-\\ncember, 1853. Senator Atchison, who, accord-.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0612.jp2"}, "613": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n577\\ning to custom, had been chosen president of\\nthe senate previous to the preceding 4th of\\nMarch, occupied the chair made vacant by the\\ndeath of Vice-President King, and Mr. Linn\\nBoyd was chosen speaker of the house of rep-\\nresentatives. President Pierce s message dis-\\ncussed at considerable length the various ques-\\ntions of foreign and domestic policy which\\nconcerned the country, taking in some instances\\npositions quite opposed to those of the preced-\\ning administration, as was expected. On the\\nsubject of sectional agitation, which seemed to\\nhave subsided to a great extent, the president\\nwrote as follows\\nIt is no part of my purpose to give prom-\\ninence to any subject which may properly be\\nregarded as set at rest by the deliberate judg-\\nment of the people. But while the present is\\nbright with promise, and the future full of de-\\nmand and inducement for the exercise of active\\nintelligence, the past can never be without use-\\nful lessons of admonition and instruction. If\\nits dangers serve not as beacons, they will evi-\\ndently fail to falfil the object of a wise design.\\nWhen the grave shall have closed over all who\\nare now endeavoring to meet the obligations\\nof duty, the year 1850 will be recurred to as a\\nperiod filled with anxious apprehension. A\\nsuccessful war had just terminated. Peace\\nbrought with it a vast augmentation of territo-\\nry. Disturbing questions arose, bearing upon\\nthe domestic institutions of one portion of the\\nconfederacy, and involving the constitutional\\nrights of the states. But, notwithstanding dif-\\nferences of opinion and sentiment, which then\\nexisted in relation to details and specific j)ro-\\nvisions, the acquiescence of distinguished citi-\\nzens, whose devotion to the Union can never\\nbe doubted, has given renewed vigor to our\\ninstitutions, and restored a sense of repose and\\nsecurity to the public mind throughout the\\nconfederacy. That this repose is to suffer no\\nshock during my official term, if I have power\\nto avert it, those who placed me here may be\\nassured. The wisdom of men who knew what\\nindependence cost who had put all at stake\\nupon the issue of the revolutionary struggle\\ndisposed of the subject to which I refer in\\nthe only way consistent with the union of these\\nstates, and with the march of power and pros-\\nperity which has made us what we are. It is\\na significant fact, that from the adoption of the\\nconstitution until the officers and soldiers of\\nthe revolution had passed to their graves, or,\\nthrough the infirmities of age and wounds, had\\nceased to participate actively in public affairs,\\nthere was not merely a quiet acquiescence in,\\nbut a prompt vindication of, the constitution-\\nal rights of the states. The reserved powers\\nwere scrupulously respected. No statesman put\\nforth the narrow views of casuists to justify in-\\nterference and agitation, but the spirit of the\\ncompact was regarded as sacred in the eye of\\nhonor, and indispensable for the great experi-\\nment of civil liberty, which, environed by in-\\nherent difficulties, was yet borne forward in\\napparent weakness by a power superior to all\\nobstacles. There is no condemnation which\\nthe voice of freedom will not pronounce upon\\nus, should we prove fiiithless to this great trust.\\nWhile men inhabiting different parts of this\\nvast continent can no more be expected to hold\\nthe same opinions, or entertain the same senti-\\nments, than every variety of climate or soil\\ncan be expected to furnish the same agricul-\\ntural products, they can unite in a common\\nobject and sustain common principles essential\\nto the maintenance of that object. The gallant\\nmen of the south and the north could stand\\ntogether during the struggle of the revolution\\nthey could stand together in the more trying\\nmoment which succeeded the clangor of arm.s.\\nAs their united valor was adequate to all the\\ntrials of the camp and dangers of the field, so\\ntheir united wisdom proved equal to the great-\\ner task of founding, upon a deep and broad\\nbasis, institutions which it has been our privi-\\nlege to enjoy, and will ever be our most sacred", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0613.jp2"}, "614": {"fulltext": "578\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nduty to sustain. It is but the feeble expression\\nof a faith strong and universal, to say that their\\nsons, whose blood mingled so often upon the\\nsame fields during the war of 1812, and who\\nhave more recently borne in triumph the flag\\nof the coimtry upon a foreign soil, will never\\npermit alienation of feeling to weaken the\\npower of their united efforts, nor internal dis-\\nsensions to paralyze the great arm of freedom,\\nuplifted for the vindication of self-government.\\nThe hopes cherished by these sentiments,\\nhowever, seemed doomed to a speedy disap-\\npointment. Early in the session sectional agi-\\ntation was again aroused by the course of a\\nleading member of the administration party.\\nMr. Douglas reported a bill to establish the\\nterritorial government of Nebraska, and subse-\\nquently a modified bill for the establishment\\nof two territories, Nebraska and Kansas. That\\nbill was designed to recognize the right of the\\npeople of the territory to settle the question\\nof slavery for themselves, and it extended over\\nthe new territories the constitution and laws\\nof the United States, except the eighth sec-\\ntion of the act for the a,dmission of Missouri\\ninto the Union. That section provided that\\nslavery should not exist in any new state or\\nterritory north of 36\u00c2\u00b0 20 north, the southern\\nboundary of Missouri. By this new bill that\\nsection which was known as the Missouri com-\\npromise was declared to have been superseded\\nby the principles of the legislation of 1850,\\ncommonly called the compromise measures.\\nThe purpose of this portion of the bill was more\\ndistinctly stated in a subsequent amendment\\noffered by Mr. Douglas, to the effect that the\\nMissouri compromise, being inconsistent with\\nthe principles of non-intervention by Congress\\nwith slavery in the states and territories as rec-\\nognized by the legislation of 1850, commonly\\ncalled The Compromise Measures, is hereby\\ndeclared inoperative and void, it being the true\\nintent and meaning of this act, not to legislate\\nslavery into any territory or state, nor to ex-\\nclude it therefrom, but to leave the people\\nthereof perfectly free to form and regulate\\ntheir domestic institutions in their own way,\\nsubject only to the constitution of the United\\nStates.\\nThen commenced a sectional storm more\\nserious than any which had preceded it. It\\nfollowed close upon the declarations of Pres-\\nident Pierce that the harmony of the states\\nshould not be disturbed. In its inception, how-\\never, the Kansas act was not an administration\\nmeasure but in the course of events the\\nadministration became committed to its sup-\\nport, as a party measure. The bill was stren-\\nuously opposed in Congress, and as earnestly\\nsupported, for several months before it finally\\npassed. Senators Cha^e of Ohio and Sumner\\nof Massachusetts, with several members of the\\nhouse of representatives, issued au address to\\nthe country, denouncing the measure in the\\nstrongest terms, as a gross violation of a\\nsacred pledge as a criminal betrayal of pre-\\ncious rights as part and parcel of an atrocious\\nplot to exclude from a vast unoccupied region\\nemigrants from the old world, and free laborers\\nfrom our own states, and to convert it into a\\ndreary region of despotism, inhabited by mas-\\nters and slaves. Counter addresses and\\nspeeches were also circulated, especially at the\\nsouth. The public mind throughout the coun-\\ntry soon became aroused to the importance of\\nthe measure, and inflamed Avith the feelings\\nwhich natm\\\\ally grew out of a discussion of\\nthis kind. The argument, common to most of\\nthe opponents of the bill, that the repeal of\\nthe Missouri compromise was a breach of faith\\non the part of the slave states, a violation of a\\nsacred compact, was pressed with great vigor\\nand ability, both in and out of Congress a very\\nlarge number of the members of both houses\\nspeaking upon the subject, and the press being\\nfilled with heated discussion.\\nBut arguments and discussion did not avail\\nmuch. The men who had made the compro-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0614.jp2"}, "615": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n579\\nmise, and who had looked upon it in the light\\nof a compact, had for the most part passed\\naway, and those now upon the stage regarded\\nit only as an expedient of the time when it\\nwas adopted. There were some, however, who\\nstill regarded the Missouri compromise what\\nit really was intended to be as a law of more\\nthan ordinary force, and as, in truth, a solemn\\ncompact between the free and the slave states.\\nAmong these was Colonel Benton, who had\\nentered public life at the time of the compro-\\nmise, and Avho still adhered to it as one of the\\nthree great measures by which the Union had\\nbeen formed and its harmony preserved, the\\nfirst being the ordinance of 1787, and the sec-\\nond the federal constitution. Colonel Benton,\\nnow a member of the house of representatives,\\nand nearly or quite the last of the generation\\nof statesmen which succeeded the men of the\\nrevolution, protested ably against the passage\\nof the act. But neither his earnestness nor\\nthe eloquence of others could stay the current\\nwhich carried the administration party and\\nsouthern Whigs for the new measure. The\\namendment offered by Mr. Douglas, which de-\\nclared the Missouri compromise inoperative\\nand void, was adopted in the senate by a vote\\nof thirty-five to nine, and the bill subsequently\\npassed by a vote of thirty-seven to fourteen.\\nLater in the session the bill, with an amend-\\nment allowing aliens to vote, was passed by\\nthe house by a vote of one hundred and thir-\\nteen to one hundred, but not till after a most\\ndetermined struggle against it, and on one\\noccasion a session of thirty-six consecutive\\nhours, during which the minority availed them-\\nselves of all possible parliamentary tactics to\\nprevent the passage of the bill without a full\\nopportunity for debate. The majority were\\nobliged to yield on that point, but they also\\nresorted to similar means to prevent amend-\\nments, and to secure the passage of the bill in\\nthe desired form. The senate, after some de-\\nbate, agreed to the amended bill, and so the\\nnew policy with regard to the territories was\\ninaugurated. From this time the new terri-\\ntory of Kansas became the centre of interest\\nin political affairs. It was the border ground\\non which the policy or principle of popular\\nsovereignty was to be tested. By the Mis-\\nsouri compromise slavery had been excluded\\nfrom it, although alongside of Missouri. Now\\nit was open for a struggle between the free\\nstate and slave state settlers.\\nWhile the Kansas and Nebraska bill was being\\ndebated in Congress and exercising the public\\nmind throughout the country, as a matter of\\ncourse preparations were made for emigrating\\nto the new territories. Parties of emigrants\\nwere organized in many of the western states,\\nand were ready to enter the territories so\\nsoon as spring should permit. At this time,\\ntoo, in view of the increased emigration\\nalready immense from the Atlantic states to\\nthe west, emigrant aid societies were formed.\\nThe first of these societies was formed in Ma.s-\\nsachusetts, and this was soon followed by others\\nin Connecticut, New York, and other states.\\nThe object was to assist emigrants by reducing\\ntheir travelling expenses, protecting them from\\nimposition, and advising them with regard to\\nthe location of their claims, etc. This was\\ndone by organizing companies of emigrants,\\nwho were conducted by agents of the aid soci-\\neties. Unquestionably the emigrant aid soci-\\neties directed their attention .more particularly\\nto the settlement of Kansas with free state\\nsettlers, and were the offspring of the new pol-\\nicy,, which, in truth, invited to a race between\\nthe northern and southern emigrants. The\\norganization of the societies at the north led to\\nsimilar movements in the slave states, where\\nemigration was organized to some extent on\\nthe principle ascribed to the northern societies\\nthat of forcing their institutions upon the\\nnew territories.\\nSoon after the passage of the act, Francis\\nBurt, of South Carolina, was appointed the first", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0615.jp2"}, "616": {"fulltext": "D80\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ngovernor of Nebraska, and A. H. Keeder, of\\nPennsylvania, the first governor of Kansas.\\nThe governments were duly organized, and the\\ncontest, which had imaged at the Capitol, was\\ntransferred to the new territories. Nebraska,\\nthe more northern and less attractive of the\\ntwo, at first received the tide of emigration\\nfrom the free states but the more inviting\\nplains and climate of Kansas, with the prospect\\nof making it a free state, and perhaps love of\\nadventure, induced many who had first gone\\nto Nebraska to proceed to Kansas. Soon it\\nbecame apparent that Kansas would be the\\nscene of the struggle between free and slave\\nlabor, and emigrants went there as well from\\npolitical reasons as on account of its greater\\nnatural advantages.\\nBut before the tide of emigration had begun\\nto flow from the older states, citizens of Mis-\\nsouri, residing along the border of that state,\\nentered Kansas, took claims, held meetings in\\nwhich they took action as settlers in the new\\nterritory, and in favor of establishing slavery\\nthere, and then returned to their homes, leaving\\na few men to take care of their interests.\\nThese acts on the part of citizens of Missouri\\nAvere by no means few or limited, and possess-\\ning the advantages of neighborhood, and, in\\nmany cases, of influence at Washington, they\\nwere enabled to set up their claims to many\\nof the most valuable tracts of land in the ter-\\nritory, as soon as treaties with the Indians had\\nopened them to the white settlers.\\nGovernor Reeder arrived in Kansas in Octo-\\nber, 1854. In the following month an election\\nwas held for the choice of a delegate to Con-\\ngress. At this election a large number of the\\npeople of the border counties in Missouri went\\nover the boundary and voted at the various\\nprecincts. Mr. Whitfield, a gentleman nom-\\ninated in Missouri, was elected, and it appeared\\nat a subsequent investigation by a committee\\nin Congress, that the illegal votes from Missouri\\nconsiderably exceeded the whole number of\\nlegal votes of the territory. The proceedings\\nat this election served to exasperate the free\\nstate settlers and their friends in the states, and\\nthe animosities of the conflicting parties in\\nKansas and throughout the country became\\nmore and more aroused as charges and recrim-\\ninations followed. And thus the settlers en-\\ntered upon their first winter in Kansas, sub-\\njected to the rigors of a civil contest as well as\\nof the season.\\nCHAPTER III.\\nMexican Boundary. Gadsden Treaty. Relations with Spain.\\nBlack Warrior Affair. Scheme for Annexation of Cuba.\\nFillibustering Expedition. Mr. Soule, Minister to Spain.\\nHis Course. Ostend Conference. Reciprocity Treaty with\\nGreat Britain. Presidential Vetoes. Results of Expedition\\nto Japan. Treaty. Central American Affairs. Bombard-\\nment of Greytown. Southern Commercial Convention.\\nSupposed Schemes to extend Slavery. Party Changes.\\nKnow Nothings.\\nThe boundary line between the United States\\nand Mexico had not, up to the first session of\\nthe thirty-third Congress, (1853-4,) been settled\\nsatisfactorily, under the treaty of Guadalupe\\nHidalgo. There had been a diflference of opin-\\nion between the commissioner and surveyor on\\nthe part of the United States, with regard to\\nthe initial point on the Rio Grande, the former\\nfixing it considerably farther north than the\\nlatter. This was considered a mistake by the\\ngovernment, and the Mexicans taking a still\\nmore northern boundary, a dispute arose upon\\nthis and some other matters between the two\\ngovernments. The minister appointed to Mex-\\nico by President Pierce, Mr. Gadsden, had\\nreceived special instructions, with a view to a\\nsettlement of the matters in dispute. He suc-\\nceeded in negotiating a treaty which added a\\nlarge territory to the United States. The\\ntreaty as negotiated was very much modified\\nby the senate when submitted to that body\\nthe area of territorv to be annexed to the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0616.jp2"}, "617": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n581\\nUnited States being diminished, and the sum\\nto be paid by the United States for this terri-\\ntory, and in consideration of being released\\nfrom the obligation to protect the Mexican\\nfrontier from the Indians, being reduced to ten\\nmillion dollars instead of twenty million dollars.\\nThe boundary between the two republics,\\nretaining the old line between the two Califor-\\nnias, was established by this treaty as follows\\nBeginning in the Gulf of Mexico, three\\nleagues from land, opposite the mouth of the Kio\\nGrande, as provided in the fifth article of the\\ntreaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo thence, as de-\\nfined in said article up the middle of that river\\nto the point where the parallel of 31\u00c2\u00b0 47 north\\nlatitude crosses the same thence due west one\\nhundred miles thence south to the parallel of\\n31\u00c2\u00b0 20 north latitude thence along the said\\nparallel of 31\u00c2\u00b0 20 to the one hundred and\\neleventh meridian of longitude w est of Green-\\nwich thence in a straight line to a point on\\nthe Colorado River twenty English miles below\\nthe junction of the Gila and Colorado Rivers\\nthence up the middle of said River Colorado\\nuntil it intersects the present line between the\\nUnited States and Mexico. This line added\\nto the United States a territory much exceed-\\ning many of the Atlantic states in area, and\\nsubsequently, the inhabitants thereof peti-\\ntioned that it might be set off from New Mexico\\nand erected into a new territory under the\\nname of Arizona. The request, however, was\\nnot granted, on the ground that the population\\nwas so small there was no necessity for a new\\nterritorial government. This treaty also par-\\ntially conceded a grant for a railroad route\\nacross the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, made pro-\\nvision for the payment of claims, and secured\\nother privileges to the citizens of the United\\nStates. The treaty, however, even in its mod-\\nified form, and the bill appropriating the ten\\nmillion dollars to carry it into effect, were not\\npassed without considerable debate.\\nThe relations between the United States and\\nSpain were somewhat disturbed, in the spring\\nof 1854, by a new difficulty at Havana. The\\nsteamer Black Warrior, on her way from New\\nOrleans to New York, touched as usual at Ha-\\nvana to leave and receive passengers. This\\nsteamer had previously aroused some suspi-\\ncions, probably without much cause, on the\\npart of the Cuban authorities, and on this\\noccasion, finding some cotton on board, although\\nher manifest certified she had no cargo, they\\ndeclared the cargo confiscated. The owners\\nrepresented that it was not usual to name\\nin the manifest any cargo not intended for\\nHavana, and that this case had only been ac-\\ncording to repeated precedents. They also\\nclaimed the right of twelve days time to cor-\\nrect any error in the manifest; but this was\\nrefused, and the commander of the steamer\\nhauled down his flag and abandoned the vessel\\nto the Spanish authorities. This affair at once\\naroused the indignation of the people of the\\nUnited States, and in the Southern States the\\nexcitement was intense for a time. It was\\ndemanded that the neutrality laws should be\\nsuspended, so far as Spain was concerned and\\nhad such action been taken, an overwhelming\\nforce of volunteers would soon have been\\norganized to make a descent upon Cuba.\\nSome very strong speeches were made in Con-\\ngress in favor of this or an}^ other mode of\\nseizing Cuba, and thus removing at once the\\nsource of many troubles. But Congress was\\noccupied much with the important domestic\\nquestions which agitated the country, and did\\nnot act in haste. Some time after the occur-\\nrence of the Black Warrior affaii-. Senator Sli-\\ndell, of Louisiana, introduced a resolution au-\\nthorizing the president to suspend the opera-\\ntion of the neutrality laws, so far as Spain is\\nconcerned, whenever in his judgment such a\\nmeasure should be expedient. This resolution,\\nsupported as it was by a speech, which ex-\\npressed strong sentiments against the supposed\\nattempts of France and England to secure the", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0617.jp2"}, "618": {"fulltext": "b82\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nabolition of slavery in Cuba, and in favor of\\nannexing the island to the United States,\\nexcited no little attention, both at home and\\nabroad, especially as at this time Mr. Soule was\\npressing\\nour demands for redress against the\\ngovernment at Madrid, and probably with some\\nvehemence. The resolution was referred to\\nthe committee on foreign relations; but before\\nany action was taken upon the subject, lawless\\nmen in some parts of the country were pre-\\nparing to carry out the idea which Mr. Slidell s\\nresolution suggested, and the president was\\nobliged to issue a proclamation against the\\nattempts which were being made to organize\\nand fit out a military expedition for the in-\\nvasion of Cuba. This proclamation, and the\\ninstructions given to the civil and military offi-\\ncers, together, perhaps, with the remembrance\\nof the fate of Lopez, had the effect to prevent\\nanother foolhardy descent upon the coveted\\nisland. But it was still hoped by some that\\nthe relations between the two governments\\nwould become so unfriendly, that such attempts\\nwould soon not only not be forbidden, but\\nencouraged. Such a hope, perhaps, received\\nsome encouragement from the character and\\nknown sentiments of Mr. Soule. the American\\nminister at Madrid. Prior to his departure\\nfrom the United States he addressed a company\\nof Cuban exiles in New York, when he ex-\\npressed himself in the strongest terms of sym-\\npathy with their cause, and avowed Ijimself in\\nfavor of annexing Cuba, and of doing every\\nthing in his power which became the dignity\\nof the United States to secure the result de-\\nsired. At Madrid, Mr. Soule pressed the Amer-\\nican claims for indemnity with much warmth,\\nand was charged with rendering himself obnox-\\nious in other ways to the Spanish government.\\nHe also had a serious misunderstandinsr with\\nthe secretary of the legation, which did not in\\nits expose add much to the credit of American\\ndiplomacy at the court of Madrid. After a\\nvisit to England, the French government pro-\\nhibited him from entering France, having, it\\nwas said, taken offence at some of his acts\\nwhich expressed sympathy with revolutionary\\nschemes. This prohibition was the cause of\\nsome diplomatic correspondence, and the order\\nwas subsequently modified so as to permit Mr.\\nSoule to jiass through France, but not to make\\nany sojourn there. It was hoped on the one\\nhand, and feared on the other, that the mission\\nof such a diplomatist at Madrid would pre-\\ncipitate matters so as to lead to the acquisi-\\ntion of Cuba, either by conquest or purchase.\\nBut such a result was not brought about at\\nthis time.\\nIt appears, however, that the subject of the\\nacquisition of Cuba was seriously entertained by\\nthe administration and while Mr. Soule was\\nenvoy to Spain, a conference was held between\\nMr. Buchanan, envoy to England, Mr. Mason,\\nenvoy to France, and Mr. Soule, pursuant to\\ncertain confidential instructions sent to them\\nby the administration. This conference, known\\nas the Ostend conference, was held at Ostend,\\nin Belgium, and subsequently at Aix-la-Chapelle,\\nin Prussia. The various subjects of difficulty\\nbetween the United States and Spain relative\\nto Cuba were considered, and the result appears\\nin the following despatch to the secretary of\\nstate, signed by the several ministers above\\nnamed: This document proposed and advo-\\ncated the acquisition of Cuba. The internal\\ncondition of the country, however, appears to\\nhave prevented any earnest attempt to carry\\nout the proposition, even if the administration\\nwas ready to assume the responsibility of such\\na measure.\\nMr. Soule to Mr. Marey.\\nUnited States Legation to Spain,\\nLondon, October 20, 1854. J\\nSir Herewith I have the honor to transmit\\nto you a joint communication from Mr. Bu-\\nchanan, Mr. Mason, and myself, embodying the\\nresult of our deliberations on the subject about\\nwhich we had been desired to confer together.\\n1", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0618.jp2"}, "619": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n583\\nThe issues, witli reference to which we were\\ninstructed to express our judgment, were of too\\nmomentous an import not to tax all the dis-\\ncernment and discretion in our power; and it\\nwas with a deep sense of solemn responsibility\\nthat we entered upon the duties which had\\nbeen assigned to us.\\nMay we have accomplished our task in a\\nmanner not imworthy of the great object for\\nwhich it was conferred on us\\nMy colleagues have had a full view of the\\ndifficulties and dangers which the question pre-\\nsents; and you will see that they have not\\nhesitated to join me in the expression of senti-\\nments according strikingly with the intimations\\nrepeatedly thrown out in your despatches\\nto me.\\nI do not know if we shall be found suffi-\\nciently explicit in the language through which\\nwe have attempted to convey our impressions\\nI trust, however, that it will be found suffi-\\nciently free from ambiguity to.Jeave no room\\neven for a doubt as to its true meaning.\\nThe question of the acquisition of Cuba by\\nus is gaining ground as it grows to be more\\nseriously agitated and considered. Now is the\\nmoment for us to be done with it for if we\\ndelay its solution, we will certainly repent that\\nwe let escape the fairest opportunity we could\\never be furnished with of bringing it to a de-\\ncisive test.\\nPresent indications would seem to encour-\\nage the hope that we may come to that solu-\\ntion peaceably.\\nBut if it were otherwise if it is to bring\\nupon us the calamity of a war let it be now,\\nwhile the great powers of this continent are\\nengaged in that stupendous struggle which\\ncannot but engage all their strength, and tax\\nall their energies, as long as it lasts, and may,\\nbefore it ends, convulse them all.\\nNeither England nor France would be likely\\nto interfere with us.\\n74\\nEngland could not bear to be suddenly shut\\nout of our market, and see her manufactures\\nparalyzed, even by a temporary suspension of\\nher intercourse with us.\\nAnd France, with the heavy task now on\\nher hands, and when she so eagerly aspires to\\ntake her seat as the acknowledged chief of the\\nEuropean family, would have no inducement to\\nassume the burden of another war, nor any\\nmotive to repine at seeing that we took in our\\nkeeping the destinies of the new world, as she\\nwill soon have those of the old.\\nI close this despatch in haste, as I have no\\ntime left me to carry it further.\\nMr. McRae leaves for Liverpool within a\\nfew minutes. I intrust to him details which\\ncould not have easily found a place here, nor\\nin the other despatch. He will impart to yon\\nwhat of my mind I am not able to pour out in\\nthese lines.\\nRespectfully yours,\\nPierre Soule.\\nHon, William L. Marcy, Secretary of State, Sjc.\\nJoint Communication from Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Mason,\\nand Mr. Soiile.\\nAix-la-Chapelle, October 18, 1854.\\nSir The undersigned, in compliance with\\nthe wish expressed by the president in the sev-\\neral confidential despatchef^you have addressed\\nto us, respectively, to that effect, have met, in\\nconference, first at Ostend, in Belgium, on the\\n9th, 10th, and 11th inst., and then at Aix-la-\\nChapelle, in Prussia, on the days next following,\\nup to the date hereof\\nThere has been a full and unreserved inter-\\nchange of views and sentiments between us,\\nwhich we are most happy to inform you has\\nresulted in a cordial coincidence of opinion on\\nthe grave and important subjects submitted to\\nour consideration.\\nWe have arrived at the conclusion, and are\\nthoroughly convinced, that an immediate and\\nearnest effort ought to be made by the govern-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0619.jp2"}, "620": {"fulltext": "584\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nment of the United States to purchase Cuba\\nfrom Spain at any price for which it can be\\nobtained, not exceeding the sum of\\ndollars.\\nThe proposal should, in our opinion, be\\nmade in such a manner as to be presented\\nthrough the necessary diplomatic forms to the\\nSupreme Constituent Cortes about to assemble.\\nOn this momentous question, in which the peo-\\nple both of Spain and the United States are so\\ndeeply interested, all our proceedings ought to\\nbe open, frank, and public. They should be of\\nsuch a character as to challenge the approba-\\ntion of the world.\\nWe firmly believe that, in the progress of\\nhuman events, the time has arrived when the\\nvital interests of Spain are as seriously in-\\nvolved in the sale, as those of the United\\nStates in the purchase, of the island, and that\\nthe transaction will prove equally honorable to\\nboth nations.\\nUnder these circumstances we cannot an-\\nticipate a failure, unless possibly through the\\nmalign influence of foreign powers who possess\\nno riirht whatever to interfere in the matter.\\nWe proceed to state some of the reasons\\nwhich have brought us to this conclusion, and,\\nfor the sake of clearness, we shall specify them\\nunder two distinct heads\\n1. The United States ought, if practicable,\\nto purchase Cuba with as little delay as possible.\\n2. The probability is great that the govern-\\nment and Cortes of Spain will prove willing to\\nsell it, because this would essentially promote\\nthe highest and best interests of the Spanish\\npeople.\\nThen, 1. It must be clear to every reflecting\\nmind that, from the peculiarity of its geo-\\ngraphical position, and the considerations at-\\ntendant on it, Cuba is as necessary to the North\\nAmerican republic as any of its present mem-\\nbers, and that it belongs naturally to that great\\nfamily of states of which the Union is the\\nprovidential nursery.\\nFrom its locality it commands the mouth\\nof the Mississippi, and the immense and annu-\\nally increasing trade which must seek this\\navenue to the ocean.\\nOn the numerous navigable streams, meas-\\nuring an aggregate course of some thirty thou-\\nsand miles, which disembogue themselves\\nthrough this magnificent river into the Gulf\\nof Mexico, the increase of the population with-\\nin the last ten years amounts to more than that\\nof the entire Union at the time Louisiana was\\nannexed to it.\\nThe natural and main outlet to the prod-\\nucts of this entire population, the highway of\\ntheir direct intercourse with the Atlantic and\\nthe Pacific states, can never be secure, but\\nmust ever be endangered, whilst Cuba is a de-\\npendency of a distant power, in whose possession\\nit has proved to be a source of constant an-\\nnoyance and embarrassment to their interests.\\nIndeed, the Union can never enjoy repose,\\nnor possess reliable security, as long as Cuba is\\nnot embraced within its boundaries.\\nIts immediate acquisition by our govern-\\nment is of paramount importance, and we can-\\nnot doubt but that it is a consummation de-\\nvoutly wished for by its inhabitants.\\nThe intercourse which its proximity to our\\ncoasts begets and encourages between them\\nand the citizens of the United States, has, in\\nthe progress of time, so united their interests\\nand blended their fortunes, that they now look\\nupon each other as if they were one people,\\nand had but one destiny.\\nConsiderations exist which render delay in\\nthe acquisition of this island exceedingly dan-\\ngerous to the United States.\\nThe system of immigration and labor lately\\norganized within its limits, and the tyrann} and\\noppression which characterize its immediate\\nrulers, threaten an insurrection at every mo-\\nment which may result in direful consequences\\nto the American people.\\nCuba has thus become to us an unceasing", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0620.jp2"}, "621": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n585\\ndanger, and a permanent cause of anxiety and\\nalarm.\\nBut we need not enlarge on these topics.\\nIt can scarcely be apprehended that foreign\\npowers, in violation of international law, would\\ninterpose their influence with Spain to prevent\\nour acquisition of the island. Its inhabitants\\nare now suffering under the worst of all possi-\\nble governments that of absolute despotism,\\ndelegated by a distant power to irresponsible\\nagents, who are changed at short intervals, and\\nwho are tempted to improve the brief oppor-\\ntunity thus aflfbrded to accumulate fortunes by\\nthe basest means.\\nAs long as this system shall endure, hu-\\n.manity may in vain demand the suppression\\nof the African slave trade in the island. This\\nis rendered impossible whilst that infamous\\ntraffic remains an irresistible temptation and a\\nsource of immense profit to needy and avari-\\ncious officials, who, to attain their ends, scruple\\nnot to trample the most sacred principles\\nunder foot.\\nThe Spanish government at home may be\\nwell disposed, but experience has proved that\\nit cannot control these remote depositaries of\\nits power.\\nBesides, the commercial nations of the\\nworld cannot fail to perceive and appreciate\\nthe great advantages which would result to\\ntheir people from a dissolution of the forced\\nand unnatural connection between Spain and\\nCuba, and the annexation of the latter to the\\nUnited States. The trade of England and\\nFrance with Cuba would, in that event, assume\\nat once an important and profitable character,\\nand rapidly extend with the increasing popula-\\ntion and prosperity of the island.\\n2. But if the United States, and every\\ncommercial nation, would be benefited by this\\ntransfer, the interests of Spain would also be\\ngreatly and essentially promoted.\\nShe cannot but see what such a sum of\\nmoney as we are willing to pay for the iialand\\nwould effect in the development of her vast\\nnatural resources.\\nTwo thirds of this sum, if employed in the\\nconstruction of a system of railroads, would\\nultimately prove a source of greater wealth to\\nthe Spanish people than that opened to their\\nvision by Cortez. Their prosperity would date\\nfrom the ratification of the treaty of cession.\\nFrance has already constructed continuous\\nlines of railways from Havre, Marseilles, Valen-\\nciennes, and Strasbourg, via Paris, to the Span-\\nish frontier, and anxiously awaits the day when\\nSpain shall find herself in a condition to extend\\nthese roads through her northern provinces to\\nMadrid, Seville, Cadiz, Malaga, and the frontiers\\nof Portugal.\\nThis object once accomplished, Spain would\\nbecome a centre of attraction for the ti avelling\\nworld, and secure a permanent and profitable\\nmarket for her various productions. Her fields,\\nimder the stimulus given to industry by remu-\\nnerating prices, would teem with cereal grain,\\nand her vineyards would bring forth a vastly\\nincreased quantity of choice wines. Spain\\nwould speedily become, what a bountiful Prov-\\nidence intended she should be, one of the first\\nnations of continental Europe rich, powerful,\\nand contented.\\nWhilst two thirds of the price of the island\\nwould be ample for the completion of her most\\nimportant public improvements, she might,\\nwith the remaining forty millions, satisfy the\\ndemands now pressing so heavily upon her\\ncredit, and create a sinking fund which would\\ngradually relieve her from the overwhelming\\ndebt now paralyzing her energies.\\nSuch is her present wretched financial con-\\ndition, that her best bonds are sold upon her\\nown Bourse at about one third of their par\\nvalue whilst another class, on which she pays\\nno interest, have but a nominal value, and are\\nquoted at about one sixth of the amount for\\nwhich they were issued. Besides, these latter\\nai e held principally by British creditoi s, who", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0621.jp2"}, "622": {"fulltext": "586\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmay, from day to day, obtain the eflfective\\ninterposition of their own government for the\\npurpose of coercing payment. Intimations to\\nthat effect have been ah eady thrown out from\\nhigh quarters, and unless some new source of\\nrevenue shall enable Spain to provide for such\\nexigencies, it is not improbable that they may\\nbe realized.\\nShould Spain reject the present golden\\nopportunity for developing her resources, and\\nremoving her financial embarrassments, it may\\nnever again return.\\nCuba, in its palmiest days, never yielded\\nher exchequer, after deducting the expenses of\\nits government, a clear annual income of more\\nthan a million and a half of dollars. These\\nexpenses have increased to such a degree as to\\nleave a deficit chargeable on the treasury of\\nSpain to the amount of six hundred thousand\\ndollars.\\nIn a pecuniary point of view, therefore, the\\nisland is an encumbrance, instead of a source\\nof profit, to the mother country.\\nUnder no probable circumstances can Cuba\\never yield to Spain one per cent, on the large\\namount which the United States are willing to\\npay for its acquisition. But Spain is in immi-\\nnent danger of losing Cuba, without remu-\\nneration.\\nExtreme oppression, it is now universally\\nadmitted, justifies any people in endeavoring\\nto relieve themselves from the yoke of their\\noppressors. The sufferings which the corrupt,\\narbitrary, and unrelenting local administration\\nnecessarily entails upon the inhabitants of\\nCuba, cannot fail to stimulate and keep alive\\nthat spirit of resistance and revolution against\\nSpain, which has, of late years, been so often\\nmanifested. In this condition of affairs it is\\nvain to expect that the sympathies of the peo-\\nple of the United States will not be warmly\\nenlisted in favor of their oppressed neighbors.\\nWe know that the president is justly inflex-\\nible in his determination to execute the neu-\\ntrality laws but should the Cubans themselves\\nrise in revolt against the oppression which they\\nsuffer, no human power could prevent citizens\\nof the United States and liberal-minded men\\nof other countries from rushina: to their assist-\\nance. Besides, the present is an age of adven-\\nture, in which restless and daring spirits abound\\nin every portion of the world.\\nIt is not improbable, therefore, that Cuba\\nmay be wrested from Spain by a successful\\nrevolution and in that event she will lose both\\nthe island and the price which we are now\\nwilling to pay for it a price far beyond what\\nwas ever paid by one people to another for\\nany province.\\nIt may also be remarked that the settle^\\nment of this vexed question, by the cession of\\nCuba to the United States, wx)uld forever pre-\\nvent the dangerous complications between na-\\ntions, to which it may otherwise give birth.\\nIt is certain that, should the Cubans them-\\nselves organize an insurrection against the\\nSpanish government, and should other inde-\\npendent nations come to the aid of Spain in the\\ncontest, no human power could, in our opinion,\\nprevent the people and government of the\\nUnited States from taking part in such a civil\\nwar in support of their neighbors and friend.s.\\nBut if Spain, dead to the voice of her own\\ninterest, and actuated by stubborn pride and a\\nfalse sense of honor, should refuse to sell Cuba\\nto the United States, then the question will\\narise. What ought to be the course of the\\nAmerican government under such circum-\\nstances\\nSelf-preservation is the first law of nature,\\nwith states as well as with individuals. All\\nnations have, at different periods, acted upon\\nthis maxim. Although it has been made the\\npretext for committing flagrant injustice, as in\\nthe partition of Poland, and other similar cases\\nwhich history records, yet the principle itself,\\nthough often abused, has always been rec-\\nognized.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0622.jp2"}, "623": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n587\\nThe United States have never acquired a\\nfoot of territory except by fair purchase, or, as\\nin the case of Texas, upon the free and volun-\\ntary application of the people of that independ-\\nent state, who desired to blend their destinies\\nwith our own.\\nEven our acquisitions from Mexico are no\\nexception to this rule, because, although we\\nmight have claimed them by the right of con-\\nquest in a just war, yet we purchased them for\\nwhat was then considered by both parties a\\nfull and ample equivalent.\\nOur past history forbids that we should\\nacquire the Island of Cuba without the consent\\nof Spain, unless justified by the great law of\\nself-preservation. We must, in any event, pre-\\nserve our own conscious rectitude and our own\\nself-respect.\\nWhilst pursuing this course we can afford\\nto disregard the censures of the world, to which\\nwe have been so often and so unjustly exposed.\\nAfter we shall have offered Spain a price\\nfor Cuba far beyond its present value, and this\\nshall have been refused, it will then be time to\\nconsider the question. Does Cuba, in the posses-\\nsion of Spain, seriously endanger our internal\\npeace and the existence of our cherished\\nUnion\\nShould this question be answered in the\\naffirmative, then, by every law, human and\\ndivine, we shall be justified in wresting it from\\nSpain if we possess the power and this upon\\nthe very same principle that would justify an\\nindividual in tearing down the burning house\\nof his neighbor if there were no other means\\nof preventing the flames from destroying his\\nown home.\\nUnder such circumstances we ought neither\\nto count the cost nor regard the odds which\\nSpain might enlist against us. We forbear to\\nenter into the question, whether the present\\ncondition of the island would justify such a\\nmeasure. We should, however, be recreant to\\nour duty, be imworthy of our gallant fore-\\nfathers, and commit base treason against our\\nposterity, should Ave permit Cuba to be Afri-\\ncanized and become a second St. Domingo, with\\nall its attendant horrors to the white race, and\\nsuffer the flames to extend to our own neigh-\\nboring shores, seriously to endanger or actually\\nto consume the fair fabric of our Union.\\nWe fear that the course and current of\\nevents are rapidly tending towards such a\\ncatastrophe. We, however, hope for the best,\\nthough we ought certainly to be prepared for\\nthe worst.\\nWe also forbear to investigate the present\\ncondition of the questions at issue between the\\nUnited States and Spain. A long series of\\ninjuries to our people have been committed in\\nCuba by SjDanish officials, and are unredressed.\\nBut recently a most flagrant outrage on the\\nrights of American citizens and on the flag of\\nthe United States was perpetrated in the har-\\nbor of Havana, under circumstances which,\\nwithout immediate redress, would have justified\\na resort to measures of war in vindication of\\nnational honor. That outrage is not only un-\\natoned, but the Spanish government has delib-\\nerately sanctioned the acts of its subordinates,\\nand assumed the responsibility attaching to\\nthem.\\nNothing could more impressively teach us\\nthe danger to which those peaceful relations it\\nhas ever been the policy of the United States\\nto cherish with foreign nations are constantly\\nexposed than the circumstances of that case.\\nSituated as Spain and the United States are,\\nthe latter have forborne to resort to extreme\\nmeasures.\\nBut this course cannot, with due regard to\\ntheir own dignity as an independent nation,\\ncontinue and our recommendations, now sub-\\nmitted, are dictated by the firm belief that the\\ncession of Cuba to the United States, with stip-\\nulations as beneficial to Spain as those sug-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0623.jp2"}, "624": {"fulltext": "588\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ngested, is the only effective mode of settling\\nall past differences, and of securing the two\\ncountries against future collisions.\\nWe have already witnessed the happy re-\\nsults for both countries which followed a sim-\\nilar arrangement in regard to Florida.\\nYours, very respectfully,\\nJames Buchanan,\\nJ. Y. Mason,\\nPierre Soule.\\nHon. William L. Marcy, Secretary of State.\\nDuring this year (1854) another treaty was\\nnegotiated between the United States and\\nGreat Britain, providing for commercial reci-\\nprocity between the states and the British\\nprovinces. This treaty opened the British fish-\\neries, with the exception of those of New-\\nfoundland, to American fishermen, and gave\\nthe British fishermen a right to participate in\\nAmerican fisheries as far as the thirty-sixth\\ndegree of north latitude. It also provided for\\nfree commerce between the provinces and the\\nUnited States, in flour, breadstuff s, fruits, fish,\\nlumber, animals, and many other articles in an\\nunmanufactured state. Further provisions were\\nmade for free navigation of rivers, and an\\neffort towards a reciprocal opening of canals.\\nThis treaty was required to be ratified by the\\nseveral provincial legislatures, which was\\npromptly done, and the requisite steps were\\ntaken to carry out its provisions. Advantages\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0were reaped on both sides, but it has generally\\nbeen considered that, from the nature of the\\ncase, the British provinces have been the\\ngreatest gainers. Nevertheless, at a much\\nmore recent date, they have proposed to lay a\\ntariff on many articles received through the\\nUnited States under the reciprocity treaty, with\\na view of encouraging the commerce of their\\nown ports. This policy, if carried out, of\\ncourse ends the reciprocity so far, and may lead\\nto an abrogation of the treaty entirely.\\nAmong the acts passed by the- thirty-third\\nCongress, at its first session, was one granting\\nten million acres of the public lands to the\\nseveral states for the benefit of the indigent\\ninsane. This bill was vetoed by the president,\\nwho expressed at length his objections to its\\nprovisions. He denied that the constitution\\nconferred any power on the general govern-\\nment to make such appropriations, and consid-\\nered that it would be a dangerous precedent,\\nand would lead to a reversal of the true theory\\nof the government. He feared, moreover, that\\nif Congress were thus to assume the offices of\\ncharity which properly belong to the local\\nauthorities, the several states, instead of relying\\non their own resources for such objects, would\\nbecome suppliants for the bounty of the fed-\\nei al government, and that the fountains of\\ncharity would thus be dried up at home. He\\nobjected, further, that the public lands are held\\nfor the common benefit of the several states,\\nand that they are also pledged for the payment\\nof certain portions of the public debt. He\\ntherefore was opposed to the principle of the\\nbill, both on the ground of right and expe-\\ndiency.\\nAnother bill which passed through both\\nhouses of Congress was one making appropria-\\ntions for the repair, preservation, and comple-\\ntion of certain public works of internal im-\\nprovement. This bill, which passed at the\\nclose of the session, was also vetoed by the\\npresident, but he did not give his reasons for\\nso doing until the next session, when he sent a\\nmessage to Congress on this subject. In this\\nmessage the president expressed his strong\\nopposition to any internal impi ovements by\\nthe federal government, and his vetoes showed\\nthat he was disposed to adhere to a strict con-\\nstruction of the powers of Congress to make\\nappropriations for any thing beyond the wants\\nof the government.\\nThe expedition to Japan, under Commodore\\nPerry, which had sailed in 1852, for the pur-\\npose of attempting to open that country to", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0624.jp2"}, "625": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n589\\nAmerican commerce, as mentioned in a preced-\\ning book, (page 633,) succeeded in accomplish-\\ning its purpose. Commodore Perry arrived in\\nthe Japanese waters, with quite a formidable\\nsquadron, in the summer of 1853, when, with\\nmuch formality, for the purpose of impressing\\nthe Japanese, he delivered the president s letter\\nto officers appointed to receive it. Having\\ndone this he left, with the declaration that he\\nshould return for a reply, and to accomplish his\\nmission by negotiating a treaty. The next\\nwinter he accordingly returned to the Bay of\\nYedo with his squadron, and met certain Jap-\\nanese -commissioners who were appointed to\\nconfer with him. He then received an answer\\nfrom the imperial government in reply to the\\npresident s letter, and subsequently (March 31,\\n1854) negotiated a treaty of amity, which was\\nthe_ first step towards opening this hitherto\\nsecluded country to the western nations. The\\nfollowing is the reply to the president s letter,\\nwhich is important as being the first step on\\nthe part of the Japanese government towards\\nacceding to the wishes of outside nations\\nTranslation of Ansiver to the Letter of the President to the\\nEmperor of Japan.\\nThe return of your excellency as ambassa-\\ndor of the United States to this empire has\\nbeen expected, according to the letter of his\\nmajesty the president, which letter your excel-\\nlency delivered last year to his majesty the\\nemperor of this empire.\\nIt is quite impossible to give satisfactory\\nanswers at once to all the proposals of your\\ngovernment, as it is most positively forbidden\\nby the laws of our imperial ancestors but for\\nus to continue attached to the ancient laws,\\nseems to misunderstand the spirit of the age\\nhowever, we are governed now by imperative\\nnecessity.\\nAt the visit of your excellency last year to\\nthis empire, his majesty, the former emperor,\\nwas sick, and is now dead. Subsequently, his\\nmajesty, the present emperor, ascended the\\nthrone the many occupations in consequence\\nthereof are not yet finished, and there is no\\ntime to settle other business thoroughly. More-\\nover, his majesty, the new emperor, at the\\naccession to the throne, promised to the princes\\nand high officers of the empire to observe the\\nlaws. It is therefore evident that he cannot\\nnow bring about any alteration in the ancient\\nlaws.\\nLast autumn, at the departure of the Dutch\\nship, the superintendent of the Dutch trade in\\nJapan was requested to inform your govern-\\nment of this event, and a reply in writing has\\nbeen received.\\nAt Nagasaki arrived recently the Eussian\\nambassador to communicate a wish of his gov-\\nernment. He has since left the said place,\\nbecause no answer would be given to any\\nnation that might communicate similar wishes.\\nHowever, we admit the urgency of, and shall\\nentirely comply with, the proposals of your\\ngovernment concerning wood, water, jDrovis-\\nions, and the saving of ships and their crews in\\ndistress. After being informed which harbor\\nyour excellency selects, the harbor shall be\\nprepared; which preparation, it is estimated,\\nwill take about five years. Meanwhile, a com-\\nmencement can be made with the coal at Na-\\ngasaki by the next Japanese first month, (Sio-\\ngoots) [16th of February, 1855.]\\nHaving no precedent with respect to coal,\\nwe request your excellency to furnish us with\\nan estimate, and, upon due consideration, this\\nwill be complied with, if not in opposition to\\nour laws. What do you understand by provis-\\nions, and how much coal\\nFinally, any thing ships may be in want of,\\nthat can be furnished from the productions of\\nthis empire, shall be supplied the prices of\\nmerchandise and articles of barter to be fixed\\nby Kurakawa Kahei and Morgama Yenoske.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0625.jp2"}, "626": {"fulltext": "590\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nAfter settling the points before mentioned, the\\ntreaty can be concluded and signed at the next\\ninterview.\\nSeals attached by order of the high gen-\\ntlemen. MORGAMA YeNOSKE.\\nThe treaty was negotiated on the basis of\\nthe treaty between the United States and\\nChina. It opened certain ports in Japan, to a\\ncertain extent, for American vessels, and se-\\ncured to Americans certain privileges not pre-\\nviously enjoyed by any foreigners in the way\\nof obtaining supplies of provisions, water, and\\ncoal. Although no great advantages were to\\nbe derived immediately from this treaty, it is\\npi obably the foundation of increasing and im-\\nportant benefits in the future. Eussia, France,\\nand England, encouraged by the success of the\\nAmerican expedition, followed in the same\\ncourse, and negotiated similar treaties. More\\nrecently, important concessions have been ob-\\ntained by new treaty engagements negotiated\\nby Mr. Townshend Harris, the United States\\nconsul and diplomatic agent in Japan, who has\\nalso aided the English in securing a favorable\\ntreaty.\\nA less satisfactory expedition was that of the\\nUnited States ship Cyane, which the govern-\\nment considered it necessary to send to San\\nJuan del Norte, or Greytown, in Nicaragua, to\\npunish the inhabitants or rulers for certain\\noffences against the property and rights of\\nthe Transit Company a company com-\\nposed of Americans, but organized under au-\\nthority from the Nicaraguan government, for\\nthe transportation of passengers across the\\nisthmus. In anticipation of the establishment\\nof this route, a considerable number of adven-\\nturers had settled in the old Spanish town at\\nthe mouth of the River San Juan, and at first\\nclaiming allegiance to the pretended sovereign\\nof the Mosquito territory, afterwards assumed\\nan independent position. They claimed juris-\\ndiction over Punta Arenas, a place on the\\nopposite side of the river, where the depot of\\nthe Transit Company was located, and which\\nwas held by a title from the Nicaraguan gov-\\nernment. The company resisted the claim,\\nand thereupon a petty warfare and robbery\\nwas commenced by the people, and, perhaps,\\nby the authorities of Greytown, as the town\\nwas now called. These things had proceeded to\\nsuch a pass, that the interposition of the gov-\\nernment was deemed necessary to protect the\\nlives and property of American citizens. There\\nappeared, however, to be a difficulty in dealing\\nAvith this affair, as the people of Greytown held\\nno allegiance to any established government\\nof which the United States could claim indem-\\nnity for losses or security in the future. They\\nstood before the world as it were upon suf\\nferance, and were regarded by the United\\nStates government as a band of marauders, to\\nbe treated as outlaws. Whether this con-\\nclusion was just, we cannot here decide but\\nacting on this judgment, the government sent\\nthe slooi ofwar Cyane to support a demand\\nthat the people of Greytown should repair the\\ninjuries done to the citizens of the United\\nStates, and make apology for an insult which\\nthey had offered to the United States minister\\nto Nicaragua. The demand was made, and the\\ncommander of the Cyane made every exertion\\nto obtain an adjustment, without resorting to\\nextreme measures but his efforts failed. He\\nthen took measures to guard against a loss of\\nlife, and bombarded the town, almost or wholly\\ndestroying its buildings, and a considerable\\namount of property. This transaction was the\\nsubject of complaint on the part of some for-\\neign powers, the property of whose subjects, it\\nwas alleged, was destroyed by the bombard-\\nment. These complaints, however, were satis-\\nfiictorily disposed of by Mr. Marcy, who argued\\nthat the people, or authorities of Greytown,\\nwere the parties liable for the losses.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0626.jp2"}, "627": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n591\\nThe assembling of a convention of delegates\\nfrom several of the southern states, at Charles-\\nton, in April, 1854, is an event which should\\nbe recorded, rather on account of the expecta-\\ntions of those interested, than of any impoi*-\\ntant results which have as yet followed. It\\nwas held for the purpose of devising measures\\nto promote the interests and independence of\\nthe slaveholding section of tlie Union. The\\nproject of a railroad to the Pacific by a south-\\nern route was the principal topic of discussion,\\nand the opinion of the convention was that\\nsuch a road ought to be constructed by the\\nSouthern States. Eesolutionswere also adopted\\nin favor of acquiring the right to navigate the\\nRiver Amazon, of promoting manuflictures in\\nthe south, and of opening direct commercial\\nintercourse with Europe the object of all\\nbeing to make the Southern States independent\\nof the Northern States. Since that time sev-\\nei al similar conventions have been held for the\\nsame purpose, and various interests of the\\nSouthern States have been discussed, even to\\na reopening of the slave trade. The conven-\\ntions have all passed resolutions in favor of\\nmeasures to promote the prosperity and inde-\\npendence of the slaveholding states, but the\\npractical results have not been very manifest.\\nIt was perhaps the language used in the\\nCharleston convention, as well as by the south-\\nern press, together with the Cuban invasions\\nwhich were known to be attempted, and other\\nevents of the year, and the recent repeal of\\nthe Missouri compromise, that induced the\\nopponents of the latter measure in Congress,\\nin a protest which they issued subsequent to\\nits passage, to ascribe that passage to a scheme\\nwhich looked to a wider extension of slavery\\nto the annexation of Cuba and portions of\\nMexico at any cost, whether of money or blood\\nto a war with England, France, and Spain,\\nand an alliance with Eussia to the immediate\\nannexation of the eastern portion of St. Do-\\nmingo, with a view to the ultimate conquest of\\n75\\nthe whole island to an alliance with Brazil,\\nand the extension of slavery in the valley of\\nthe Amazon and, finally, to the withdrawal\\nof the slaveholding states from the Union, and\\nthe establishment of a separate empire in the\\ncentral regions of the continent. This protest\\nwas assailed with ridicule and severity by rep-\\nresentatives of the Southern States. Whether\\nsuch schemes were widely considered or not,\\nthe results have not been altogether realized,\\nthough it is by no means improbable that some\\nsuch designs really occupied the minds of a few.\\nThe year 1854 was a memorable one in the\\nhistory of parties in the United States, and\\nsome most imexpected revolutions took place,\\nin which a new party, popularly styled Know\\nNothings, succeeded to the power held by the\\nWhigs or Democrats in different states and cities.\\nTen or twelve years before this, a strong senti-\\nment of opposition to political action by per-\\nsons of foreign birth had grown up, especially\\nin some of the large cities. This feeling led to\\nsome serious collisions between native citizens\\nand foreigners, and riot and bloodshed followed.\\nA Native American party was organized, and\\nin some places, as in Philadelphia, partially\\nsucceeded for a time. But issues of more\\ngeneral interest to the country, and of more\\npressing consequence, overshadowed this ques-\\ntion, which affected directly only portions of\\nthe country, and the Native American party\\ngradually resolved into its original elements.\\nBut the elements still existed, and it seems that\\nit was only necessary that an opportimity\\nshould offer for them to be more effectually\\norganized. The decay and dissolution of one\\nof the great parties of the country the\\nWhigs in consequence of its defeat in the\\npresidential election of 1852, and the rise of\\nquestions on which it was divided, offered an\\nopportunity for such a reorganization of the\\nNative American party, and it was improved in\\na most remarkable manner. One or more\\nsecret orders of Americans already existed, and", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0627.jp2"}, "628": {"fulltext": "592\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nit was upon the basis of such secret societies\\nthat the new party was built up. Its cardinal\\nprinciples were Anaericanism and Protestantism\\nthat Americans shall rule America, and\\nthat this rule should exclude the influence of\\nany other power, political or ecclesiastical. It\\nAvas not difficult to find supporters among a\\npeople who really cherished both these senti-\\nments at heart and when, too, the indefinable\\ncharm of secrecy was thrown over the move-\\nment it succeeded beyond all precedent. It\\nwas essentially democratic in some respects,\\nand despotic and aristocratic in others in the\\nformer character it appealed to the middling\\ninterest and laboring portion of the commu-\\nnity, while in the latter it was enabled to carry\\nforward its purposes more effectually. The\\norganization, once fairly begun, extended very\\nrapidly over almost the whole country. Its\\nstrength was known only to the members of\\nthe party, and so secretly were its operations\\ncarried on, that the other political parties knew\\nbut little about it, except that it existed and\\nwas rumored to be strong in numbers. The\\nparty first made itself felt at municipal elec-\\ntions in several of the states, where it tri-\\numphed in a manner which overwhelmed its\\nopponents with surprise and consternation.\\nIn the state elections it next appeared, and\\ncarried several of the states in a manner\\nequally surprising, and in some instances with\\nunprecedented majorities. It is to be regretted\\nthat the peaceful contest of the ballot-box was\\nin some cases attended with riot and bloodshed.\\nAlthough this new American party was com-\\nposed, in part, of those who had before acted\\nwith the Democratic party, the mass of it would\\nappear to have been those who had previously\\nacted with the Whigs, and, in some of the\\nstates, with the Free-soil party. Its position,\\ntherefore, on the slavery question, was adverse\\nto that of the Democratic party, and, in some\\nparts of the Union, the party was fully com-\\nmitted to strong Free-soil sentiments. The\\ngeneral result of the elections in 1854-55 was\\nthe choice of a small majority of American and\\nFree-soil or Kepublican members of the house\\nof representatives in the next Congress, as well\\nas of state officers. The Whigs who had sup-\\nported the repeal of the Missouri compromise\\npassed at once, or by degrees, into the Dem-\\nocratic party, and the old Whig party, as such,\\nlost its organization, and almost entirely disap-\\npeared from the political field.\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nThirty-third Congress, second Session. Financial Prosperity.\\nHonor to General Scott. Presidential Vetoes. French\\nSpoliation Bill. American Diplomacy in Europe. Kinney s\\nExpedition to Central America. Kansas. Population.\\nElection Frauds and Violence. Governor Reeder. Course\\nof the Legislature. Code of Laws. Removal of Governor\\nReeder. Governor Shannon. Delegate to Congress. To-\\npeka Convention. Leavenworth Convention. Exasperation\\nand Collisions among Settlers. Invasion from Missouri.\\nDanish Sound Dues. Dr. Kane s Arctic Expedition. Re-\\nturn of the Resolute.\\nWhile parties were yet in a transition state,\\nthe second session of the thirty-third Congress\\nwas held. Whatever the condition of affairs\\nin the United States in other respects, at this\\ntime, its finances were in a flourishing state.\\nThe president s message stated that the avail-\\nable resources for the year were nearly ninety-\\nfive millions five hundred thousand dollars the\\nordinary expenditures, fifty-one millions eigh-\\nteen thousand two hundred and forty-nine dol-\\nlars payment on the public debt, twenty-four\\nmillions three hundred and thirty-six thousand\\nthree hundred and eighty dollars leaving a\\nbalance in the treasury of twenty millions one\\nhundred and thirty-seven thousand nine hun-\\ndred and sixty-seven dollars. The public debt\\nremaining unpaid was about forty-five millions\\ndollars, payable at different periods within\\nfourteen years. The receipts from the tariff\\ncontinued to be so large that, when possible,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0628.jp2"}, "629": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n593\\nthe public debt had been redeemed in advance\\nof its maturity, and the prospective income\\npromised to exceed, by many millions, the\\nwants of an economical administration of the\\ngovernment an embarrassment which na-\\ntions do not often experience.\\nThe proceedings of Congress at this session\\ndo not require special mention. There were,\\nin the debates, occasional discussions of some\\nwarmth in relation to the repeal of the Mis-\\nsouri compromise, and the condition of affairs\\nin Kansas but the state of parties in the\\ncountry was so changed from the previous\\nyear, and so unsettled, that quiet generally\\npi evailed, and no measure, involving the prin-\\nciples in which so much interest was felt, was\\nbrought in to renew and continue the agitation.\\nAmong the measures adopted was one which\\npaid a well-deserved honor to that distinguished\\nsoldier. General Winfield Scott. A joint res-\\nolution was passed by Congress, authorizing\\nthe president to confer the title of lieutenant-\\ngeneral by brevet, in a single instance, for dis-\\ntinguished services. This title was conferred\\non General Scott, whom Congress and the\\nnation intended to be thus justly honored.\\nThe title took effect from the time of the close\\nof the Mexican war, and carried with it the\\npay and emoluments from that time. Another\\nmeasure of some importance which was adopted,\\nwas the establishment of a Court of Claims, for\\nthe purpose of hearing and adjudicating claims\\nagainst the government, the report of the\\ncourt going to Congress for final action. An-\\nother reorganized the diplomatic and consular\\nservice, fixing the salaries of ministers accord-\\ning to the grade of their mission, and giving\\nconsuls fixed salaries instead of fees. A retired\\nlist in the navy was provided for, and four regi-\\nments were added to the army.\\nAt this session President Pierce again exer-\\ncised the veto power, in two instances. A bill\\ncalculated to do tardy justice to many honest\\nand some suffering claimants was passed, au-\\nthorizing the establishment of a commission to\\ninvestigate and pay the losses sustained by\\nAmerican citizens from French spoliations on\\nAmerican commerce. These claims had been\\nbefore Congress for a long time, and several\\ntimes, when it was supposed they were about\\nto be allowed, some fiiilure occurred which\\ndeferred their hopes. The government had\\nassumed the payment of the claims, in its\\nnegotiations with the French government, and\\nit seemed but just to those who had suffered\\nthat they should be promptly paid. The chief\\nargument urged against the payment of the\\nclaims was, that they had passed into the hands\\nof other parties in many cases, and often for a\\ntrifling consideration. This, however, was not\\nthe case universally, and the fact, that in the\\ncourse of many years necessity had obliged\\nsome sufferers to part with their claims, proved\\nonly that the payment should have been made\\nlong before. This bill, which had, after long\\ntrial, passed both houses of Congress, was\\nvetoed by the president, and failing to receive\\nthe requisite two-thirds vote on the question\\nof passing it over the veto, the long-pressed\\nclaims remained unsatisfied, notwithstanding:\\nthe treasui y was overflowing. The other bill\\nwhich failed to receive the executive approval\\nwas one to increase the annual appropriation\\nto the Collins line of steamers for mail service.\\nBut this bill, with an amendment which retained\\nto Congress the right to discontinue the allow-\\nance on giving six months notice, was appended\\nto the naval appropriatfon bill, and in this way\\npassed both houses and became a law.\\nIt was on the last day of the session,\\nMarch 3, 1855, that the president transmitted\\nto Congress the correspondence relating to\\nCuba and claims against Spain, including the\\nOstend conference, which we have given in a\\nprevious page. Had this subject come before\\nCongress earlier in the session, it would prob-\\nably have elicited a spirited debate, involving\\na discussion of the extension of slave territory", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0629.jp2"}, "630": {"fulltext": "594\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nas well as the policy of annexing a population\\nso different from that of the United States.\\nIt may be stated here that American diplo-\\nmacy had not been idle in other parts of Europe,\\nduring the preceding year. Mr. Buchanan was\\nendeavoring to make a settlement of the mis-\\nunderstanding which had arisen between the\\nUnited States and England, in relation to Cen-\\ntral American affairs. Negotiations had been\\nproceeding in Denmark with a view to secure\\nthe abolition of the Sound dues. The war\\nbetween the western powers and Russia had\\nafforded an opportunity to ^iropose conventions\\nwith the several powers of Europe, embracing\\nthe rule that free ships make free goods, and\\nalso that neutral property, other than contra-\\nband, on board enemies ships, should be exempt\\nfrom confiscation. Russia had promptly en-\\ntered into such a convention; England and\\nFrance announced their purpose to observe it\\nin the present war some of the smaller powers\\nassented to the doctrine as just, without form-\\ning any treaty and Prussia accepted it with\\nan addition that privateering should be abol-\\nished a proposition not agreed to by our\\ngovernment. Although the rule was not\\nadopted by all the powers, it is quite probable\\nthat it will in time enter into the international\\ncode as a settled principle. In Central Amer-\\nica, an emigrating expedition organized by a\\nColonel Kinney and others, and designed to\\nsettle in that part of Nicaragua known as the\\nMosquito Coast and claimed to belong to the\\nMosquito king, but also claimed by Nicaragua,\\nwas the occasion of some diplomatic correspond-\\nence. It was not, however, an affair which really\\nconcerned the government at that stage, and\\nhardly enters into the history of this countrj^\\nNor was diplomacy at rest in the Sandwich\\nIslands, where a treaty for the annexation of\\nthe islands to the United States was framed,\\nwith some prospect of its being carried to a\\nsuccessful result but the king dying, his suc-\\ncessor ordered a discontinuance of negotiations,\\nand the project was not consummated.\\nAfter the adjournment of Congress, public\\nattention was soon directed to affairs in Kan-\\nsas, where an election of members of the ter-\\nritorial legislature took place on the 30tli of\\nMarch. A census was taken, by order of the\\ngovei uor, in January, when it appeared that\\nthere were eight thousand five hundred and\\none inhabitants in the territory, exclusive of\\nIndians. Of these, five, thousand one hundred\\nand twenty-eight were males, and three thou-\\nsand three hundred and seventy-three females\\nand three thousand four hundred and sixty-nine\\nwere minors, and there were two thousand\\nnine hundred and five voters. At the time of\\nthe election the number of voters was probably\\nsomewhat increased by the arrival of new setr\\ntiers, but it is not probable that the number\\nexceeded three thousand five hundred. There\\nwere, however, six thousand three hundred and\\ntwenty votes cast, and all the persons elected,\\nboth to the council and the house of represent-\\natives, with one exception in each branch, were\\nthe candidates of the pro-slavery party, and\\nsome of them residents of Missouri. It was\\napparent from the vote, as well as from the\\nevents and proceedings of the day, that the\\nelection was fraudulent, and the subsequent\\ninvestigations of a committee of the house of\\nrepresentatives in Congress revealed the ex-\\ntent of the fraud. It appeared that about five\\nthousand illegal votes were cast, nearly or quite\\nall of which were given by citizens or residents\\nof Missouri, who entered the territory a day or\\ntwo before the election, and left it again a day\\nor two after it. The congressional committee,\\nin their report, say,\\nBy an organized movement, which extended\\nfrom Andrew County in the north to Jasper\\nCounty in the south, and as far eastward as\\nBoone and Cole Counties, companies of men\\nwere arranged in regular parties, and sent into", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0630.jp2"}, "631": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n595\\nevery council district in the territory, and into every\\nrepresentative district but one. The numbers\\nwere so distributed as to conti ol the election\\nin each district. They went to vote, and with\\nthe avowed pux pose of making Kansas a\\nslave state. They were generally armed and\\nequipped, carried with them their own provis-\\nions and tents, and so marched into the terri-\\ntory. The details of this invasion, from the\\nmass of testimony taken by your committee,\\nare so voluminous, that we can here state but\\nthe leading facts elicited.\\nThe facts thus elicited were, that the in-\\nvaders took possession of the polls, and by\\nthreats and violence prevented legitimate vo-\\nters from exercising their privilege or the\\nlatter, in some cases, finding the polls in the\\npossession of armed Missourians, refused to\\nparticipate in the election. The details of the\\nfraudulent and riotous proceedings in many of\\nthe voting precincts were stated by the com-\\nmittee, and were proved by a large number of\\nwitnesses, of all parties, residents of Missouri\\nas well as of Kansas.\\nThis violation of the rights of actual settlers\\naroused the greatest indignation throughout\\nthe territory, and the flame soon spread through\\nthe country. The frauds were so apparent,\\nthat the elections might have been set aside in\\nnearly all the districts, had there been time to\\ncontest them and to present the facts. But\\nfour days only being allowed for the presenta-\\ntion of protests, and the territory being so\\nlarge, it was impossible to take the necessary\\nsteps and get the evidence before the governor\\nwithin that time. Protests were sent in from\\nsix districts, however, and the frauds were so\\nproven that new elections were ordered. In\\nLeavenworth there was another invasion, but\\nin the other districts the free state party had a\\nlarge majority of the votes.\\nDuring this period there were many scenes\\nof violence in the territory, the pro-slavery\\nparty mostly residents of Missouri being\\ndetermined to drive out the free state settlers\\nand make Kansas a slave state. If, subse-\\nquently, parties of the free state men also\\ncommitted outrages, such a course is without\\ndoubt to be attributed to the violence and\\nbloodshed with which they were assailed from\\nthe beginning by the men who were known\\nthroughout the land as border rufl ans.\\nGovernor Eeeder rendered himself obnoxious\\nto the pro-slavery party by refusing certificates\\nof election in the cases where frauds had been\\nproved, and they resolved that the new elec-\\ntion should be held void. The governor visited\\nthe east after the elections, and on his return\\nhe was assailed by one of the leading men of\\nthat party in a very violent manner, and from\\nthis time he was held of no account by the\\nparty which controlled the legislature. When\\nthe legislature assembled, they ousted the sev-\\neral members chosen at the second election,\\nand gave their places to the members fraudu-\\nlently elected at the first election. They also\\nexpelled the only free state member of the\\ncouncil, elected at the first election, and gave\\nthe seat to his competitor and the free state\\nmember of the house then resigned. They\\nhad been convened by the governor at Pawnee,\\nbut they passed a bill adjourning to the Shaw-\\nnee Mission, a place but one mile from the\\nMissouri line. This bill was vetoed by the\\ngovernor, but was passed over the veto by a\\ntwo-thirds vote. The governor then declared\\nthe legislature dissolved by the act of removal,\\nas in his opinion the organic act vested the\\npower of fixing the seat of government in the\\ngovernor. But the legislature adjourned, not-\\nwithstanding the arguments of the governor,\\nand at the Shawnee Mission they proceeded to\\nlegislate.\\nThis work was accomplished by taking a\\ngreat part of the Missouri code, with additional\\nprovisions, more stringent, substituting the\\nword territory for state wherever neces-\\nsary, and this, in some cases, by a separate", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0631.jp2"}, "632": {"fulltext": "696\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nbill. In this way, in the course of a compar-\\natively short session, they passed a code of\\nlaws which made a large volume, equalling in\\nbulk the revised codes of some of the older\\nstates. Among the acts passed were such as\\nthese giving the right to vote to any man,\\nwithout regard to residence, on the payment\\nof one dollar, and taking oaths to support the\\nKansas act and the fugitive slave law requir-\\ning all officers to take the same oaths making\\nall county and local officers elective by the\\nlegislature instead of the people; forbidding\\nthe teaching of negroes to read, and the hold-\\ning of religious meetings of negroes, unless a\\nsheriff, constable, or county justice should be\\npresent; forbidding any person who was con-\\nscientiously opposed to holding slaves, or who\\ndid not admit the right to hold slaves in the\\nterritory, from acting as a juror in any case\\nconnected with slavery prescribing the pen-\\nalty of death for inciting rebellion among the\\nslaves, by speaking, writing, or printing, or for\\nenticing or assisting any slave to escape from\\nhis master with other similar provisions, de-\\nsigned to establish slavery in the territory, and\\nto bear oppressively upon the free state settlers.\\nThe legislature concluded its labors by sending\\na memorial to the president requesting him to\\nremove Governor Eeeder.\\nThis request was seconded by persons of\\ninfluence with the administration, and charges\\naffecting the official integrity of the governor\\nwere presented. Whether these charges were\\nwell founded or not, it was clear that the gov-\\nernor was not cooperating with the party which\\nsympathized with the administration, and he\\nwas removed. After a brief season, in which\\nMr. Woodson, the territorial secretary, was act-\\ning governor, Wilson Shannon, of Ohio, was\\nappointed as Governor Reeder s successor.\\nSuch legislation as that adopted by the ter-\\nritorial legislature naturally aroused great in-\\ndignation among the actual settlers of the ter-\\nritory, and many of those who had emigrated\\nfrom Missouri, and who had at first sympathized\\nwith the pro-slavery party, took ground against\\nthese acts, and sided with the free state men.\\nA mass convention was held at Lawrence, where\\nresolutions were adopted repudiating the action\\nof a legislature which had been imposed upon\\nthe territory by the peojDle of Missouri. A\\nconvention of settlers from all parts of the\\nterritory was subsequently held, where similar\\nresolutions were adopted, and the people were\\ncalled upon to unite in the resistance of usur-\\npation, even by force of arms, if necessary.\\nEx-Governor Eeeder was nominated for del-\\negate to Congress, to be voted for in October.\\nBut to guard against another invasion, which\\nshould prevent a proper expression of the\\nwishes of the actual settlers, as well as to repu-\\ndiate the law requiring test oaths of voters, it\\nwas resolved to vote on the 9th of October,\\nand to abstain from voting on the 1st, the day\\nfixed by the territorial legislature for the elec-\\ntion. The result was, that Mr. Whitfield was\\nelected on the 1st, and Mr. Eeeder on the 9th\\nbut it was claimed that the latter received a\\nlarger vote than the former, and was the choice\\nof a very large majority of the actual inhabit\\nants of the territory. It was for the national\\nhouse of representatives to decide which was\\nentitled to the seat.\\nIt should be observed that the free state men\\nwho thus organized against the pro-slavery\\nparty of Missourians, were by no means ab-\\nolitionists, but men who felt that it was for\\nthe interest of free white labor, and for the\\ninterest of Kansas, that slavery should be ex-\\ncluded from the territory. They repudiated\\nthe charge of abolitionism, and in one of their\\nresolutions expressed a determination that no\\nnegro, bond or free, should be brought into the\\nstate. They also claimed, as American citizens\\nand under the organic act, the right to make\\nlaws for themselves, and not to have obnoxious\\nlaws hnposed upon them by the people of a\\nneighboring state. Whatever may have been", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0632.jp2"}, "633": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n597\\nthe mistakes they made, or the violent pro-\\nceedings alleged against some of them, thej\\nrightfully organized on the principles just\\nnamed.\\nAt the same time that Ex-Govenior Reeder\\nwas elected to Congress, the free state men\\nchose delegates to attend a convention for the\\npurpose of framing a state constitution, with\\nthe view of applying to Congress for admission\\ninto the Union. This convention was held at\\nTopeka, in the latter part of October, 1855.\\nIt was composed of men of all shades of polit-\\nical opinion, and coming from every part of\\nthe Union, but they were united in a common\\npurpose to make Kansas a free state. There\\nwas considerable ability, and every vai iety of\\ncharacter there, and the members, bringing to-\\ngether the principles and ideas of the constitu-\\ntions of the states from which they had emi-\\ngrated, succeeded in framing a constitution\\nwhich would compare favorably with that of\\nany western state. It provided that slavery\\nshould not exist in the state, but permitted\\nthose slaves then in the territory to be held in\\nit till July 4th, 1857. Provisions were made\\nfor education, and for an elective judiciary, with\\nthe other provisions for the organization and\\nchoice of the state government. Two addenda\\nwere also made, to be submitted as separate\\narticles to the vote of the people. One of\\nthese was a provision for a free banking sys-\\ntem, and the other was a resolution of instruc-\\ntions to the first legislature, requiring them to\\npass a law to exclude free blacks from the\\nstate. The latter provision was adopted as an\\nillustration that the free state men were not\\nthe abolitionists they were charged with\\nbeing by their opponents.\\nSoon after the Topeka convention, the pro-\\nslavery party held a convention at Leaven-\\nworth, at which Governor Shannon presided,\\nand was one of the principal speakers. This\\nconvention was styled a law and order con-\\nvention, as it was in favor of supporting and\\nenforcing the laws passed by the legislature at\\nthe Shawnee Mission. The course of the free\\nstate men was condemned in the strongest\\nterms, and the Topeka convention was called a\\ntreasonable assembly, which, if. recognized by\\nCongress, would lead to civil war.\\nUndoubtedly the opponents of the free state\\nsettlers looked upon Kansas as, of right, be-\\nlonging to the slaveholding portion of the\\nUnion. The repeal of the Missouri compro-\\nmise was regarded by them as intended to\\nopen this territory unquestionably to slavery,\\nand any thing which was done to make it a\\nfree state, even the mere emigration of free\\nstate settlers, was considered by them as an\\ninvasion of their rights. Many of these men\\nwere, without doubt, honest in their opinions,\\nbut their rough mode of dealing with affairs,\\nand the exciting character of the question at\\nissue, carried them to extremes in their deter-\\nmination to protect their assumed rights, and\\nthey resorted to violence in order to defeat,\\ndishearten, and drive out the free state settlers.\\nWhile men of both parties thus became ex-\\nasperated on political issues, there were fre-\\nquent collisions in relation to claiins of lands,\\nand in case the disputants were on different\\nsides of the great question, the quarrels became\\nviolent, and ended in many cases in bloodshed.\\nBut even here it is only justice to say, that the\\nviolence was commenced and was carried to\\nthe greatest extremes by those who contended\\nthat slavery was of right to be established in\\nthe territory. They were, for the most part,\\nmen more accustomed to such proceedings\\nthan were the free state settlers. It was one\\nof these collisions, in which a free state man\\nwas shot, that led by degrees to a state of\\ncivil war. A prisoner arrested by one of the\\nsheriffs of the legislature at the Shawnee\\nMission, upon the charge of having some con-\\nnection with the original difficulty, was res-\\ncued, as it was alleged, by a party of free\\nstate men. The sheriff called on the governor", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0633.jp2"}, "634": {"fulltext": "598\\nHISTORY OF THE UxNITED STATES.\\nand the governor called out the militia. This\\nled to a great excitement on the borders of\\nMissouri, and those who had been so ready to\\ncross over the border to vote, were equally\\nready to go ovar and fight. They entered the\\nterritory in considerable numbers, were duly\\nenrolled, and marched on Lawrence, the head-\\nquarters of those who resisted the laws.\\nThey encamped about the town as if about to\\nattack it, and the free state settlers as nearly\\nall the people of Lawrence were prepared\\nto resist them but fortunately there was no\\narme d collision. Governor Shannon was pres-\\nent, and after a time peace was restoi e d, and,\\nby the governor s orders, the invading army\\nretired. But the irritation remained on both\\nsides. The free state settlers felt that their\\nrights were to be protected only by their own\\nstrength and resolution, and their opponents\\nwere by no means satisfied with the part they\\nhad played in the recent demonstration. Gov-\\nernor Shannon came out of the affair not much\\nrespected by either party. Matters were in\\nthis imsatisfactory state when the thirty-foiu th\\nCongress assembled.\\nThe negotiations with Denmark, alluded to\\non a previous page, in relation to the Sound\\ndues, not having accomplished any thing sat-\\nisfactory, the president, in the spring of 1855,\\ngave notice to the Danish government that the\\ntreaty of commerce which recognized the right\\nto levy these dues, would be terminated at the\\nexpiration of a year, and that the right would\\nno longer be admitted by the United States.\\nThe Danish government endeavored to have\\nthe time postponed, in view of the unsettled\\ncondition of Europe, but the notification was\\nnot withdrawn. This action on the part of the\\nUnited States led to more active negotiations\\non the part of other powers with Denmark,\\nwith a view to bring the matter to an early\\nsettlement, the negotiations to that end having\\nbeen pending for a long time.\\nAn event which may well be recorded in the\\nhistory of our country, was the return, in Oc-\\ntober of this year, (1855,) of Dr. Kane and his\\nsurviving companions, who, in 1853, had sailed\\nfor the Arctic seas in search of some trace of\\nthe long missing Sir John Franklin. Dr. Kane\\nhad been an oflficer in the previous American\\nexpedition in search of the lost explorers, and\\nhe responded to the last appeal of Lady Frank-\\nlin for a search for some trace of her husband s\\nparty. It was believed, too, that a part of the\\ncrew of the British ship might yet be living\\namong the Esquimaux, and without the means\\nof escaping from the regions of ice. The ves-\\nsel was furnished through the liberality of Mr.\\nGrinnell, a New York merchant, who had also\\nfurnished the vessels of the preceding expedi-\\ntion. It received the favor of, and some aid\\nfrom, the government, by which Dr. Kane, who\\nwas a sui geon in the navy, was authorized to\\ntake command, under the orders of the navy\\ndepartment. The crew of the vessel consisted\\nof only seventeen persons, and were selected\\nfor their qualifications for this service. Sailing\\nfrom New York, May 31, 1853, the expedition\\nwas frozen in, September 10, at the most north-\\nerly point on the coast of Greenland which had\\nbeen reached. There the party passed the\\nwinter, enduring the most intense cold, biit\\nkeeping up health and spirits, through the care,\\nenergy, and prudence of the noble commandei\\nThe next summer was spent in exploring, and\\nthe most northerly point ever reached on this\\ncontinent was attained, and signs of an open\\npolar sea were discovered. The succeeding\\nwinter was of greater severity than the first,\\nand, the party perhaps not being so well pre-\\npared to endure the hardships to which they\\nwere -exposed, their sufferings were terrible.\\nNothing but the indomitable will and energy\\nof their leader carried the party through the\\nseverities of that winter. It would have been\\nimpossible for them to have endured another\\nwinter, and Dr. Kane, therefore, in the succeed-\\ning summer, determined to abandon his vessel,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0634.jp2"}, "635": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n505)\\nstill frozen in the ice, and to attempt to reach\\nthe Danish settlements by means of sledges\\nand open boats. His strong will and skill,\\naided by the hearty cooperation of his men,\\nmade the attempt successful, and they reached\\nthe most northern Danish settlements early in\\nAugust, having travelled thirteen hundred\\nmiles in eighty-one days. In the mean time\\nmuch anxiety was felt at home for the intrepid\\nexplorers, and the government despatched\\nLieutenant Hartstene, with a bark and small\\nsteamer, in search of them. This relief expe-\\ndition fortunately fell in with the returning\\nparty at the Danish settlement, and brought\\nthem home, three of the party having died in\\nthe Arctic regions. The retui n of Dr. Kane\\nand his party was hailed with joy throughout\\nthe country, and was a subject of much con-\\ngratulation in England.*\\nNear the close of 1855, another event con-\\nnected with the search for Sir John Franklin\\noccurred, with which the country subsequently\\nbecame connected through the government,\\nthus makisg it a matter of national history.\\nThe captain of a New London whaler brought\\ninto that port the British bark Resolute, be-\\nlonging to the expedition sent out by the Brit-\\nish government in search of Sir John Franklin,\\nunder Sir Edward Belcher. This bark, under\\nthe command of Captain Kellett, had been\\nfrozen up in the Arctic regions, and abandoned\\nas hopelessly ice-bound. She afterwards drifted\\nThe Arctic Explorations of Dr. Kane were published in two\\nhandsome volumes of absorbing interest. They have been widely\\nread, and the name of the gallant adventurer became a house-\\nhold word in all parts of the country. Dr. Kane s health was\\nmuch impaired by his exposure and sufferings, and after com-\\npleting these volumes he went to Cuba, seeking its restoration.\\nBut the disease was too deeply seated, and he died in Havana,\\nFebruary 16, 1S37. His heroic life has been the theme of many\\nan eloquent discourse, and his name will long be remembered\\namong those recorded in history.\\n76\\nwith the ice southward, and was found by our\\nhardy whalemen nearly a thousand miles from\\nthe place where she was frozen in. Her arma-\\nment and stores were complete, and every thing\\nin the state in which she had been left, except\\nas aflected by the exposure to the weather.\\nAlthough in not the most seaworthy condition,\\nthe captain of the whaler put what crew could\\nbe spared from his vessel on board his prize,\\nand brought her safely into New London har-\\nbor. Congress subsequently voted forty thou-\\nsand dollars for the purchase and refitting of\\nthe Resolute, and after putting her in com-\\nplete repair she was sent, under conmiand of\\nLieutenant Hartstene, to be presented, in the\\nname of the United States, to the British gov-\\nernment. This mark of good feeling, on the\\npart of this countr} was received with great\\nsatisfaction by the people and government of\\nEngland.\\nA short time before this opportunity occurred\\nfor a display of good will by the United States and\\nEngland, there was a slight speck of war seen\\nin the distance. The fiUibustering expeditions\\nwhich were fitted out, and rumored to be fitting\\nout, in the United States, served to arouse the\\nsuspicions and vigilance of the British govern-\\nment, and they increased the strength of their\\nWest India squadron, while some of the Eng-\\nlish papers were quite belligerent in their tone.\\nThis feeling was aroused in part, probably, by\\nthe prosecution of certain parties who were\\nprocuring recruits in this country for the Eng-\\nlish army in the Crimea and some of the\\nEnglish seemed to think that while the govern-\\nment were very vigilant in this direction, they\\nwere winking at grosser violations of the neu-\\ntrality laws, which had Cuba or Central Amer-\\nica for an object. These difficulties were of\\nshort duration, however, at this time, and ex-\\nplanations soon settled them.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0635.jp2"}, "636": {"fulltext": "600\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nCHAPTER V.\\nfhirty-fourth Congress. Organization of the House. Choice\\nof Speaker. President s Message. Kansas Affairs. Spe-\\ncial Message. Delegates contested Seat. Election under\\nTopeka Constitution, and Organization of State Government.\\nMemorial for Admission to the Union. Excitement against\\nFree State Settlers. Investigation of Frauds and Outrages.\\nAffairs at Lawrence. United States Marshal s Proceedings.\\nAttack on Lawrence, and Destruction of Property.\\nThe thirty-fourth Congress commenced its\\nfirst session December od, 1855. The elections\\nbad resiilted in a return of a small majority of\\nmembers opposed to the administration. This\\nmajority was composed of Americans and Ee-\\npublicans, the latter party having in some of\\nthe states met with more success than the\\nAmericans. The two jsarties embraced much\\nof the .strength of the old Whig party, and\\nthey were both opposed to the Kansas-Nebraska\\npolicy of the administration. This opposition,\\nhowever, differed in the xlmerican i-anks in\\ncharacter and degree according to the section\\nfrom which the members came. The opponents\\nof the administration could not hope for suc-\\ncess in any vote except by a union, and the\\nadministration party could not succeed without\\nthe aid of more or less of their opponents. In\\nthis state of affairs it seemed almost imiDOSsible\\nto elect a speaker. The union of the Amer-\\nicans and Republicans was not so perfect as to\\ncarry every opposition vote, but the Democrats,\\nnevertheless, gained none of their dissatisfied\\nopponents. The contest therefore conCinued\\nfor weeks, and vote after vote was taken, each\\nparty deeming it a duty, or matter of pride, to\\nadhere to its own candidates. The country\\ngrew tired of the oft-repeated story of no\\nchoice, although the sympathies of the re-\\nspective parties were heartily enlisted in the\\nstruggle, and approved of the firmness of their\\nrepresentatives. At last, after two months\\ndelay, the members also grew weary of the\\nineffectual strife, and adopted a rule providing\\nthat at a certain vote a plurality should elect.\\nThis closed the contest, and on the 2d of Feb-\\nruary, 1856, Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachu-\\nsetts, on whom the opposition finally rallied,\\nwas elected speaker by one hundred and three\\nvotes, Mr. Aiken, of South Carolina, the ad-\\nministration candidate, receiving one hundred,\\nand eleven others being divided among several\\ncandidates. Mr. Banks was admirably qual-\\nified by abilities and experience for the position\\nto which he was called.\\nIn the mean time President Pierce, after wait-\\ning nearly a month for the organization of the\\nhouse, had transmitted his annual message to\\nthe senate alone, on the 31st of December.\\nThis unusual course was the occasion for some\\nsevere animadversions in the house. This\\nmessage was devoted to the various subjects of\\ninterest, both in the foreign and domestic re-\\nlations of the country and on those in which\\nthe greatest interest was felt, as the political\\nquestions on which parties divided, the pres-\\nident entered into arguments in favor of the\\nviews and action of the Democratic party.\\nThe principles of the Kansas-Nebraska act\\nwere supported at length, and with much ear-\\nnestness, while the president also discvissed the\\nrelations of the several states on the subject\\nof slavery and the fugitive slave law. On\\nthese questions the message appeared more as\\na partisan address than is usual with such state\\npapers; but it is probable that the result of\\nthe Kansas-Nebraska bill in renewing the dep-\\nrecated agitation, and bringing the principles\\nof slavery and freedom into a hand-to-hand\\nstruggle, as it were, was thought to demand\\nfrom the president a strong expression of the\\nsentiments of his party on these subjects.\\nThe finances of the country still continued in a\\nflourishing condition the balance in the treas-\\nury at the commencement of the fiscal year\\n(July 1, 1855) being nearly nineteen millions\\nof dollars, and the estimated receipts and ex-\\npenditures promising a balance of sixteen mil-\\nlions at the close. The differences of opinion", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0636.jp2"}, "637": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nGOI\\nbetween the United States and British govern-\\nments with regard to Central American affairs\\nhad been the subject of considerable corre-\\nspondence between the diplomatists of the two\\ncountries, the difficulties arising from the\\nconstruction put upon the Clayton-Bulwer\\ntreaty by the British government. Recruiting\\nfor the British army had also occasioned cor-\\nrespondence and a demand for explanations.\\nThe relations with other foreign countries were\\nrepresented to be in a peaceful and satisfactory\\nstate generally.\\nOf affairs in Kansas the president spoke\\nquite brieflj^ in his annual message, saying that\\nthere had been acts prejudicial to good order,\\nbut as yet none had occurred under circum-\\nstances to justify the interposition of the fed-\\neral executive. That could only be in case of\\nobstruction to federal law, or of organized re-\\nsistance to territorial law, assuming the char-\\nacter of insurrection, which, if it should occur,\\nit would be his duty promptly to suppress.\\nBut he indulged the hope that the occurrence\\nof such an untoward event would be prevented\\nby the sound sense of the people of the terri-\\ntory, who, by its organic law, possessing the\\nright to determine their own domestic institu-\\ntions, are entitled, while deporting themselves\\npeacefully, to the free exercise of that right,\\nand must be protected in the enjoyment of it,\\nwithout interference on the part of the citizens\\nof any of the states.\\nTo such language as this the free state men\\nin Kansas could make no answer. The rights\\nhere conceded were all that they desired, if\\nthey could enjoy them fully, and it was the\\ninvasion of these rights by the people of Mis-\\nsouri that had led to the troubles.\\nIn January, the president sent a message to\\nthe senate specially relating to affairs in Kan-\\nsas, and recommending that Congress adopt\\nsuch measures as the exigency of the case\\nrequired. In this message the president attrib-\\nuted the troubles in Kansas partly to local mal-\\nadministration and partly to the unjustifiable\\ninterference of the inhabitants of some states\\nwith views foreign to the rights and interests\\nof the territoiy. He charged Governor Reeder\\nwith a neglect of duties, thereby setting an\\nexample of violation of law a nd duty which\\nrendered his removal necessary. He recog-\\nnized the first territorial legislature, whatever\\nthe informalities of its election, as, for all prac-\\ntical purposes, a lawful body, whose acts were\\nto be obeyed and he condemned the conven-\\ntion which framed the free state constitution at\\nTopeka, as a party affair, contrary to the prin-\\nciples of public law and practice under the\\nconstitution of the United States, and the rule\\nof right and common sense. The movement\\nin opposition to the authorities in Kansas he\\nregarded as revolutionary in character, and if\\nit should reach the point of organized resist-\\nance, as a treasonable insurrection, which it\\nwould be the duty of the federal government\\nto suppress. Although the disturbances of\\nDecember preceding were quieted, the pres-\\nident apprehended renewed disorders unless\\ndecided measures were taken to prevent them.\\nIn December, the fi-ee state party held a\\nconvention to nominate candidates for officers\\nunder the state constitution which they had\\nframed, and which, by a small and almost\\nwholly party vote, had been adopted when\\nsubmitted to the people. Charles Robinson, a\\nleading member of the free state party, and\\none of its most able and judicious advisers, was\\nnominated for governor. The election was\\nappointed by the executive committee to take\\nplace on the 15 th of February. In the mean\\ntime the troubles by no means diminished, and\\na bitter animosity grew up between the par-\\nties. Outrages and murders were committed\\npersecution was followed sometimes by retaliar\\ntion. There were also threats of another in-\\nvasion from Missouri, and it was feared that it\\nwould not be so harmless as the last. At this\\nstage, the president issued a proclamation", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0637.jp2"}, "638": {"fulltext": "602\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nstating that combinations had been formed in\\nthe territory to resist the execution of the\\nlaws, and to subvert by violence the present\\nlegal authority, and that persons outside the\\nterritory were contemplating armed interfer-\\nence in the more remote, as well as in neigh-\\nboring states, and he, therefore, had taken the\\nproper measures to repress outbreaks and main-\\ntain the peace of the country.\\nUpon the organization of the house of rep-\\nresentatives, the affairs of Kansas came before\\nthem, Mr. Whitfield and Mr. Keeder, the con-\\ntesting delegates, claiming a seat as represen-\\ntative of the territory. A majority of the\\ncommittee on elections, to whom the subject\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0was referred, reported adversely to the claim\\nof Mr. Whitfield, and took ground against the\\nauthority of the territorial legislature. They\\nalso asked for power to send for persons and\\npapers, with a view to investigate fully the\\nfrauds alleged in the elections in Kansas. The\\nminority of the committee offered a counter\\nreport, and also recommended that a commis-\\nsion be sent to Kansas to take testimony, in-\\nstead of sending for persons and papers. A\\nlong debate arose on these reports, and finally\\na proposition to send a committee of three\\nmembers of the house to Kansas, with full\\npowers to make a thorough investigation of\\nthe troubles there, was adopted, and Mr. Sher-\\nman, of Ohio, Mr. Howard, of Michigan, and\\nMr. Oliver, of Missouri, were appointed to con-\\nstitute the committee.\\nIn the senate, also, the affairs of Kansas\\noccupied much time and attention. Mr. Doug-\\nlas, from the committee on territories, submit-\\nted a report on the subject, which affirmed the\\nletjalitv of the territorial lea;islature and the\\nauthority of its enactments. It also pro-\\nnounced the proceedings of the free state con-\\nvention at Topcka as illegal and treasonable,\\nand animadverted wath much severity on the\\nemigrant aid societies. The committee pro-\\nposed a bill authorizing the inhabitants of\\nKansas, when it should appear that the popula-\\ntion was sufficient to entitle them to one rep-\\nresentative in Congress, to hold a convention\\nfor the purpose of forming a state constitution.\\nMr. Collamer, of Vermont, submitted a minority\\nreport controverting many of the points in the\\nmajority report, reiterating the charges of\\nfraud, violence, and illegality in respect to the\\nterritorial legislature, and defending the pro-\\nceedings of the free state settlers in framing\\nthe Topeka constitution, and holding elections\\nunder it. As the easiest and most direct way\\nof meeting all the difficulties, and settling them\\nat once, the report recommended* that Kansas\\nbe admitted to the Union with the Topeka\\nconstitution.\\nIn the mean time, in Kansas, the persons\\nelected under the Topeka constitution to com-\\npose the state executive and legislature, as-\\nsembled at Topeka, and proceeded to organize\\nthe government for prospective action. The\\ntwo branches of the legislature made choice of\\ntheir officers, and the governor elect, Mr. Rob-\\ninson, took the oath of office and delivered his\\ninaugui al address. A memorial asking for\\nadmission to the Union was then adopted and\\nsent to Congress. A committee from each\\nbranch of the legislature was appointed to\\nframe a code of laws for the future state, and\\nother business of a prospective nature was\\ntransacted, but without taking any steps to\\nbring the new state government into collision\\nwith the territorial government. After electing\\nAndrew H. Eeeder and James H. Lane as\\nUnited States senators to represent the state\\nwhen admitted into the Union, the legislature\\nadjourned until the 4th of July succeeding.\\nThese proceedings were magnified into treason\\nby the pro-slavery party, and they were repre-\\nsented to the national government in the worst\\npossible light.\\nThe feeling against the free state settlers\\ngrew more intense among the pro-slavery men\\nof the territory, and of Western Missouri, as", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0638.jp2"}, "639": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nGO:j\\nthey saw the probability that Kansas, if left to\\nitself, would certainly become a free state.\\nThis enmity was increased by the arrival of\\narmed companies from the Southern States,\\nwho came with a determination to sustain the\\nslaveholding interests, and to force slavery\\nupon Kansas if possible. Some of them per-\\nhaps came to settle in Kansas, but the majority\\nwere mere adventurers, soldiers of fortune,\\nat all times disposed to lawless violence, and\\nglad of an opportunity to indulge in it against\\nthe abolitionists, as the free state men were\\ntermed. The presence of these men, sustaining\\nand pressing forward the pro-slavery party to\\nacts of aggression, under color of legal author-\\nity, precipitated a civil war on Kansas.\\nThe congressional committee, appointed to\\ninvestigate the alleged frauds and outrages on\\nthe people, proceeded immediately to Kansas\\nto perform their duties. This investigation,\\nfaithfully made by the majority of the com-\\nmittee, was not acceptable to those who had\\nparticipated in or profited by the frauds, and\\nvarious means were resorted to in order to\\nbreak up or trouble the sittings of the com-\\nmittee. Attempts were made to arrest parties\\nattending as witnesses, and even the officers of\\nthe committee were not free from molestation.\\nThe committee, however, proceeded with their\\nbusiness. While they were at Lawrence, the\\nsheriflf of Douglas County, a man especially\\nobnoxious, by his acts and manners, to the free\\nstate inhabitants, attempted to arrest a party\\nagainst whom he had a precept. This person\\nwas rescued in a not very violent way, and the\\nsheriff left. The following Sunday he returned\\nand called upon some of the most respectable\\npersons in the town, as they were on their way\\nto church, to assist him in making arrests.\\nThese persons went on their way without pay-\\ning attention to the call. This being construed\\ninto a refusal to support the laws, and an or-\\nganized resistance to them, the sheriff made a\\ndemand on Governor Shannon for the aid of\\nthe federal troops, which had been placed at\\nthe disposal of the governor by the govern-\\nment at Washington, to sustain the territorial\\nlaws. Governor Shannon made the requisition,\\nand a small force of dragoons was placed un-\\nder the orders of the sheriff. With the aid of\\nthese, or rather without any resistance, he\\narrested those parties who had on the previous\\nSunday gone on their way to church when he\\ncalled on them to assist him. These prisoners\\nwere kept in a tent guarded by the dragoons,\\nin the town of Lawrence, and treated like\\nfelons. The accounts of this whole aflflxir give\\nthe strongest impression that it was designed\\nto harass the people of Lawrence, and perhaps\\nto provoke a rescue, which would soon bring\\non a crisis. It was the belief of many that such\\na crisis was desired, in order to put an end to\\nthe investigations of the committee.\\nNo rescue was attempted, and the people\\nof Lawrence had generally shown a disposition\\nnot to come into any collision with the federal\\nauthorities. There were, however, individuals\\nless disposed to submit, and one of these\\nattempted to shoot the sheriff in his camp.\\nThe officer was wounded, but not killed, and he\\nwas attended with every care b.y the citizens\\nof Lawrence, who condemned the attempted\\nmurder as much as their opponents. A public\\nmeeting was held, which denounced the act,\\nand Mr. Robin.son, the free state governor, at\\nthe request of influential citizens, offered a re-\\nward for the apprehension of the assailant.\\nThis affair created the greatest excitement\\namong the supporters of the territorial legisla-\\nture and their friends in Missouri. It was\\ncharged upon the free state men generally, and\\nwas considered as proof that they were deter-\\nmined to resist the execution of the laws, even\\nby bloodshed. It should not be forgotten,\\nhowever, that this was not the only outrage,\\nor even murder, which had been committed\\nabout this time, for there had been some greater\\natrocities committed against unoffending free", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0639.jp2"}, "640": {"fulltext": "604\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nstate men, whicli served to exasperate that\\nparty. Matters soon proceeded, under this\\nstate of feelings, from bad to worse. The\\ngrand jury presented as nuisances two news-\\npapers and the free state hotel in Lawrence.\\nEx-Governor Keeder, who was attending the\\ncongressional committee by their citation, was\\nsummoned to attend before the grand jury at\\nLecompton, and declining to do so, a writ for\\nhis arrest for contempt was issued. Mr. Reeder\\nclaimed exemption from the service of the writ,\\nby his privilege as a party before the congres-\\nsional committee, to whom his presence was\\nnecessary and believing that this action was\\nintended to interfere with the labors of the\\ncommittee, and that he had reason to fear\\nassassination at Lecompton, he refused to go\\nwith the officer. He subsequently escaped\\nfrom the territory in disguise. About this\\ntime Mr. Eobinson, the free state governor,\\nwhile on his way to the east, was stopped on\\nhis passage down the river by a mob, and kept\\nas a prisoner.\\nThe next step was a proclamation, issued by\\nUnited States Marshal Donaldson, calling upon\\nall law-abiding citizens of the territory to\\naid him in the service of certain judicial writs\\nof arrest, in the attempted service of which his\\ndeputy marshal had been resisted by a large\\nnumber of the citizens of Lawrence. The\\nmarshal feared, or pretended to fear, that these\\nwrits would be resisted by a large body of\\narmed men, although the public resolutions of\\nthe citizens of Lawrence and the declarations\\nof all its influential men were, that no resist-\\nance would be offered to the service of legal\\nwi its by United States officers. Already the\\nsouthern regiment, as it was called, had come\\ninto the territory, and were committing depre-\\ndations, threatening to destroy Lawrence. The\\ncitizens of Lawrence called on Governor Shan-\\nnon for protection in view of these threats, but\\nthe governor said there was no force approach-\\ning Lawrence except the legally constituted\\nposse of the marshal, and refused to interfere.\\nThe citizens then adopted a resolution declaring\\nthat they had not resisted and would not resist\\nthe officers, and would aid them, if necessary,\\nin the service of judicial writs, but that they\\nwere ready to resist, if need be, unto death,\\nthe ravages and desolation of an invading\\nmob. This resolution was sent to the mar-\\nshal, as were several letters requesting protec-\\ntion from the ravages of parties of armed men\\ncollecting about Lawrence. But nothing was\\ndone to withdraw these forces or to prevent\\nthe outrages. On the contrary, the number of\\nthese armed men increased, and they seized\\ncattle and horses and whatever came in their\\nway, greatly to the loss of innocent and poor\\nsettlers.\\nAt last the marshal was prepared to serve\\nhis writs, and with a few men was in the town\\nand attending to that business without moles-\\ntation. There was evidently no occasion for\\nan armed posse, but it was marched to the\\nimmediate neighborhood of the town, and\\nother processes were served, several citizens of\\nLawrence acting as a posse. The marshal then\\ninformed the armed forces that he was done\\nwith them, but the sheriff took command, and\\nthe troops entered the town to destroy the\\nprinting offices and the hotel, under orders, as\\nit was alleged, from the District Court. The\\nwomen and children were removed from the\\ntown, and many of the men, liable as they were\\nin their defenceless state to outrages and mur-\\nder, had also left. But their property remained\\nbehind, and after the armed posse, of whom\\nMr. Atchison (who had been a senator in Con-\\ngress and acting vice-president of the United\\nStates) was the leader, had destroyed the hotel\\nand printing offices, they burned houses and\\nplundered the town, carrying away and de-\\nstroying much property. The number of this\\narray was six or eight hundred men. Whether\\nor not it was a cause for con2;ratulation with\\nthem that they had sacked a defenceless, town,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0640.jp2"}, "641": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n605\\ninhabited by their fellow-citizens, who had com-\\nmitted no ofience except to entertain and ex-\\npress political opinions opposed to the invaders,\\nit is only a dishonor to the country that such a\\nthing should have occurred and been permitted\\nby the fedei-al authorities who had the power\\nto prevent it.\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nAgitation among the People respecting Kansas Affairs. De-\\nbates in Congress. Speech of Mr. Sumner, of Massachu-\\nsetts. Its Consequences. Assault on Mr. Sumner by Mr.\\nBrooks, of South Carolina. Investigation by a Congressional\\nCommittee of the Frauds and Outrages in Kansas. Vote of\\n.the House to admit Kansas as a State. The Bill rejected by\\nthe Senate. Continued Disturbances in Kansas. Course of\\nGovernor Shannon. His Removal State Legislature dis-\\npersed. Armed Emigrants. -Governor Geary. His Meas-\\nures and Policy.\\nWhile these things were taking place in\\nKansas, the whole country was agitated with\\nthe questions involved in the struggle there.\\nIt was a closer contest between the principles\\nof freedom and slavery than had yet occurred\\nsince the formation of the Union, and the feel-\\nings of men were enlisted on one side or the\\nother, according to their proclivities caused by\\neducation or interest. In Congress the affairs\\nof Kansas were debated with great warmth and\\nbitterness, as might be expected from the ex-\\nciting character of the subject. Mr. Butler,\\nMr. Mason, and others spoke strongly in favor\\nof the territorial laws and their enforcement,\\nand denounced the proceedings of the free\\nstate men and their sympathizers in the states\\nas the cause of the troubles. Among those\\nwho replied to them was Mr. Sumner, of Mas-\\nsachusetts, who delivered a long and elaborate\\nspeech on the subject, in which he treated\\nthose gentlemen in no tender manner, by his\\nkeen irony and stem invective. Sharp retorts\\nfollowed on both sides, and bitter feelings were\\naroused in the senate chamber, as well as in\\nKansas. From Mr. Sumner s speech,* which ia\\nmemorable on account of itgieequel, we make\\nthe following extracts\\nMr. President You are now called to re-\\ndress a great tran.?gression. Seldom in the\\nhistory of nations has such a question been\\npresented. TariflCs, army hills, navy bills, land\\nbills, are important, and justly occupy your\\ncare but these all belong to the course of\\nordinary legislation. As means and instru-\\nments only, they are necessarily subordinate to\\nthe conservation of government itself Grant\\nthem or deny them, in greater or less degree,\\nand you will inflict no shock. The machinery\\nof government will continue to move. The\\nstate wUl not cease to exist. Far otherwise is\\nit with the eminent question now before you,\\ninvolving, as it does, liberty in a broad terri-\\ntory, and also involving the peace of the whole\\ncountry, with our good name in history for-\\nevermore.\\nTake down your map, sir, and you will find\\nthat the territory of Kansas, more than any\\nother region, occupies the middle spot of North\\nAmerica, equally distant from the Atlantic on\\nthe east, and the Pacific on the west; from the\\nfrozen Avaters of Hudson s Bay on the north,\\nand the tepid Gulf Stream on the south con-\\nstituting the precise territorial centre of the\\nwhole vast continent. To such advantages of\\nsituation, on the very highway between two\\noceans, are added a soil of unsurpassed rich-\\nness, and a fascinating, undulating beauty of\\nsurface, with a health-giving climate, calculated\\nto nurture a powerful and generous people,\\nworthy to be a central pivot of American insti-\\ntutions. A few short months only have passed\\nsince this spacious mediterranean country was\\nopen only to the savage, who ran wild in ita\\nwoods and prairies; and now it has already\\nThe Crime against Kansas. The Apologies for the Crime\\nThe True Remedy. Speech of Hon. Charles Sumner, in the Sen\\nate of the United States, 19th and 20th May, 1856.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0641.jp2"}, "642": {"fulltext": "606\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ndrawn to its bosom a population of freemen\\nlarger than Atlieas crowded within her historic\\ngates, when her sons, under Miltiades, won lib-\\nerty for mankind on the field of Marathon\\nmore than Sparta contained when she ruled\\nGreece, and sent forth her devoted children,\\nquickened by a mother s benediction, to return\\nwith their shields or on them more than Rome\\ngathered on her seven hills, when, under her\\nkings, she commenced that sovereign sway,\\nwhich afterwards embraced the whole earth\\nmore than London held, when, on the fields of\\nCrecy and Agincourt, the English banner was\\nearned victoriously over the chivalrous hosts\\nof France.\\nAgainst this territory, thus fortunate in\\nposition and population, a crime has been com-\\nmitted which is without example in the rec-\\nords of the past. Not in plundered provinces\\nor in the cruelties of selfish governors will you\\nfind its parallel and yet there is an ancient\\ninstance, which may show at least the path of\\njustice. In the terrible impeachment by which\\nthe great Roman orator has blasted through\\nall time the name of Verres, amidst charges of\\nrobbery and sacrilege, the enormity which most\\naroused the indignant voice of his accuser, and\\nwhich still stands forth with strongest distinct-\\nness, arresting the sympathetic indignation of\\nall who read the story, is, that away in Sicily\\nhe had scourged a citizen of Rome that the\\ncry, I am a Roman citizen, had been inter-\\nposed in vain against the lash of the tyrant\\ngovernor. Other charges were, that he had\\ncarried away productions of art, and that he\\nhad violated the sacred shrines. It was in the\\npresence of the Roman senate that this ar-\\nraignment proceeded in a temple of the\\nforum amidst crowds, such as no orator had\\never before drawn together, thronging the por-\\nticoes and colonnades, even clinging to the\\nhouse-tops and neighboring slopes and under\\nthe anxious gaze of witnesses summoned from\\nthe scene of crime. But an audience grander\\nfar, of higher dignity, of more various people,\\nand of wider intelligence, the countless multi-\\ntude of succeeding generations, in every land\\nwhere eloquence has been studied or where the\\nRoman name has? been recognized, has listened\\nto the accusation, and throbbed with condem-\\nnation of the criminal. Sir, speaking in an\\nage of light and in a land of constitutional\\nliberty, where the safeguards of elections are\\njustly placed among the highest triumphs of\\ncivilization, I fearlessly assert that the wrongs\\nof much-abused Sicily, thus memorable in hi.s-\\ntory, were small by the side of the wrongs ol\\nKansas, where the very shrines of popular in-\\nstitutions, more sacred than any heathen altar,\\nhave been desecrated where the ballot-box,\\nmore precious than any work, in ivory or mar-\\nble, from the cunning hand of art, has been\\nplundered and where the cry, I am an Amer-\\nican citizen, has been interposed in vain against\\noutrage of every kind, even upon life itself.\\nAre you against sacrilege I present it for\\nyour execration. Are you against robbery\\nI hold it up to your scorn. Are you for the\\nprotection of American citizens I show you\\nhow their dearest rights have been cloven\\ndown, while a tyrannical usurpation has sought\\nto install itself on their very necks.\\nBut the wickedness which I now begin to\\nexpose is immeasurably aggravated by the\\nmotive which prompted it. Not in any com-\\nmon lust for power did this uncommon tragedy\\nhave its origin. It is the rape of a virgin ter-\\nritory, compelling it to the hateful embrace of\\nslavery and it may be clearly traced to a de-\\npraved longing for a new slave state, the hid-\\neous offspring of such a crime, in the hope of\\nadding to the power of slavery in the national\\ngovernment. Yes, sir, when the whole world,\\nalike Christian and Turk, is rising up to con-\\ndemn this wrong, and to make it a hissing to\\nthe nations, here in our republic, /orce ay,\\nsir, FORCE has been openly employed in com-\\npelling Kansas to this pollution, and all for the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0642.jp2"}, "643": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n607\\nsake of political power. There is the simple\\nfact, which you will vainly attempt to deny,\\nbut which in itself presents an essential wick-\\nedness that makes other public crimes seem\\nlike public virtues.\\nBut this enormity, vast be3 ond comparison,\\nswells to dimensions of wickedness which the\\nimagination toils in vain to grasp, when it is\\nunderstood that for this purpose are hazarded\\nthe horrors of intestine feud, not only in this\\ndistant territory, but every where throughout\\nthe country. Already the muster has begun.\\nThe strife is no longer local, but national.\\nEven now, while I speak, portents hang on all\\nthe arches of the horizon, threatening to darken\\nthe broad land, which already yawns with the\\nmutterings of civil war. The fury of the prop-\\nagandists of slaver} and the calm determina-\\ntion of their opp9nents, are now diffused from\\nthe distant territory over wide-spread commu-\\nnities, and the whole country, in all its extent,\\nmai shalling hostile divisions, and foreshadowing\\na strife which, unless happily averted by the\\ntriumph of freedom, will become war, fratri-\\ncidal, parricidal war, with an accumulated\\nwickedness beyond the wickedness of any\\nwar in human annals; justly provoking the\\navenging judgment of Providence and the\\navenging pen of history, and constituting a\\nstrife, in the language of the ancient writer,\\nmore than foreign, more than social, more than\\ndvil but something compounded of all these\\nstrifes, and in itself more than war sed iwiius\\ncommune quoddam ex omnibus, et plus quam helium.\\nBuch is the crime which you are to judge.\\nBut the criminal also must be draa:2:ed into\\nday, that you may see and measure the power\\nby which all this wrong is sustained. From\\nno common source could it proceed. In its\\nperpetration was needed a spirit of vaiilting\\nambition which would hesitate at nothing a\\nhardihood of purpose which was insensible to\\nthe judgment of mankind a madness for slar\\nvery which should disregard the constitution,\\n77\\nthe laws, and all the great examples of our\\nhistory also a consciousness of power such as\\ncomes from the habit of power a combination\\nof energies found only in a hundred arms\\ndirected by a hundred eyes a control of pub-\\nlic opinion, through venal pens and a prosti-\\ntuted press; an ability to subsidize crowds in\\nevery vocation of life the politician with his\\nlocal importance, the lawyer with his subtle\\ntongue, and even the authoiitj- of the judge\\non the bench and a familiar use of men in\\nplaces high and low, so that none, from the\\npresident to the lowest border postmaster,\\nshould decline to be its tool all these things,\\nand more, were needed and they were found\\nin the slave power of oiu- republic. There, sir,\\nstands the criminal, all unmasked before you,\\nheartless, grasping, and tyrannical with an\\naudacity beyond that of Verres, a subtlety\\nbeyond that of Machiavel, a meanness beyond\\nthat of Bacon, and an ability beyond that of\\nHastings. Justice to Kansas can be secured\\nonly by the prostration of this influence for\\nthis is the power behind greater than any\\npresident which succors and sustains the\\ncrime. Naj^, the proceedings I now arraign\\nderive their fearful consequence only from this\\nconnection.\\nMy task will be divided under three differ-\\nent heads first. The Crime against Kansas, in\\nits origin and extent secondly. The Apologies\\nFOR THE Crime and, thirdly. The True Eemedy.\\nBut, before entering upon the argument, I\\nmust say something of a general character,\\nparticularly in response to what has fallen from\\nsenators who have raised themselves to emi-\\nnence on this floor in championship of human\\nwronars I mean the senator from South Car-\\nolina, [Mr. Butler,] and the senator from Illi-\\nnois, [Mr. Douglas,] who, though unlike as\\nDon Quixote and Sancho Panza, yet, like this\\ncouple, sally forth together in the same adven-\\nture. I regret much to miss the elder senator\\nfrom his seat but the cause, against which he", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0643.jp2"}, "644": {"fulltext": "608\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nhas run a tilt, with such activity of animosity,\\ndemands that the opportunity of exposing him\\nshould not be lost and it is for the cause that\\nI speak. The senator from South Carolina has\\nread many books of chivalry, and believes him-\\nself a chivalrous knight, with sentiments of\\nhonor and courage. Of course he has chosen\\na mistress to whom he has made his vows, and\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0who, though ugly to others, is always lovely to\\nhim though polluted in the sight of the\\nworld, is chaste in his sight I mean the har-\\nlot. Slavery. For her, his tongue is always\\nprofuse in words. Let her be impeached in\\ncharacter, or any proposition made to shut her\\nout from the extension of her wantonness, and\\nDO extravagance of manner or hardihood of\\nassertion is then too great for this senator.\\nThe frenzy of Don Quixote, in behalf of his\\nwench, Dulcinea del Toboso, is all surpassed.\\nThe asserted rights of Slavery, which shock\\nequality of all kinds, are cloaked by a fantastic\\nclaim of equality. If the slave states cannot\\nenjoy what, in mockery of the great fathers of\\nthe republic, he misnames equality under the\\nconstitution, in other words, the full power\\nin the national territories to compel fellow-men\\nto impaid toil, to separate husband and wife,\\nand to sell little children at the auction block,\\nthen, sir, the chivalric senator will conduct\\nthe state of South Carolina out of the Union\\nHeroic knight Exalted senator A second\\nMoses come for a second exodus\\nBut not content with this poor menace,\\nwhich we have been twice told was measured,\\nthe senator, in the unrestrained chivalry of his\\nnature, has undertaken to apply opprobrious\\nwords to those who differ from him on this\\nfloor. He calls them sectional and fanatical\\nand opposition to the usurpation in Kansas he\\ndenounces as an uncalculating fanaticism.\\nTo be sure, these charges lack all grace of\\noriginality and all sentiment of truth; but the\\nadventurous senator does not hesitate. He is\\nthe uncompromising, unblushing representative\\non this floor of a flagrant sccfionalism, which now\\ndomineers over the republic, and yet, with a\\nludicrous ignorance of his own position, unable\\nto see himself as others see him, or with an\\neffrontery which even his white head ought\\nnot to protect from rebuke, he applies to those\\nhere who resist his scciionalism the very epithet\\nwhich desiainates himself The men who strive\\nto bring back the government to its original\\npolicy, when freedom, and not slavery, was\\nnational, while slavery, and not freedom, was\\nsectional, he arraigns as sectional. This will not\\ndo. It involves too great a perversion of\\nterras. I tell that senator that it is to himself,\\nand to the organization of which he is the\\ncommitted advocate, that this epithet be-\\nlongs. I now fasten it upon them. For my-\\nself, I care little for names but since the ques-\\ntion has been raised here, I, affirm that the\\nEepublican party of the Union is in no just\\nsense sectional, but, more than any other party,\\nnational and that it now goes forth to dislodge\\nfrom the high places of the government the\\ntyrannical sectionalism of which the senator\\nfrom South Carolina is one of the maddest\\nzealots.\\nTo the charge of fanaticism I also reply.\\nSir, fanaticism is found in an enthusiasm or\\nexaggeration of opinions, particularly on reli-\\ngious subjects but there may be a fanaticism\\nfor evil, as well as for good. Now, I will not\\ndeny, that there are persons among tis loving\\nliberty too well for their personal good, in a\\nselfish generation. Such there may be, and,\\nfor the sake of their example, would that there\\nwere more In calling them fanatics, you\\ncast contumely upon the noble army of mar-\\ntyrs, from the earliest day down to this hour\\nupon the great tribunes of human rights, by\\nwhom life, liberty, and happiness, on earth,\\nhave been secured upon the long line of de-\\nvoted patriots, who, throughout history, have\\ntruly loved their country and upon all who,\\nin noble aspirations for the general good, and", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0644.jp2"}, "645": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n609\\nin forgetfulness of self, have stood out before\\ntheir age, and gathei ed into their generous\\nbosoms the shafts of tyranny and wrong, in\\norder to make a pathway for Truth. You dis-\\ncredit Luther, when alone he nailed his articles\\nto the door of the church at Wittenberg, and\\nthen, to the imperial demand that he should\\nretract, firmly replied, Here I stand; I cannot\\ndo otherwise, so help me God You discredit\\nHampden, when alone he refused to pay the\\nfew shillings of ship-money, and shook the\\nthrone of Charles I. you discredit Milton,\\nwhen, amidst the corruptions of a heartless\\ncourt, he lived on, the lofty friend of liberty,\\nabove question or suspicion you discredit\\nRussell and Sidney, when, for the sake of their\\ncountry, they calmly turned from family and\\nfriends, to tread the narrow steps of the scaf-\\nfold you discredit those early founders of\\nAmerican institutions, who preferred the hard-\\nships of a wilderness, surrounded by a savage\\nfoe, to injustice on beds of ease you discredit\\nour later fathers, who, few in numbers and\\nweak in resources, yet strong in their cause,\\ndid not hesitate to brave the mighty power of\\nEngland, already encircling the globe with her\\nmorning drum-beats. Y ^es, sii of such are the\\nfanatics of history, according to the senator.\\nBut I tell that senator, that there are charac-\\nters badly eminent, of whose fanaticism there\\ncan be no question. Such were the ancient\\nEgyptians, who worshipped divinities in brutish\\nforms the Druids, who darkened the forests\\nof oak, in which they lived, by sacrifices of\\nblood the Mexicans, who surrendered countr\\nless victims to the propitiation of their obscene\\nidols the Spaniards, who, under Alva, sought\\nto force the Inquisition upon Holland, by a\\ntyranny kindred to that now employed to force\\nslavery upon Kansas and such were the\\nAlgerines, when in solemn conclave, after lis-\\ntening to a speech not unlike that of the sen-\\nator from South Carolina, they resolved to con-\\ntinue the slavery of white Christians, and to\\nextend it to the countrymen of Washington\\nAy, sir, extend it And in this same dreary\\ncatalogue faithful history must record all who\\nnow, in an enlightened age and in a land of\\nboasted freedom, stand up, in perversion of the\\nconstitution and in denial of immortal truth,\\nto fasten a new shackle upon their fellow-man.\\nIf the senator wishes to see fanatics, let him\\nlook round among his own associates let him\\nlook at himself\\nI. It belongs to me now, in the first place,\\nto expose the Crime against Kansas, in its ori-\\ngin and extent. Logically, this is the begin-\\nning of the argument. I say crime, and delib-\\nerately adopt this strongest term, as better than\\nany other denoting the consummate transgres-\\nsion. I would go farther, if language could\\nfarther go. It is the Crime of Crimes, surpass-\\ning far the old crimen maj estatis, pursued with\\nvengeance by the laws of Rome, and contain-\\ning all other crimes, as the greater contains the\\nless. I do not go too far, when I call it the\\nCrime against Nature, from which the soul re-\\ncoils, and which language refuses to describe.\\nTo lay bare this enormity, I now proceed.\\nThe whole subject has already become a twice-\\ntold tale, and its renewed recital will be a re-\\nnewal of its sorrow and shame but I shall not\\nhesitate to enter upon it. The occasion re-\\nquires it from the beginning.\\nIt has been well remarked by a distin-\\nguished historian of our country, that, at the\\nIthuriel touch of the Missouri discussion, the\\nslave interest, hitherto hardly recognized as a\\ndistinct element in our system, started up por-\\ntentous and dilated, with threats and assump-\\ntions, which are the origin of our existing\\nnational politics. This was in 1820. The dis-\\ncussion ended with the admission of Missouri\\nas a slaveholding state, and the prohibition of\\nslavery in all the remaining territory west of\\nthe Mississippi, and north of 36\u00c2\u00b0 30 leaving\\nthe condition of other territory south of this\\nline, or subsequently acquired, untouched by", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0645.jp2"}, "646": {"fulltext": "610\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe arranEfeinent. Here was a solemn act of\\nlegislation, called at the time a compromise, a\\ncovenant, a compact, first brought forward in\\nthis body by a slaveholder, vindicated by slave-\\nholders in debate, finally sanctioned by slave-\\nholding votes also upheld at the time by the\\nessential approbation of a slaveholding presi-\\ndent, James Monroe, and his cabinet, of whom a\\nmajority were slaveholders, including Mr. Cal-\\nhoun himself; and this compromise was made\\nthe condition of the admission of Missouri, with-\\nout which that state could not have been re-\\nceived into the Union. The bargain was simple,\\nand was applicable,of course,only tothe territory\\nnamed. Leaving all other territory to await\\nthe judgment of another generation, the south\\nsaid to the north, Conquer your prejudices so\\nfar as to admit Missouri as a slave state, and,\\nin consideration of this much-coveted boon,\\nslavery shall be prohibited forever in all the\\nremaining Louisiana territory above 36\u00c2\u00b0 30\\nand the north yielded.\\nLi total disregard of history, the president,\\nin his annual message, has told us that this\\ncompromise was reluctantly acquiesced in by\\nthe Southern States. Just the contrary is\\ntrue. It was the work of slaveholders, and\\nwas crowded by their concurring votes upon a\\nreluctant north. At the time, it was hailed by\\nslaveholders as a victory. Charles Pinckney,\\nof South Carolina, in an oft-quoted letter, writ-\\nten at three o clock on the night of its passage,\\nsays, It is considered here by the slaveholding\\nstates as a great triumph. At the north, it\\nwas accepted as a defeat, and the friends of\\nfreedom every where throughout the country\\nbowed their heads with mortification. But\\nlittle did they know the completeness of their\\ndisaster. Little did they dream that the pro-\\nhibition of slavery in the territory, which was\\nstipulated as the price of their fatal capitula-\\ntion, would also at the very moment of its\\nmaturity be wrested from them.\\n_ Time passed, and it became necessary to\\nprovide for this territory an organized govern-\\nment. Suddenly, without notice in the public\\npress, or the prayer of a single petition, or one\\nword of open recommendation from the pres-\\nident; after an acquiescence of thirty-three\\nyears, and the irreclaimable possession by the\\nsouth of its special share under this compro-\\nmise, in violation of every obligation of honoi-,\\ncompact, atid good neighborhood, and in con-\\ntemptuous disregard of the outgushing senti-\\nments of an aroused north, this time-honored\\nprohibition, in itself a landmark of freedom,\\nwas overturned, and the vast region now known\\nas Kansas and Nebraska was opened to slavery.\\nIt was natural that a measure thus repugnant\\nin character should be pressed by arguments\\nmutually repugnant. It was urged on two\\nprincipal reasons, so opposite and inconsistent\\nas to slap each other in the face one being,\\nthat by the repeal of the prohibition, the ter-\\nritory would be left open to the entry of slave-\\nholders with their slaves, without hinderance\\nand the other being, that the people would be\\nleft absolutely free to determine the question\\nfor themselves, and to prohibit the entry of\\nslaveholders with their slaves, if they should\\nthink best. With some, the apology was the\\nalleged rights of slaveholders with others, it\\nwas the alleged rights of the people. With\\nsome, it was openly the extension of slaverj^\\nand with others, it was openly the establish-\\nment of freedom, under the guise of popular\\nsovereignty. Of course, the measure, thus\\nupheld in defiance of reason, was carried\\nthrouo-h Congress in defiance of all the secu-\\nrities of legislation and I mention these things\\nthat you may see in what foulness the present\\ncrime was engendered.\\nIt was carried, first, by u hipping in to its\\nsupport, through executive influence and pat-\\nronage, men who acted against their own\\ndeclared judgment and the known will of\\ntheir constituents. Secondly, by foisiing out of\\nplace, both in the senate and house of repre-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0646.jp2"}, "647": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nGU\\nsentatives, important business, long pending,\\nand usurping its room. Thirdly, by trampling\\nunder fool the rules of the house of represen-\\ntatives, always before the safeguard of the\\nminority. And, fourthly, by driving it to a\\nclose during the very session in which it origi-\\nnated, so that it might not be arrested by the\\nindignant voice oP the people. Such are some\\nof the means by which this snap judgment was\\nobtained. If the clear will of the people had\\nnot been disregarded, it could not have passed.\\nIf the government had not nefariously inter-\\nposed its influence, it could not have passed.\\nIf it had been left to its natural place in the\\norder of business, it could not have passed. If\\nthe rules of the house and the rights of the\\nminority had not been violated, it could not\\nhave passed. If it had been allowed to go\\nover to another Congress, when the people\\nmight be heard, it would have been ended;\\nand then the crime we now deplore would have\\nbeen without its first seminal life.\\nMr. President, I mean to keep absolutely\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2within the limits of parliamentary propriety.\\nI make no personal imputations but only with\\nfrankness, such as belongs to the occasion and\\nmy own character, describe a great historical\\nact, which is now enrolled in the Capitol. Sir,\\nthe Nebraska bill was in every respect a swin-\\ndle. It was a swindle by the south of the\\nnorth. It was, on the part of- those who had\\nalready completely enjoyed their share of the\\nMissouri compromise, a swindle of those whose\\nshare was yet absolutely untouched and the\\nplea of unconstitutionality set up like the\\nplea of usury after the borrowed money has\\nbeen enjoyed did not make it less a swindle.\\nUrged as a bill of peace, it was a swindle of\\nthe whole country. Urged as opening the\\ndoors to slave-masters with their slaves, it was\\na swindle of the asserted doctrine of popular\\nsovereignty. Urged as sanctioning popular\\nsovereignty, it was a swindle of the asserted\\nrights of slave-masters. It was a swindle of a\\nbroad territory, thus cheated of protection\\nagainst slavery. It was a swindle of a great\\ncause, early espoused by Washington, Franklin,\\nand Jefferson, surrounded by the best fathers\\nof the republic. Sir, it was a swindle of God-\\ngiven, inalienable rights. Turn it over look\\nat it on all sides, and it is every where a swin-\\ndle and, if the word I now employ has not\\nthe authority of classical usage, it has, on this\\noccasion, the indubitable authority of fitness.\\nNo other word will adequately express the\\nmingled meanness and wickedness of the cheat.\\nIts character was still further apparent in\\nthe general structure of the bill. Amidst over-\\nflowing professions of regard for the sovereignty\\nof the people in the territory, they were de-\\nspoiled of every essential privilege of sov-\\nereignty. They were not allowed to choose\\ntheir governor, secretary, chief fiistice, associate\\njustices, attorney, or marshal, all of whom are\\nsent from Washington nor were they allowed\\nto regulate the salaries of any of these func-\\ntionaries, or the daily allowance of the legisla-\\ntive body, or even the pay of the clerks and\\ndoor-keepers but they Avere left free to adopt\\nslavery. And this was called popular sov-\\nereignty Time does not allow, nor does the\\noccasion require, that I should stop to dwell on\\nthis transparent device to cover a transcendent\\nwrong. Suffice it to say, that slavery is in\\nitself an arrogant denial of human rights, and\\nby no human reason can the power to estab-\\nlish such a wrong be placed among the attri-\\nbutes of any just sovereignty. In refusing it\\nsuch a place, I do not deny popular rights, but\\nuphold them I do not restrain popular rights,\\nbut extend them. And, sir, to this conclusion\\nyou must yet come, imless deaf, not only to the\\nadmonitions of political justice, but also to the\\ngenius of our own constitution, under which,\\nwhen properly interpreted, no valid claim for\\nslavery can be set up any whore in the na-\\ntional territory. The senator from Michigan\\n[Mr. Cass] may say, in response to the senator", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0647.jp2"}, "648": {"fulltext": "612\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfrom Mississippi, [Mr. Brown,] that slavery can-\\nnot go into the territory under the constitution\\nwithout legislative introduction and permit\\nme- to add, in response to both, that slavery\\ncannot go there at all. Nothing can come out\\nof nothing and there is absolutely nothing in\\nthe constitution out of which slavery can be\\nderived, while there are provisions, which,\\nwhen properly interpreted, make its existence\\nany where within the exclusive national juris-\\ndiction impossible.\\nMr. President, men are wisely presumed to\\nintend the natural consequences of their con-\\nduct, and to seek what their acts seem to pro-\\nmote. Now, the Nebraska bill, on its very\\nface, openly cleared the way for slavery, and it\\nis not wrong to presume that its originators\\nintended the natural consequences of such an\\nact, and sougli* in this way to extend slavery.\\nOf course they did. And this is the first stage\\nin the crime against Kansas.\\nBut this was speedily followed by other\\ndevelopments. The barefaced scheme was\\nsoon whispered that Kansas must be a slave\\nstate. In conformity with this idea was the\\ngovernment of this unhappy territory organ-\\nized in all its departments and thus did the\\npresident, by whose complicity the prohibition\\nof slavery had been overthrown, lend himself\\nto a new comjilicity, giving to the conspirators\\na lease of connivance, amounting even to co-\\npartnership. The governor, secretary, chief\\njustice, associate justices, attorney, and marshal,\\nwith a whole caucus of other stipendiaries,\\nnominated by the president and confirmed by\\nthe senate, were all commended as friendly to\\nslavery. No man with the sentiments of Wash-\\nington, or Jefferson, or Franklin, found any\\nfavor; nor is it too much to say, that, had\\nthese great patriots once more come among us,\\nnot one of them, with his recorded, unretracted\\nopinions on slavery, could have been nominated\\nby the president or confirmed by the senate for\\nany post in that territory. With such auspices\\nthe conspiracy proceeded. Even in advance\\nof the Nebraska bill, secret societies were or-\\nganized in Missouri, ostensiblv to protect her\\ninstitutions, and afterwards, under the name of\\nSelf-Defensive Associations, and of Blue\\nLodges, these were multiplied throughout the\\nwestern counties of that state, before anv coun-\\ntermovement from the north. It was confi-\\ndently anticipated that, by the activity of these\\nsocieties, and the interest of slaveholders every\\nwhere, with the advantage derived from the\\nneighborhood of Missouri, and the influence of\\nthe territorial government, slavery might be\\nintroduced into Kansas, quietly but surely,\\nwithout arousing a conflict that the crocodile\\negg might be stealthily dropped in the sun-\\nburnt soil, there to be hatched unobserved\\nuntil it sent forth its reptile monster.\\nBut the conspiracy was unexpectedly balked.\\nThe debate, which convulsed Congress, had\\nstirred the whole country. Attention from all\\nsides was directed upon Kansas, which at once\\nbecame the favorite goal of emigration. The\\nbill had loudly declared that its object was to\\nleave the people perfectly free to. form and\\nregulate their domestic institutions in their own\\nway and its supporters every where chal-\\nlenged the determination of the question be-\\ntween freedom and slavery by a competition\\nof emigration. Thus, while opening the terri-\\ntory to slavery, -the bill also opened it to emi-\\ngrants from every quarter, who might by their\\nvotes redress the wrong. The populous north,\\nstung by a sharp sense of outrage, and inspired\\nby a noble cause, poured into the debatable\\nland, and promised soon to establish a suprem-\\nacy of numbers there, involving, of course, a\\njust supremacy of freedom.\\nThen was conceived the consummation of\\ntlie crime against Kansas. What could not be\\naccomplished peaceably was to be accomplished\\nforcibly. The reptile monster, that could not\\nbe quietly and securely hatched there, was to\\nbe pushed full-grown into the territory. All", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0648.jp2"}, "649": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n613\\nefforts were now given to the dismal work of\\nforcing slavery on free soil. In flagrant dero-\\ngation of the very popular sovereignty, whose\\nname helped to impose this bill upon the coun-\\ntry, the atrocious object -was now distinctly\\navowed. And the avowal has been followed\\nby the act. Slavery has been forcibly intro-\\nduced into Kansas, and placed under the formal\\nsafeguards of pretended law. How this was\\ndone, belongs to the argument.\\nIn depicting this consummation, the simplest\\noutline, without one word of color, will be be.st.\\nWhether regarded in its mass or its details, in\\nits origin or its result, it is all blackness, illu-\\nmined by nothing from itself, but only by the\\nheroism of the undaunted men and women\\nwhom it environed. A plain statement of facts\\nwill be a picture of fearful truth, which faith-\\nful history will preserve in its darkest gallery.\\nIn the foreground all will recognize a familiar\\ncharacter, in himself a connectins- link between\\nthe president and the border ruffian, less\\nconspicuous for ability than for the exalted\\nplace he has occupied, who once sat in the\\nseat where you now sit, sir; where once sat\\nJohn Adams and Thomas Jefferson also, where\\nonce sat Aaron Burr. I need not add the\\nname of David R. Atchison. You have not\\nforgotten that, at the session of Congress im-\\nmediately succeeding the Nebraska bill, he came\\ntardily to his duty here, and then, after a short\\ntime, disappeared. The secret has been long\\nsince disclosed. Like Catiline, he stalked into\\nthis chamber, reeking with conspiracy immo\\nin senattmi venit and then, like Catiline, he\\nskulked away ahiU, excessit, evmit, erupit to\\njoin and provoke the conspirators, who at a\\ndistance awaited their congenial chief Under\\nthe influence of his malign presence the crime\\nripened to its fatal fruits, while the similitude\\nwith Catiline was again renewed in the sym-\\npathy, not even concealed, which he found in\\nthe very senate itself, where, beyond even the\\nRoman example, a senator has not hesitated to\\nappear as his open compurgator.\\nThus was the crime consummated. Slavery\\nnow stands erect, clanking its chains on the\\nterritory of Kansas, surrounded by a code of\\ndeath, and trampling upon all cherished liber-\\nties, whether of speech, the press, the bar, the\\ntrial by jury, or the electoral franchise. And,\\nsir, all this has been done, not merely to intro-\\nduce a wrong which in itself is a denial of all\\nrights, and in dread of which a mother has\\nlately taken the life of her offspring not\\nmerely, as has been sometimes said, to protect\\nslavery in Missouri, since it is futile for this\\nstate to complain of freedom on the side of\\nKansas, when freedom exists without complaint\\non. the side of Iowa and also on the side of\\nIllinois but it has been done for tlie sake of\\npolitical power, in order to bring two new\\nslaveholding senators upon this floor, and thus\\nto fortify in the national government the des-\\npei ate chances of a waning oligarchy. As the\\nship, voyaging on pleasant summer seas, is as-\\nsailed by a pirate crew, and robbed for the\\nsake of its doubloons and dollars, so is this\\nbeautiful territory now assailed in its peace and\\nprosperity, and robbed, in order to wrest its\\npolitical power to the side of slaver3^ Even\\nnow the black flag of the land pirates from\\nMissouri waves at the mast head in their laws\\nyou hear the pirate yell, and see the flash of\\nthe pirate knife while, incredible to relate\\nthe president, gathering the slave power at his\\nback, testifies a pirate sympathy.\\nSir, all this was done in the name of popular\\nsovereignty. And this is the close of the\\ntragedy. Popular sovereignty, which, when\\ntruly understood, is a fountain of just power,\\nhas ended in popular slavery not merely in\\nthe subjection of the unhappy African race,\\nbut of this proud Caucasian blood, which you\\nboast. The profession with which you began,\\nof all by the people, has been lost in the", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0649.jp2"}, "650": {"fulltext": "614\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0wretched reality of nothing for the people. Pop-\\nular sovereignty, in whose deceitful name\\npliglited faith was broken, and an ancient\\nlandmark of freedom was overturned, now lifts\\nitself before us, like Sin, in the terrible picture\\nof Milton,\\nThat seemed a woman to the waist, and fair,\\nBut ended foul in many a scaly fold\\nVoluminous and vast, a serpent armed\\nWith mortal sting about her middle round\\nA cry of hell-hounds ncA-er ceasing barked\\nWith wide Cerberean mouths full loud, and rung\\nA hideous peal yet, when they list, would creep.\\nIf aught disturbed their noise, into her womb.\\nAnd kennel there, yet there still barked and howled\\nWithin, unseen.\\nThe image is complete at all points and, with\\nthis exposure, I take my leave of the crime\\nagainst Kansas.\\nSir, the crime cannot be denied. The presi-\\ndent himself has admitted illegal and repre-\\nhensible conduct. To such conclusion he was\\ncompelled by irresistible evidence but what\\nhe mildly describes I openly arraign. Senators\\nmay affect to put it aside by a sneer or to\\nreason it away by figures or to explain it by\\na theory, such as desperate invention has pro-\\nduced on this floor, that the assassins and thugs\\nof Missouri were in reality citizens of Kansas\\nbut all these efforts, so far as made, are only\\ntokens of the weakness of the cause, while to\\nthe original crime they add another offence of\\nfalse testimony against innocent and suffering\\nmen. But the Apologies for the crime are\\nworse than the efforts at denial. In cruelty\\nand heartlessness they identify their authors\\nwith the great transgression.\\nThey are four in number, and fourfold in\\ncharacter. The first is the apology tyrannical;\\nthe second, the apology im})ccile the third, the\\napology absurd; and the fourth, the apology\\ninfamous. This is all. Tyranny, imbecility, ab-\\nsurdity, and infamy, all unite to dance, like the\\nweird sisters, about this crime.\\nThe apology tyrannical is founded on the mis-\\ntaken act of Governor Reeder, in authenticating\\nthe usurping legislature, by which it is asserted\\nthat, whatever may have been the actual force\\nor fraud in its election, the people of Kansas\\nare eflTectually concluded, and the whole pro-\\nceeding is placed under the formal sanction of\\nlaw. Accox ding to this .issumption, complaint\\nis now in vain, and it only remains that Con-\\ngress should sit and hearken to it, without cor-\\nrecting the wrong, as the ancient tyrant listened\\nand granted no redress to the human moans that\\nissued from the heated brazen bull, which subtle\\ncruelty had devised. This I call the apology\\nof technicality inspired by tyranny.\\nNext comes the apology imbecile, which is\\nfounded on the alleged want of power in the\\npresident to arrest this crime. It is openly\\nasserted, that, under the existing laws of the\\nUnited States, the chief magistrate had no au-\\nthority to interfere in Kansas for this purpose.\\nSuch is the broad statement, which, even if cor-\\nrect, furnishes no apology for any proposed\\nratification of the crime, but whicTi is in reality\\nuntrue and this I call the apology of im-\\nbecility.\\nIn other matters, no such ostentatious imbe-\\ncility appears. Only lately, a vessel of war in\\nthe Pacific has chastised the cannibals of the\\nFejee Islands for alleged outrages on American\\ncitizens. But no person of ordinary intelligence\\nwill pretend that American citizens in the Pa-\\ncific have received wrongs from these cannibals\\ncomparable in atrocity to those received by\\nAmerican citizens in Kansas. Ah, sir, the in-\\nterests of slavery are not touched by any chas-\\ntisement of the Fejees\\nConstantly we are informed of efibrts at New\\nYork, through the agency of the government,\\nand- sometimes pnly on the breath of suspicion,\\nto arrest vessels about to.sail on foreign voyages\\nin violation of our neutrality laws or treaty\\nstipulations. Now, no man familiar with the\\ncases will presume to suggest that the urgency\\nfor these arrests was equal to the urgency for\\ninterposition against these successive invasions", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0650.jp2"}, "651": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n6K\\nfrom Missouri. But the slave power is not\\ndisturbed by such arrests at New York\\nAt this moment, the president exults in the\\nvigilance with which he has prevented the en-\\nlistment of a few soldiers, to be carried off to\\nHalifax, in violation of our territorial sover-\\neignty, and England is bravely threatened, even\\nto the extent of a rupture of diplomatic rela-\\ntions, for her endeavor, though unsuccessful,\\nand at once abandoned. Surely no man in\\nhis senses will urge that this act was any thing\\nbut trivial by the side of the crime against\\nKansas. But the slave power is not concerned\\nin this controversy.\\nThus, where the slave power is indifferent,\\nthe president will see that the laws are faith-\\nfully executed but, in other cases, where the\\ninterests of slavery are at stake, he is controlled\\nabsolutely by this tyranny, ready at all times\\nto do, or not to do, precisely as it dictates.\\nTherefore it is that Kansas is left a prey to the\\npropagandists of slavery, while the whole treas-\\nury, the army and navy of the United States,\\nare lavished to hunt a single slave through the\\nstreets of Boston. You have not forgotten the\\nlatter instance but I choose to refresh it in\\n3 our minds.\\nNext comes the apology absurd, which is,\\nindeed, in the nature of a pretext. It is alleged\\nthat a small printed pamphlet, containing the\\nConstitution and Ritual of the Gra nd Encamp-\\nment and Eegiments of the Kansas Legion,\\nwas taken from the person of one George F.\\nWarren, who attempted to avoid detection hy\\nchewing it. The oaths and grandiose titles of\\nthe pretended legion have all been set forth,\\nand this poor mummery of a secret society,\\nwhich existed only on paper, has been gravelj^\\nintroduced on this floor, in order to extenuate\\nthe crime against Kansas.\\nIt only remains, under this head, that I\\nshould speak of the apology infamons founded\\non false testimony against the Emigrant Aid\\nCompany, and assumptions of duty more false\\n78\\nthan the testimony. Defying truth and mock-\\ning decenc_Y, this apology excels all others in\\nfutilit} and audacity, while, from its utter hol-\\nlowness, it proves the utter impotence of the\\nconspirators to defend their crime. Falsehood,\\nalways infamous, in this case arouses peculiar\\nscorn. An association of sincere benevolence,\\nfaithful to the constitution and laws, whose\\nonly fortifications are hotels, school houses, and\\nchurches whose only weapons are saw-mills,\\ntools, and books whose mission is peace and\\ngood will, has been falsely assailed on this\\nfloor, and an errand of blameless virtue luis\\nbeen made the pretext for an unpardonable\\ncrime. Nay, more the innocent are sacri-\\nficed, and the guilty set at liberty. They who\\nseek to do the mission of the Saviour are\\nscourged and crucified, while the murderer,\\nBarabbas, with the sympathy of the chief\\npriests, goes at large.\\nThe falsehood of tlie whole accusation will\\nappear in illustrative specimens.\\nA charter is set out, section by section, which\\nthough originally granted, was subsequently\\nabandoned, and is not in reality the charter of\\nthe company, but is materially unlike it.\\nThe company is represented as a powerful\\ncorporation, with a capital of five millions;\\nwhen, by its actual chaiter, it is not allowed to\\nhold property above one million, and, in point of\\nfact, its capital has not exceeded one hundred\\nthousand dollars.\\nThen, again, it is suggested, if not alleged,\\nthat this enormous capital, which I have already\\nsaid does not exist, is invested in cannon and\\nrifles, in powder and lead, and implements of\\nwar all of which, whether alleged or sug-\\ngested, is aljsolutely false. The officers of the\\ncompany authorize me to give to this whole\\npretension a jioint-blank denial.\\nAll these allegations are of small importance,\\nand I mention them only because they show\\nthe character of the report, and also something\\nof the quicksand on which the senator from", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0651.jp2"}, "652": {"fulltext": "J16\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nIllinois has chosen to plant himself. But these\\nare .ill capped by the unblushing assertion that\\nthe proceedings of the company were in per-\\nversion of the plain provisions of an act of\\nCongress and also, another vinblushing asser-\\ntion, as certain and undeniable, that the com-\\npany was formed to promote certain objects,\\nregardless of the rights and wishes of the peo-\\nple, as guaranteed by the constitution of the\\nUnited States, and secured by their organic\\nlaw when it is certain and undeniable that\\nthe company has done nothing in perversion\\nof any act of Congress, while to the extent of\\nits power it has sought to protect the rights and\\nwishes of the actual people in the territory.\\nSir, this company has violated in no respect\\nthe constitution or laws of the land not in the\\nseverest letter or the slightest spirit. But every\\nother imputation is equally baseless. It is not\\ntrue, as the senator from Illinois has alleged, in\\norder in some way to compromise the company,\\nthat it was informed before the public of the\\ndate fixed for the election of the legislature.\\nThis statement is pronounced by the secretary,\\nin a letter now before me, an unqualified false-\\nhood, not havincr even the shadow of a shade\\nof truth for its basis. It is not true that men\\nhave been hired by the company to go to Kan-\\nsas for every emigrant, who has gone nnder\\nits direction, has himself provided the means\\nfor his journey. Of course, sir, it is not true,\\nas has been complained by the senator from\\nSouth Carolina, with that proclivity to error\\nwhich marks all his utterances, that men have\\nbeen sent by the company with one uniform\\ngun, Sharpe s rifle for it has supplied no arms\\nof any kind to any body. It is not true that\\nthe company has encouraged any fanatical ag-\\ngression upon the people of Missouri for it\\nhas counselled order, peace, forbearance. It is\\nnot true that the company has chosen its emi-\\ngrants on account of their political opinions;\\nfor it has asked no questions with regard to the\\nopinions of any whom it aids, and at this mo-\\nment stands ready to forward those from the\\nsouth as well as the north, while, in the tQjrri-\\ntory, all, from whatever quarter, are admitted\\nto an equal enjoyment of its tempting advan-\\ntages. It is not true that the company has\\nsent persons merely to control elections, and\\nnot to remain in the territory; for its whole\\naction, and all its anticipation of pecuniary\\nprofits, are founded on the hope to stock the\\ncountry with pei manent settlers, by whose la-\\nbor the capital of the company shall be made to\\nyield its increase, and by whose fixed interest\\nin the soil the welfare of all shall be promoted.\\nSir, it has not the honor of being an abolition\\nsociety, or of numbering among its officers abo-\\nlitionists. Its president is a retired citizen, of\\nample means and charitable life, who has taken\\nno part in the conflicts on slavery, and has never\\nallowed his sympathies to be felt by abolition-\\nists. One of its vice-presidents is a gentleman\\nfrom Virginia, with fiimily and friends there,\\nwho has always opposed the abolitionists. Its\\ngenerous treasurer, wdio is now justly absorbed\\nby the objects of the company, has always been\\nunderstood as ranging, with his extensive con-\\nnections by blood and marriage, on the side of\\nthat quietism which submits to all the tyranny\\nof the slave power. Its directors are more\\nconsjjicuous for wealth and science than for\\nany activity against slavery. Among these is\\nan eminent lawyer of Massachusetts, Mr. Chap-\\nman, personally known, doubtless, to some\\nwho hear me, who has distinguished himself\\nby an austere conservatism, too natural to the\\natmosphere of courts, which does not flinch\\neven from the support of the fugitive slave\\nbill. In a recent address at a public meeting\\nin Springfield, this gentleman thus speaks for\\nhimself and his associates\\nI have been a director of the society from the first,\\nand have kept myself vcell informed in regard to its\\nproceedings. I am not aware that any one in this\\ncommunity ever suspected me of being an aboli-\\ntionist but I have been accused of being pro-slavery\\nand I believe many good people think I am quite too", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0652.jp2"}, "653": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n617\\nConservative on tliat subject. I take this occasion to\\nsay that all the plans and procoedings of the society\\nhave met my approbation and I assert that it lias\\nnever done a single act with which any political party\\nor the people of any section of tlie country can justly\\nfind fault. The names of its president, Mr. Brown,\\nof Providence, and of its treasurer, Mr. -Lawrence,\\nof Boston, are a sufficient guaranty in the estimation\\nof intelligent men against its being engaged in any\\nfanatical enterprise. Its stockholders are composed\\nof men of all political parties except abolitionists.\\nI am not aware that it has received the patronage of\\nthat class of our I cUow-citizens, and I am informed\\nthat some of them disapprove of its proceedings.\\nThe acts of the company have been such as\\nmight be expected from auspices thus severely\\ncareM at all pointii The secret through which,\\nwith small means, it has been able to accom-\\nplish so much, is, that, as an mducemenl to emigror\\nHon, it has gone forward and planted capital in\\nadvance of popxdatvon. According to the old im-\\nmethodical system, this rule is reversed, and\\npopulation has been loft to grope blindly, with-\\nout the advantage of fixed centres, with mills,\\nschools, and churches all calculated to soften\\nthe hardships of pioneer life such as have\\nbeen established beforehand in Kansas. Here,\\nsir, is the secret of the Emigrant Aid Company.\\nBy this single principle, which is now jDracti-\\ncally applied for the first time in history, and\\nw hich has the simplicity of genius, a business\\nassociation at a distance, without a large cap-\\nital, has become a beneficent instrument of\\ncivilization, exercising the functions of various\\nsocieties, and in itself being a missionary soci-\\nety, a Bible society, a tract society, an education\\nsociety, and a society for the diffusion of the\\nmechanic arts.\\nGgd be praised Massachusetts, honored\\ncommonwealth that gives me the privilege to\\nplead for Kansas on this floor, knows her rights,\\nand will maintain them firmly to the end. This\\nis not the first time in history that her public\\nacts have been arraigned, and that her public\\nmen have been exposed to contumely. Thus\\nwas it when, in the olden time, she began the\\ngreat battle whose fruits you all enjoy. But\\nnever yet has she occupied a position so lofty\\nas at this hour. By the intelligence of her\\npopulation by the resources of her industry\\nby her commerce, cleaving every wave\\nby her manufactures, various as human skill\\nby her institutions of education, various as\\nhuman knowledge by her institutions of be-\\nnevolence, various as human suffering by\\nthe pages of her scholars and historians ljy\\nthe voices of her poets and orators, she is now\\nexerting an influence more subtle and com-\\nmanding than ever before shooting her far-\\ndarting rays wherever ignorance, wretchedness,\\nor wrong, prevail, and flashing light even upon\\ntho.se who travel far to persecute her. Such is\\nMassachusetts, and I am proud to believe that\\nyou may as well attempt, with puny arm, to\\ntopple down the earth-rooted, heaven-kissing\\ngranite which crowns the historic sod of Bun-\\nker Hill, as to change her fixed resolves for\\nfreedom every where, and especially now for\\nfreedom in Kansas. I exult, too, that in this\\nbattle, which surpasses fi\\\\r in moral grandeur\\nthe whole war of the revolution, she is able to\\npreserve her just eminence. To the first she\\ncontributed a larger number of troops than\\nany other state in the Union, and larger than\\nall the slave states together and now to the\\nsecond, which is not of contending armies, but\\nof contending opinions, on whose issue hangs\\ntrembling the advancing civilization of the\\ncountry, she contributes, through the manifold\\nand endless intellectual activity of her children,\\nmore of that divine spark by which opinions\\nare quickened into life, than is contributed by\\nany other state, or by all the slave states to-\\ngether, while her annual productive industry\\nexcels in value three times the whole vaunted\\ncotton crop of the whole south.\\nSir, to men on earth it belongs only to de-\\nserve success not to secure it and I know\\nnot how soon the eflbrts of Massachusetts will\\nwear the crown of triumph. But it cannot be\\nthat she acts wrong for herself or children.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0653.jp2"}, "654": {"fulltext": "618\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0when in this cause she thus encounters re-\\njDroach. No by the generous souls who were\\nexposed at Lexington by those who stood\\narrayed at Bunker Hill by the many from\\nher bosom who, on all the fields of the first\\ngreat struggle, lent their vigorous arms to the\\ncause of all by the children she has borne,\\nwhose names alone are national trophies, is\\nMassachusetts now vowed irrevocably to this\\nwork. What belongs to the faithful servant\\nshe will do in all things, and Providence shall\\ndetermine the result.\\nAs the apologies were fourfold, so are the\\nRemedies proposed fourfold and they range\\nthemselves in natural order, under designations\\nwhich so truly disclose their character as even\\nto supersede argument. First, we have the\\nremedy of tyranny next, the remedy of folly;\\nnext, the remedy of injustice and civil war;\\nand fourthly, the remedy of justice and peace.\\nThere are the four caskets and you are to\\ndetermine which shall be opened by senatorial\\nvotes.\\nThere is the remedij of tyranny, which, like its\\ncomplement, the apology of tyranny though\\nespoused on this floor, especially by the senator\\nfrom Illinois proceeds from the president, and\\nis embodied in a special message. It proposes\\nto enforce obedience to the existing laws of\\nKansas, whether federal or local, when, in fiict,\\nKansas has no local laws except those imposed\\nby the usurpation from Missouri, and it calls\\nfor additional appropriations to complete this\\nwork of tyranny.\\nNext comes the remedy of folly, which, indeed,\\nis also a remedy of tyranny but its folly is so\\nsurpassing as to eclipse even its tyranny. It\\ndoes not proceed from the president. With this\\nproposition he is not in any way chargeable.\\nIt comes from the senator from South Carolina,\\nwho, at the close of a long speech, offered it as\\nhis single contribution to the adjustment of\\nthis question, and who thus far stands alone in\\nits support. It might, therefore, fitly bear his\\nname but that which I now give to it is a\\nmore suggestive synonyme.\\nThis proposition, nakedly expressed, is that\\nthe people of Kansas should be deprived of\\ntheir arms. That I may not do the least injus-\\ntice to the senator, I quote his precise words\\nThe president of the United States is tinder the\\nhighest and most solemn obligations to interpose and\\nif I were to indicate the manner in which he should\\ninterpose in Kansas, I would point out the old com-\\nmon-law process. I would serve a warrant on Sharpe s\\nrifles, and if Sharpe s rifles did not answer the sum-\\nmons and come into court on a day certain, or if they\\nresisted the sheriff, I would summon the posse comi-\\ntatus, and would have Colonel Sumner s regiment to\\nbe a part of that posse comUaf.us.\\nReally, sir, has it come to this The rifle has\\never been the companion of the pioneer, and\\nunder God, his tutelary protector against the\\nred man and the beast of the forest. Never\\nwas this efficient weapon more needed in just\\nself-defence, than now in Kansas, and at least\\none article in our national constitution must be\\nblotted out, before the complete right to it can\\nin any way be impeached. And jet such is\\nthe madness of the houi that, in defiance of\\nthe solemn guaranty, embodied in the amend-\\nments to the constitution, that the right of the\\npeople to keep and bear arms shall not be\\ninfringed, the people of Kansas have been\\narraigned for keeping and bearing them, and\\nthe senator from South Carolina has had the\\nface to say openly, on this floor, that they\\nshould be disarmed of course, that the fa-\\nnatics of slavery, his allies and constituents,\\nmay meet no impediment.\\nNext comes the remedy of injustice and civil\\ntear organized by act of Congress. This prop-\\nosition, which is also an offshoot of the original\\nremedy of tyranny, proceeds from the senator\\nfrom Illinois, [Mr. Douglas,] with the sanction\\nof the committee on territories, and is embodied\\nin the bill which is now pressed to a vote.\\nBy this bill it is proposed, as follows\\nThat whenever it shall appear, by a census to be\\ntaken under the direction of the governor, by the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0654.jp2"}, "655": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n619\\nfiutliority of the legislature, that there shall be\\nninety-three thousand four hundred and twenty in-\\nhabitants (that being the number required by tiie\\npresent ratio of representation for a member of Con-\\ngress) witliin the limits hereafter described as the\\nterritory of Kansas, the leg-islaiure of said territory\\nsliall be, ami is hereby, authorized to provide by law\\nfor the election of delegates, by the people of said\\nterritory, to assemble in convention and form a con-\\nstitution and state government, preparatory to tlieir\\nadmission into the Union on an equal footing with\\nthe original states in all respects whatsoever, by the\\nname of the state of Kansas.\\nNow, sir, consider these words carefully, and\\nyou will see that, however plausible and velvet-\\npawed they may seem, yet in reality they are\\nmost unjust and cruel. While aflfecting to ini-\\ntiate honest proceedings for the formation of a\\nstate, they furnish to this territory no redress\\nfor the crime under which it suffers nay, they\\nrecognize the very usurpation in which the\\ncrime ended, and proceed to endow it with new\\nprerogatives. It is by the authority of the legis-\\nlature that the census is to be taken, which is the\\nfirst step in the work. It is also by the authority\\nof the legislature that a convention is to be called\\nfor the formation of a constitution, which is the\\nsecond step. But the legislature is not obliged\\nto take either of these steps. To its absolute\\nwilfulness is it left to act or not to act in the\\npremises. And since, in the ordinary course\\nof business, there can be no action of the lesjis-\\nlature till January of the next year, all these\\nsteps, which are preliminary in their character,\\nare postponed till after that distant day; thus\\nkeeping this great question open, to distract\\nand irritate the country. Clearly this is not\\nwhat is required. The country desires peace\\nat once, and is determined to have it. But\\nthis objection is slight by the side of the glaring\\ntyranny, that, in recognizing the legislature and\\nconferring upon it these new powers, the bill\\nrecognizes the existing usurpation, not only as\\nthe authentic government of the territory for\\nthe time being, but also as possessing a crea-\\ntive power to reproduce itself in the new state.\\nPass this bill, and you enlist Congress in the con-\\nspiracy, not only to keep the people of Kansas\\nin their present subjugation, throughout their\\nterritorial existence, but also to protract this sub-\\njugation into their existence as a state, while you\\nlegalize and perpetuate the very force by which\\nslavery has been already planted there.\\nNext, and lastly, comes the remedy of justice\\nand peace, proposed by the senator from New\\nYork, [Mr. Seward,] and embodied in his bill\\nfor the immediate admission of Kansas as a\\nstate of this Union, now pending as a substitute\\nfor the bill of the senator from Illinois. This\\nis sustained by the prayer of the people of the\\nterritory, setting forth a constitution formed by\\na spontaneous movement, in which all there\\nhad opportunity to participate, without dis-\\ntinction of party. Rarely has any proposition,\\nso simple in character, so entirely practicable,\\nso absolutely Avithin your power, been pre-\\nsented, whicli promised at once such beneficent\\nresults. In its adoption, the crime against\\nKansas will be all happily absolved, the usur-\\npation which it established will be peacefully\\nsuppressed, and order will be permanently se-\\ncured. By a joyful metamorphosis, this fair\\nterritory may be saved from outrage.\\nO help, she cries, in this extremest need,\\nIf you who hear are deities indeed\\nGape, earth, and make for this dread foe a tomb.\\nOr chanfjc my furm, whence all mij sorrows come.\\nIn offering this proposition, the senator from\\nNew Y^ork has entitled himself to the gratitude\\nof the country. He has, throughout a life of\\nunsurpassed industry, and of eminent ability,\\ndone much for freedom, which the world will\\nnot let die; but he has done nothing more op-\\nportune than this, and he has uttered no words\\nmore effective than the speech, so masterly and\\ningenious, by which he has vindicated it.\\nMr. President, an immense space has been\\ntraversed, and I now stand at the goal. The\\nargument in its various parts is here closed.\\nThe crime against Kansas has been displayed\\nin its origin and extent, beginning with the\\noverthrow of the prohibition of slavery next", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0655.jp2"}, "656": {"fulltext": "620\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncropping out in conspiracy on the borders of\\nMissouri then hardening into a continuity of\\noutrage, through organized invasions and mis-\\ncellaneous assaults, in which all security was\\ndestroyed, and ending at last in the perfect sub-\\njugation of -a generous people to an unprece-\\ndented iisurpation. Turning aghast from the\\ncrime, which, like murder, seemed to confess\\nitself with most miraculous organ, we have\\nlooked with mingled shame and indignation\\nupon the four apologies, whether of tyranny,\\nimbecility, absurdity, or infamy, in which it has\\nbeen wrapped, marking especially the false tes-\\ntimony, congenial with the original crime, against\\nthe Emigrant Aid Company. Then were noted,\\nin succession, the four remedies, whether of\\ntyranny folly injustice and civil war or\\njustice and peace, which last bids Kansas, in\\nconformity with past precedents and under the\\nexigencies of the hour, in order to redeem her\\nfrom usurpation, to take a place as a sovereign\\nstate of the Union and this is the true remedy.\\nIf in this argument I have not unworthily vin-\\ndicated truth, tlien have I spoken according to\\nmy desires if imperfectly, then only according\\nto my powers. But there are other things, not\\nbelonging to the argument, which still press for\\niitterance.\\nSir, the people of Kansas, bone of your bone\\nand flesh of your flesh, with the education of\\nfreemen and the rights of American citizens,\\nnow stand at your door. Will you send them\\naway, or bid them enter Will you push them\\nback to renew their struggles with a deadly foe,\\nor will you preserve them in security and peace\\nWill you cast them again into the den of tyran-\\nny, or will you help their despairing eflforts to\\nescape These questions I put with no com-\\nmon solicitude for I feel that on their just de-\\ntej mination depend all the most precious inter-\\nests of the republic and I perceive too clearly\\nthe prejudices in the way, and the accumulat-\\ning bitterness against this distant people, now\\nclaiming their simple birthright, while I am\\nbowed with mortification, as I recognize the\\npresident of the United States, who should have\\nbeen a staff to the weak and a shield to the\\ninnocent, at the head of this strange oppression.\\nAt every stage, the similitude between the\\nwrongs of Kansas, and those other wrongs\\nagainst which our fathers rose, becomes more\\napparent. Read the Declaration of Independ-\\nence, and there is hardly an accusation which\\nis there directed against the British monarch,\\nwhich may not now be directed with increased\\nforce against the American president. The pai--\\nallel has a fearful particularity. Our fathers\\ncomnlained that the kins; had sent hither\\nswarms of officers, to harass our people, and eat\\nout their substance that he had combined,\\nwith others, to subject us to a jurisdiction for-\\neign to our constitution, giving his assent to\\ntheir acts of pretended legislation that he\\nhad abdicated government here, by declaring\\nus out of his protection, and waging war against\\nus; that he had excited domestic insurrection\\namong us, and endeavored to bring on the in-\\nhabitants of our frontier the merciless savages\\nthat our repeated petitions have been answered\\nonly by repeated injury. And this arraignment\\nwas aptly followed by the damning words, that\\na prince, Avhose character is thus marked by\\nevery act which may define a tyrant, is unfit\\nto be the ruler of a free people. And surely,\\na president who has done all these things can-\\nnot be less unfit than a prince. At every stage,\\nthe responsibility is brought directly to him.\\nHis offence has been both of commission and\\nomission. He has done that which he ought\\nnot to have done, and he has left undone that\\nwhich he ought to have done. By his activity\\nthe prohibition of slg-very -svas overturned. By\\nhis failure to act, the honest emigrants in Kan-\\nsas have been left a prey to wrong of all kinds.\\nNullum flagUium cxdiiit, nid per te nullum JIac/iiium\\nsine te. And now he stands forth the most con-\\nspicuous enemy of that unhappy territory.\\nAs the tyranny of the British king is all", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0656.jp2"}, "657": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n621\\nrenewed In the president, so on this floor have\\nthe old indignities been renewed, which embit-\\ntered and fomented the troubles of our fixthers.\\nThe early petition of the American Congress\\nto Parliament, long before any suggestion of\\nindependence, was opposed, like the petitions\\nof Kansas, because that body was assembled\\nwithout any requisition on the part of the\\nsupreme power. Another petition from New\\nYork, presented by Edmund Burke, was flatly\\nrejected, as claiming rights derogatory to par-\\nliament. And still another petition from Mas-\\nsachusetts Bay was dismissed as vexatious and\\nscandalous, while the patriot philosopher who\\nbore it was exposed to peculiar contumely.\\nThroughout the debates, our fathers were\\nmade the butt of sorry jests and supercilious as-\\nsumptions. And now these scenes, with these\\nprecise objections, have been renewed in the\\nAmerican senate.\\nWith regret I come again upon the senator\\nfrom South Carolina, [Mr. Butler,] who, omni-\\npresent in this debate, overflowed with rage at\\nthe simple suggestion that Kansas had applied\\nfor admission as a state and, with incoherent\\nphrases, discharged the loose expectoration of\\nhis speech, now upon her representative, and\\nthen upon her people. There was no extrava-\\ngance of the ancient parliamentary debate\\nwhich he did not repeat nor was there any\\npossible deviation from truth which he did not\\nmake, with so much of passion, I am glad to\\nadd, as to save him from the suspicion of inten-\\ntional aberration. But the senator touches\\nnothing which he does not disflgvire with error,\\nsometimes of principle, sometimes of fact. He\\nshows an incapacity of accuracy, whether in\\nstating the constitution or in stating the law,\\nwhether in the details of statistics or the di-\\nversions of scholarship. He cannot ope his\\nmouth, but out there flies a blunder. Surely\\nhe ought to be familiar with the life of Frank-\\nlin and yet he referred to this household\\ncharacter, while acting as agent of our fathers\\nin England, as above suspicion and this was\\ndone that he might give point to a false con-\\ntrast with the agent of Kansas not knowing\\nthat, however they may differ in genius and\\nfame, in this experience they are alike that\\nFranklin, when intrusted with the petition of\\nMassachusetts Bay, was assaulted by a foul-\\nmouthed speaker, where he could not be heard\\nin defence, and denounced as a thief, even as\\nthe agent of Kansas has been assaulted on this\\nfloor, and denounced as a forgeiV And let not\\nthe vanity of the senator be inspired by the\\nparallel with the British statesmen of that day\\nfor it is only in hostility to freedom that any\\nparallel can be recognized.\\nBut it is against the people of Kansas that\\nthe sensibilities of the senator ai e particularly\\naroused. Coming, as he announces, from a\\nstate, ay, sir, from South Carolina, he\\nturns with lordly disgust from this newly-\\nformed community, which he will not recognize\\neven as a body politic Pray, sir, by what\\ntitle does he indul2;e in this egotism Has he\\nread the history of the state which he repre-\\nsents He cannot, surely, have forgotten its\\nshameful imbecility from slavery, confessed\\nthroughout the revolution, followed by its more\\nshameful assumptions for slavery since. He\\ncannot have forgotten its wretched persistence\\nin the slave trade as the very apple of its eye,\\nand the condition of its participation in the\\nUnion. He cannot have forgotten its consti-\\ntution, which is republican only in name, con-\\nfirming power in the hands of the i^ew, and\\nfounding the qualifications of its legislators on\\na settled freehold estate or ten negroes.\\nAnd yet the senator, to whom that state has\\nin part committed the guardianship of its good\\nname, instead of moving with backward-tread-\\ning steps, to cover its nakedness, rushes for-\\nward, in the very ecstasy of madness, to expose\\nit, by provoking a comparison with Kansas.\\nSouth Carolina is old Kansas is young. South\\nCarolina counts by centuries, where Kansas", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0657.jp2"}, "658": {"fulltext": "622\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncounts by years. But a beneficent example\\nmay be born in a day and I venture to say,\\ntbat against the two centuries of the older\\nstate, may be already set the two years of\\ntrial, evolving corresjionding virtue, in the\\nyounger community. In the one, is the long\\nwail of slavery in the other, the hymns of\\nfreedom. And if we glance at special achieve-\\nments, it will be difficult to find any thing in\\nthe history of South Carolina which presents\\nso much of heroic spirit in an heroic cause, as\\nappears in that repulse of the Missouri invaders\\nby the beleaguered town of Lawrence, where\\neven the women gave their effective efforts to\\nfreedom. The matrons of Eome, Avho poured\\ntheir jewels into the treasury for the public\\ndefence the wives of Prussia, who, with del-\\nicate fingers, clothed their defenders against\\nFrench invasion the mothers of our own rev-\\nolution, who sent forth their sons, covered over\\nwith prayers and blessings, to combat for hu-\\nman rio;bts, did nothing of self-sacrifice truer\\nthan did these women on this occasion. Were\\nthe whole history of South Carolina blotted\\nout of existence, from its very beginning down\\nto the day of the last election of the senator\\nto his present seat on this floor, civilization\\nmight lose I do not say how little, but surely\\nless than it has already gained by the example\\nof Kansas, in its valiant struggle against op-\\npression, and in the development of a new\\nscience of emigration. Already in Lawrence\\nalone there are newspapers and schools, includ-\\ning a high school and throughout this infant\\nterritory there is more of mature scholarship,\\nin proportion to its inhabitants, than in all\\nSouth Carolina. Ah, sir, I tell the senator that\\nKansas, welcomed as a free state, will be a\\nministering angel to the republic, when South\\nCarolina, in the cloak of darkness which she\\nhoo-s, lies howling.\\nThe senator from Illinois [Mr. Douglas]\\nnaturally joins the senator from South Carolina\\nin this warfare, and gives to it the superior\\nintensity of his nature. He thinks that the\\nnational government has not completely proved\\nits power, as it has never hanged a traitor;\\nbut; if the occasion requires, he hopes there\\nwill be no hesitation and this threat is directed\\nat Kansas, and even at the friends of Kansas\\nthroughout the country. Again occurs the\\nparallel with the struggles of our fathers, and\\nI borrow the language of Patrick Henry, when,\\nto the cry from the senator of Treason, trea-\\nson, I reply, If this be treason, make the most\\nof it. Sir, it is easy to call names but I beg\\nto tell the senator that if the word traitor is\\nin any way applicable to those who refuse sub-\\nmission to a tj rannical usurpation, whether in\\nKansas or elsewhere, then must some new\\nword, of deeper color, be invented, to designate\\nthose mad spirits who would endanger and\\ndegrade the republic, while they betraj all the\\ncherished sentiments of the fathers, and the\\nspirit of the constitution, in order to give new\\nspread to slavery. Let the senator proceed.\\nIt will not be the first time in history that a\\nscaffold erected for punishment has become a\\npedestal of honor. Out of death comes life,\\nand the traitor whom he blindly executes will\\nlive immortal in the cause.\\nFor humanity sweeps onward; where to-day the martyr stands,\\nOn the morrow crouches Judas, with the silver in his hands\\nWhile the hooting mob of yesterday in silent awe return\\nTo glean up the scattered ashes into history s golden urn.\\nAmong these hostile senators there is yet\\nanother, with all the prejudices of the senator\\nfrom South Carolina, but without his generous\\nimpulses, who, on account of his character be-\\nfore the country, and the rancor of his opposi-\\ntion, deserves to be named. I mean the sen-\\nator from Virginia, [Mr. Mason,] who, as the\\nauthor of the fugitive slave bill, has associated\\nhimself with a special act of inhumanity and\\ntyranny. Of him I shall say little, for he has\\nsaid little in this debate, though within that\\nlittle was compressed the bitterness of a life\\nabsorbed in the support of slavery. He holds", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0658.jp2"}, "659": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n623\\nthe commission of Virginia; but lie does not\\nrepresent that early Virginia, so dear to our\\nhearts, which gave to us the pen of Jefferson,\\nby which the equality of men was declared,\\nand the sword of Washington, by which inde-\\npendence was secured but he represents that\\nother Virginia, from which Washington and\\nJefferson now avert their faces, where human\\nbeings are bred as cattle for the shambles, and\\nwhere a dungeon rewards the pious mati on\\nwho teaches little children to relieve their\\nbondage by reading the book of life. It is\\nproper that such a senator, representing such a\\nstate, should rail against free Kansas.\\nIn this contest, Kansas bravely stands forth\\nthe stripling leader, clad in the panoply of\\nAmerican institutions. In calmly meeting and\\nadopting a frame of government, her pe.ople\\nhave with intuitive promptitude performed the\\nduties of freemen; and when I consider the\\ndifficulties by which she was beset, I find dig-\\nnity in her attitude. In offering herself for ad-\\nmission into the Union as a free state, she pre-\\nsents a single issue for the people to decide. And\\nsince the slave power now stakes on this issue all\\nits ill-gotten supremacy, the j^eople, while vindi-\\ncating Kansas, will at the same time overthrow\\nthis tyranny. Thus does the contest which she\\nnow begins involve not only liberty for herself,\\nbut for the whole country. God be praised\\nthat she did not bend ignobly beneath the\\nyoke Far away on the prairies, she is now\\nbattling for the liberty of all, against the pres-\\nident, who misrepresents all. Every where\\namong those who are not insensible to right,\\nthe generous struggle meets a generous re-\\nsponse. From innumerable throbbing hearts\\ngo forth the very words of encouragement\\nwhich, in the sorrowful days of our fathers,\\nwere sent by Virginia, speaking by the pen of\\nRichard Henry Lee, to Massachusetts, in the\\nperson of her popular tribune, Samuel\\nAdams\\n79\\nChantilly, Va., June 23, 1774.\\nI hope the good people of Boston will not lose\\ntheir spirits, under their present heavy oppression,\\nfor they will certainly be supported by the otiier col-\\nonies and the cause for which they suffer is so glo-\\nrious and so deeply interesting to the present and\\nfuture generations, that all America will owe, in a\\ngreat measure, their political salvation to the present\\nvirtue of Massachusetts Bay. American Archives,\\nilh series, Vol. I. p. 446.\\nIn all this sjanpathy there is strength. But\\nin the cause itself there is angelic power. Un-\\nseen of men, the great spirits of history com-\\nbat by the side of the people of Kansas, breath-\\ning a divine courage. Above all towers the\\nmajestic form of Washington, once more, as on\\nthe bloody field, bidding them to remember\\nthose rights of human nature for which the\\nwar of independence was waged. Such a\\ncause, thus sustained, is invincible.\\nThe contest, which, beginning in Kansas,\\nhas reached us, will soon be transferred from\\nCongress to a broader stage, where every cit-\\nizen will be not only spectator, but actor and\\nto their judgment I confidently appeal. To\\nthe people, now on the eve of exercising the\\nelectoral franchise, in choosing a chief magis-\\ntrate of the republic, I appeal, to vindicate the\\nelectoral franchise in Kansas. Let the ballot-box\\nof the Union, with multitudinous might, protect\\nthe ballot-box in that territory. Let the voters\\nevery where, while rejoicing in their own rights,\\nhelp to guard the equal rights of distant fellow-\\ncitizens; that the shrines of popular institutions,\\nnow desecrated, may be sanctified anew that\\nthe ballot-box, now plundered, may be restored\\nand that the cry, I am an American citizen,\\nmay not be sent forth in vain against outrage\\nof every kind. In just regard for free labor in\\nthat territory, which it is sought to blast by\\nunwelcome association with slave labor; in\\nChristian sympathy with the slave, whom it is\\nproposed to task and to sell there in stern\\ncondemnation of the crime which has been\\nconsummated on that beautiful soil in rescue", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0659.jp2"}, "660": {"fulltext": "624\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nof fellow-citizens now subjugated to a tyranni-\\ncal usurpation in dutiful respect for the early\\nfathers, whose aspirations are now ignobly\\nthwarted in the name of the constitution,\\nwhich has been outraged of the laws trampled\\ndown; of justice banished; of humanity de-\\ngraded of peace destroyed of freedom\\ncrushed to earth and in the name of the\\nheavenly Father, whose service is perfect free-\\ndom, I make this last appeal.\\nOne consequence of this speech was a most\\nmelancholy and disgraceful occui rence, the\\nrecord of which it is painful to be obliged\\nto make. On the 22d of May, after the sen-\\nate adjourned, while Mr. Sumner was writing at\\nhis desk in the senate chamber, Mr. Preston S.\\nBrooks, a member of the house from South Car-\\nolina, and a nephew of Mr. Butler, came up to\\nhim, and denouncing him as a libeller of South\\nCarolina and a slanderer of his relative, said\\nthat he w^as about to chastise him. Then,\\nwhile two of his colleagues stood near to pre-\\nvent interference, the South Carolina member\\nassaulted Mr. Sumner before he could rise from\\nhis seat, with a heavy cane of gutta percha,\\ninflicting upon his head repeated and heavy\\nblows till he was prostrate and senseless. This\\noutrage created an intense feeling among the\\npolitical friends of Mr. Sumner, in and out of\\nCongress, and was condemned by men of all\\nparties. In the senate and in the house indig-\\nnant speeches were made by the members from\\nMassachusetts and other states but when in the\\nhouse an attempt was made to expel the man\\nwho had brought disgrace upon it, there were\\nnot votes enough (two thirds being required)\\nto carry it. Mr. Brooks was fined by a crim-\\ninal court, and one of his coadjutors, Mr. Keitt,\\nwas censured, but they retained their seats.\\nThe injuries to Mr. Sumner were very serious.\\nIt was feared at first that they might terminate\\nfatally but though that was fortunately not\\nthe case, he did not recover his health and\\nstrength so as to resume his duties for a long\\nperiod, and not until he had been in Europe\\nfor some time for the purpose of medical treat-\\nment. His seat for three years remained va-\\ncant a sad commentary upon the unhappy\\noccurrence. Before he returned to the senate\\nhis assailant had passed away by a painful death.\\nThe committee appointed to investigate the\\ntroubles in Kansas, upon their return submitted\\na voluminous report of the testimony they had\\ntaken, and the facts which had come to their\\nknowledge. Their conclusions were, that citi-\\nzens of Missouri had illegally interfered in\\nKansas affairs, arid that but for the frauds per-\\npetrated by them in the elections, which pre-\\nvented an expression of the will of the actual\\nsettlers, Kansas would be a free state. The\\ncommittee reported against the admission of\\neither of the contestants, Reeder or Whitfield,\\nto a seat as delegate, and recommended that\\nsteps be taken to secure a free and fair election\\nin the territory. Mr. Oliver submitted a mi-\\nnority report, disagreeing with the conclusions\\nof the majority, and to some extent slighting\\nthe testimony.\\nBut before the report was acted upon, the\\ncommittee on territories in the house reported\\na bill for the admission of Kansas into the\\nUnion as a state, with the Topeka constitution.\\nThis bill was rejected on the 30th of June by\\na vote of one hundred and six to one hundred\\nand five. This vote was so close that a recon-\\nsideration was carried the next day, and on the\\n3d of July the bill was passed by a vote of\\nninety-nine to ninety-seven. In the senate a\\nbill was passed for the purpose of securing a\\nfair expression of the will of the people of\\nKansas, and allowing the formation of a state\\nconstitution but the bill for admitting Kansas\\ninto the Union did not receive the vote of that\\nbranch.\\nAflliirs in Kansas continued to grow worse\\nafter the sacking of Lawrence. That event\\nand the circumstances attending it, which we", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0660.jp2"}, "661": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmrt\\nhave mentioned somewhat in detail as the crisis\\nin the early history of the territory, served to\\nexasperate the free state settlers, and to excite\\nthem to acts of retaliation which they had not\\nbefore attempted. Some of them had been\\nrobbed and driven from their homes, and, be-\\ncoming desperate, were ready to do any thing\\nto retaliate on their oppressors but the ma-\\njority yet hoped for a favorable issue, and that,\\nby peaceful adherence to their principles, Kan-\\nsas might before long become a free state.\\nThey had suffered much by losses, robbery,\\nand forced neglect of their private affairs in\\nthe times of excitement, and it was absolutely\\nnecessai y for most of them to attend to their\\nfarms and their business. Those who were less\\ndisposed to peace found opportunities to meet\\nparties of marauders belonging to the compa-\\nnies which had come from the south. There\\nwere frequent collisions and some bloodshed,\\nand portions of the territory were in a state\\nof civil war, men of neither party being safe\\nfrom the guerilla warfai e which for a time was\\ncarried on. A reference to the pro-slavery pa-\\npers of the territory and of Western Missouri,\\nof that day, will show how the excitement was\\nkept up and the warfare encouraged. Most of\\nthe free state papers were already stopped.\\nTo put down this sort of warfare Governor\\nShannon called on the United States dragoons,\\nand small troops were soon riding through the\\nterritory to drive out the marauders. The\\ngovernor at the same time undertook to disarm\\nthe free state people, whether peaceful citizens\\nor not.\\nGovernor Shannon, who never had any qual-\\nifications for the post he held, soon made him-\\nself obnoxious to his own friends, or rather to\\nthe party to whom he had made himself sub-\\nservient. His course was foolish and inefficient\\nfor any good, and by his habits he disgraced\\nthe position which he held. When the ma-\\nrauding parties of Missourians and other lawless\\nmen of the pro-slavery party were driven out\\nby the dragoons; they indignantly turned upon\\nthe governor, who had called the troops into\\nthe field. The governor, therefore, determined\\nto resign, and left the territory for that pur-\\npose. He was, however, persuaded to return,\\nand soon after was removed by the president.\\nAs the time for the reassembling of the\\nstate legislature, on the 4th of July, approached,\\nthe free state men hoped that their cause, which\\nfor the time seemed to have been utterly de-\\nfeated, might receive a new impulse. But\\norders had been issued from Washina;ton that\\nthis legislature must not be pei mitted to as-\\nsemble. Governor Robinson was a prisoner,\\nand most of the other leading men of the\\nfree state party were out of the territory, either\\non public business or for personal safety. When\\nthe legislature assembled, the members did not\\nall attend, and there was no disposition to resist\\nthe orders of the government. Colonel Sum\\nner, who marched to Topeka with a large force\\nof dragoons to enforce the orders, met the\\nlegislature at the time appointed for their\\nmeeting, and performed what he acknowledged\\nwas the most painful duty of his life. No\\nresistance was made, and the legislature dis-\\npersed. The Avar department stated afterwards\\nthat it was not satisfied that Colonel Sumner\\nwas justifiable in dispersing the meeting at\\nTopeka.\\nAlthough the free state cause seemed for the\\npresent to be prostrate, quiet was by no means\\nrestored. The sacking of Lawrence had aroused\\nthe sympathies of the people in the states, and\\nemigrants, prepared for fighting, went into the\\nterritory. Such companies were not permitted\\nto enter Kansas through Missouri, and the rights\\nof citizens of the United States were repeatedly\\nviolated by the authorities or people of that\\nstate. Parties, however, entered the territory\\nthrouarh Iowa and Nebraska. The free state\\nmen formed military organizations, and several\\nconflicts occurred between them and their op-\\nponents with various success, each party taking", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0661.jp2"}, "662": {"fulltext": "626\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nprisoners and arms, and numerous lives being\\nlost. The Missourians were again in the field,\\nand the aspect of afiairs became worse than\\never. Matters were probably not improved by\\nthe course of the acting governor, Woodson,\\nwho proclaimed the territory in a state of in-\\nsurrection.\\nWhile matters were in this condition, Mr.\\nJohn W. Geary, of Pennsylvania, who had been\\nappointed to succeed Governor Shannon, went\\nto Kansas to enter upon his duties. He was a\\nman of energy and character, and he proceed-\\ned at once to take measures for the pacifica-\\ntion of the discordant elements, instead of ex-\\nciting them, as his predecessor had done. He\\nissued proclamations charging the disturbed\\nstate of the territory mainly upon persons\\nresiding beyond its limits announcing his de-\\ntermination to uphold the organic law of the\\nterritory, which guaranteed the right of self-\\ngovernment to the people and demanding\\nobedience to the present laws as long as they\\nwere legally in force. He declared that he\\nwould do justice at all hazards, knowing no\\nparty or section. He soon ordered the dis-\\nbandment of the volunteer militia, summoned\\nby the late acting governor, and commanded\\nall bodies of men, armed and equipped without\\nauthority from the government, to disband, or\\nquit the territory. It was apparent that the\\nnew governor was disposed to take a different\\ncourse from that of the last, and though the\\nfree state men had learned not to put much con-\\nfidence in the officers appointed by the federal\\ngovernment, they by degrees became more\\nassured of his intentions to do justice. The\\nelection for members of the territorial legisla-\\nture and delegate to Congress was to take place\\nearly in October, and the governor promised\\nthat measures should be taken to protect the\\nsettlers from invasion on that day. These and\\nother measures served in some degree to re-\\nstore quiet.\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nRelations with Spain. Mr. Perry and Mr. Soule. Relationa\\nwith Great Britain. Violation of Neutrality Laws by the Brit-\\nish Minister. The British Government requested to recall the\\nMinister and certain Consuls. Refusal. Mr. Crampton dis-\\nmissed and Exequaturs of British Consuls revoked. Presi-\\ndential Nominations. The Canvass. The Result of the\\nElection.\\nBut the affairs of Kansas did not wholly\\noccupy public attention in 1856, although,\\nfrom the importance of the principles involved\\nand the effect of the contest there upon the\\nfuture of our country, we have given much\\nspace to them.\\nAfter the return of Mr. Soule from Spain,\\nMr. Perry, the United States secretary of lega-\\ntion at that court, had charge of the negotia-\\ntions, and an arrangement was effected by\\nwhich the difficulties and demands between the\\ntwo countries could be settled. The idea of\\npurchasing Cuba having subsided for the present,\\nthe relations between the countries became\\nmore friendly. In a letter to the president\\nMr. Perry reviewed the difficulties which had\\narisen between himself and Mr. Soule, and also\\nthe manner in which the latter had conducted\\nnegotiations, charging him with misapprehend-\\ning the feelings of the people of Spain and trans-\\nmitting erroneous information to Washington.\\nIt was quite evident that Mr. Perry was correct\\nin some of his statements, but the administrar\\ntion deemed it proper to recall him.\\nDuring the spring the friendly relations be-\\ntween the United States and Enojland were\\nsomewhat disturbed by the proceedings of the\\nBritish minister at Washington, Mr. Crampton,\\nand several of the British consuls in the Unit-\\ned States, in relation to enlistments for the\\nBritish army. These proceedings occurred the\\npreceding year, as already mentioned, and cer-\\ntain persons were prosecuted at Philadelphia for\\nviolating the neutrality laws, by procuring such\\nenlistments for service against a power (Russia)", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0662.jp2"}, "663": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n627\\nwith whom the United States were at peace.\\nA remonstrance against these proceedings was\\nsent to the British government, and the subject\\noccasioned some diplomatic correspondence, in\\nthe course of which it was declared that the\\nBritish government had, while seeking to in-\\ncrease their forces by recruits coming from the\\nUnited States into the provinces, given express\\norders that nothing should be done to infringe\\nthe neutrality laws of the United States. And\\nthe English government had also, when com-\\nplaint was made, given orders to stop all ar-\\nrangements for the enlistment of such recruits\\ncoming from the United States. The recruit-\\ning, however, in some form continued, and occa-\\nsioned fresh complaints. It appeared, too, that\\nthe British minister at Washington, and the\\nBritish consuls at New York, Philadelphia, and\\nCincinnati, were more or less directly concerned\\nin the proceedings. The government, there-\\nfore, requested that those agents be recalled\\nby the English government. To this request,\\nwhile disavowing any intention to infringe the\\nneutrality laws or to give any cause of offence\\nto the United States, the British government\\nrefused to accede, stating that it was not be-\\nlieved that those agents had given any cause\\nfor such a demand. The United States gov-\\nernment, while accepting the conciliatory and\\napologetic course of the British ministry with\\nregard to the enlistments, insisted that the rep-\\nresentatives of England, above named, had per-\\nsisted in acting in viqla^on of the known\\nwishes of the government and the neutrality\\nlaws and as the British government did not\\nsee fit to recall them, the president determined\\nto discontinue further intercourse with Mr.\\nCrampton as minister from that government,\\nand revoked the exequaturs of the British\\nconsuls at New York, Philadelphia, and Cin-\\ncinnati.\\nThis dismissal of Mr. Crampton occasioned\\nsome discussion both in the United States and\\nEngland, where there were not a few who did\\nnot disapprove of the president s course. The af-\\nfair, however, though it was expected to produce\\nsome irritation, was not such as could be con-\\nsidered a serious cause of offence, and friendly\\nrelations between the two countries were soon\\nresumed. In due time the British government\\nsent Lord Napier to be Mr. Crampton s successor.\\nThe subject of the most general and intense\\ninterest during this year was the presidential\\ncanvass. On the 2 2d of February, the national\\nconvention of the Ameiican party assembled\\nat Philadelphia, and nominated Ex-President\\nFillmore for the presidency and Andrew J.\\nDonelson, of Tennessee, for the vice-presidency.\\nThere had been a warm contest, just previous,\\nin the national council of the party, in rela-\\ntion to their principles, or platform, and as the\\nprinciples adopted were not satisfactory to\\nmany of the northern men, they refused to be\\nbound by them or by the nomination of the\\nparty.\\nOn the second day of June, the Democratic\\nnational convention was held at Cincinnati.\\nThere were three leading candidates for the\\nnomination, President Pierce, Mr. Douglas, and\\nMr. Buchanan. Great efforts were made by\\nthe friends of these several gentlemen to se-\\ncure the nomination of their fiivorite, and there\\nwere some not very friendly thrusts at some of\\nthe candidates. On the seventeenth ballot\\nJames Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, received the\\nunanimous nomination. The result appeared\\nto give general satisfaction to the party, and\\nwas regarded on all sides as the strongest nom-\\nination which the Democratic party could make.\\nJ. C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, was nominated\\nfor the vice-presidency.\\nOn the 17th of June, the national conven-\\ntion of the Repubhcan party was held at Phila-\\ndelphia. This party, by its declared principles,\\nstood most directly in opposition to the Demo-\\ncratic party and its policy. The principal can-\\ndidates were John C. Fremont, of California,\\nand John McLean, of Ohio, an associate justice", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0663.jp2"}, "664": {"fulltext": "628\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nof the Supreme Court of the United States. 1\\nUpon the first formal ballot Colonel Fremont\\nreceived all the ballots but thirty-eight. and the\\nnomination was then made unanimous. William\\nL. Dayton, of New Jersey, was then nominated\\nfor the vice-presidency.\\nThe members of the American party who\\nwere dissatisfied with the declared principles\\nof that party and with the nomination of Mr.\\nFillmore held a convention in New York, where\\nthey expressed their preference for Nathaniel\\nP. Banks, of Massachusetts, for the presidency,\\nand William F. Johnston, of Pennsylvania, for\\nthe vice-presidency. The convention then pre-\\nsented these names to the Republican conven-\\ntion. The latter having made their nomina-\\ntions, the American convention nominated\\nColonel Fremont for the presidency, and Mr.\\nJohnston for the vice-presidency. For some\\ntime tliere appeared to be a difficulty in uniting\\nthese two parties in a way which should give\\ntheir combined vote to their candidate for the\\npresidency. This was finally arranged in most\\nof the states where the dissenting Americans\\nhad an organization, and a union of forces was\\nthus effected.\\nAfter the adjournment of Congress, which\\ntook place on the 18th of August, public atten-\\ntion was turned almost entirely to the presi-\\ndential canvass. It was carried on with much\\nspirit and not a little acrimony, the affairs of\\nKansas furnishing a subject for much of the\\ncontroversy. The Republican party was con-\\nfined chiefly to the free states, their policy\\nbeing to restrain the further extension of\\nslavery but in some of the border states,\\nespecially in Missouri, there were considerable\\nnumbers who supported their principles and\\nnominations. The American and the Demo-\\ncratic party, of course, were organized in all\\nthe states but the contest was really between\\nthe Democratic and Republican parties. At\\nlast the important day came when the nation\\nof twenty millions should declare their\\nchoice for the highest office in the republic\\nand notwithstanding the previous excitement,\\nand threats, and forebodings, in which the dif-\\nferent parties had shared, when the contest was\\nover and the ballots had been cast, all was\\npeace, and the people pursued their ordinary\\navocations, submitting quietly to the will of\\nthe majority.\\nThe result of the election was the success\\nof the Democratic party. James Buchanan was\\nelected president, and John C. Breckinridge\\nwas elected vice-president. They received the\\nvotes of nineteen state.s, .being one hundred\\nand seventy-four electoral votes. John C. Fi-e-\\nmont and William L. Dayton received the\\nvotes of eleven states, being one hundred and\\nfourteen electoral votes. Millard Fillmore and\\nA. J. DoneLson received the vote of one state,\\n(Maryland,) being eight electoral votes. The\\npopular vote was not so strongly in favor of\\nthe successful candidates as the electoral vote.\\nThe Democratic popular vote in all the states\\nwas one million eight hundred and fifty-nine\\nthousand three hundred and thirty-seven the\\nRepublican jDopular vote was one million three\\nhundred forty-one thousand eight hundred and\\ntwelve and the American popular vote was eight\\nhundred eighty-eight thousand and fifty-five\\nso that the Democratic party, while they had a\\nmajority of fifty-two electoral votes, (out of\\ntwo hundred and ninety-six cast,) were really in\\na minority on the popular vote.\\nCHAPTER Vin.\\nSecond Session of the Thirty-fourth Congress. President s Mes-\\nsage. International Law. Privateering. Rules proposed\\nby Paris Congress. Mr. Marcy s Letter. Concurrence of\\nthe Russian Government. Revenue. Rension of the Taiiff.\\nAtlantic Telegraph. State of Minnesota. End of Pres-\\nident Pierce s Administration.\\nThe second session of the thirty-fourth Con-\\ngress commenced December 1st. The last", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0664.jp2"}, "665": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n629\\nannual message of President Pierce was trans-\\nmitted the next day. In it the president dis-\\ncussed at length the position of parties in the\\nrecent canvass, the slavery question, and the\\npolicy of the repeal of the Missouri compro-\\nmise. This part of the message is partisan in\\nits tone and arguments, but as a defence of the\\npolicy of the Democratic party on these ques-\\ntions, we submit it to the reader. Whether or\\nnot the president s statements and conclusions\\nare just or sustained by history, the careful\\nand candid reader and observer of events may\\njudge.\\nIt is impossible to misapprehend the great\\nprinciples, which, by their recent political ac-\\ntion, the people of the United States have\\nsanctioned and announced.\\nThey have asserted the constitutional equal-\\nity of each and all of the states of the Union\\nas states they have affirmed the, constitutional\\nequality of each and all of the citizens of the\\nUnited States as citizens, whatever their reli-\\ngion, wherever their birth, or their residence\\nthey have maintained the inviolability of the\\nconstitutional rights of the different sections\\nof the Union and they have proclaimed their\\ndevoted and unalterable attachment to the\\nUnion and to the constitution, as objects of\\ninterest superior to all subjects of local or sec-\\ntional controversy, as the safeguard of the\\nrights of all, as the spirit and the essence of\\nthe liberty, peace, and greatness of the re-\\npublic.\\nIn doing this, they have, at the same time,\\nemphatically condemned the idea of organizing\\nin these United States mere geographical par-\\nties; of marshalling in hostile array towards\\neach other the different parts of the country,\\nnorth or south, east or west.\\nSchemes of this nature, fraught with incal-\\nculable mischief, and which the considerate\\nsense of the people has rejected, could have\\nhad countenance in no part of the country,\\nhad they not been disguised by suggestions\\nplausible in appearance, acting upon an excited\\nstate of the public mind, induced by causes\\ntemporary in their character, and, it is to be\\nhoped, transient in their influence.\\nPerfect liberty of association for political\\nobjects, and the widest scope of discussion, are\\nthe received and ordinary conditions of gov-\\nernment in our country. Our institutions,\\nframed in the spirit of confidence in the intel-\\nligence and integrity of the people, do not for-\\nbid citizens, either individually or associated\\ntogethei to attack by writing, speech, or any\\nother methods short of physical force, the con-\\nstitution and the very existence of the Union.\\nUnder the shelter of this great liberty, and\\nprotected by the laws and usages of the gov-\\nernment they assail, associations have been\\nformed, in some of the states, of individuals,\\nwho, pretending to seek only to prevent the\\nspread of the institution of slavery into the\\npresent or future inchoate states of the Union,\\nare really inflamed with desire to change the\\ndomestic institutions of existing states. To\\naccomplish their objects, they dedicate them-\\nselves to the odious task of depreciating the\\ngovernment organization which stands in their\\nway, and of calumniating, with indiscriminate\\ninvective, not only the citizens of particular\\nstates, with whose laws they find fault, but all\\nothers of their fellow-citizens throughout the\\ncountry who do not participate with them in\\ntheir assaults upon the constitution, framed and\\nadopted by our fiithers, and claiming for the\\nprivileges it has secured, and the blessings it\\nhas conferred, the steady support and gratefui\\nreverence of their children. They seek an\\nobject which they well know to be a revolu-\\ntionary one. They are perfectly aware that\\nthe change in the relative condition of the\\nwhite and black races in the slaveholding\\nstates, which they would promote, is beyond\\ntheir lawful authority; that to them it is a\\nforeign object; that it cannot be effected by\\nany peaceful instrumentality of theirs; that", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0665.jp2"}, "666": {"fulltext": "630\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nfor them, and the states of which they are cit-\\nizens, the only path to its accomplishment is\\nthrough burning cities, and ravaged fields, and\\nslaughtered populations, and all there is most\\nterrible in foreign, complicated with civil and\\nservile war and that the first steji in the at-\\ntempt is the forcible disruption of a country\\nembracing in its broad bosom a degree of lib-\\nerty, and an amount of individual and public\\nprosperity, to which there is no parallel in his-\\ntory, and substituting in its place hostile gov-\\nernments, driven at once and inevitably into\\nmutual devastation and fratricidal carnage,\\ntransforming the now peaceful and felicitous\\nbrotherhood into a vast permanent camp of\\narmed men, like the rival monarchies of Europe\\nand Asia. Well knowing that such, and such\\nonly, are the means and the consequences of\\ntheir plans and purposes, they endeavor to\\nprepare the people of the United States for\\ncivil war by doing every thing in their power\\nto deprive the constitution and the laws of\\nmoral authority, and to undermine the fabric\\nof the Union by appeals to passion and sec-\\ntional prejudice, by indoctrinating its people\\nwith reciprocal hatred, and by educating them\\nto stand face to face as enemies, rather than\\nshoulder to shoulder as friends.\\nIt is by the agency of such unwarrantable\\ninterference, foreign and domestic, that the\\nminds of many, otherwise good citizens, have\\nbeen so inflamed into the passionate condem-\\nnation of the domestic institutions of the\\nSouthern States, as at length to pass insensibly\\nto almost equally passionate hostility towards\\ntheir fellow-citizens of those states, and thus\\nfinally to fall into temporary fellowship with\\nthe avowed and active enemies of the consti-\\ntution. Ardently attached to liberty in the\\nabstract, they do not stop to consider practi-\\ncally how the objects they would attain can be\\naccomplished, nor to reflect that, even if the\\nevil were as great as they deem it, they have\\nno remedy to apply, and that it can be only\\naggravated by their violence and unconstitu-\\ntional action. A question which is one of the\\nmost difificult of all the problems of social in-\\nstitution, political economy, and statesmanship,\\nthey treat with unreasoning intemperance of\\nthought and language. Extremes beget ex-\\ntremes. Violent attack from the north finds\\nits inevitable consequence in the growth of a\\nspirit of angry defiance at the south. Thus in\\nthe progress of events we had reached that\\nconsummation, which the voice of the people\\nhas now so pointedly rebuked, of the attempt\\nof a portion of the states, by a sectional organ-\\nization and movement, to usurp the control of\\nthe government of the United States.\\nI confidently believe that the great body\\nof those who inconsiderately took this fatal\\nstep are sincerely attached to the constitution\\nand the Union. They would, upon delibera-\\ntion, shrink with unaifected horror from any\\nconscious act of disunion or civil war. But\\nthey have entered into a path which leads\\nnowhere, unless it be to civil war and disunion,\\nand which has no other possible outlet. They\\nhave proceeded thus far in that direction in\\nconsequence of the successive stages of their\\nprogress having consisted of a series of sec-\\nondaiy issues, each of which professed to be\\nconfined within constitutional and peaceful\\nIfmits, but which attempted indirectly what\\nfew men were willing to do directly, that is, to\\nact aggressively against the constitutional\\nrights of nearly one half of the thirty-one\\nstates.\\nIn the long series of acts of indirect ag-\\ngression, the first was the strenuous agitation,\\nby citizens of the Northern States, in Congress\\nand out of it, of the question of negro eman-\\ncipation in the Southern States.\\nThe second step in this path of evil con-\\nsisted of acts of the people of the Northern\\nStates, and in several instances of their gov-\\nernments, aimed to facilitate the escape of per-\\nsons held to service in the Southern States,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0666.jp2"}, "667": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n631\\nand to prevent their extradition when reclaimed\\naccording to law and in virtue of express pro-\\nvisions of the constitution. To promote this\\nobject, legislative enactments and other means\\nwere adopted, to take away or defeat rights\\nwhich the constitution solemnly guarantied.\\nIn order to nullify the then existing act of\\nCongress concerning the extradition of fugi-\\ntives from service, laws were enacted, in many\\nstates, forbidding their ofl cers, under the se-\\nverest penalties, to participate in the execution\\nof any act of Congress whatever. In this way\\nthat system of harmonious cooperation between\\nthe authorities of the United States and of the\\nseveral states, for the maintenance of their\\ncommon institutions, which existed in the early\\nyears of the republic, was destroyed conflicts\\nof jurisdiction came to be frequent and Con-\\ngress found itself compelled, for the support of\\nthe constitution, and the vindication of its\\npower, to authorize the ajDpointment of new\\nofficers, charged with the execution of its acts,\\nas if they and the officers of the states were\\nthe ministers, respectively, of foreign govern-\\nments in a state of mutual hostility, rather\\nthan fellow-magistrates of a common country,\\npeacefully subsisting under the protection of\\none well-constituted Union. Thus here, also,\\naggression was followed by reaction and the\\nattacks upon the constitution at this point did\\nbut serve to raise up new barriers for its de-\\nfence and security.\\nThe third stage of this unhappy sectional\\ncontroversy was in connection with the organi-\\nzation of territorial governments, and the ad-\\nmission of new states into the Union. When\\nit was proposed to admit the state of Maine,\\nby separation of territory from that of Massa-\\nchusetts, and the state of Missouri, formed of a\\nportion of the territory ceded by France to the\\nUnited States, representatives in Congress ob-\\njected to the admission of the latter, unless\\nwith .conditions suited to particular views of\\npublic policy. The imposition of such a con-\\ndition was successfully resisted. But, at the\\nsame period, the question was presented of\\nimposing restrictions upon the I esidue of the\\nterritory ceded by France. That question was,\\nfor the time, disposed of by the adoption of a\\ngeographical line of limitation.\\nIn this connection it should not be for-\\ngotten, that when France, of her own accord,\\nresolved, for considerations of the most far-\\nsighted sagacity, to cede Louisiana to the\\nUnited States, and that accession was accepted\\nby the United States, the latter expressly en-\\ngaged that the inhabitants of the ceded terri-\\ntory shall be incorporated in the Union of the\\nUnited States, and admitted as soon as possible,\\naccording to the principles of the federal con-\\nstitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights,\\nadvantages, and immunities of citizens of the\\nUnited States and in the mean time they shall\\nbe maintained and protected in the free en-\\njoyment of their liberty, property, and the\\nreligion which they profess that is to say,\\nwhile it remains in a territorial condition, its\\ninhabitants are maintained and protected in the\\nfree enjoyment of their liberty and property,\\nwith a right then to pass into the condition of\\nstates on a footing of perfect equality with the\\noriginal states.\\nThe enactment which established the re-\\nstrictive geographical line was acquiesced in\\nrather than approved by the states of the\\nUnion. It stood on the statute book, however,\\nfor a number of years and the people of the\\nrespective states acquiesced in the reenactment\\nof the principle as applied to the state of\\nTexas apd it was proposed to acquiesce in its\\nfurther application to the territory acquired\\nby the United States from Mexico. But this\\nproposition was successfully resisted by the\\nrepresentatives from the Northern States, who,\\nregardless of the statute line, insisted upon\\napplying restriction to the new territory gen-\\nerally, whether lying north or south of it,\\nthereby repealing it as a legislative compro-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0667.jp2"}, "668": {"fulltext": "632\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nmise, and, on the part of the north, persistently\\nviolating the compact, if compact there was.\\nThereupon this enactment ceased to have\\nbinding virtue in any sense, whether as respects\\nthe north or the south 5 and so in effect it was\\ntreated on the occasion of the admission of the\\nstate of California, and the organization of the\\nterritories of New Mexico, Utah, and Wash-\\nington.\\nSuch was the state of this question, when\\nthe time arrived for the organization of the\\nterritories of Kansas and Nebraska. In the\\nprogress of constitutional inquiry and reflec-\\ntion, it had now at length come to be seen\\nclearly that Congress does not possess constitu-\\ntional power to impose restrictions of this\\ncharacter uj^on any present or future state of\\nthe Union.\\nIn a long series of decisions, on the fullest\\nargument, and after the most deliberate con-\\nsideration, the Supreme Court of the United\\nStates had finally determined this point, in\\nevery form under which the question could\\narise, whether as affecting public or private\\nrights, in questions of the public domain, of\\nreligion, of navigation, and of servitude.\\nThe several states of the Union are, by\\nforce of the constitution, co-equal in domestic\\nlegislative power. Congress cannot change a\\nlaw of domestic relation in the state of Maine\\nno more can it in the state of Missouri. Any\\nstatute which proposes to do this is a mere\\nnullity; it takes away no right, it confers none,\\nK it remains on the statute book unrepealed,\\nit remains there only as a monument of error,\\nand a beacon of warning to the legislator and\\nthe statesman. To repeal it will be only to\\nremove imperfection from the statutes, without\\naffecting, either in the sense of permission or\\nof prohibition, the action of the states, or of\\ntheir citizens.\\nStill, when the nominal restriction of this\\nnature, already a dead letter in law, was in\\nterms repealed by the last Congress, in a clause\\nof the act organizing the territories of Kansas\\nand Nebraska, that repeal was made the occa-\\nsion of a wide-spi-ead and dangerous agitation.\\nIt was alleged that, the original enactment\\nbeing a compact of perpetual moral obligation,\\nits repeal constituted an odious breach of faith.\\nAn act of Congress, while it remains unre-\\npealed, more especially if it be constitutionally\\nvalid in the judgment of those public function-\\naries whose duty it is to pronounce on that\\npoint, is undoubtedly binding on the conscience\\nof each good citizen of the republic. But in\\nwhat sense can it be asserted that the enact-\\nment in question was invested with perpetuity\\nand entitled to the respect of a solemn com-\\npact Between whom was the compact No\\ndistinct, contending powers of the government,\\nno separate sections of the Union, treating as\\nsuch, entered into treaty stipulations on the\\nsubject. It was a mere clause of an act of\\nCongress, and, like any other controverted\\nmatter of legislation, received its final shape,\\nand was passed by compromise of the conflict-\\ning opinions or sentiments of the members of\\nCongress. But if it had moral authority over\\nmen s consciences, to whom did this authority\\nattach Not to those of the north, who had\\nrepeatedly refused to confirm it by extension,\\nand who had zealously striven to establish\\nother and incompatible regulations upon the\\nsubject. And if, as it thus appears, the sup-\\nposed compact had no obligatory force as to\\nthe north, of course it could not have had any\\nas to the south, for all such compacts must be\\nmutual, and of reciprocal obligation.\\nIt has not unfrequently happened that law-\\ngivers, with undue estimation of the value of\\nthe law they give, or in the view of imparting\\nto it peculiar strength, make it perpetual in\\nterms; but they cannot thus bind the con-\\nscience, the judgment, and the will of those\\nwho may succeed them, invested with similar\\nresponsibilities, and clothed with equal author-\\nity. More careful investigation may prove the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0668.jp2"}, "669": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES.\\n633\\nlaw to be unsound in princij^le. Experience\\nmay show it to be imperfect in detail and im-\\npracticable in execution. And then both rea-\\nson and right combine not merely to justify,\\nbut to require, its repeal.\\nThe constitution, supreme as it is over all\\nthe departments of the government, legislative,\\nexecutive, and judicial, is open to amendment\\nby its very terms and Congress or the states\\nmay, in their discretion, propose, amendments\\nto it, solemn compact though it in truth is be-\\ntween the sovereign states of the Union. In\\nthe present instance, a political enactment,\\nwhich had ceased to have legal power or au-\\nthority of any kind, was repealed. The posi-\\ntion assumed, that Congress had no moral\\nright to enact such repeal, was strange enough,\\nand singularly so in view of the fact that the\\nargument came from those who openly refused\\nobedience to existing laws of the land, having\\nthe same popular designation and quality as\\ncompromise acts; nay, more, who unequiv-\\nocally disregarded and condemned the most\\npositive and obligatory injunctions of the con-\\nstitution itself, and sought, by every means\\nwithin their reach, to deprive a portion of\\ntheir fellow-citizens of the equal enjoyment of\\nthose rights and privileges guarantied alike to\\nall by the fundamental compact of our Union.\\nThis argument against the repeal of the\\nstatute line in question was accompanied by\\nanother of congenial character, and, equally\\nwith the former, destitute of foundation in rea-\\nson and truth. It was imputed that the meas-\\nure originated in the conception of extending\\nthe limits of slave labor beyond those previ-\\nously assigned to it, and that such was its nat\\nural as well as intended effect and these base-\\nless assumptions wefe made, in the Northern\\nStates, the ground of unceasing assault upon\\nconstitutional right.\\nThe repeal, in terms, of a statute which\\nwas already obsolete, and also null for uncon-\\nstitutionality, could have no influence to ob-\\nstruct or to promote the propagation of con-\\nflicting views of political or social institution.\\nWhen the act organizing the territories of\\nKansas and Nebraska was passed, the inherent\\neffect upon that portion of the public domain\\nthus opened to legal settlement, was to admit\\nsettlers from all the states of the Union alike,\\neach%ith his convictions of public policy and\\nprivate interest, there to found in their discre-\\ntion, subject to such limitations as the constitu-\\ntion and acts of Congress might prescribe, new\\nstates, hereafter to be admitted into the Union.\\nIt was a free field, open alike to all, whether\\nthe statute line of assumed restriction were\\nrepealed or not. That repeal did not open to\\nfree competition of the diverse opinions and\\ndomestic institutions a field which, without\\nsuch repeal, would have been closed against\\nthem it found that field of competition already\\nopened, in fact and in law. All the repeal did\\nwas to relieve the statute book of an objec-\\ntionable enactment, unconstitutional in effect\\nand injurious in terms to a large portion of\\nthe states.\\nIs it the fact that, in all the unsettled re-\\ngions of the United States, if emigration be\\nleft free to act in this respect for itself, without\\nlegal prohibitions on either side, slave labor\\nwill spontaneously go every where, in pref-\\nerence to free labor Is it the fact, that the\\npeculiar domestic institutions of the Southern\\nStates possess relatively so much of vigor that,\\nwheresoever an avenue is freely opened to all\\nthe world, they will penetrate to the exclusion\\nof those of the Northern States Is it the\\nfact, that the former enjoy, compared with the\\nlatter, such irresistibly superior vitality, inde-\\npendent of climate, soil, and all other acciden-\\ntal circumstances, as to be able to produce the\\nsupposed result, in spite of the assumed moral\\nand natural obstacles to its accomplishment,\\nand of the more numerous population of the\\nNorthern States\\nThe argument of those who advocate the", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0669.jp2"}, "670": {"fulltext": "634\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nenactment of new laws of restriction, and con-\\ndemn the repeal of old ones, in effect avers\\nthat their particular views of government have\\nno self-extending or self-sustaining power of\\ntheir own, and will go nowhere unless forced\\nby act of Congress. And if Congress do but\\npause for a moment in the policy of stern\\ncoercion if it venture to tiy the expeifhient\\nof leaving men to judge for themselves what\\ninstitutions will best suit them; if it be not\\nstrained up to perpetual legislative exertion on\\nthis point if Congress proceed thus to act in\\nthe very spirit of liberty, it is at once charged\\nwith aiming to extend slave labor into all the\\nnew territories of the United States.\\nOf course, these imputations on the inten-\\ntions of Congress in this respect, conceived as\\nthey were in prejudice, and disseminated in\\npassion, are utterly destitute of any justifica-\\ntion in the nature of things, and contrary to\\nall the fundamental doctrines and principles of\\ncivil liberty and self-government.\\nWhile, therefore, in general, the people of\\nthe Northern States have never, at any time,\\narrogated for the federal government the power\\nto interfere directly with the domestic condi-\\ntion of persons in the Southern States, but, on\\nthe contrary, have disavowed all such inten-\\ntions, and have shrunk from conspicuous afiil-\\niation with those few who pursue their fanat-\\nical objects avowedly through the contemplated\\nmeans of revolutionary change of the govern-\\nment, and with acceptance of the necessary\\nconsequences, a civil and servile war, yet\\nmany citizens have suffered themselves to be\\ndrawn into one evanescent political issue of\\nagitation after another, appertaining to the\\nsame set of opinions, and which subsided as\\nrapidly as they arose, when it came to be seen,\\nas it uniformly did, that they were incompatible\\nwith the compacts of the constitution and the\\nexistence of the Union. Thus, when the acts\\nof some of the states to nullify the existing\\nextradition law imposed upon Congress the\\nduty of passing a new one, the country was\\ninvited by agitators to enter into party organi-\\nzation for its repeal but that agitation speedily\\nceased by reason of the impracticability of its\\nobject. So, when the statute restriction upon\\nthe institutions of new states, by a geograph-\\nical line, had been repealed, the country was\\nurged to demand its restoration, and that pro-\\nject also died almost with its birth. Then fol-\\nlowed the cry of alarin from the north against\\nimputed southern encroachments which cry\\nsprang in reality from the spirit of revolution-\\nary attack on the domestic institutions of the\\nsouth, and, after a troubled exi.stence of a few\\nmonths, has been I ebuked by the voice of a\\npatriotic people.\\nOf this last agitation, one lamentable fea-\\nture was, that it was carried on at the imme-\\ndiate expense of the peace and happiness of\\nthe people of the territory of Kansas. That\\nwas made the battle-field, not so much of\\nopposing factions or interests within itself, as\\nof the conflicting passions of the whole people\\nof the United States. Eevolutionary disorder in\\nKansas had its origin in projects of intervention,\\ndeliberately arranged by certain members of\\nthat Congress which enacted the law for the\\norganization of the territory. And when prop-\\nagandist colonization of Kansas had thus been\\nundertaken in one section of the Union, for\\nthe systematic promotion of its peculiar views\\nof policy, there ensued, as a matter of course,\\na coimter action, with opposite views, in other\\nsections of the Union.\\nIn respect to foreign affairs, the president\\nstated that the United States continued in the\\nenjoyment of amicable relations with all for-\\neign powers. Negotiations were pending with\\nseveral governments for tlie settlement of dif-\\nficulties of more or less consequence, but with\\nthe probability of successful residts. In Cen-\\ntral America there were some difiiculties es-\\npecially with New Granada, on account of a\\nriotous attack on the premises of the railroad", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0670.jp2"}, "671": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n635\\ncompany, by which the lives of several Amer-\\nican citizens were lost, and much projoerty\\ndestroyed. The interests of the citizens of the\\nUnited States on the routes across the isthmus,\\nAvhich are used so much by them, and are so\\nimportant as connecting the Atlantic and Pa-\\ncific states, in the opinion of the president\\ndemanded more protection, and if not aftbrded\\nby the states of Central America, such protec-\\ntion should be given by our own government.\\nWe have already mentioned that the United\\nStates had by negotiation endeavored to secui e\\nfrom other powers the recognition of certain\\nprinciples with regard to the security of en-\\nemy s property under a neutral flag, and of\\na neutral s property on board enemy s ships.\\nThe representatives of the great powers of Eu-\\nrope, at the Paris congress of plenipotentiaries,\\nadopted a declaration embodying these two\\nrules, with the addition of two others, one abol-\\nishing privateering, and the other requiring that\\nblockades, to be binding, must be maintained by\\na force sufficient actually to prevent access to\\nthe place blockaded. The latter rule the Unit-\\ned States were willing to adopt, but to the\\nrule abolishing privateering the president urged\\nobjections, as it was likely to affect injuriously\\nthe United States but he proposed to accept\\nit with a further provision that private prop-\\nerty of the subjects or citizens of a belligerent\\nshould be exempt from seizure by the public\\narmed vessels of the other belligerent, except\\nit be contraband. This proposition was re-\\nceived favorably by some of the powers, and\\nthere was a prospect that the rule would be\\nadopted into the code of international law.\\nThe following is a part of the correspond-\\nence on this subject\\n^Extract from a Despatch of His Excellency Count Walewski\\nto Count de Sartiges, May, 1856.\\nThe plenipotentiaries assembled in the\\ncongress of Paris have come to an agreement\\non the terms of a declaration intended to settle\\nthe principles of maritime law in so much as it\\nconcerns neutrals during war. Herewith I\\nhave the honor to transmit to you a copy of\\nthat act, which fully meets the tendencies of\\nour epoch, and at once puts an end to the use-\\nless calamities which a custom equally repro-\\nbated by reason and by humanity superadded\\nto those which fatally result from a state\\nof war.\\nThe congress have not overlooked the fact,\\nthat their work, in order that it may prove\\ncomplete, must secure the assent of all the\\nmaritime powers, since such governments only\\nas shall have acceded to the arrangement can\\nbe mutually bound by it. On this score, we\\nattach peculiar value to the concui-rence of the\\nUnited States, that will not consent, we confi-\\ndently trust, to hold off from a concert of\\naction which defines a new and essential prog-\\nress in international relations.\\nThe determination of the congress at Paris\\ndefines the object which it is intended to attain.\\nThe clashing constructions given to the rights\\nof neutrals have, up to the last war, proved a\\nsource of deplorable conflicts whilst privateer-\\ning inflicted on the commerce and navigation\\nof non-belligerent states an injury so much the\\nmore grievous, as it gave room for the most\\ncalamitous excesses.\\nThese, count, are the events which, for our\\npart, we are happy in striving to repel, and we\\nfeel convinced that the concurrence of the\\nUnited States will not be withheld in a ques-\\ntion every way worthy of the philanthropic\\nspirit of the American people a question\\nwhich at once, and in a high degree, concerns\\nthe development and security of commercial\\ntransactions.\\nThe plenipotentiaries sent to the congress\\nhave, as you may see in protocol number\\ntwenty-four, bound themselves, in the name of\\ntheir respective governments, to enter, for the\\nfuture, into no arrangement, on the application\\nof maritime law in time of war, without stip-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0671.jp2"}, "672": {"fulltext": "eye\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nulating for a strict observance of the four\\npoints resolved by the declaration. The con-\\ncurrence Avhich we solicit at the hands of those\\ngovernments vfhich were not represented in\\nthe Paris conferences can, consequently, apply\\nto those principles only laid down in said dec-\\nlaration, and which are indivisible.\\nLegation op Fkance in the United States.\\nAnnex to Protocol No. 23.\\nDECLARATION.\\nThe plenipotentiaries who signed the treaty\\nof Paris of the thirtieth of March, one thou-\\nsand eight hundred and fifty-six, assembled in\\nconference, considering\\nThat maritime law, in time of war, has long\\nbeen the subject of deplorable disputes\\nThat the uncertainty of the law, and of\\nthe duties in such a matter, gives rise to differ-\\nences of opinion between neutrals and belliger-\\nents, which may occasion serious difficulties,\\nand even conflicts\\nThat it is, consequently, advantageous to\\nestablish a uniform doctrine on so important a\\npoint\\nThat the plenipotentiaries assembled in\\ncongress at Paris cannot better respond to the\\nintentions by which their governments are ani-\\nmated, than by seeking to introduce into in-\\nternational relations fixed principles in this\\nrespect\\nThe above-mentioned plenipotentiaries, be-\\ning duly authorized, resolved to concert among\\nthemselves as to the means of attaining this\\nobject and, having come to an agreement,\\nhave adopted the following solemn declara-\\ntion\\n1. Privateering is, and remains, abolished\\n2. The neutral flag covers enemy s goods,\\nwith the exception of contraband of war\\n3. Neutral goods, with the exception of\\ncontraband of war, are not hable to capture\\nunder enemy s flag\\n4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must\\nbe effective that is to say, maintained by a\\nforce sufficient really to prevent access to the\\ncoast of the enemy.\\nThe governments of the undersigned plen-\\nipotentiaries engage to bring the present dec-\\nlaration to the knowledge of the states which\\nhave not taken part in the congress of Paris,\\nand to invite them to accede to it.\\nConvinced that the maxims which they\\nnow proclaim cannot but be received with\\ngratitude by the whole world, the undersigned\\nplenipotentiaries 3oubt not that the efforts of\\ntheir governments to obtain the general adop-\\ntion thereof will be ci owned with full success.\\nThe present declaration is not and shall not\\nbe binding, except between those powers who\\nhave acceded, or shall accede, to it.\\nDone at Paris, the sixteenth of April, one\\nthousand eight hundred and fifty-six.\\nThe eagnatiues follow.]\\nProtocol No. 24. Sitting of April 1^, 1856.\\nEXTRACT.\\nOn the proposition of Count Walewski, and\\nrecognizing that it is for the general interest to\\nmaintain the indivisibility of the four principles\\nmentioned in the declaration signed this day,\\nthe plenipotentiaries agree that the powers\\nwhich shall have signed it, or which shall have\\nacceded to it, cannot hereafter enter into any\\narrangement in regard to the application of\\nthe right of neutrals in time of war, which\\ndoes not at the same time rest on the four\\nprinciples which are the object of the said\\ndeclaration.\\nMr. Marcy to the Count de Sartiges.\\nDepartment or State,\\nWashington, JtUy 28, 1856.\\nThe undersigned, secretary of state of the\\nUnited States, has laid before the president\\nthe declaration concerning maritime law,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0672.jp2"}, "673": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n637\\nadopted by the plenipotentiaries of Great Brit-\\nain, Austria, France, Prussia, Eussia, Sardinia,\\nand Turkey, at Paris, on the 16th of April,\\n1856, which the Count de Sartiges, envoy ex-\\ntraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of\\nFrance, has presented, in behalf of the emperor\\nof the French, to the government of the Unit-\\ned States, for the pui pose of obtaining its ad-\\nhesion to the principles therein contained.\\nNearly two years since, the president sub-\\nmitted, not only to the powers represented in\\nthe late congress at Paris, but to all other mar-\\nitime nations, the second and third propositions\\ncontained in that declaration, and asked their\\nassent to them as permanent principles of in-\\nternational law. The propositions thus sub-\\nmitted by the president were,\\n1. That free ships make free goods that\\nis to say, that the effects or goods belonging to\\nsubjects or citizens of a power or state at war\\nare free from capture or confiscation when\\nfound on board of neutral vessels, with the\\nexception of articles contraband of war.\\n2. That the property of neutrals on board\\nan enemy s vessel is not subject to confiscation,\\nunless the same be contraband of war.\\nIt will be perceived that these propositions\\nare substantially the same as the second and\\nthird in the declaration of the congress at\\nParis.\\nFour of the governments with which nego-\\ntiations were opened on the subject by the\\nUnited States have signified their acceptance\\nof the foregoing propositions. Others were\\ninclined to defer acting on them until the re-\\nturn of peace should furnish a more auspicious\\ntime for considering such international ques-\\ntions. The proceeding of the congress of the\\nplenipotentiaries at Paris will, as a necessary\\nconsequence, defeat the pending negotiations\\nwith the United States, if the two following\\npropositions, contained in protocol number\\ntwenty-four, are acceded to first, that the four\\nprinciples shall be indivisible and, second,\\nthat the powers Avhich have signed or may\\naccede to the declaration, shall not enter into\\nany arrangement, in regard to the application\\nof the right of neutrals in time of war, which\\ndoes not, at the same time, rest on the four\\nprinciples which are the object of said decla-\\nration. As the indivisibility of the four prin-\\nciples, and the limitation upon the sovereign\\nattribute of negotiating with other powers, are\\nnot a part of the declaration, any nation is at\\nliberty to reject either or both, and to act upon\\nthe declaration without restriction, acceding\\nto it in whole or in part. In deliberating on\\nthis important subject, it behooves all powers\\nto consider, and, if they think proper, to act\\nupon this distinction. All the powers which\\nmay accede to that declaration, and the sub-\\nsequent restrictions contained in the twenty-\\nfourth protocol, will assume an obligation which\\ntakes from them the liberty of assenting to the\\npropositions submitted to them by the United\\nStates, unless they at the same time surrender\\na principle of maritime law which has never\\nbeen contested the right to employ priva-\\nteers in time of war.\\nThe second and third principles get forth in\\nthe declaration, being those submitted to other\\nmaritime powers for adoption by this govern-\\nment, it is most anxious to see incorporated, by\\ngeneral consent, into the code of maritime law,\\nand thus placed beyond future controTersy or\\nquestion. Such a result, securing so many\\nadvantages to the commerce of neutral nations,\\nmight have been reasonably expected, but for\\nthe proceedings of the congress at Paris, which\\nrequire them to be purchased by a too costly\\nsacrifice the surrender of a right which may\\nwell be considered as essential to the freedom\\nof the seas.\\nThe fourth principle contained in the dec-\\nlaration, namely, Blockades, in order to be\\nbinding, must be effective, that is to say,\\nmaintained by a force sufficient really to pre-\\nvent access to the coast of the enemy, can", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0673.jp2"}, "674": {"fulltext": "-6S8\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nhardly be regarded as one falling within that\\nclass with which it was the object of the con-\\ngress to interfere for this rule has not, for a\\nlong time, been regarded as uncertain, or the\\ncause of any deplorable disputes. If there\\nhave been any disputes in regard to blockades,\\nthe uncertainty was about the facts, but not\\nthe law. Those nations which have resorted\\nto what are appropriately denominated paper\\nblockades, have rarel}^, if ever, undertaken\\nafterwards to justify their conduct upon prin-\\nciple, but have generally admitted the illegal-\\nity of tha practice, and indemnified the injured\\nparties. What is to be adjudged a force suffi-\\ncient really to prevent access to a coast of the\\nenemy, has often been a severely contested\\nquestion and certainly the declaration, which\\nmerely reiterates a general undisputed maxim\\nof maritime law, does nothing towards reliev-\\ning the subject of blockade from that embar-\\nrassment. What force is requisite to constitute\\nan effective blockade, remains as unsettled and\\nas questionable as it was before the congress\\nat Paris adopted the declaration.\\nIn regard to the right to employ privateers,\\nwhich is declared to be abolished by the first\\nprinciple put forth in the declaration, there\\nwas, if possible, less uncertainty. The right to\\nresort to privateers is as clear as the right to\\nuse public armed ships, and as incontestable as\\nany other right appertaining to belligerents.\\nThe policy of that law has been occasionally\\nquestioned, not, however, by the best authori-\\nties; but the law itself has been universally\\nadmitted, and most nations have not hesitated\\nto avail themselves of it it is as well sustained\\nby practice and public opinion as any other to\\nbe found in the maritime code.\\nThere is scarcely any rule of international\\nlaw which particular nations, in their treaties,\\nhave not occasionally suspended or modified in\\nregard to its application to themselves. Two\\ntreaties only can be found, in which the con-\\ntracting parties have agreed to abstain from\\nthe employment of privateers in case of war\\nbetween them. The first was a treaty between\\nthe King of Sweden and the States General of\\nthe United Provinces, in 1675. Shortly after\\nit was concluded the parties were involved in\\nwar, and the stipulation concerning privateers\\nwas entirely disregarded by both. The second\\nwas the treaty of 1785, between the United\\nStates and the King of Prussia. When this\\ntreaty was renewed, in 1799, the clause stip-\\nulating not to resort to privateering was omit-\\nted. For the last half century there has been\\nno arrangement, by treaty or otherwise, to\\nabolish the right, until the recent proceedings\\nof the plenipotentiaries at Paris.\\nBy taking the subject of privateering into\\nconsideration, that congress has gone beyond\\nits professed object, which was, as it declared,\\nto remove the uncertainty on points of mari-\\ntime law, and thereby prevent differences of\\nopinion between neutrals and belligerents, and,\\nconsequently, serious difficulties and even con-\\nflicts. So far as the principle in regard to\\nprivateering is concerned, the ^proceedings of\\nthe congress are in the nature of an act of\\nlegislation, and seek to change a well-settled\\nprinciple of international law.\\nThe interest of commerce is deeply con-\\ncerned in the establishment of the two prin-\\nciples which the United States has submitted\\nto all maritime powers and it is much to be\\nregretted that the powers represented in the\\ncongress at Paris, fully approving them, should\\nhave endangered their adoption by uniting\\nthem to another inadmissible principle, and\\nmaking the failure of all the necessary conse-\\nquence of the rejection of any one. To three\\nof the four principles contained in the dec-\\nlaration, there would not probably be a serious\\nobjection from any quarter but to the other a\\nvigorous resistance must have been anticipated.\\nThe policy of the law which allows a resort\\nto privateers has been questioned, for reasons\\nwhich do not command the assent of this gov-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0674.jp2"}, "675": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n639\\nernment. Without entering into a full discus-\\nsion on this point, the undersigned will con-\\nfront the ordinary and chief objection to that\\npolicy by authority which will be regarded\\nwith profound respect, particularly in France.\\nIn a commentary on the French ordonnance\\nof 1681, Vahn says,\\nHowever lawful and time-honored this\\nmode of warfare may be, it is, nevertheless,\\ndisapproved of by some pretended philosophers.\\nAccording to their notions, such is not the way\\nin which the state and the sovereign are to be\\nserved whilst the profits which individuals\\nmay derive from the pursuits are illicit, or at\\nleast disgraceful. But this is the language of\\nbad citizens, who, under the stately mask of a\\nspurious wisdom, and of a craftily sensitive\\nconscience, seek to mislead the judgment by a\\nconcealment of the secret motive which gives\\nbirth to their indifference for the welfare and\\nadvantage of the state. Such are as worthy\\nof blame as are those entitled to praise who\\ngenerously expose their property and their\\nlives to the dangers of privateering.\\nIt is fair to presume that the strong desire\\nto ameliorate the severe usages of war by\\nexempting private property upon the ocean\\nfrom hostile seizure, to the extent it is usually\\nexempted on land, was the chief inducement\\nwhich led to the declaration, by the congress\\nat Paris, that privateering is, and remains,\\naboHshed.\\nThe undersigned is directed by the presi-\\ndent to say, that to this principle of exempting\\nprivate property upon the ocean, as well as\\nupon the land, applied without restriction, he\\nyields a most ready and willing assent. The\\nundersigned cannot better express the presi-\\ndent s views upon the subject, than by quoting\\nthe language of his annual message to Con-\\ngress, of December 4, 1854\\nThe proposition to enter into engagements\\nto forego a resort to privateers, in case this\\ncountry should be forced into a war with a\\n81\\ngreat naval power, is not entitled to more\\nfavorable consideration than would be a prop-\\nosition to agree not to accept the services of\\nvolunteers for operations on land. When the\\nhonor or rights of our country require it to\\nassume a hostile attitude, it confidently relies\\nupon the patriotism of its citizens, not ordina-\\nrily devoted to the military profession, to aug-\\nment the army and navy, so as to make them\\nfully adequate to the emergency which calls\\nthem into action. Tlie proposal to surrender\\nthe right to employ privateers is professedly\\nfounded upon the principle that private prop-\\nerty of unoffending non-combatants, though\\nenemies, should be exempt from the ravages\\nof war but the proposed surrender goes but\\nlittle way in carrying out that principle, which\\nequally requires that such private property\\nshould not be seized or molested by national\\nships of war. Should the leading powers of\\nEurope concur in proposing, as a rule of inter-\\nnational law, to exempt private property upon\\nthe ocean from seizure by public armed cruis-\\ners as well as by privateers, the United States\\nwiU readily meet them on that broad ground.\\nThe reasons in favor of the doctrine that\\nprivate property should be exempted from\\nseizure in the operations of war, are considered\\nin this enlightened age so controlling as to\\nhave secured its partial adoption by all civilized\\nnations but it would be difficult to find any\\nsubstantial reasons for the distinction now\\nrecognized in its application to such property\\non land, and not to that which is found upon\\nthe ocean.\\nIf it be the object of the declaration adopt-\\ned at Paris to abolish this distinction, and to\\ngive the same security from the ravages of war\\nto the property of belligerent subjects on the\\nocean as is now accorded to such property\\nupon the land, the congress at Paris has fallen\\nshort of the proposed result, by not placing\\nindividual effects of belligerents beyond the\\nreach of public armed ships, as well as pri-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0675.jp2"}, "676": {"fulltext": "640\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nvateers. If such property is to remain exposed\\nto seizure by ships belonging to the navy of\\nthe adverse party, it is extremely difficult to\\nperceive why it should not, in like manner, be\\nexposed to seizure by privateers, which are in\\nfact but another branch of the public force of\\nthe nation commissioning them.\\nIf the principle of capturing private prop-\\nerty on the ocean and condemning it as prize\\nof war be given up, that property would, and\\nof right ought to be, as secure from molestation\\nby public armed vessels as by privateers but\\nif that principle be adhered to, it would be\\nworse than useless to attempt to confine the\\nexercise of the right of capture to any partic-\\nular description of the public force of the bel-\\nligerents. There is no sound principle by\\nwhich such a distinction can be sustained no\\ncapacity which could trace a definite line of\\nseparation pi oposed to be made and no proper\\ntribunal to which a disputed question on that\\nsubject could be referred for adjustment. The\\npretence that the distinction may be supported\\nupon the ground that ships not belonging per-\\nmanently to a regular navy are more likely to\\ndisregard the rio;hts of neutrals than those\\nwhich do belong to such a navy, is not well\\nsustained by modern experience. If it be urged\\nthat a participation in the prizes is calculated\\nto stimulate cupidity, that, as a peculiar objec-\\ntion, is removed by the fact that the same pas-\\nsion is addressed by the distribution of prize\\nmoney among the officers and crews of ships\\nof a regular navy. Every nation which au-\\nthorizes privateers is as responsible for their\\nconduct as it is for that of its navy, and will,\\nas a matter of prudence, take proper precau-\\ntion and security against abuses.\\nBut if such a distinction were to be at-\\ntempted, it would be very difficult, if not im-\\npracticable, to define the particular class of the\\npublic maritime force which should be regarded\\nas privateers. Deplorable disputes, more in\\nnumber, and more difficult of adjustment, would\\narise from an attempt to discriminate between\\nprivateers and public armed ships.\\nIf such a discrimination were attempted,\\nevery nation would have an undoubted right\\nto declare what vessels should constitute its\\nnavy, and wdiat should be requisite to give\\nthem the character of public armed ships.\\nThese are matters which could not be safely or\\nprudently left to the determination or super-\\nvision of any foreign power yet the decision\\nof such controversies would naturally fall into\\nthe hands of predominant naval powers, which\\nwould have the ability to enforce their judg-\\nments. It cannot be offensive to urge weaker\\npowers to avoid as far as possible such an arbit-\\nrament, and to maintain with firmness every\\nexisting barrier against encroachments from\\nsuch a quarter.\\nNo nation which has a due sense of self-\\nrespect will allow any other, belligerent or\\nneutral, to determine the character of the force\\nwhich it may deem proper to use in prosecu\\ning hostilities nor will it act wisely if it vol-\\nuntarily surrenders the right to resort to any\\nmeans, sanctioned by international law, which,\\nunder any circumstances, may be advanta-\\ngeously used for defence or aggression.\\nThe United States consider powerful navies\\nand large standing armies, as permanent estab-\\nlishments, to be detrimental to national pros-\\nperity, and dangerous to civil liberty. The\\nexpense of keeping them up is burdensome to\\nthe people they are, in the opinion of this\\ngovernment, in some degree, a menace to peace\\namong nations. A large force, ever ready to\\nbe devoted to the pux poses of war, is a tempta-\\ntion to rush into it. The policy of the United\\nStates has ever been, and never more than\\nnow, adverse to such establishments and they\\ncan never be brought to acquiesce in any\\nchange in international law which may render\\nit necessary for them to maintain a powerful\\nnavy or large regular army in time of peace.\\nIf forced to vindicate their rights by arms, they", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0676.jp2"}, "677": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n641\\nare content, in the present af?pect of interna-\\ntional relations, to rely, in military operations\\non land, mainly upon volunteer troops, and for\\nthe protection of their commerce, in no incon-\\nsiderable degree, upon their mercantile marine.\\nIf this country were deprived of these re-\\nsourcfes, it would be obliged to change its policy\\nand assume a military attitude before the world.\\nIn resisting an attempt to change the existing\\nmaritime law that may produce such a result,\\nit looks beyond its own interest, and embraces\\nin its view the interest of all such nations as\\nare not likely to be dominant naval powers.\\nTheir situation in this respect is similar to that\\nof the United States, and to them the protec-\\ntion of commerce and the maintenance of\\ninternational relations of peace appeal as\\nstrongly as to this country to withstand the\\nproposed change in the settled law of nations.\\nTo such nations the surrender of the right to\\nresort to privateers would be attended with\\nconsequences most adverse to their commercial\\nprosperity without any compensating advan-\\ntages. Most certainly no better reasons can\\nbe given for such a surrender, than for forego-\\ning the right to receive the services of volun-\\nteers and the proposition to abandon the\\nformer is entitled, in the judgment of the pres-\\nident, to no more favor than a similar propo-\\nsition in relation to the latter. This opinion\\nof the importance of privateers to the com-\\nmunity of nations, excepting only those of\\ngreat naval strength, is not only vindicated by\\nhistory, but sustained by high authority. The\\nfollowing passage in the treatise on maritime\\nprizes, to which I have before referred, deserves\\nparticular attention\\nPrivateers are especially useful to those\\npowers whose navy is inferior to that of their\\nenemies. Belligerents, with powerful and ex-\\ntensive naval armaments, may cruise upon the\\nseas with their national navies but should\\nthose states, whose naval forces are of less\\npower and extent, be left to their own resources.\\nthey could not hold out in a maritime war;\\nwhilst by the equipment of privateers they\\nmay succeed in inflicting upon the enemy an\\ninjury equivalent to that which they them-\\nselves sustain. Hence governments have fre-\\nquently been known, by every possible appli-\\nance, to favor privateering armaments. It has\\neven occurred that sovereigns, not merely sat-\\nisfied with issuing letters of marque, have also\\ntaken, as it were, an interest in the armament.\\nThus did Louis XIV. frequently lend out his\\nships, and sometimes reserve for himself a\\nshare in the prizes.\\nIt certainly ought not to excite the least\\nsurprise that strong naval powers should be\\nwilling to forego the practice, comparatively\\nuseless to them, of employing privateers, upon\\ncondition that weaker powers agree to part\\nwith their most effective means of defending\\ntheir maritime rights. It is, in the opinion of\\nthis government, to be seriously apprehended\\nthat if the use of privateers be abandoned, the\\ndominion over the seas will be surrendered to\\nthose powers which adopt the policy and have\\nthe means of keeping up large navies. The\\none which has a decided naval superiority\\nwould be potentially the mistress of the ocean,\\nand by the abolition of privateering, that dom-\\nination would be more firmly secured. Such\\na power engaged in a war with a nation infe-\\nrior in naval strength, would have nothing to\\ndo for the security and protection of its com-\\nmerce but to look after the ships of the regular\\nnavy of its enemy. These might be held in\\ncheck by one half, or less, of its naval force,\\nand the other might sweep the commerce of\\nits enemy from the ocean. Nor would the\\ninjurious effects of a vast naval superiority to\\nweaker states be much diminished if that su-\\nperioiity was shared among three or four great\\npowers. It is unquestionably the interest of\\nsuch weaker states to discountenance and re-\\nsist a measure which fosters the growth of\\nregular naval establishments.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0677.jp2"}, "678": {"fulltext": "642\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nIn discussing the effect of the proposed\\nmeasure the abohtion of privateering a\\nreference to the existing condition of nations\\nis almost unavoidable. An instance will at\\nonce present itself in regard to two nations\\nwhere the commerce of each is about equal,\\nand about equally wide spread over the world.\\nAs commercial powers, they approach to an\\nequality but as naval powers, there is great\\ndisparity between them. The regular navy of\\none vastly exceeds that of the other. In case\\nof a war between them, only an inconsiderable\\npart of the navy of the one would be required\\nto prevent that of the other from being used\\nfor defence or aggression, while the remainder\\nwould be devoted to the unembarrassed em-\\nployment of destroying the commerce of the\\nweaker in naval strength. The fatal conse-\\nquences of this great inequality of naval force\\nbetween two such belligerents would be in part\\nremedied by the use of privateers in that\\ncase, whil\\nof the other in every\\nobliged to distribute and employ their respec-\\ntive navies in the work of protection. This\\nstatement only illustrates what would be the\\ncase, with some modification, in every war\\nwhere there may be considerable disparity in\\nthe naval strength of the belligerents.\\nHistory throws much light upon this ques-\\ntion. France, at an early period, was without\\na navy and in her wars with Great Britain\\nand Spain, both then naval powers, she resorted\\nwith signal good effect to privateering, not only\\nfor protection, but successful aggression. She\\nobtained many privateers from Holland, and\\nby this force gained decided advantages on the\\nocean over her enemy. Whilst in that con-\\ndition, France could hardly have been expected\\nto originate or concur in a proposition to abol-\\nish privateering. The condition of many of\\nthe smaller states of the world is now, in rela-\\ntion to naval powers, not much vralike that of\\nFrance in the middle of the sixteenth century.\\nwhile either might assail the commerce\\nsea, they would be\\nAt a later period, during the reign of Louis\\nXIV. several expeditions were fitted out by\\nhim, composed wholly of privateers, which were\\nmost effectively employed in prosecuting hos-\\ntilities with naval powers.\\nThose who may have at any time a control\\non the ocean will be strongly tempted to* regu-\\nlate its use in a manner to subsei ve their own\\ninterests and ambitious projects. The ocean is\\nthe common property of all nations and in-\\nstead of yielding to a measure which will be\\nlikely to secure to a few possibly to one an\\nascendency over it, each should pertinaciously\\nretain all the means it possesses to defend the\\ncommon heritage. A predominant power upon\\nthe ocean is more menacing to the well-being\\nof others than such a power on land and all\\nare alike interested in resisting a measure cal-\\nculated to facilitate the permanent establish-\\nment of such a domination, whether to be\\nwielded by one power or shared among a few\\nothers.\\nThe injuries likely to result from surren-\\ndering the dominion of the seas to one or a\\nfew nations which have powerful navies, arise\\nmainly from the practice of subjecting private\\nproperty on the ocean to seizure by belliger-\\nents. Justice and humanit}^ demand that this\\npractice should be abandoned, and that the\\nrule in relation to such property on land should\\nbe extended to it when found upon the high\\nseas.\\nThe president, therefore, proposes to add\\nto the first proposition in the declaration of\\nthe congress at Paris the following words\\nAnd that the private property of the subjects\\nor citizens of a belligerent on the high seas\\nshall be exempted from seizure by public anned\\nvessels of the other belligerent, except it be\\ncontraband. Thus amended, the government\\nof the United States will adopt it, together\\nwith the other three principles contained in\\nthat declaration.\\nI am directed to communicate the approval", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0678.jp2"}, "679": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n643\\nof the president to the second, third, and fourth\\npropositions, independently of the first, should\\nthe amendment be unacceptable. The amend-\\nment is commended by so many powerful con-\\nsiderations, and the principle which calls for it\\nhas so long had the emphatic sanction of all\\nenlightened nations in military operations on\\nland, that the president is reluctant to believe\\nit will meet with any serious opposition. With-\\nout the proposed modification of the first\\nprinciple, he cannot convince himself that it\\nwould be wise or safe to change the existing\\nlaw in regard to the right of privateering.\\nIf the amendment should not be adopted,\\nit will be proper for the United States to have\\nsome understanding in regard to the treatment\\nof their privateers when they shall have occa-\\nsion to visit the ports of those powers which\\nare, or may become, parties to the declaration\\nof the congress at Pans. The United States\\nwill, upon the ground of right and comity,\\nclaim for them the same consideration to which\\nthey are entitled, and which was extended to\\nthem, under the law of nation,s, before the at-\\ntempted modification of it by that congress.\\nAs connected with the subject herein dis-\\ncussed, it is not inappropriate to remark, that\\na due regard to the fair claims of neutrals would\\nseem to require some modification, if not an\\nabandonment, of the doctrine in relation to\\ncontraband trade. Nations which preserve the\\nrelations of peace should not be injuriously\\naffected in their commercial intercourse by\\nthose which choose to involve themselves in\\nwar, provided the citizens of such peaceful na-\\ntions do not compromise their character as\\nneutrals by a direct interference with the mili-\\ntary operations of the belligerents. The laws\\nof siege and blockade, it is believed, afford all\\nthe remedies against neutrals that the parties\\nto the war can justly claim. Those laws inter-\\ndict all trade with the besieged or blockaded\\nplaces. A further interference with the ordi-\\nnary pursuits of neutrals, in no wise to blame\\nfor an existing state of hostilities, is contrary\\nto the obvious dictates of justice. If this view\\nof the subject could be adopted, and practically\\nobserved by all civilized nations, the right of\\nsearch, which has been the source of so much\\nannoyance and of so many injuries to neutral\\ncommerce, would be restricted to such cases\\nonly as justified a suspicion of an attempt to\\ntrade with places actually in a state of siege\\nor blockade.\\nHumanity and justice demand that the\\ncalamities incident to war should be strictly\\nlimited to the belligerents themselves, and to\\nthose who voluntarily take part with them\\nbut neutrals abstaining in good faith from such\\ncomplicity ought to be left to pursue their or-\\ndinary trade with either belligerent, without\\nrestrictions in respect to the articles entering\\ninto it.\\nThough the United States do not propose\\nto embarrass the other pending negotiations\\nrelative to the rights of neutrals, by pressing\\nthis change in the law of contraband, they will\\nbe ready to give it their sanction whenever\\nthere is a prospect of its favorable reception by\\nother maritime powers.\\nThe undersigned avails himself of this op-\\nportunity to renew to the Count de Sartiges\\nthe assurance of his high consideration.\\nW. L. Marcy.\\nThe Count de Saetiges, c., c., c.\\nMr. De Stoeckl to Mr. Marcy.\\n[Translation.]\\nImperial Legation or Ritss.a,\\nWashington, November 28, 1856. J\\nThe imdersigned, charge d affaires of his\\nmajesty the Emperor of all the Russias, has\\nthe honor, in compliance with the order of his\\ngovernment, of addressing the following com-\\nmunication to the Honorable Mr. Marcy, secre-\\ntary of state of the United States\\nThe attention of the emperor has, in an\\neminent degree, dwelt on the proposition by", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0679.jp2"}, "680": {"fulltext": "644\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwhich the United States answered the invita-\\ntion which had been extended to them to accede\\nto the declaration of the 14th of April. His\\nmajesty entirely concurs in the views of the\\ngovernment of the United States which the\\nHonorable Mr. Marcy has laid down in his\\nequally lucid as tempei ate note of the 28th of\\nJuly. The proposition of the federal govern-\\nment, in the opinion of his imperial majesty,\\ndeserves so much the more to be taken into\\nconsideration that the honorable secretary of\\nstate argues not for the exclusive interests of\\nthe United States, but for those of the whole\\nof mankind.\\nThe imperial government would have room\\nfor self-gratulation should its concurrence con-\\ntribute to the adoption of the proposition of\\nthe United States, and should all the powers,\\nby a common resolution, proclaimed in the face\\nof the world, agree to apply to private property\\non the seas the same principles of inviolability\\nwhich belligerents profess for property on land.\\nThe vmdersigned is accordingly instructed\\nto notify to the Honorable Mr. Marcy that his\\nmajesty the emperor accepts, for his part, the\\ncondition under which the United States con-\\nsent to the abolition of privateering namely,\\nthat the private property of the subjects and\\ncitizens of the contracting parties shall in time\\nof war be respected by their respective naval\\nforces, as well as by those of all the powei-s\\nwhich may join in this declaration.\\nThe undersigned is equally instructed to\\ndeclare to the honorable secretary of state that,\\nshould the proposition of the United States be-\\ncome the subject of a collective deliberation,\\nthe vote of the imperial cabinet is pledged to\\nthem.\\nThe undersigned improves this opportunity\\nto tender to Mr. Marcy the assurance of his\\nvery high consideration. Stoeckl.\\nThe revenues for the fiscal year ending July\\n1, 1856, were seventy-three millions nine hun-\\ndred and eighteen thousand one hundred and\\nforty-one dollars, Avhich, with the balance on\\nhand at the commencement of the year, made\\nthe total resources ninety-two millions eight\\nhundred and fifty thousand one hundred and\\nseventeen dollars. The expenditures, including\\nthree millions of dollars, in execution of the\\ntreaty with Mexico, and upwards of twelve\\nmillion dollars of debt, were seventy-two mil-\\nlions nine hundred and forty-eight thousand\\nseven hundred and ninety-two dollars leaving\\na balance in the treasury at the above date\\nof nearly twenty millions of dollars. The rev-\\nenues of the current year were estimated by\\nthe secretary of the treasury to be ample for\\nall expenditures, leaving still a balance in the\\ntreasury. In view of the receipts being larger\\nthan necessary for an economical administra-\\ntion of the government, the president recom-\\nmended a revision of the tariff, in order to\\nreduce the revenue from the customs.\\nThis subject of the revision of the tariff was\\na prominent question before Congress, and sev-\\neral schedules were submitted by the different\\ninterests of the country. There was something\\nof a contest between the iron interest and the\\nmanufacturing interest but finally, after some\\ncompromise, a bill was reported, and with\\namendments passed both houses by a large\\nvote. This tariff was intended to carry out\\nthe president s views with regard to a reduc-\\ntion of the revenue, and it was estimated that\\nit would effect such a reduction to the amount\\nof twenty millions of dollars. The business of\\nthe country up to that time had been prosperous,\\nand had it continued so the new tarifi might\\nhave afibrded a sufficient revenue for the wants\\nof the government but the sequel showed\\nthat a measure for such a reduction was not\\nrequired at this time.\\nAmong the other acts passed at this session\\nof Congress was one in relation to the Atlantic\\ntelegraph, which it was proposed to lay down\\nin the Atlantic between Ireland and Newfound-\\nI", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0680.jp2"}, "681": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nG45\\nland, and thus connect the two continents by\\na daily and even hourly intercommunication.\\nThe bill provided for paying to the company\\nan English corporation, but represented in\\nAmerica a sum not exceeding seventy thou-\\nsand dollars annually, until the net profits\\nreached six per cent, on the capital, and after\\nthat a sum not exceeding fifty thousand dol-\\nlars. For this consideration the United States\\ngovernment was to be placed on an equal foot-\\ning with that of Great Britain, in the transmis-\\nsion of intelligence, the governments having\\nprecedence in all cases, and the citizens of\\nthe United States were to have the same\\nprivilege as the subjects of Great Britain. By\\nsubsequent arrangement the United States\\ngovernment was to furnish one or more\\nsteamers to aid in laying down the cable.\\nThe Niagara and Susquehanna, two of the finest\\nvessels in the navy, were commissioned for this\\npurpose.\\nActs were also passed authorizing the people\\nof Minnesota to form a constitution and state\\ngovernment, for the purpose of admission into\\nthe Union, appropriating half a million dollars\\nfor the construction of a wagon road to the\\nPacific from Fort Kearney, via Salt Lake City,\\nand for various other purposes, of which it is\\nnot necessary to make mention here. Many\\nimportant bills, as is too often the case, were\\nacted upon in haste, amid the confusion which\\nattends the close of the session, especially when\\nit is also the termination of the Congress. At\\nthis time there was the additional excitement\\narising from the approaching inauguration of a\\nnew president, and many were more disposed to\\nthink of the policy of the incoming adminis-\\ntration than of the business to be consummated\\nby that which was about to end. But the pub-\\nlic business being finally accomplished as far\\nas it was possible in such a state of things,\\nthe thirty-fourth Congress came to a close,\\nand the administration of Franklin Pierce was\\nended.\\nAs we stated at the commencement of this\\nBook, President Pierce had come into office\\nunder very favorable circumstances, and the\\nnation was disposed to look with favor upon\\nhis administration. Whether or not he real-\\nized the reasonable expectations of the country,\\nor redeemed the pledges, direct and implied,\\nwhich, in his inaugural address and his first\\nmessage, had been given, we leave for the can-\\ndid reader to judge.\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nThe Bred Scott Case. Opinion of the Supreme Court.\\nViews of Mr. Benton on the Missouri Compromise and tlie\\nDecision of the Court. His Strictures on the President s\\nMessage.\\nAs a matter of history belonging to Presi-\\ndent Pierce s administration, though not deliv-\\nered till after his term had expired, and in its\\neffects reaching far into future administrations,\\nthe opinion of the Supreme Court of the United\\nStates in the case of Dred Scott vs. John A.\\nSandford should find a place in this chapter.\\nThat opinion may be regarded as an exposition\\nof the progress of slavery thus far, and an indi-\\ncation of what might be its future progress\\nthe goal of Mr. Pierce s administration and the\\nstarting point of Mr. Buchanan s. It was an\\nopinion which touched the hearts and interests\\nof the people of this country more nearly and\\nmore generally than perhaps any other decision\\nof that court since its establishment; for it\\nundertook to decide a political question of vital\\nimportance, and in a way which ignores the\\nhistory of the past and disregards the hopes\\nof the future.\\nThe facts were these Dred Scott and his\\nwife were slaves belonging to a surgeon in the\\nUnited States army, who took them with him\\ninto Illinois, where they resided some time, at\\nFort Snelling. Subsequently they were taken", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0681.jp2"}, "682": {"fulltext": "646\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ninto Missouri, where they had always been held\\nas slaves. Scott claimed his freedom and that\\nof his wife, on the ground that they had by\\nthe act of their master been carried into free\\nterritory, Illinois being within the territory in\\nwhich, by the celebrated ordinance of 1787,\\nslavery was forever prohibited. The District\\nCourt of Missouri gave judgment for the mas-\\nter. In the Supreme Court it was decided that\\nthe court below had no jurisdiction, because\\nthe plaintiffs were not citizens of the United\\nStates in the sense in which that word is used\\nin the constitution. But it was not so much\\nthe decision of the courf as its arguments and\\ndicta on points which were not directly before\\nit for adjudication, that gave this case so much\\nconsequence.\\nAs a paper of much importance, and of last-\\ning interest, from its bearing on questions which\\nmust sooner or later be decided by the political\\npower, we make the following extracts from\\nthe opinion of the court, as delivered by Chief\\nJustice Taney, with whom six of the associate\\njustices concurred, and also extracts from the\\ndissenting opinion of Mr. Justice Curtis, with\\nwhom Mr. Justice McLean concurred.\\nMr. Chief Justice Taney delivered the opin-\\nion of the court.\\nThis case has been twice argued. After\\nthe argument at the last term, diflFerences of\\nopinion were found to exist among the mem-\\nbers of the court and as the questions in con-\\ntroversy are of the highest importance, and\\nthe court was at that time much pressed by\\nthe ordinary business of the term, it was deemed\\nadvisable to continue the case, and direct a\\nre-argument on some of the points, in order\\nthat we might have an opportunity of giving\\nto the whole subject a more deliberate consid-\\neration. It has accordingly been again argued\\nby counsel, and considered by the court and\\nI now proceed to deliver its opinion.\\nThere are two leading questions presented\\nby the record\\n1. Had the Circuit Court of the United\\nStates jurisdiction to hear and determine the\\ncase between tlxese parties And\\n2. If it had jurisdiction, is the judgment it\\nhas given erroneous or not\\nThe plaintiff in error, who was also the\\nplaintiff in the court below, was, with his wife\\nand children, held as slaves by the defendant,\\nin the state of Missouri and he brought this\\naction in the Circuit Court of the United States\\nfor that district, to assert the title of himself\\nand his family to freedom.\\nThis is certainly a very serious question, and\\none that now for the first time has been brought\\nfor decision before this court. But it is brought\\nhere by those who have a right to bring it, and\\nit is our duty to meet it and decide it.\\nThe question is simply this C n a negro,\\nwhose ancestors were imported into this coun-\\ntry, and sold as slaves, become a member of\\nthe political community formed and brought\\ninto existence by the constitution of the United\\nStates, and as such become entitled to all the\\nrights, and privileges, and immunities, guaran-\\ntied by that instrument to the citizen? One\\nof which rights is the privilege of suing in a\\ncourt of the United States in the cases specified\\nin the constitution.\\nIt will be observed that the plea applies to\\nthat class of persons only whose ancestors\\nwere negroes of the African race, and imported\\ninto this country, and sold and held as slaves..\\nThe only matter in issue before the court,\\ntherefore, is, whether the descendants of such\\nslaves, when they shall be emancipated, or who\\nare born of parents who had become free be-\\nfore their birth, are citizens of a state, in the\\nsense in which the word citizen is used in the\\nconstitution of the United States. And this\\nbeing the only matter in dispute on the plead-\\nings, the court must be understood as speaking", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0682.jp2"}, "683": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n647\\nin this opinion of that class only that is, of\\nthose persons who are the descenclants of Afri-\\ncans who were imported into this country, and\\nsold as slaves.\\nThe situation of this population was alto-\\ngether unlike that of the Indian race. The\\nlatter, it is true, formed no part of the colonial\\ncommunities, and never amalgamated with\\nthem in social connections or in government.\\nBut although they were uncivilized, they were\\nyet a free and independent people, associated\\ntogether in nations or tribes, and governed by\\ntheir own laws. Many of these political com-\\nmunities were situated in territories to which\\nthe white race claimed the ultimate right of\\ndominion. But that claim was acknowledged\\nto be subject to the right of the Indians to oc-\\ncupy it as long as they thought proper, and\\nneither the English nor colonial governments\\nclaimed or exercised any dominion over the\\ntribe or nation by whom it was occuj)ied, nor\\nclaimed the right to the possession of the terri-\\ntory, until the tribe or nation consented to cede\\nit. These Indian governments were regarded\\nand treated as foreign governments, as much so\\nas if an ocean had separated the red man from\\nthe white and their freedom has constantly\\nbeen acknowledged, from the time of the first\\nemigration to the English colonies to the pres-\\nent day, by the different governments which\\nsucceeded each other. Treaties have been ne-\\ngotiated with them, and their alliance sought\\nfor in war and the people who compose these\\nIndian political communities have always been\\ntreated as foreigners not living under our gov-\\nernment. It is true that the course of events\\nhas brought the Indian tribes within the limits\\nof the United States under subjection to the\\nwhite race and it has been found necessary,\\nfor their sake as well as our own, to reo^ard\\nthem as in a state of pupilage, and to legislate\\nto a certain extent over them and the territory\\nthey occupy. But they may, without doubt,\\nlike the subjects of any other foreign govern-\\n82\\nment, be naturalized by the authority of Con-\\ngress, and become citizens of a state, and of the\\nUnited States and if an individual should\\nleave his nation or tribe, and take up his abode\\namong the white population, he would be enti-\\ntled to all the rights and privileges which\\nwould belong to an emigrant from any other\\nforeign people.\\nWe proceed to examine the case as pre-\\nsented by the pleadings.\\nThe words people of the United States\\nand citizens are synonymous terms, and mean,\\nthe same thing. They both describe the politi-\\ncal body who, according to our republican in-\\nstitutions, form the sovereignty, and who hold\\nthe power and conduct the government through\\ntheir representatives. They are what we fa-\\nmiliarly call the sovereign people, and every\\ncitizen is one of this people, and a constituent\\nmember of this sovereignty. The question be-\\nfore us is, whether the class of persons described\\nin the plea in abatement compose a portion of\\nthis people, and are constituent members of\\nthis sovereignty. We think they are not, and\\nthat they ai-e not included, and were not\\nintended to be included, under the word\\ncitizens in the constitution, and can therefore\\nclaim none of the rights and privileges which\\nthat instrument provides for and secures to\\ncitizens of the United States. On the con-\\ntrary, they were at that time considered as a\\nsubordinate and inferior class of beings, who\\nhad been subjugated by the dominant race, and\\nwhether emancipated or not, yet remained sub-\\nject to their authority, and had no rights or\\nprivileges but such as those who held the power\\nand the government might choose to grant\\nthem.\\nIt is not the province of the court to decide\\nupon the justice or injustice, the policy or im-\\npolicy, of these laws. The decision of that\\nquestion belonged to the political or law-mak-\\ning power to those who formed the sovereignty\\nand framed the constitution. The duty of the", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0683.jp2"}, "684": {"fulltext": "648\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncourt is, to interpret the instrument they have\\nframed, with the best lights -vve can obtain on\\nthe subject, and to administer it as we find it,\\naccording to its true intent and meaning when\\nit was adopted.\\nIn the opinion of the court, the legislation\\nand histories of the times, and the language\\nused in the Declaration of Independence, show\\nthat neither the class of persons who had been\\nimported as slaves, nor their descendants,\\nwhether they had become free or not, were\\nthen acknowledged as a part of the people, nor\\nintended to be included in the general words\\nused in that memorable instrument.\\nIt is difficult at this day to realize the state\\nof public opinion, in relation to that unfortu-\\nnate race, which prevailed in the civilized and\\nenlightened portions of the world at the time\\nof the declaration of independence, and when\\nthe constitution of the United States was\\nframed and adopted. But the public history\\nof every European nation displays it in a man-\\nner too plain to be mistaken.\\nThey had, for more than a century before,\\nbeen regarded as beings of an inferior order,\\nand altogether unfit to associate with the white\\nrace, either in social or political relations and\\nso far inferior, that they had no rights which\\nthe white man was bound to respect and that\\nthe negro might justly and lawfully be reduced\\nto slavery for his benefit. He was bought and\\nsold, and treated as an ordinary article of mer-\\nchandise and traffic, whenever a profit could be\\nmade by it. This opinion was at that time\\nfixed and universal in the civilized portion of\\nthe white race. It was regarded as an axiom\\nin morals as well as in politics, which no one\\nthought of disputing, or supposed to be open\\nto dispute and men in every grade and posi-\\ntion in society daily and habitually acted upon\\nit in their private pursuits, as well as in mat-\\nters of public concern, without doubting for a\\nmoment the correctness of this opinion.\\nAnd in no nation was this opinion more\\nfirmly fixed, or more uniformly acted upon\\nthan by the English government and English\\npeople. They not only seized them on the\\ncoast of Africa, and sold them, or held them in\\nslavery for their own use, but they took them\\nas ordinary articles of merchandise to every\\ncountry where they could make a profit on\\nthem, and were far more extensively engaged\\nin this commerce than any other nation in the\\nworld.\\nThe opinion thus entertained and acted\\nupon in England was naturally impressed upon\\nthe colonies they founded on this side of the\\nAtlantic. And, accordingly, a negro of the\\nAfrican race was regarded by them as an arti-\\ncle of property, and held, and bought, and sold\\nas such, in every one of the thirteen colonies\\nwhich united in the declaration of independ-\\nence, and afterwards formed the constitution\\nof the United States. The slaves were more\\nor less numerous in the different colonies, as\\nslave labor was found more or less profit-\\nable. But no one seems to have doubted the\\ncorrectness of the prevailing opinion of the\\ntime.\\nThe legislation of the different colonies fur-\\nnishes positive and indisputable proof of this\\nfact.\\nThis state of public opinion had undergone\\nno change when the constitution was adopted,\\nas is equally evident from its provisions and\\nlanguage.\\nThe brief preamble sets forth by whom it\\nwas formed, for what purposes, and for whose\\nbenefit and protection. It declares that it is\\nformed by the j^eople of the United States that\\nis to say, by those who were members of the\\ndifferent political communities in the several\\nstates and its great object is declared to be to\\nsecure the blessings of liberty to themselves\\nand their posterity. It speaks in general\\nterms of the people of the United States, and\\nof citizens of the several states, when it is pro-\\nviding for the exercise of the powers granted", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0684.jp2"}, "685": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n649\\nor the privileges secured to the citizen. It\\ndoes not define what description of persons are\\nintended to be included under these terms, or\\nwho shall be regarded as a citizen and one of\\nthe people. It uses them as terms so well un-\\nderstood, that no further description or defini-\\ntion was necessary.\\nBut there are two clauses in the constitu-\\ntion which point directly and specifically to the\\nnegro race as a separate class of persons, and\\nshow clearly that they were not regarded as a\\nportion of the people or citizens of the govern-\\nment then formed.\\nOne of these clauses reserves to each of the\\nthirteen states the right to import slaves until\\nthe year 1808, if it thinks proper. And the\\nimportation which it thus sanctions was un-\\nquestionably of pei sons of the race of which\\nwe are speaking, as a traffic in slaves in the\\nUnited States had always been confined to\\nthem. And by the other provision the states\\npledge themselves to each other to maintain\\nthe right of property of the master, by deliver-\\ning up to him any slave who may have escaped\\nfrom his service, and be found within their re-\\nspective territories. By the first above-men-\\ntioned clause, therefore, the right to purchase\\nand hold this property is directly sanctioned\\nand authorized for twenty years by the people\\nwho framed the constitution. And by the sec-\\nond, they pledge themselves to maintain and\\nuphold the right of the master in the manner\\nspecified, as long as the government they then\\nformed should endure. And these two provis-\\nions show, conclusively, that neither the de-\\nscription of persons therein referred to, nor\\ntheir descendants, were embraced in any of the\\nother provisions of the constitution for cer-\\ntainly these two clauses were not intended to\\nconfer on them or their posterity the blessings\\nof liberty,or any of the personal rights so care-\\nfully provided for the citizen.\\nNo one of that race had ever migrated to\\nthe United States voluntarily all of them had\\nbeen brought here as articles of merchandise.\\nThe number that had been emancipated at that\\ntime were but few in comparison with those\\nheld in slavery and they were identified in the\\npublic mind with the race to which they be-\\nlonged, and regarded as a part of the slave\\npopulation rather than the free. It is obvious\\nthat they were not even in the minds of the\\nframers of the constitution when they were\\nconferring special rights and privileges upon\\nthe citizens of a state in every other part of\\nthe Union.\\nIndeed, when we look to the condition of\\nthis race in the several states at the time, it is\\nimpossible to believe that these rights and\\nprivileges were intended to be extended to\\nthem.\\nIt is very true, that in that portion of the\\nUnion where the labor of the negro race was\\nfound to be unsuited to the climate and un-\\nprofitable to the master, but few slaves were\\nheld at the time of the declaration of inde-\\npendence and when the constitution was\\nadopted, it had entirely worn out in one of\\nthem, and measures had been taken for its\\ngradual abolition in several others. But this\\nchange had not been produced by any change\\nof opinion in relation to this race but because\\nit was discovered, from experience, that slave\\nlabor was unsuited to the climate and produc-\\ntions of these states; for some of the states,\\nwhere it had ceased, or nearly ceased, to exist,\\nwere actively engaged in the slave trade, pro-\\ncuring cargoes on the coast of Africa, and\\ntransporting them for sale to those parts of the\\nUnion where their labor was found to be profit-\\nable, and suited to the climate and productions.\\nAnd this traffic was openly carried on, and for-\\ntunes accumulated by it, without reproach from\\nthe people of the states where they resided.\\nAnd it can hardly be supposed that, in the\\nstates where it was then countenanced in its\\nworst form, that is, in the seizure and trans-\\nportation, the people could have regarded", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0685.jp2"}, "686": {"fulltext": "650\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthose who were emancipated as entitled to\\nequal rights with themselves.\\nAnd we may here again refer, in support\\nof this proposition, to the plain and unequivocal\\nlanguage of the laws of the several states,\\nsome passed after the declaration of independ-\\nence and before the constitution was adopted,\\nand some since the government went into\\noperation.\\nThe legislation of the states therefore shows,\\nin a manner not to be mistaken, the inferior\\nand subject condition of that race at the time\\nthe constitution was adopted, and long after-\\nwards, throughout the thirteen states by which\\nthat instrument was framed and it is hardly\\nconsistent with the respect due to these states,\\nto suppose that they regarded, at that time, as\\nfellow-citizens and members of the sovereignty,\\na class of beings whom they had thus stigma-\\ntized whom, as we are bound, out of resjject\\nto the state sovereignties, to assume they had\\ndeemed it just and necessary thus to stigma-\\ntize, and upon whom they had impressed such\\ndeep and enduring marks of inferiority and\\ndegradation or, that when they met in con-\\nvention to form the constitution, they looked\\nupon them as a portion of their constituents,\\nor designed to include them in the provisions so\\ncarefully inserted for the security and protec-\\ntion of the liberties and rights of their citizens.\\nIt cannot be supposed that they intended to\\nsecure to them rights, and privileges, and rank,\\nin the new political body throughout the\\nUnion, which every one of them denied within\\nthe limits of its own dominion. More espe-\\ncially, it cannot be believed that the large slave-\\nholding states regarded them as included in the\\nword citizens, or would have consented to a\\nconstitution which might compel them to re-\\nceive them in that character from another state.\\nFor if they were so received, and entitled to\\nthe privileges and immunities of citizens, it\\nwould exempt them from the operation of the\\nBpecial laws and from the police regulations\\nwhich they considered to be necessary for theii\\nown safety. It would give to persons of the\\nnegro race, who were recognized as citizens in\\nany one state of the Union, the right to enter\\nevery other state whenever they pleased, singly\\nor in companies, without pass or passport, and\\nwithout obstruction, to sojourn there as long\\nas they pleased, to go where they pleased at\\nevery hour of the day or night without moles-\\ntation, unless they committed some violation\\nof law for which a white man would be pun-\\nished and it would give them the full liberty\\nof speech in public and in private upon all\\nsubjects upon which its own citizens might\\nspeak to hold public meetings upon political\\naffairs, and to keep and carry arms wherever\\nthey went. And all of this would be done in the\\nface of the subject race of the same color, both\\nfree and slaves, and inevitably producing dis-\\ncontent and insubordination among them, and\\nendangering the peace and safety of the state.\\nIt is impossible, it would seem, to believe\\nthat the great men of the slaveholding states,\\nwho took so large a share in framing the con-\\nstitution of the United States, and exercised so\\nmuch influence in procuring its adoption, could\\nhave been so forgetful and regardless of their\\nown safety and the safety of those who trusted\\nand confided in them.\\nBesides, this want of foresight and care\\nwould have been utterly inconsistent with the\\ncaution displayed in providing for the admis-\\nsion of new members into this political familj^\\nFor, when they gave to the citizens of each\\nstate the privileges and immunities of citizens\\nin the several states, they at the same time\\ntook from the several states the power of natu-\\nralization, and confined that power exclusively\\nto the federal government. No state was\\nwilling to permit another state to determine\\nwho should or should not be admitlted as one\\nof its citizens, and entitled to demand equal\\nrights and privileges with their own people,\\nwithin their own territories. The right of natu-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0686.jp2"}, "687": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n651\\nralization was therefore, with one accord, sur-\\nrendered by the states, and confided to the fed-\\neral government. And this power granted to\\nCongress to estabhsh a uniform rule of naiiir\\nralization is, by the well-understood meaning of\\nthe word, confined to persons born in a foreign\\ncountry, under a foreign government. It is\\nnot a power to raise to the rank of a citizen\\nany one born in the United States, who, from\\nbirth or parentage, by the laws of the country,\\nbelongs to an inferior and subordinate class.\\nAnd when we find the states guarding them-\\nselves from the indiscreet or improper admis-\\nsion by other states of emigrants from other\\ncountries, by giving the power exclusively to\\nCongress, we cannot fail to see that they could\\nnever have left with the states a much more\\nimportant power that is, the power of trans-\\nforming into citizens a numerous class of per-\\nsons, who in that character would be much\\nmore dangerous to the peace and safety of a\\nlarge portion of the Union, than the few for-\\neigners one of the states might improperly\\nnaturalize. The constitution, upon its adop-\\ntion, obviously took from the states all power\\nby any subsequent legislation to introduce as a\\ncitizen into the political family of the United\\nStates any one, no matter where he was born,\\nor what might be Ms character or condition\\nand it gave to Congress the power to confer\\nthis chai-acter upon those only who were born\\noutside of the dominions of the United States.\\nAnd no law of a state, therefore, passed since\\nthe constitution was adopted, can give any\\nright of citizenship outside of its own terri-\\ntory.\\nK clause similar to the one in the constitu-\\ntion, in relation to the rights and immunities\\nof citizens of one state in the other states, was\\ncontained in the Articles of Confederation.\\nBut there is a difference of language which is\\nworthy of note. The provision in the Articles\\nof Confederation was, that the free inhabitants\\nof each of the states, paupers, vagabonds, and\\nfugitives from justice excepted, should be enti-\\ntled to all the piivileges and immunities of free\\ncitizens in the several states.\\nIt will be observed, that under this confed-\\neration, each state had the right to decide for\\nitself, and in its own tribunals, whom it would\\nacknowledge as a free inhabitant of another\\nstate. The term/ree inhabUavi, in the generality\\nof its terms, would certainly include one of the\\nAfi ican race who had been manumitted. But\\nno example, Ave think, can be found of his ad-\\nmission to all the privileges of citizenship in\\nany state of the Union after these Articles\\nwere formed, and while they continued in\\nforce. And, notwithstanding the generality of\\nthe words free inhabitants, it is very clear\\nthat, according to their accepted meaning in\\nthat day, they did not include the African race,\\nwhether free or not for the fifth section of the\\nninth article provides that Congress should\\nhave the power to agree upon the number of\\nland forces to be raised, and to make requisi-\\ntions from each state for its quota in proportion\\nto the number of ivhite inhabitants in such state,\\nwhich requisition should be binding.\\nWords could hardly have been used which\\nmore strongly mark the line of distinction be-\\ntween the citizen and the subject; the free and\\nthe subjugated races. The latter were not\\neven counted when the inhabitants of a state\\nwere to be embodied in proportion to its num-\\nbers for the general defence. And it cannot\\nfor a moment be supposed, that a class of per-\\nsons thus separated and rejected from those\\nwho formed the sovereignty of the states, were\\nyet intended to be included under the words\\nfree inhabitants, in the preceding article, to\\nwhom privileges and immunities were so care-\\nfully secured in every state.\\nBut although this clause of the Articles of\\nConfederation is the same in principle with\\nthat inserted in the constitution, yet the com-\\nprehensive word inhabitant, which might be\\nconstrued to include an emancipated slave, is", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0687.jp2"}, "688": {"fulltext": "eaz\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nomitted and the privilege is confined to citi-\\nzens of the state. And this alteration in words\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0would hardly have been made, unless a differ-\\nent meaning was intended to be conveyed, or a\\npossible doubt removed. The just and fair in-\\nference is, that as this privilege was about to be\\nplaced under the protection of the general gov-\\nernment, and the words expounded by its tri-\\nbunals, and all power in relation to it taken\\nfrom the state and its courts, it was deemed\\nprudent to describe with precision and caution\\nthe persons to whom this high privilege was\\ngiven and the word citizen was on that ac-\\ncount substituted for the words free inhabitant\\nThe word citizen excluded, and no doubt in-\\ntended to exclude, foreigners who had not be-\\ncome citizens of some one of the states when\\nthe constitution was adopted and also every\\ndescription of persons who were not fully\\nrecognized as citizens in the several states.\\nThis, upon any fair construction of the instru-\\nments to which we have referred, was evidently\\nthe object and purpose of this change of words.\\nTo all this mass of proof we have still to\\nadd, that Congress has repeatedly legislated\\nupon the same construction of the constitution\\nthat we have given. Three laws, two of which\\nwere passed almost immediately after the gov-\\nernment went into operation, will be abundant-\\nly sufficient to show this. The two first are\\nparticularly worthy of notice, because many of\\nthe men who assisted in framing the constitu-\\ntion, and took an active part in procuring its\\nadoption, were then in the halls of legislation,\\nand certainly luiderstood what they meant\\nwhen they used the words people of the United\\nStates and citizen in that well-considered\\ninstrument.\\nThe first of these acts is the naturalization\\nlaw, which was passed at the second session of\\nthe first Congress, March 26, 1790, and confines\\nthe right of becoming citizens to aliens being\\nfree white persons.\\nNow, the constitution does not limit the\\nj power of Congress in this respect to white per-\\nsons. And they may, if they think proper,\\nauthorize the naturalization of any one, of any\\ncolor, who was born under allegiance to another\\ngovernment. But the language of the law-\\nabove quoted shows that citizenship at that\\ntime was perfectly understood to be confined to\\nthe white race and that they alone constituted\\nthe sovereignty in the government.\\nAnother of the early laws of which we have\\nspoken, is the first militia law, which was\\npassed in 1792, at the first session of the second\\nCongress?. The language of this law is equally-\\nplain and significant with the one just men-\\ntioned. It directs that every free able-bodied\\nwhite male citizen shall l e enrolled in the\\nmilitia. The word white is evidently used to\\nexclude the African race, and the word citizen\\nto exclude unnaturalized foreigners the latter\\nforming no part of the sovereignty, owing it no\\nj allegiance, and therefore under no obligation to\\ndefend it. The African race, however, born in\\nthe country, did owe allegiance to the govern-\\nment, whether they were slave or free but it\\nI is repudiated and rejected from the duties and\\nobligations of citizenship in marked language.\\nThe third act to which we have alluded is\\neven still more decisive it was passed as late\\nas 1813 (2 Stat. 809,) and it provides, That\\nfrom and after the termination of the war in\\nwhich the United States are now engaged with\\nGreat Britain, it shall not be lawful to employ,\\non board of any public or private vessels of the\\nUnited States, any person or persons except\\ncitizens of the United States, or persons of col-\\nor, natives of the United States:\\nHere the line of distinction is drawn in ex-\\npress words. Persons of color, in the judgment\\nof Congress, were not included in the word\\ncitizens, and they are described as another and\\ndifferent class of persons, and authorized to be\\nemployed, if born in the United States.\\nBut it is said that a person may be a citi-\\nzen, and entitled to that character, although he", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0688.jp2"}, "689": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n653\\ndoes not possess all the rights which may be-\\nlong to other citizens as, for example, the\\nright to vote, or to hold particular offices and\\nthat yet, when he goes into another state, he\\nis entitled to be recognized there as a citizen,\\nalthough the state may measure his rights by\\nthe rights which it allows to persons of a like\\ncharacter or class resident in the state, and re-\\nfuse to him the full rights of citizenship.\\nThis argument overlooks the language of\\nthe provision in the constitution of which we\\narc speaking.\\nUndoubtedly, a person may be a citizen,\\nthat is, a member of the community who form\\nthe sovereignty, although he exercises no share\\nof the political power, and is incapacitated from\\nholding particular offices. Women and minors,\\nwho form a part of the political family, cannot\\nvote and when a property qualification is re-\\nquired to vote or hold a particular office, those\\nwho have not the necessary qualification can-\\nnot vote or hold the office, yet they are citi-\\nzens.\\nSo, too, a person may be entitled to vote by\\nthe law of the state, who is not a citizen even\\nof the state itself And in some of the states\\nof the Union foreigners not naturalized are\\nallowed to vote. And the state may give the\\nright to free negroes and mulattoes, but that\\ndoes not make them citizens of the state, and\\nstill less of the United States. And the pro-\\nvision in the constitution giving privileges and\\nimmunities in other states, does not apply to\\nthem.\\nNeither does it apply to a person who, be-\\ning the citizen of a state, migrates to another\\nstate. For then he becomes subject to the\\nlaws of the state in which he lives, and he is no\\nlonger a citizen of the state from which he re-\\nmoved. And the state in which he resides may\\nthen, unquestionably, determine his status or\\ncondition, and place him among the class of\\npersons who are not recognized as citizens, but\\nbelong to an inferior and subject race and\\nmay deny him the privileges and immunities\\nenjoyed by its citizens.\\nBut so far as mere rights of person are con-\\ncerned, the provision in question is confined to\\ncitizens of a state who are temporarilj^ in\\nanother state without taking up their residence\\nthere. It gives them no political rights in the\\nstate, as to voting or holding office, or in any\\nother respect. For a citizen of one state has\\nno right to participate in the government of\\nanother. But if he ranks as a citizen in the\\nstate to which he belongs, within the meaning\\nof the constitution of the United States, then,\\nwhenever he goes into another state, the con-\\nstitution clothes him, as to the rights of person,\\nwith all the privileges and immunities which\\nbelong to citizens of the state. And if persons\\nof the African race are citizens of a state, and\\nof the United States, they would be entitled to\\nall of these privileges and immunities in every\\nstate, and the state could not restrict them for\\nthey would hold these privileges and immuni-\\nties under the paramount authority of the fed-\\neral government, and its courts would be\\nbound to maintain and enforce them, the con-\\nstitution and laws of the state to the contrary\\nnotwithstanding. And if the states could limit\\nor restrict them, or place the party in an\\ninferior grade, this clause of the constitution\\nwould be unmeaning, and could have no opera-\\ntion and would give no rights to the citizen\\nwhen in another state. He would have none\\nbut what the state itself chose to allow him.\\nThis is evidently not the construction or mean-\\ning of the clause in question. It guaranties\\nrights to the citizen, and the state cannot with-\\nhold them. And these rights are of a charac-\\nter and would lead to consequences which make\\nit absolutely certain that the African race were\\nnot included under the name of citizens of a\\nstate, and were not in the contemplation of the\\nframers of the constitution when these privi-\\nleges and immunities were provided for the\\nprotection of the citizen in other states.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0689.jp2"}, "690": {"fulltext": "654\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThe case of Legrand vs. Darnall (2 Peters,\\n664) has bee referred to for the purpose of\\nshowing that this court has decided that the\\ndescendant of a slave may sue as a citizen in a\\ncourt of the United States but the case itself\\nshows that the question did not arise, and\\ncould not have arisen, in the case.\\nNo one, we presume, supposes that any\\nchange in public opinion or feeling, in relation\\nto this unfortunate race, in the civilized nations\\nof Europe or in this countr} should induce the\\ncourt to give to the words of the constitution\\na more liberal construction in their favor than\\nthey were intended to bear when the instru-\\nment was fi-amed and adopted. Such an argu-\\nment would be altogether inadmissible in any\\ntribunal called on to interpret it. If any of\\nits provisions are deemed unjust, there is a\\nmode prescribed in the instrument itself b}\\nwhich it may be amended but while it re-\\nmains unaltered, it must be construed now as\\nit was understood at the time of its adoption.\\nIt is not only the same in words, but the same\\nin meaning, and delegates the same powers to\\nthe government, and reserves and secures the\\nsame rights and privileges to the citizen and\\nas long as it continues to exist in its present\\nform, it speaks not only in the same words,\\nbut with the same meaning and intent with\\nwhich it spoke when it came from the hands\\nof its framers, and was voted on and adopted\\nby the people of the United States. Any\\nother rule of construction would abrogate the\\njudicial character of this court, and make it\\nthe mere reflex of the popular opinion or pas-\\nsion of the day. This court was not created\\nby the constitution for such purposes. Higher\\nand graver trusts have been confided to it,\\nand it must not falter in the path of duty.\\nWhat the construction was at that time, we\\nthink, can hardly admit of doubt. We have\\nthe language of the Declaration of Independ-\\nence and of the Articles of Confederation, in\\naddition to the plain words of the constitution\\nitself; we have the legislation of the diflbrent\\nstates, before, about the time, and since, the\\nconstitution was adopted we have the legisla-\\ntion of Congress, from the time of its adoption\\nto a recent period and we have the constant\\nand uniform action of the executive depart-\\nment, all concurring together, and leading to\\nthe same result. And if any thing in relation\\nto the construction of the constitution can be\\nregarded as settled, it is that which we now\\ngive to the word citizen and the word people.\\nAnd upon a full and careful consideration\\nof the subject, the court is of opinion, that,\\nupon the facts stated in the plea in abatement,\\nDred Scott was not a citizen of Missouri within\\nthe meaning of the constitution of the United\\nStates, and not entitled as such to sue in its\\ncourts and, consequently, that the Circuit\\nCourt had no jurisdiction of the case, and that\\nthe judgment on the plea in abatement is er-\\nroneous.\\nWe are aware that doubts are entertained\\nby some of the members of the court, whether\\nthe plea in abatement is legally before the\\ncourt upon this writ of error; but if that plea is\\nregarded as waived, or out of the case upon any\\nother ground, yet the question as to the juris-\\ndiction of the Circuit Court is presented on the\\nface of the bill of exception itself, taken by\\nthe plaintiff at the trial for he admits that he\\nand his wife were born slaves, but endeavors\\nto make out his title to freedom and citizenship\\nby showing that they were taken by their\\nowner to certain places, hereinafter mentioned,\\nwhere slavery could not by law exist, and that\\nthey thereby became free, and upon their re-\\nturn to Missouri became citizens of that state.\\nNow, if the removal of which he speaks did\\nnot give them their freedom, then by his own\\nadmission he is still a slave and whatever\\nopinions may be entertained in favor of the\\ncitizenship of a free person of the African race,\\nno one supposes that a slave is a citizen of the\\nstate or of the United States. If, therefore,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0690.jp2"}, "691": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n655\\nthe acts done by his owner did not make them\\nfree persons, he is still a slave, and certainly in-\\ncapable of suing in the character of a citizen.\\nThe principle of law is too well settled to\\nbe disputed, that a court can give no judgment\\nfor either party, where it has no jurisdiction\\nand if, upon the showing of Scott himself, it\\nappeared that he was still a slave, the case\\nought to have been dismissed, and the judg-\\nment against him, and in favor of the defend-\\nant for costs, is, like that on the plea in abate-\\nment, erroneous, and the suit ought to have\\nbeen dismissed by the Circuit Court for want\\nof jurisdiction in that court.\\nThe plea in abatement is not a plea to the\\njurisdiction of this court, but to the jurisdic-\\ntion of the Circuit Court. And it appears by\\nthe record before us, that the Circuit Court\\ncommitted an error in deciding that it had ju-\\nrisdiction upon the facts in the case, admitted\\nby the pleadings. It is the duty of the appel-\\nlate tribunal to correct this error; but that\\ncould not be done by dismissing the case for\\nwant of jurisdiction here for that would leave\\nthe erroneous judgment in full force, and the\\ninjured party without remedy. And the ap-\\npellate court therefore exercises the power for\\nwhich alone appellate courts are constituted,\\nby reversing the judgment of the court below\\nfor this error. It exercises its proper and ap-\\npropriate jurisdiction over the judgment and\\nproceedings of the Circuit Court, as they ap-\\npear upon the record brought up by the writ\\nof error.\\nThe correction of one error in the court\\nbelow does not deprive the appellate court of\\nthe power of examining further into the record,\\nand correcting any other material errors which\\nmay have been committed by the inferior court.\\nThere is certainly no rule of law nor any\\npractice nor any decision of a court which\\neven questions this power in the appellate tri-\\nbunal. On the contrary, it is the daily prac-\\ntice of this court, and of all appellate courts\\n83\\nwhere they reverse the judgment of an inferior\\ncourt for error, to correct by its opinions what-\\never errors may appear on the record material\\nto the case and they have always held it to\\nbe their duty to do so where the silence of the\\ncourt might lead to misconstruction or future\\ncontroversy, and the point has been relied on\\nby either side, and argued before the court.\\nIn the case before us, we have already de-\\ncided that the Circuit Court erred in decidinsr\\nthat it had jurisdiction upon the facts admitted\\nby the pleadings. And it appears that, in the\\nfurther progress of the case, it acted upon the\\nerroneous principle it had decided on the plead-\\nings, and gave judgment for the defendant,\\nwhere, upon the facts admitted in the excep-\\ntion, it had no jurisdiction.\\nWe are at a loss to understand upon what\\nprinciple of law, applicable to appellate juris-\\ndiction, it can be supposed that this court has\\nnot judicial authority to correct the last-men-\\ntioned error, because they had before corrected\\nthe former or by what process of reasoning\\nit can be made out, that the error of an inferior\\ncourt in actually pronouncing judgment for one\\nof the parties, in a case in which it had no\\njurisdiction, cannot be looked into or corrected\\nby this court, because we have decided a similar\\nquestion presented in the pleadings. The last\\npoint is distinctly presented by the facts con-\\ntained in the plaintiff s own bill of exceptions,\\nwhich he himself brings here by this writ of\\nerror. It was the point which chiefly occupied\\nthe attention of the counsel on both sides in\\nthe argument; and the judgment which this\\ncourt must render upon both errors is precisely\\nthe same. It must, in each of them, exercise\\njurisdiction over the judgment, and reverse it\\nfor the errors committed by the court below\\nand issue a mandate to the Circuit Court to\\nconform its judgment to the opinion pronounced\\nby this court, by dismissing the case for want\\nof jurisdiction in the Circuit Court. This is\\nthe constant and invariable practice of this", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0691.jp2"}, "692": {"fulltext": "CjC\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ncourt, where it reverses a judgment for want\\nof jurisdiction in the Circuit Court.\\nWe proceed, therefore, to inquire whether\\nthe facts relied on by the plaintiff entitled him\\nto his freedom.\\nThe case, as he himself states it, on the\\nrecord brought here by his writ of error, is\\nthis\\nThe plaintiff was a negro slave, belonging\\nto Dr. Emerson, who was a surgeon in the\\narmy of the United States. In the year 1834,\\nhe took the plaintiff from the state of Missouri\\nto the military post at Rock Island, in the state\\nof Illinois, and held him there as a slave until\\nthe month of April or May, 1836. At the time\\nlast mentioned, said Dr. Emerson removed the\\nplaintiff from said military post at Rock Island\\nto the military post at Fort Snelling, situate\\non the west bank of the Mississippi River, in\\nthe territory known as Upper Louisiana, ac-\\nquired by the United States of France, and\\nsituate north of the latitude of thirty-six de-\\ngrees thirty minutes north, and north of the\\nstate of Missouri. Said Dr. Emerson held the\\nplaintiff in slavery at said Fort Snelling from\\nsaid last-mentioned date until the year 1838.\\nIn the year 1835, Harriet, who is named in\\nthe second count of the plaintiff s declaration,\\nwas the negro slave of Major Taliaferro, who\\nbelonged to the army of the United States.\\nIn that year, 1835, said Major Taliaferro took\\nsaid Harriet to said Fort Snelling, a military\\npost, situated as hereinbefore stated, and kept\\nher there as a slave until the year 1836, and\\nthen sold and delivered her as a slave, at said\\nFort Snelling, unto the said Dr. Emerson here-\\ninbefore named. Said Dr. Emerson held said\\nHarriet in slavery at said Fort Snelling until\\nthe year 1838.\\nIn the year 1836, the plaintiff and Harriet\\nintermarried at Fort Snelling, with the consent\\nof Dr. Emerson, who then claimed to be their\\nmaster and owner. Eliza and Lizzie, named in\\nthe third count of the plaintiff s declaration.\\nare the fruit of that marriage. Eliza is about\\nfourteen years old, and was born on board the\\nsteamboat Gipsejr, north of the north line of\\nthe state of Missouri, and upon the River Mis-\\nsissippi. Lizzie is about seven years old, and\\nwas born in the state of Missouri, at the mili-\\ntary post called Jefferson Barracks.\\nIn the year 1838, said Dr. Emerson removed\\nthe plaintiff and said Harriet, and their said\\ndaughter Eliza, from said Fort Snelling to the\\nstate of Missouri, where they have ever since\\nresided.\\nBefore the commencement of this suit, said\\nDr. Emerson sold and conveyed the plaintiff,\\nand Harriet, Eliza, and Lizzie, to the defendant,\\nas slaves, and the defendant has ever since\\nclaimed to hold them, and each of them, as\\nslaves.\\nIn considering this part of the controversy,\\ntwo questions arise 1. Was he, together with\\nhis fiimily, free in Missouri by reason of the\\nstay in the territory of the United States here-\\ninbefore mentioned And, 2. If they were\\nnot, is Scott himself free by reason of his re-\\nmoval to Rock Island, in the state of Illinois,\\nas stated in the above admissions 1\\nWe proceed to examine the first question.\\nThe act of Congress, upon which the plain-\\ntiff relies, declares that slavery and involuntary\\nservitude, except as a punishment for crime,\\nshall be forever prohibited in all that part of\\nthe territory ceded by France, under the name\\nof Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six de-\\ngrees thirty minutes north latitude, and not in-\\ncluded within the limits of Missouri. And the\\ndifficulty which meets us at the threshold of\\nthis part of the inquiry is, whether Congress\\nwas authorized to pass this law under any of\\nthe powers granted to it by the constitution\\nfor if the authority is not given by that instru-\\nment, it is the duty of this court to declare it\\nvoid and inoperative, and incapable of confer-\\nring freedom upon any one who is held as a\\nslave under the laws of any one of the states.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0692.jp2"}, "693": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n^57\\nThe counsel for the plaintiff has laid much\\nstress upon that article in the constitution\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which confers on Congress the power to dis-\\npose of and make all needful rules and regula-\\ntions respecting the territory or other property\\nbelonging to the United States but, in the\\njudgment of the court, that provision has no\\nbearing on the present controversy, and the\\npower there given, whatever it may be, is con-\\nfined, and was intended to be confined, .to the\\nterritory which at that time belonged to, or\\nwas claimed by, the United States and was\\nAvithin their boundaries as settled by the treaty\\nwith Great Britain, and can have no influence\\nupon a territory afterwards acquired from a\\nforeign government. It was a special provision\\nfor a known and particular territor}-, and to\\nmeet a present emergency, and nothing more.\\nA brief summary of the history of the times,\\nas well as the careful and measured terms in\\nwhich the article is framed, will show the cor-\\nrectness of this proposition.\\nIt will be remembered that, from the com-\\nmencement of the revolutionary war, serious\\ndifficulties existed between the states, in rela-\\ntion to the disposition of large and unsettled\\nterritories which were included in the char-\\ntered limits of some of the states. And some\\nof the other states, and more especially Mary-\\nland, which had no unsettled lands, insisted\\nthat as the unoccupied lands, if wrested from\\nGreat Britain, would owe their preservation to\\nthe common purse and the common sword, the\\nmoney arising from them ought to be applied\\nin just proportion among the several states to\\npay the expenses of the war, and ought not to\\nbe appropriated to the use of the state in\\nwhose chartered limits they might happen to\\nlie, to the exclusion of the other states, by\\nwhose combined efforts and common expense\\nthe territory was defended and preserved\\nagainst the claim of the British government.\\nThese difficulties caused much uneasiness\\nduring the war, while the issue was in some\\ndegree doubtful, and the future boundaries of\\nthe United States yet to be defined by treaty,\\nif we achieved our independence.\\nThe majority of the Congress of the con-\\nfederation obviously concurred in opinion with\\nthe state of Mai-yland, and desired to obtain\\nfrom the states which claimed it a cession of\\nthis territory, in order that Congress might\\nraise money on this security to carry on the\\nwar. This appears by the resolution passed on\\nthe 6th of September, 1780, strongly urging\\nthe states to cede these lands to the United\\nStates, both for the sake of peace and union\\namong themselves, and to maintain the public\\ncredit and this was followed by the resolution\\nof October 10th, 1780, by which Congress\\npledged itself, that if the lands were ceded, as\\nrecommended by the resolution above men-\\ntioned, they should be disposed of for the com-\\nmon benefit of the United States, and be setr\\ntied and formed into distinct republican states,\\nwhich should become members of the Federal\\nUnion, and have the same rights of sovereignty,\\nand freedom, and independence, as other states.\\nBut these difficulties became much more\\nserious after peace took place, and the boun-\\ndaries of the United States were established.\\nEvery state, at that time, felt severely the\\npressure of its war debt; but in Virginia, and\\nsome other states, there were large territories\\nof unsettled lands, the sale of which would\\nenable them to discharge their obligations with-\\nout much inconvenience while other states,\\nwhich had no such resource, saw before them\\nmany years of heavy and burdensome taxa-\\ntion and the latter insisted, for the reasons\\nbefore stated, that these unsettled lands should\\nbe treated as the common property of the\\nstates, and the proceeds applied to their com-\\nmon benefit.\\nThe letters from the statesmen of that day\\nwill show how much this controversy occupied\\ntheir thoughts, and the dangers that were ap-\\nprehended from it. It was the disturbing", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0693.jp2"}, "694": {"fulltext": "65S\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nelement of the time, and fears were entertained\\nthat it might dissolve the confederatioir by\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which the states were then united.\\nThese fears and dangers were, however, at\\nonce removed, when the state of Virginia, in\\n1784, voluntarily ceded to the United States\\nthe immense tract of country lying north-west\\nof the Eiver Ohio, and which was within the\\nacknowledged limits of the state. The only\\nobject of the state, in making this cession, was\\nto put an end to the threatening and exciting\\ncontroversy^, and to enable the Congress of that\\ntime to dispose of the lands, and appropriate\\nthe proceeds as a common fund for the common\\nbenefit of the states. It was not ceded because\\nit was inconvenient to the state to hold and\\ngovern it, nor from any expectation that it\\ncould be better or more conveniently governed\\nby the United States.\\nThe example of Virginia was soon after-\\nwards followed by other states, and, at the time\\nof the adoption of the constitution, all of the\\nstates, similarly situated, had ceded their un-\\nappropriated lands, except North Carolina and\\nGeorgia. The main object for which these ces-\\nsions were desired and made, was on account\\nof their money value, and to put an end to a\\ndangerous controversy, as to who was justly en-\\ntitled to the proceeds when the lands should be\\nsold. It is necessary to bring this part of the\\nhistory of these cessions thus distinctly into\\nview, because it will enable us the better to com-\\nprehend the phraseology of the article in the con-\\nstitution, so often referred to in the argument.\\nUndoubtedly the powers of sovereignty and\\nthe eminent domain were ceded with the land.\\nThis was essential, in order to make it effectual,\\nand to accomplish its objects. But it must be\\nremembered that, at that time, there was no\\ngovernment of the United States in existence\\nwith enumerated and limited powers; what\\nwas then called the United States, were thir-\\nteen separate, sovereign, independent states,\\nwhich had entered into a league or confedera-\\ntion for their mutual pi otection and advantage,\\nand the Congress of tlie United States was\\ncomposed of the representatives of these sep-\\narate sovereignties, meeting together, as equals,\\nto discuss and decide on certain measures\\nwhich the states, by the Articles of Confedera-\\ntion, had agreed to submit to their decision.\\nBut this confederation had none of the attri-\\nbutes of sovereignty in legislative, executive,\\nor judicial power. It was little more than a\\ncongress of ambassadors, authorized to repre-\\nsent separate nations in matters in which they\\nhad a common concern.\\nIt was this Congress that accepted the ces-\\nsion from Virginia. They had no power to\\naccept it under the Articles of Confederation.\\nBut they had an undoubted right, as independ-\\nent sovereignties, to accept any cession of ter-\\nritory for their common benefit, which all (Jf\\nthem assented to and it is equally clear, that\\nas their common property, and having no supe-\\nrior to conti ol them, they had the right to\\nexercise absolute dominion over it, subject only\\nto the restrictions which Virginia had imposed\\nin her act of cession. There was, as we have\\nsaid, no government of the United States then\\nin existence with special enumerated and\\nlimited powers. The territory belonged to\\nsovereigntie.s, who, subject to the limitations\\nabove mentioned, had a right to establish any\\nform of government they pleased, by compact\\nor treaty among themselves, and to regulate\\nrights of person and rights of property in the\\nterritory, as they might deem proper. It was\\nby a Congress representing the authority of\\nthese several and separate sovereignties, and\\nacting under their authority and command,\\n(but not from any authority derived from the\\nArticles of Confederation,) that the instru-\\nment usually called the ordinance of 1787 was\\nadopted regulating in much detail the princi-\\nples and the laws by which this territory should\\nbe governed and among other provisions\\nslavery is prohibited in it. We do not question", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0694.jp2"}, "695": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n(559\\ntlie power of the states, by agreement among\\nthemselves, to pass this ordinance, nor its obli-\\ngatory force in the territory, while the confed-\\neration or league of the states in their separate\\nsovereign character continued to exist.\\nThis was the state of things when the con-\\nstitution of the United States was formed.\\nThe territory ceded by Virginia belonged to\\nseveral confederated states as common prop-\\nerty, and they had united in establishing in it\\na system of government and jurisprudence, in\\norder to prepare it for admission as states, ac-\\ncording to the terms of the cession. They\\nwere about to dissolve this federative Union, and\\nto surrender a poi-tion of their independent\\nsovereignty to a new government, which, for\\ncertain purposes, would make the people of the\\nseveral states one people, and which was to be\\nsupreme and controlling within its sphere of\\naction throughout the United States but this\\ngovernment was to be carefully limited in its\\npowers, and to exercise no authority beyond\\nthose expressly granted by the constitution, or\\nnecessarily to be implied from the language of\\nthe instrument, and the objects it was intended\\nto accomplish and as this league of states\\nwould, upon the adoption of the new govern-\\nment, cease to have any power over the terri-\\ntory, and the ordinance they had agreed upon\\nbe incapable of execution, and a mere nullity,\\nit was obvious that some provision was neces-\\nsary to give the new government sufficient\\npower to enable it to carry into effect the ob-\\njects for which it was ceded, and the compacts\\nand agreements, which the states had made\\nwith each other in the exercise of their powers\\nof sovereignty. It was necessary that the\\nlands should be sold to pay the war debt;, that\\na government and system of jurisprudence\\nshould be maintained in it, to protect the citi-\\nzens of the United States who should migrate\\nto the territory, in their rights of person and\\nof property. It was also necessary that the\\nnew government, about to be adopted, should\\nbe authorized to maintain the claim of the\\nUnited States to the unappropriated lands in\\nNorth Carolina and Georgia, which had not\\nthen been ceded, but the cession of which was\\nconfidently anticipated upon some terms that\\nwould be arranged between the general gov-\\nernment and these two states. And, moreover,\\nthere were many articles of value besides this\\nproperty in land, such as arms, military stores,\\nmunitions, and ships of war, which were the\\ncommon proj^erty of the states, when acting in\\ntheir independent characters as confederates,\\nwhich neither the new government nor any\\none else would have a right to take possession\\nof, or control, without authority from them\\nand it was to place these things under the\\nguardianship and protection of the new gov-\\nernment, and to clothe it with. the necessary\\npowers, that the clause was inserted in the\\nconstitution, which gives Congress the power\\nto dispose of and make all needful rules and\\nregulations respecting the territory or other\\nproperty belonging to the United States. It\\nwas intended for a specific purpose, to provide\\nfor the things we have mentioned. It was to\\ntransfer to the new government the property\\nthen held in common by the states, and to give\\nto that government power to apply it to the\\nobjects for which it had been destined by mu-\\ntual agreement among the states before their\\nleague was dissolved. It applied only to the\\nproperty which the states held in common at\\nthat time, and has no reference whatever to\\nany territory or other property which the new\\nsovereignty might afterwards itself acquire.\\nThe language used in the clause, the ar-\\nrangement and combination of the powers,\\nand the somewhat unusual phraseology it uses,\\nwhen it speaks of the political power to be ex-\\nercised in the government of the territory, all\\nindicate the design and meaning of the clause\\nto be such as we have mentioned. It does\\nnot speak of any territory, nor of territories,\\nbut uses language which, according to its", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0695.jp2"}, "696": {"fulltext": "660\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nlegitimate me.ming, points to a particular\\nthing. The power is given in relation only to\\nthe territory of the United States that is, to\\na territory then in existence, and then known\\nor claimed as the territory of the United States.\\nIt begins its enumeration of powers by that of\\ndisposing in other words, making sale of the\\nlands, or raising money from them, which, as\\nwe have already said, was the main object of\\nthe cession, and which is accordingly the first\\nthing provided for in the article. It then gives\\nthe power which was necessarily associated\\nwith the disposition and sale of the lands that\\nis, the power of making needful rules and regu-\\nlations respecting the territory. And whatever\\nconstruction may now be given to these words,\\nevery one, we think, must admit that they are\\nnot the worda usually employed by statesmen\\nin giving supreme power of legislation. They\\nare certainly very unlike the words used in the\\npower granted to legislate over ten itory which\\nthe new government might afterwards itself\\nobtain by cession from a state, either for its\\nseat of government, or for forts, magazines,\\narsenals, dock yards, and other needful build-\\nings.\\nAnd the same power of making needful\\nrules respecting the territory is, in precisely\\nthe same language, applied to the other property\\nbelonging to the United States associating\\nthe power over the territory in this respect\\nwith the power over movable or personal prop-\\nerty that is, the ships, arms, and munitions\\nof war, which then belonged in common to the\\nstate sovereignties. And it will hardly be said\\nthat this power, in relation to the lastrmen-\\ntioned objects, was deemed necessary to be thus\\nspecially given to the new government, in order\\nto authorize it to make needful rules and regu-\\nlations respecting the ships it might itself\\nbuild, or arms and munitions of war it might\\nitself manufacture or provide for the public\\nservice.\\nNo one, it is believed, would think a mo-\\nment of deriving the power of Congress to\\nmake needful rules and regulations in relation\\nto property of this kind from this clause of\\nthe constitution. Nor can it, upon any fair\\nconstruction, be applied to any property but\\nthat which the new government was about to\\nreceive from the confederated states. And if\\nthis be true as to this property, it must be\\nequally true and limited as to the territory,\\nwhich is so carefully and precisely coupled with\\nit and like it, referred to as property in the\\npower granted. The concluding words of the\\nclause appear to render this construction irre-\\nsistible for, after the provisions we have men-\\ntioned, it proceeds to say, that nothing in the\\nconstitution shall be so construed as to preju-\\ndice any claims of the United States, or of any\\nparticular state.\\nNow, as we have before said, all of the\\nstates, except North Carolina and Georgia, had\\nmade the cession before the constitution was\\nadopted, according to the resolution of Congress\\nof October 10, 1780. The claims of other\\nstates, that the unappropriated lands in these\\ntwo states should be applied to the common\\nbenefit, in like manner was still insisted on, but\\nrefused by the states. And this member of\\nthe clause in question evidently applies to them,\\nand can apply to nothing else. It was to ex-\\nclude the conclusion that either party, by\\nadopting the constitution, would surrender\\nwhat they deemed their rights. And when\\nthe latter 2:)rovision relates so obviously to the\\nunappropriated lands not yet ceded by the\\nstates, and the first clause makes provision for\\nthose then actually ceded, it is impossible, by\\nany just rule of construction, to make the first\\nprovision general, and extend to all territories\\nwhich the federal government might in any\\nway afterwards acquire, when the latter is\\nplainly and unequivocally confined to a par-\\nticular territory which was a part of the same\\ncontroversy, and involved in the same dispute,\\nand depended upon the same principles. The", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0696.jp2"}, "697": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n661\\nunion of the two provisions in the same clause\\nshows that they were kindred subjects; and\\nthat the whole clause is local, and relates only\\nto lands within the limits of the United States,\\nwhich had been or then were claimed by a\\nstate and that no other territory was in the\\nmind of the framers of the constitution, or in-\\ntended to be embraced in it. Upon any other\\nconstruction it would be impossible to account\\nfor the insertion of the last provision in the\\nplace where it is found, or to comprehend why\\nor for what object it was associated with the\\nprevious provision.\\nThis view of the subject is confirmed by\\nthe manner in which the present government\\nof the United States dealt with the subject as\\nsoon as it came into existence. It must be\\nborne in mind that the same states that formed\\nthe confederation also formed and adopted the\\nnew government, to Avhich so large a portion\\nof their former sovereign powers were surren-\\ndered. It must also be borne in mind that all\\nof these same states which had then ratified\\nthe new constitution were represented in the\\nCongress which passed the first law for the\\ngovernment of this territory and many of the\\nmembers of that legislative body had been\\ndeputies from the states under the confedera-\\ntion had united in adopting the ordinance of\\n1787, and assisted in forming the new govern-\\nment under which they were then acting, and\\nwhose powers they were then exercising. And\\nit is obvious, from the law they passed to carry\\ninto effect the principles and provisions of the\\nordinance, that they regarded it as the act of\\nthe states done in the exercise of their legiti-\\nmate powers at the time. The new govern-\\nment took the territory as it found it, and in\\nthe condition in which it was transferred, and\\ndid not attempt to undo any thing that had\\nbeen done. And, among the earliest laws\\npassed under the new government, is one\\nreviving the ordinance of 1787, which had be-\\ncome inoperative, and a nullity, upon the\\nadoption of the constitution. This law intro-\\nduces no new form or principles for its govern-\\nment, but recites, in the preamble, that it is\\npassed in order that this ordinance may con-\\ntinue to have full effect, and proceeds to make\\nonly those rules and regulations which were\\nneedful to adapt it to the new government, into\\nwhose hands the power had fallen. It appears,\\ntherefore, that this Congress regarded the pur-\\nposes to which the land in this territory was to\\nbe applied, and the form of government and\\nprinciples of jurisprudence which were to pre-\\nvail there, while it remained in the territorial\\nstate, as already determined on by the states\\nwhen they had full power and right to make\\nthe decision; and that the new government,\\nhaving received it in this condition, ought to\\ncarry substantially into effect the plans and prin-\\nciples which had been previously adopted by the\\nstates, and which, no doubt, the states antici-\\npated when they surrendered their power to\\nthe new government. And if we regard this\\nclause of the constitution as pointing to this\\nterritory, with a territorial government already\\nestablished in it, which had been ceded to the\\nstates for the purposes hereinbefore mentioned\\nevery word in it is perfectly appropriate,\\nand easily understood, and the provisions it\\ncontains are in perfect harmony with the ob-\\njects for which it was ceded, and with the con-\\ndition of its government as a territory at the\\ntime. We can, then, easily account for the\\nmanner in which the first Congress legislated\\non the subject and can also understand why\\nthis power over the territory was associated in\\nthe same clause with the other property of the\\nUnited States, and subjected to the like power\\nof making needful rules and regulations. But\\nif the clause is construed in the expanded sense\\ncontended for, so as to embrace any territory\\nacquired from a foreign nation by the present\\ngovernment, and to give it in such territory a\\ndespotic and unlimited power over persons and\\nproperty, such as the confederated states might", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0697.jp2"}, "698": {"fulltext": "662\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nexercise in their common property, it would be\\ndifficult to account for the phraseology used,\\nwhen compared with other grants of power\\nand also for its association with the other pro-\\nvision ia the same clause.\\nTiie constitution has always been remarka-\\nble for the felicity of its arrangement of dif-\\nferent subjects, and the perspicuity and appro-\\npriateness of the language it uses. But if this\\nclause is construed to extend to territory ac-\\nquired by the present government from a for-\\neign nation, outside of the limits of any char-\\nter from the British government to a colony, it\\nwould be difficult to sa}^ why it was deemed\\nnecessary to give the government the power\\nto sell any vacant lands belonging to the sov-\\nereignty which might be found within it and\\nif this was necessary, why the grant of this\\npower should precede the power to legislate\\nover it and establish a government there and\\nstill more difficult to say, why it was deemed\\nnecessary so specially and particularly to grant\\nthe power to make needful rules and regula-\\ntions in relation to any personal or movable\\nproperty it might acquire there. For the\\nwords other propedi/, necessarily, by every known\\nrule of interpretation, must mean property of\\na different description from territory or land.\\nAnd the difficulty would perhaps be insur-\\nmountable in endeavoring to accoimt for the\\nlast member of the sentence, which provides\\nthat nothing in this constitution shall be so\\nconstrued as to prejudice any claims of the\\nUnited States or any particular state, or to say\\nhow any particular state could have claims in\\nor to a territory ceded by a foreign govern-\\nment, or to account for associating this provis-\\nion with the preceding provisions of the clause,\\nwith which it would appear to have no con-\\nnection.\\nThe words needful rules and regulations\\nwould seem, also, to have been cautiously used\\nfor some definite object. They are not the\\nwords usually employed by statesmen, when\\nthey mean to give the jDOwers of sovereignty,\\nor to establish a government, or to authorize\\nits establishment. Thus, in the law to renew\\nand keep alive the ordinance of 1787, and to\\nreestablish the government, the title of the\\nlaw is, An act to provide for the government\\nof the territory north-west of the River Ohio.\\nAnd in the constitution, when granting the\\npower to legislate over the territory that may\\nbe selected for the seat of government inde-\\npendently of a state, it does not say Congress\\nshall have power to make all needful rules and\\nregulations respecting the territory but it\\ndeclares that Congress shall have power to\\nexercise exclusive legislation in all cases what-\\nsoever over such District (not exceeding ten\\nmiles square) as may, by cession of particular\\nstates and the acceptance of Congress, become\\nthe seat of the government of the United\\nStates.\\nThe words rules and regulations are\\nusually employed in the constitution in speak-\\ning of some particular specified power which\\nit means to confer on the government, and not,\\nas we have seen, when granting general pow-\\ners of legislation as, for example, in the par-\\nticular power to Congress to make rules for\\nthe government and regulation of the land and\\nnaval forces, or the particular and specific\\npower to regulate commerce to establish a\\nuniform rule of naturalization to coin money\\nand regulate the value thereof And to con-\\nstrue the words of which we are speaking as a\\ngeneral and unlimited grant of sovereignty\\nover territories which the government might\\nafterwards acquire, is to use them in a sense\\nand for a purpose for which they were not\\nused in any other part of the instrument. But\\nif confined to a particular territory, in which a\\ngovernment and laws had already been estab-\\nlished, but which would require some altera-\\ntions to adapt it to the new government, the\\nwords are peculiarly applicable and appropriate\\nfor that purpose.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0698.jp2"}, "699": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n66[\\nThis brings us to examine by what pro-\\nvision of the constitution the present federal\\ngovernment, under its delegated and restricted\\npowers, is authorized to acquire territory out-\\nside of the original limits of the United States,\\nand what powers it may exercise therein over\\nthe pei son or property of a citizen of the\\nUnited States, while it remains a territory, and\\nuntil it shall be admitted as one of the states\\nof the Union.\\nThere is certainly no power given by the\\nconstitution to the federal government to es-\\ntablish or maintain colonies bordering on the\\nUnited States or at a distance, to be ruled and\\ngoverned at its own pleasure nor to enlarge\\nits territorial limits in any way, except by the\\nadmission of new states. That power is plainly\\ngiven and if a new state is admitted, it needs\\nno further legislation by Congress, because the\\nconstitution itself defines the relative rights,\\nand powers, and duties of the state, and the\\ncitizens of the state, and the federal govern-\\nment. But no power is given to acquire a ter-\\nritory to be held and governed permanently in\\nthat character.\\nAnd indeed the power exercised by Con-\\ngress to acquire territory and establish a gov-\\nernment there, according to its own unlimited\\ndiscretion, was viewed with great jealousy by\\nthe leading statesmen of the day. And in the\\nFederalist, (No. 38,) written by Mr. Madison, he\\nspeaks of the acquisition of the north-western\\nterritory by the confederated states, by the\\ncession from Virginia, and the establishment of\\na governlAent there, as an exercise of power\\nnot warranted by the Articles of Confederation,\\nand dangerous to the liberties of the people.\\nAnd he urges the adoption of the constitution\\nas a security and safeguard against such an ex-\\nercise of power.\\nWe do not mean, however, to question the\\npower of Congress in this respect. The power\\nto expand the territory of the United States,\\nby the admission of new states, is plainly\\n84\\ngiven and in the construction of this power\\nby all the departments of the government, it\\nhas been held to authorize the acquisition of\\nterritory, not fit for admission at the time, but\\nto be admitted as soon as its population and\\nsituation would entitle it to admission. It is\\nacquired to become a state, and not to be held\\nas a colony and governed by Congress with\\nabsolute authority and as the propriety of\\nadmitting a new state is committed to the\\nsound discretion of Congress, the power to ac-\\nquire territory for that purpose, to be held by\\nthe United States until it is in a suitable con-\\ndition to become a state upon an equal footing\\nwith the other states, must rest upon the same\\ndiscretion. It is a question for the political\\ndepartment of the government, and not the\\njudicial and whatever the political depart-\\nment of the government shall recognize as\\nwithin the limits of the United States, the judi-\\ncial department is also bound to recognize, and\\nto administer in it the laws of the United\\nStates, so far as they apply, and to maintain in\\nthe territory the authority and rights of the\\ngovernment, and also the personal rights and\\nrights of property of individual citizens, as\\nsecured by the constitution. All we mean to\\nsay on this point is, that, as there is no express\\nregulation in the constitution defining the power\\nwhich the general government may exercise\\nover the person or property of a citizen in a\\nterritory thus acquired, the court must neces-\\nsarily look to the provisions and principles of\\nthe constitution, and its distribution of powers,\\nfor the rules and principles by which its decis-\\nion must be governed.\\nTaking this rule to guide us, it may be safe-\\nly assumed that citizens of the United States\\nwho migrate to a territory belonging to the\\npeople of the United States, cannot be ruled as\\nmere colonists, dependent upon the will of the\\ngeneral government, and to be governed by\\nany laws it may think proper to impose. The\\nprinciple upon which our governments rest,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0699.jp2"}, "700": {"fulltext": "664\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nand upon which alone they continue to exist,\\nis the union of states, sovereign and independ-\\nent within their own limits in their intei nal\\nand domestic concerns, and bound together as\\none people by a general government, possess-\\ning certain enumerated and restricted powers,\\ndelegated to it by the people of the several\\nstates, and exercising supreme authority with-\\nin the scope of the powers granted to it\\nthroughout the dominion of the United States.\\nA power, therefore, in the general government\\nto obtain and hold colonies and dependent ter-\\nritories, over which they might legislate with-\\nout restriction, would be inconsistent with its\\nown existence in its present form. Whatever\\nit acquires, it acquires for the benefit of the\\npeople of the several states who created it.\\nIt is their trustee acting for them, and charged\\nwith the duty of promoting the interests of\\nthe whole people of the Union in the exercise\\nof the powers specifically granted.\\nAt the time when the territory in question\\nwas obtained by cession from France, it con-\\ntained no population fit to be associated to-\\ngether and admitted as a state and it there-\\nfore was absolutely necessary to hold posses-\\nsion of it, as a territory belonging to the United\\nStates, until it was settled and inhabited by a\\ncivilized community capable of self-government,\\nand in a condition to be admitted on equal\\nterms with the other states as a member of the\\nUnion. But, as we have before said, it was ac-\\nquired by the general government, as the rep-\\nresentative and trustee of the people of the\\nUnited States, and it must therefore be held in\\nthat character for their common and equal bene-\\nfit; for it was the people of the several states,\\nacting through their agent and representative,\\nthe federal government, who in fact acquired\\nthe territory in question, and the government\\nholds it for their common use until it shall be\\nassociated with the other states as a member\\nof the Union.\\nBut the power of Congress over the person\\nor property of a citizen can never be a mere\\ndiscretionary power under our constitution\\nand form of government. The powers of the\\ngovernment and the rights and privileges of the\\ncitizen are regulated and plainly defined by the\\nconstitution itself And when the territory be-\\ncomes a part of the United States, the federal\\ngovernment enters into possession in the char-\\nacter impressed upon it by those who created\\nit. It enters upon it with its powers over the\\ncitizen strictly defined, and limited by the con-\\nstitution, from which it derives its own exist-\\nence, and by virtue of which alone it continues\\nto exist and act as a government and sov-\\nereignty. It has no power of any kind beyond\\nit and it cannot, when it enters a territory of\\nthe United States, put off its character, and\\nassume discretionary or despotic powers which\\nthe constitution has denied to it. It cannot\\ncreate for itself a new character separated from\\nthe citizens of the United States, and the duties\\nit owes them under the provisions of the con-\\nstitution. The territory being a part of the\\nUnited States, the government and the citizen\\nboth enter it under the authority of the con-\\nstitution, with their respective rights defined\\nand marked out and the federal government\\ncan exercise no power over his person or prop-\\nerty beyond what that instrument confers,\\nnor lawfully deny any right which it has re-\\nserved.\\nA reference to a few of the provisions of\\nthe constitution will illustrate this proposition.\\nFor example, no one, we presume, will con-\\ntend that Congress can make any la% in a ter-\\nritory respecting the establishment of religion,\\nor the free exercise thereof, or abridging the\\nfreedom of speech or of the press, or the right\\nof the people of the territory peaceably to as-\\nsemble, and to petition the government for the\\nredress of grievances.\\nNor can Congress deny to the people the\\nright to keep and bear arms, nor the right to\\ntrial by jury, nor compel any one to be a", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0700.jp2"}, "701": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n665\\nwitness against himself in a criminal pro-\\nceeding.\\nThese powers, and others, in relation to\\nrights of person, which it is not necessary here\\nto enumerate, are, in express and positive\\nterms, denied to the general government; and\\nthe I ights of private property have been\\nguarded with equal care. Thus the rights of\\nproperty are united with the rights of person,\\nand placed on the same ground by the fifth\\namendment to the constitution, which provides\\nthat no person shall be deprived of life, liberty,\\nand property, without due process of law.\\nAnd an act of Congress which deprives a citi-\\nzen of the United States of his liberty or prop-\\nerty, merely because he came himself or brought\\nhis property into a particular territory of the\\nUnited States, and who had committed no\\noffence against the laws, could hardly be digni-\\nfied with the name of due process of law.\\nSo, too, it will hardly be contended that\\nCongress could by law quarter a soldier in a\\nhouse in a territory without the consent of the\\nowner, in time of peace nor in time of war,\\nbut in a manner prescribed by law. Nor could\\nthey by law forfeit the property of a citizen in\\na territory, who was convicted of treason, for a\\nlonger period than the life of the person con-\\nvicted; nor take private property for public\\nuse without just compensation.\\n^he powers over person and property of\\nwhich we speak are not only not granted to\\nCongress, but are in express terms denied, and\\nthey are forbidden to exercise them. And this\\nprohibition is not confined to the states, but\\nthe words are general, and extend to the whole\\nterritory over which the constitution gives it\\npower to legislate, including those portions of\\nit remaining under territorial government, as\\nwell as that covered by states. It is a total\\nabsence of power eveiy where within the do-\\nminion of the United States, and places the\\ncitizens of a territory, so far as these rights are\\nconcerned, on the same footing with citizens of\\nthe states, and guards them as firmly and\\nplainly against any inroads which the general\\ngovernment might attempt, under the plea of\\nimplied or incidental powers. And if Congress\\nitself cannot do this if it is beyond the pow-\\ners conferred on the federal government it\\nwill be admitted, we presume, that it could not\\nauthorize a tenntorial government to exercise\\nthem. It could confer no power on any local\\ngovernment, established by its authority, to\\nviolate the provisions of the constitution.\\nIt seems, however, to be supposed, that\\nthere is a difference between property in a\\nslave and other property, and that different\\nrules may be applied to it in expounding the\\nconstitution of the United States. And the\\nlaws and usages of nations, and the writings of\\neminent jurists upon the relation of master and\\nslave, and their mutual rights and duties, and\\nthe powers which governments may exercise\\nover it, have been dwelt upon in the argument.\\nBut in considering the question before us,\\nit must be borne in mind that there is no law\\nof nations standing between the people of the\\nUnited States and their government, and inter-\\nfering with their relation to each other. The\\npowers of the government, and the rights of\\nthe citizen under it, are positive and practical\\nregulations plainly written down. The people\\nof the United States have delegated to it cer-\\ntain enumerated powers, and forbidden it to ex-\\nercise others. It has no power over the person\\nor property of a citizen but what the Citizens\\nof the United States have granted. And no\\nlaws or usages of other nations, or reasoning\\nof statesmen or jurists upon the relations of\\nmaster and slave, can enlarge the powers of the\\ngovernment, or take from the citizens the rights\\nthey have reserved. And if the constitution\\nrecognizes the right of property of the master\\nin a slave, and makes no distinction between\\nthat description of property and other prop-\\nerty owned by a citizen, no tribunal, acting\\nunder the authority of the United States,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0701.jp2"}, "702": {"fulltext": "666\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nwhether it be legislative, executive, or judicial,\\nhas a right to draw such a distinction, or deny\\nto it the benefit of the provisions and guar-\\nantees which have been provided for the pro-\\ntection of private property against the en-\\ncroachments of the government.\\nNow, as we have already said in an earlier\\npart of this -opinion, upon a different point, the\\nright of property in a slave is distinctly and\\nexpressly affirmed in the constitution. The\\nright to traffic in it, like an ordinary article of\\nmerchandise and property, was guarantied to\\nthe citizens of the United States, in every state\\nthat might desire it, for twenty years. And\\nthe government in express terms is pledged to\\nprotect it in all future time, if the slave escapes\\nfrom his owner. This is done in plain words\\ntoo plain to be misunderstood. And no\\nword can be found in the constitution which\\ngives Congress a greater power over slave\\nproperty, or which entitles property of that\\nkind to less protection than property of any\\nother description. The only power conferred\\nis the power coupled with the duty of guarding\\nand protecting the owner in his rights.\\nUpon these considerations, it is the opinion\\nof the court that the act of Congress which\\nprohibited a citizen from holding and owning\\nproperty of this kind in the territory of the\\nUnited States north of the line therein men-\\ntioned, is not warranted by the constitution,\\nand is therefore void and that neither Dred\\nScott finmself, nor any of his family, were made\\nfree by being carried into this territory even\\nif they had been carried there by the owner,\\nwith the intention of becoming a permanent\\nresident.\\nUpon the whole, therefore, it is the judg-\\nment of this court, that it appears by the rec-\\nord before us that the plaiptifT in error is not\\na citizen of Missouri, in the sense in which that\\nword is used in the constitution and that the\\nCircuit Court of the United States, for that\\nreason, had no jurisdiction in the case, and\\ncould give no judgment in it. Its judgment\\nfor the defendant must, consequently, be re-\\nversed, and a mandate is.sued, directing the suit\\nto be dismissed for want of jurisdiction.\\nThe dissenters from the opinion of the court\\nwere Associate Justices McLean of Ohio and\\nCurtis of Massachusetts.\\nMr. Justice Curtis said,\\nI dissent from the opinion pronounced by\\nthe chief justice, and from the judgment which\\nthe majority of the court think it proper to\\nrender in this case. The plaintiff alleged, in\\nhis declaration, that he was a citizen of the\\nstate of Missouri, and that the defendant was\\na citizen of the state of New York. It is not\\ndoubted that it was necessary to make each\\nof these allegations, to sustain the jurisdiction\\nof the Circuit Court. The defendant denied,\\nby a plea to the jurisdiction, either sufficient or\\ninsufficient, that the plaintiff was a citizen of\\nthe state of Missouri. The plaintiff demurred\\nto that plea. The Circuit Court adjudged the\\nplea insufficient, and the first question for our\\nconsideration is, whether the sufficiency of that\\nplea is before this court for judgment, upon this\\nwrit of error. The part of the judicial power\\nof the United States, conferred by Congress on\\nthe Circuit Courts, being limited to certain de-\\nscribed cases and controversies, the question\\nwhether a particular case is within the cogni-\\nzance of a Circuit Court, may be raised by a\\nplea to the jurisdiction of such court. When\\nthat question has been raised, the Circuit Court\\nmust, in the first instance, pass upon and de-\\ntermine it. Whether its determination be\\nfinal, or subject to review b} this appellate\\ncourt, must de2:)end upon the will of Congress\\nupon which body the constitution has conferred\\nthe power, with certain restrictions, to establish\\ninferior courts, to determine their jurisdiction,\\nand to regulate the appellate power of this\\ncourt. The twenty-second section of the judi-\\nciary act of 1789, which allows a writ of error", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0702.jp2"}, "703": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n667\\nfrom final judgments of Circuit Courts, pro-\\nvides that there shall be no reversal in this\\ncourt, on such writ of error, for error in ruling\\nany plea in abatement, other than a plea to the\\njurisdiction of the court. Accordingly it has been\\nheld, from the origin of the court to the pres-\\nent day, that Circuit Courts have not been\\nmade by Congress the final judges of their\\nown jurisdiction in civil cases and that when\\na record comes here upon a writ of error or\\nappeal, and, on its inspection, it appears to this\\ncourt that the Circuit Court had not jurisdic-\\ntion, its judgment must be reversed, and the\\ncause remanded, to be dismissed for want of\\njurisdiction.\\nIt is alleged by the defendant in error, in\\nthis case, that the plea to the jurisdiction was\\na sufiicient plea that it shows, on inspection\\nof its allegations, confessed by the demurrer,\\nthat the plaintiff was not a citizen of the state\\nof Missouri that, upon this record, it must ap-\\npear to this court that the case was not within\\nthe judicial power of the United States, as de-\\nfined and granted by the constitution, because\\nit was not a suit by a citizen of one state\\nagainst a citizen of another state.\\nTo this it is answered, first, that the defend-\\nant, by pleading over, after the plea to the\\njurisdiction was adjudged insufficient, finally\\nwaived all benefit of that plea.\\nWhen that plea was adjudged insufficient,\\nthe defendant was obliged to answer over. He\\nheld no alternative. He could not stop the\\nfurther progress of the case in the Circuit\\nCourt by a writ of error, on which the suffi-\\nciency of his plea to the jurisdiction could be\\ntried in this court, because the judgment on\\nthat plea was not final, and no writ of error\\nwould lie. He was forced to plead to the\\nmerits. It cannot be true, then, that he waived\\nthe benefit of his plea to the jurisdiction by\\nanswering over. Waiver includes consent.\\nHere there was no consent. And if the benefit\\nof the plea was finally lost,, it must be, not by\\nany waiver, but because the laws of the United\\nStates have not provided any mode of review-\\ning the decision of the Circuit Court on such a\\nplea, when that decision is against the defend-\\nant. This is not the law. Whether the decis-\\nion of the Circuit Court on a plea to the juris-\\ndiction be against the plaintiff, or against the\\ndefendant, the losing party may have any al-\\nleged error in law, in ruling such a plea, ex-\\namined in this court on a writ of error, when\\nthe matter in controversy exceeds the sum or\\nvalue of two thousand dollars. If the decision\\nbe against the plaintiff, and his suit dismissed\\nfor want of jurisdiction, the judgment is tech-\\nnically final, and he may at once sue out his\\nwrit of error. (MoUan vs. Torrance, 9 Wheat.\\n537.) If the decision be against the defend-\\nant, though he must answer over, and wait for\\na final judgment in the cause, he may then\\nhave his writ of error, and upon it obtain the\\njudgment of this court on any question of law\\napparent on the record, touching the jurisdic-\\ntion. The fact that he pleaded over to the\\nmerits, under compulsion, can have no effect\\non his right to object to the jurisdiction. If\\nthis were not so, the condition of the two\\nparties would be grossly unequal. For if a\\nplea to the jurisdiction were ruled against the\\nplaintiff, he could at once take his writ of error,\\nand have the ruling reviewed here while, if\\nthe same plea were ruled against the defend-\\nant, he must not only wait for a final judgment,\\nbut could in no event have the ruling of the\\nCircuit Court upon the plea reviewed by this\\ncourt. I know of no ground for saying that\\nthe laws of the United States have thus dis-\\ncriminated between the parties to a suit in its\\ncourts.\\nIt is further objected, that as the judgment\\nof the Circuit Court was in favor of the de-\\nfendant, and the writ of error in this cause was\\nsued out by the plaintiff the defendant is not\\nin a condition to assign any error in the record,\\nand therefore this court is precluded from", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0703.jp2"}, "704": {"fulltext": "668\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nconsidering the question whether the Circuit\\nCourt had jurisdiction.\\nThe practice of this court does not require\\na technical assignment of errors. (See the\\nrule.) Upon a writ of error, the whole record\\nis open for inspection and if any error be\\nfound in it, the judgment is reversed. (Bank\\nof United States vs. Smith, ]1 Wheat. 171.)\\nIt is true, as a general rule, that the court\\nwill not allow a party to rely on any thing as\\ncause for reversing a judgment, which was for\\nhis advantage. In this we follow an ancient\\nrule of the common law. But so careful was\\nthat law of the preservation of the course of\\nits courts, that it made an exception out of\\nthat general rule, and allowed a party to assign\\nfor error that which was for his advantage, if it\\nwere a departure by the court itself from its\\nsettled course of procedure. The cases on this\\nsubject are collected in Bac. Ab., Error H. 4.\\nAnd this court followed this practice in Capron\\nvs. Van Noorden (2 Cranch, 126,) where the\\nplaintiff below procured the reversal of a judg-\\nment for the defendant, on the ground that the\\nplaintiff s allegations of citizenship had not\\nshown jurisdiction.\\nBut it is not necessary to determine whether\\nthe defendant can be allowed to assign want\\nof jurisdiction as an error in a judgment in his\\nown favor. The true question is, not what\\neither of the parties may be allowed to do,\\nbut whether this court will affirm or reverse a\\njudgment of the Circuit Court on the merits,\\nwhen it appears on the record, by a plea to\\nthe jurisdiction, that it is a case to which the\\njudicial power of the United States does not\\nextend. The course of the court is, where no\\nmotion is made by either party, on its own\\nmotion to reverse such a judgment for want\\nof jurisdiction, not only in cases where it is\\nshown, negatively, by a plea to the jurisdiction,\\nthat jurisdiction does not exist, but even where\\nit does not appear, affirmatively, that it does\\nexist. (Pequignot vs. The Pennsylvania E. R.\\nCo., 16 How. 104.) It acts upon the principle\\nthat the judicial power of the United States\\nmust not be exerted in a case to which it does\\nnot extend, even if both parties desire to have\\nit exerted. (Cutler vs. Eae, 7 How. 729.) I\\nconsider, therefore, that when there was a plea\\nto the jurisdiction of the Circuit Court in a\\ncase brought here by a writ of error, the first\\nduty of this court is, sua sponte, if not moved\\nto it by either party, to examine the sufficiency\\nof that plea and thus to take care that\\nneither the Circuit Court nor this court shall\\nuse the judicial power of the United States in\\na case to which the constitution and laws of the\\nUnited States have not extended that power.\\nI proceed, therefore, to examine the plea to\\nthe jurisdiction.\\nThe plea was as follows And the said\\nJohn F. A. Sandford, in his own proper person,\\ncomes and says that this court ought not to\\nhave or take further cognizance of the action\\naforesaid, because he says that said cause of\\naction, and each and every of them, (if any such\\nhave accrued to the said Dred Scott.) accrued\\nto the said Dred Scott out of the jurisdiction\\nof this court, and exclusively within the juris-\\ndiction of the courts of the state of Missouri\\nfor that, to wit, the said plaintiff, Dred Scott, is\\nnot a citizen of the state of Missouri, as al-\\nleged in his declaration, because he is a negro\\nof African descent his ancestors were of pure\\nAfrican blood, and were brought into this\\ncountry and sold as negro slaves, and this the\\nsaid Sandford is ready to verify. Wherefore\\nhe prays judgment whether this court can or\\nwill take further cognizance of the action afore-\\nsaid.\\nThe plaintiff demurred, and the judgment\\nof the Circuit Court was, that the plea was in-\\nsufficient.\\nI cannot treat this plea as a general traverse\\nof the citizenship alleged by the plaintiff In-\\ndeed, if it were so treated, the plea was clearly\\nbad, for it concludes with a verification, and", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0704.jp2"}, "705": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n669\\nnot to the country, as a general traverse should.\\nAnd though this defect m a plea in bar must\\nbe pointed out by a special demurrer, it is\\nnever necessary to demur specially to a plea in\\nabatement; all matters, though of form only,\\nmay be taken advantage of upon a general de-\\nmurrer to such a plea. (Chitty on PL 465.)\\nThe truth is, that though not drawn with\\nthe utmost technical accuracy, it is a special\\ntraverse of the plaintiff s allegation of citizen-\\nship, and was a suitable and proper mode of\\ntraverse under the circumstances. By refer-\\nence to Mr. Stephen s description of the uses\\nof such a traverse, contained in his excellent\\nanalysis of pleadings, (Steph. on PI. 176,) it will\\nbe seen how precisely this plea meets one of\\nhis descriptions. No doubt the defendant\\nmight have traversed, by a conmion or general\\ntraverse, the plaintiff s allegation that he was a\\ncitizen of the state of Missouri, concluding to\\nthe country. The issue thus presented being\\njoined, would have involved matter of laAv, on\\nwhich the jury must have passed, under the\\ndirection of the court. But by traversing the\\nplaintiiT s citizenship specially, that is, aver-\\nring those facts on which the defendant relied\\nto show that in point of law the plaintiff was\\nnot a citizen, and basing the traverse on those\\nfacts as a deduction therefrom, opportunity\\nwas given to do, what Avas done that is, to\\npresent directly to the court, by a demurrer,\\nthe sufficiency of those facts to negative, in\\npoint of law, the plaintiff s allegation of citizen-\\nship. This, then, being a special, and not a\\ngeneral or couimon traverse, the rule is settled,\\nthat the facts thus set out in the plea, as the\\nreason or ground of the traverse, must of them-\\nselves constitute, in point of law, a negative of\\nthe allegation thus traversed. (Stephen on PI.\\n183 Ch. on PI. 620.) And upon a demurrer\\nto this plea, the question which arises is,\\nwhether the facts, that the plaintiff is a negro,\\nof African descent, whose ancestors were of\\npure African blood, and were brought into this\\ncountry and sold as negro slaves, matj all le true,\\nand yet the plaintiff be a citizen of the state of\\nMissouri, within the meaning of the constitu-\\ntion and laws of the United States, which con-\\nfer on citizens of one state the right to sue citi-\\nzens of another state in the Circuit Courts.\\nUndoubtedly, if these facts, taken together,\\namount to an allegation that, at the time of ac-\\ntion brought, the plaintiff was himself a slave,\\nthe plea is sufficient. It has been suggested\\nthat the plea, in legal effect, does so aver, be-\\ncause, if his ancestors were sold as slaves, the\\npresumption is, they continued slaves and if\\nso, the presumption is, the plaintiff was born a\\nslave and if so, the presumption is, he con-\\ntinued to be a slave to the time of action\\nbrought.\\nI cannot think such presumptions can be\\nresorted to, to help out defective averments in\\npleading especially, in pleading in abatement,\\nwhere the utmost certainty and precision are\\nrequired. (Chitty on PI. 457.) That the plain-\\ntiff himself was a slave at the time of action\\nbrought, is a substantive fact, having no neces-\\nsary connection with the fact that his parents\\nwere sold as slaves. For they might have been\\nsold after he was born or the plaintiff himself,\\nif once a slave, might have become a free man\\nbefore action brought. To aver that his ances-\\ntors were sold as slaves, is not equivalent, in\\npoint of law, to an averment that he was a\\nslave. If it were, he could not even confess\\nand avoid the averment of the slavery of his\\nancestors, which would be monstrous and if\\nit be not equivalent in point of law, it cannot\\nbe treated as amounting thereto when demurred\\nto for a demurrer confesses only those sub-\\nstantive facts which are well pleaded, and not\\nother distinct substantive facts which might be\\ninferred therefrom by a jury. To treat an\\naverment that the plaintiff s ancestors were\\nAfricans, brought to this country and sold as\\nslaves, as amounting to an averment on the\\nrecord that he was a slave, because it may lay", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0705.jp2"}, "706": {"fulltext": "670\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsome foundation for presuming so, is to hold\\nthat the facts actually alleged maj be treated\\nas intended as evidence of another distinct fact\\nnot alleged. But it is a cardinal rule of plead-\\ning, laid down in Cowman s case (9 Rep. 9 b,)\\nand in even earlier authorities therein referred\\nto, that evidence shall never be pleaded, for it\\nonly tends to prove matter of fact and there-\\nfore the matter of fact shall be pleaded. Or,\\nas the rule is sometimes stated, pleadings must\\nnot be argumentative. (Stephen on Pleading,\\n384, and authorities cited by him.) In Com.\\nDig., Pleader E. 3, and Bac. Abridgment, Pleas\\nI, 5, and Stephen on PL, many decisions under\\nthis rule are collected. In trover, for an in-\\ndenture whereby A granted a manor, it is no\\nplea that A did not grant the manor, for it\\ndoes not answer the declaration except by ar-\\ngument. (Yelv. 223.)\\nIn Gassies vs. Ballon, (6 Pet. 761,) the de-\\nfendant was described on the record as a natu-\\nI alized citizen of the United State.*!, residing in\\nLouisiana. The court held this equivalent to\\nan averment that the defendant was a citizen\\nof Louisiana becai;se a citizen of the United\\nStates, residing in any state of the Union, is,\\nfor purposes of jurisdiction, a citizen of that\\nstate. Now, the plea to the jurisdiction in this\\ncase does not controvert the fact that the\\nplaintiff resided in Missouri at the date of the\\nwrit. If he did then reside there, and was\\nalso a citizen of the United States, no provis-\\nions contained in the constitution or laws of\\nMissouri can deprive the plaintiff of his right\\nto sue citizens of states other than Missouri in\\nthe courts of the United States.\\nSo that, imder the allegations contained in\\nthis plea, and admitted by the demurrer, the\\nquestion is, whether any person of African de-\\nscent, whose ancestors were sold as slaves in\\nthe United States, can be a citizen of the\\nUnited States. If any such person can be a\\ncitizen, this plaintiff has the right to the judg-\\nment of the court that he is so for no cause\\nis shown by the plea why he is not so, ex-\\ncept his descent and the slavery of his an-\\ncestors.\\nThe first section of the second article of the\\nconstitution uses the language, a citizen of the\\nUnited States at the time of the adoption of\\nthe constitution. One mode of approaching\\nthis question is, to inquire who were citizens\\nof the United States at the time of the adop-\\ntion of the constitution.\\nCitizens of the United States at the time\\nof the adoption of the constitution can have\\nbeen no other than citizens of the United\\nStates under the confederation. By the Arti-\\ncles of Confederation, a government was organ-\\nized, the style whereof was, The United States\\nof America. This government was in exist-\\nence when the constitution was framed and\\nproposed for adoption, and was to be superseded\\nby the new government of the United States\\nof America, organized under the constitution.\\nWhen, therefore, the constitution speaks of\\ncitizenship of the United States, existing at the\\ntime of the adoption of the constitution, it must\\nnecessarily refer to citizenship under th\u00c2\u00a3 gov-\\nernment which existed prior to and at the time\\nof such adoption.\\nWithout going into any question concern-\\ning the powers of the confederation to govern\\nthe territory of the United States out of the\\nlimits of the states, and consequently to sustain\\nthe relation of government and citizen in re-\\nspect to the inhabitants of such territory, it\\nmay safely be said that the citizens of the sev-\\neral states were citizens of the United States\\nunder the confederation.\\nThat government was simply a confederacy\\nof the several states, possessing a few defined\\npowers over subjects of general concern, each\\nstate retaining every power, jurisdiction, and\\nright, not expressly delegated to the United\\nStates in Congress assembled. And no power\\nwas thus delegated to the government of\\nthe confederation to act on any question of\\n^N", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0706.jp2"}, "707": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n671\\ncitizenship, or to make any rules in respect\\nthei eto. The whole matter was left to stand\\nupon the action of the several states, and to\\nthe natural consequence of such action, that\\nthe citizens of each state should be citizens of\\nthat confederacy into which that state had\\nentered, the style whereof was, The United\\nStates of America.\\nTo determine whether any free persons, de-\\nscended from Africans held in slavery, were\\ncitizens of the United States under the con-\\nfederation, and consequently at the time of the\\nadoption of the constitution of the United\\nStates, it is only necessary to know whether\\nany such persons were citizens of either of the\\nstates under the confederation, at the time of\\nthe adoption of the constitution.\\nOf this there can be no doubt. At the time\\nof the ratification of the Articles of Confedera-\\ntion, all free native-born inhabitants of the\\nstates of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New\\nYork, New Jersey, and North Carolina, though\\ndescended from African slaves, were not only\\ncitizens of those states, but such of them as\\nhad the other necessary qualifications possessed\\nthe franchise of electors, on equal terms with\\nother citizens.\\nThe Supreme Court of North Carolina, in\\nthe case of The State vs. Manuel, (4 Dev. and\\nBat. 20,) has declared the law of that state on\\nthis subject, in terms which I believe to be as\\nsound law in the other states I have enumer-\\nated, as it was in North Carolina.\\nAccording to the laws of this state, says\\nJudge Gaston in delivering the opinion of the\\ncourt, all human beings within it, who are not\\nslaves, fall within one of two classes. What-\\never distinctions may have existed in the Eo-\\nman laws between citizens and free inhabitants,\\nthey are unknown to our institutions. Before\\nour revolution, all free persons born within the\\ndominions of the King of Great Britain, what-\\never their color or complexion, were native-\\nborn British subjects those born out of his\\n85\\nallegiance were aliens. Slavery did not exist\\nin England, but it did in the British colonies.\\nSlaves were not in legal parlance persons, but\\nproperty. The moment the incapacity, the dis-\\nqualification of slavery, was removed, they be-\\ncame persons, and were then either British sub-\\njects, or not British subjects, according as they\\nwere or were not born within the allegiance of\\nthe British king. Upon the revolution, no\\nother change took place in the laws of North\\nCarolina, than was consequent on the transi-\\ntion from a colony dependent on a European\\nking to a free and sovereign state. Slaves re-\\nmained slaves. British subjects in North Caro-\\nlina became North Carolina freemen. For-\\neigners, until made members of the state, re-\\nmained aliens. Slaves, manumitted here, be-\\ncame freemen, and therefore, if born within\\nNorth Carolina, are citizens of North Carolina,\\nand all free persons born within the state are\\nborn citizens of the state. The constitution\\nextended the elective franchise to every free-\\nman who had arrived at the aga of twenty-one,\\nand paid a public tax and it is a matter of\\nuniversal notoriety, that, under it, free persons,\\nwithout regard to color, claimed and exercised\\nthe franchise, until it was taken from free men\\nof color a few years since by our amended\\nconstitution.\\nIn The State vs. Newcomb, (5 Iredell s K.\\n253,) decided in 1844, the same court referred\\nto this case of The State vs. Manuel, and said,\\nThat case underwent a very laborious investi-\\ngation, both by the bar and the bench. The\\ncase was brought here by appeal, and was felt\\nto be one of great importance in principle.\\nIt was considered with an anxiety and care\\nworthy of the principle involved, and which\\ngave it a controlling influence and authority\\non all questions of a similar character.\\nAn argument from speculative premises,\\nhowever well chosen, that the then state of\\nopinion in the commonwealth of Massachusetts\\nwas not consistent with the natural rights of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0707.jp2"}, "708": {"fulltext": "672\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\npeople of color who were born on that soil,\\nand that they were not, by the constitution of\\n1780 of that state, admitted to the condition\\nof citizens, would be received with surprise by\\nthe people of that state, who know their own\\npolitical history. It is true, beyond all contro-\\nTersy, that persons of color, descended from\\nAfrican slaves, were by that constitution made\\ncitizens of the state and such of them as have\\nhad the necessary qualifications, have held and\\nexercised the elective franchise, as citizens, from\\nthat time to the present. (See Com. vs. Aves,\\n18 Pick. R 210.)\\nThe constitution of New Hampshire con-\\nferred the elective franchise upon every in-\\nhabitant of the state having the necessary\\nqualifications, of which color or descent was\\nnot one.\\nThe constitution of New York gave the\\nright to vote to every male inhabitant who\\nshall have resided, c. making no discrimina-\\ntion between free colored persons and others.\\n(See Con. of N. Y., Art. 2, Rev. Stats, of N. Y.,\\nvol. i. p. 126.)\\nThat of New Jersey, to all inhabitants of\\nthis colony, of full age, who are worth \u00c2\u00a350\\nproclamation money, clear estate.\\nNew York, by its constitution of 1820, re-\\nquired colored persons to have some qualifica-\\ntions, as prerequisites for voting, which white\\npersons need not possess. And New Jersey,\\nby its present constitution, restricts the right\\nto vote to white male citizens. But these\\nchanges can have no other effect upon the\\npresent inquiry, except to show, that before\\nthey were made, no such restrictions existed\\nand colored, in common with white persons,\\nwere not only citizens of those states, but en-\\ntitled to the elective franchise on the same\\nqualifications as white persons, as they now are\\nin New Hampshire and Massachusetts. I shall\\nnot enter into an examination of the existing\\nopinions of that period respecting the African\\nrace, nor into any discussion concerning the\\nmeaning of those who asserted, in the Declara-\\ntion of Independence, that all men are created\\nequal that they are endowed by their Creator\\nwith certain inalienable rights; that among\\nthese are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi-\\nness. My own opinion is, that a calm compari-\\nson of these assertions of universal abstract\\ntruths, and of their own individual opinions\\nand acts, would not leave these men under any\\nreproach of inconsistency that the great\\ntruths they asserted on that solemn occasion\\nthey were ready and anxious to make effectual,\\nwherever a necessary regard to circumstances,\\nwhich no statesman can disregard without pro-\\nducing more evil than good, would allow and\\nthat it would not be just to them, nor true in\\nitself, to allege that they intended to say that\\nthe Creator of all men had endowed the white\\nrace, exclusively, with the great natural rights\\nwhich the Declaration of Independence asserts.\\nBut this is not the place to vindicate their\\nmemory. As I conceive, we should deal here,\\nnot with such disputes, if there can be a dispute\\nconcerning this subject, but with those substan-\\ntial facts evinced by the written constitutions\\nof states, and by the notorious practice under\\nthem. And they show, in a manner which no\\nargument can obscure, that in some of the\\noriginal thirteen states, free colored persons, be-\\nfore and at the time of the formation of the\\nconstitution, were citizens of those states.\\nThe fourth of the fundamental Articles of\\nthe Confederation was as follows The free\\ninhabitants of each of these states, paupers,\\nvagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted,\\nshall be entitled to all the privileges and im-\\nmunities of free citizens in the several states.\\nThe fact that free persons of color were\\ncitizens of some of the several states, and the\\nconsequence, that this foiu-th Article of the\\nConfederation would have the effect to confer\\non such persons the privileges and immunities\\nof general citizenship, were not only known to\\nthose who fi-amed and adopted those Articles,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0708.jp2"}, "709": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n673\\nbut the evidence is decisive, that the fourth\\narticle was intended to have that eflect, and\\nthat more restricted language, which would\\nhave excluded such persons, was deliberately\\nand purposely rejected.\\nOn the 25th of June, 1778, the Articles of\\nConfederation being under consideration by\\nthe Congress, the delegates from South Caro-\\nlina moved to amend this fourth article, by in-\\nserting after the word free, and before the\\nword inhabitants, the word white, so that the\\nprivileges and immunities of general citizen-\\nship would be secured only to white persons.\\nTwo states voted for the amendment, eight\\nstates against it, and the vote of one state was\\ndivided. The language of the article stood\\nunchanged, and both by its terms of inclusion,\\nfree inhabitants, and the strong implication\\nfrom its terms of exclusion, paupers, vaga-\\nbonds, and fugitives from justice, who alone\\nwere excepted, it is clear, that under the con-\\nfederation, and at the time of the adoption of\\nthe constitution, free colored persons of African\\ndescent might be, and, by reason of their citi-\\nzenship in certain states, were, entitled to the\\nprivileges and immunities of general citizenship\\nof the United States.\\nDid the constitution of the United States\\ndeprive them or their descendants of citizen-\\nship\\nThat constitution was ordained and estab-\\nlished by the people of the United States,\\nthrough the action, in each state, of those per-\\nsons who were qualified by its laws to act\\nthereon, in behalf of themselves and all other\\ncitizens of that state. In some of the states,\\nas we have seen, colored persons were among\\nthose qualified by law to act on this subject.\\nThese colored persons were not only included\\nin the body of the people of the United\\nStates, by whom the constitution was ordained\\nand established, but in at least five of the states\\nthey had the power to act, and doubtless did\\nact, by their suffrages, upon the question of its\\nadoption. It would be strange if we were to\\nfind in that instrument any thing which de-\\nprived of their citizenship any part of the peo-\\nple of the United States who were among those\\nby whom it was establiished.\\n1 can find nothing in the constitution which,\\npropria vigore, deprives of their citizenship any\\nclass of persons who were citizens of the\\nUnited States at the time of its adoption, or\\nwho should be native-born citizens of any state\\nafter its adojjtion nor any power enabling\\nCongress to disfranchise persons born on the\\nsoil of any state, and entitled to citizenship of\\nsuch state by its constitution and laws. And\\nmy opinion is, that, under the constitution of\\nthe United States, every free person born on\\nthe soil of a state, who is a citizen of that state\\nby force of its constitution or laws, is also a\\ncitizen of the United States.\\nI will proceed to state the grounds of that\\nopinion.\\nThe first section of the second article of the\\nconstitution uses the language, a natural-born\\ncitizen. It thus assumes that citizenship may\\nbe acquired by birth. Undoubtedly, this lan-\\nguage of the constitution was used in reference\\nto that principle of public law, well understood\\nin this country at the time of the adoption of\\nthe constitution, which referred citizenship to\\nthe place of birth. At the declaration of inde-\\npendence, and ever since, the received general\\ndoctrine has been, in conformity with the com-\\nmon law, that free jiersons born within either\\nof the colonies were subjects of the king that\\nby the declai ation of independence, and the\\nconsequent acquisition of sovereignty by the\\nseveral states, all such persons ceased to be\\nsubjects, and became citizens of the several\\nstates, except so far as some of them were dis-\\nfranchised by the legislative power of the\\nstates, or availed themselves, seasonably, of the\\nright to adhere to the British crown in the\\ncivil contest, and thus to continue British sub-\\njects. (McUvain vs. Coxe s Lessee, 4 Cranch,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0709.jp2"}, "710": {"fulltext": "674\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n209 IngHs vs. Sailors Snug Harbor, 3 Peters,\\n99 Shanks vs. Dupont, Ibid. 242.)\\nThe constitution having recognized the rule\\nthat persons born within the several states are\\ncitizens of the United States, one of four things\\nmust be true\\nFirst. That the constitution itself has de-\\nscribed what native-born persons shall or shall\\nnot be citizens of the United States or,\\n^Second. That it has empowered Congress to\\ndo so or,\\nThird. That all free persons, born within\\nthe several states, are citizens of the United\\nStates; or,\\nFourth. That it is left to each state to deter-\\nmine what free persons, born within its limits,\\nshall be citizens of such state, and thereby be\\ncitizens of the United States.\\nIf there be such a thing as citizenship of\\nthe United States acquired by birth within the\\nstates, which the constitution expressly recog-\\nnizes, and no one denies, then these four alterna-\\ntives embrace the entire subject, and it only\\nremains to select that one which is true.\\nThat the constitution itself has defined\\ncitizenship of the United States by declaring\\nwhat persons, born within the several states,\\nshall or shall not be citizens of the United\\nStates, will not be pretended. It contains no\\nsuch declaration. We may dismiss the first\\nalternative, as without doubt unfounded.\\nHas it empowered Congress to enact what\\nfree persons, born within the several states,\\nshall or shall not be citizens of the United\\nStates\\nBefore examining the various pro-\\\\asions of\\nthe constitution which may relate to this ques-\\ntion, it is important to consider for a moment\\nthe substantial nature of this inquiry. It is, in\\neffect, whether the constitution has empowered\\nCongress to create privileged classes within the\\nstates, who alone can be entitled to the fran-\\nchises and powers of citizenship of the United\\nStates. If it be admitted that the constitution\\nhas enabled Congress to declare what free per-\\nsons, born within the several states, shall be\\ncitizens of the United States, it must at the\\nsame time be admitted that it is an unlimited\\npower. If this subject is within the control of\\nCongress, it must depend wholly on its discre-\\ntion. For, certainly, no limits of that discretion\\ncan be found in the constitution, which is wholly\\nsilent concerning it and the necessary conse-\\nquence i.s, that the federal government may\\nselect classes of persons within the several\\nstates who alone can be entitled to the political\\njDrivileges of citizenship of the United States.\\nIf this power exists, what persons born within\\nthe states may be president or vice-president\\nof the United States, or members of either\\nHouse of Congress, or hold any office or enjoy\\nany privilege whereof citizenship of the United\\nStates is a necessary qualification, must depend\\nsolely on the will of Congress. By virtue of\\nit, though Congress can grant no title of no-\\nbility, they may create an oligarchy, in whose\\nhands would be concentrated the entire power\\nof the federal government.\\nIt is a substantive power, distinct in its\\nnature from all others capable of affecting not\\nonly the relations of the states to the general\\ngovernment, but of controlling the political\\ncondition of the people of the United States.\\nCertainly we ought to find this power granted\\nby the constitution, at least by some necessary\\ninference, before we can say it does not remain\\nto the states or the people. I proceed, there-\\nfore, to examine all the provisions of the con-\\nstitution which may have some bearing on this\\nsubject.\\nAmong the powers expressly granted to\\nCongress is the power to establish a uniform\\nrule of naturalization. It is not doubted that\\nthis is a power to prescribe a rule for the re-\\nmoval of the disabilities consequent on foreign\\nbirth. To hold that it extends farther than\\nthis, would do violence to the meaning of the\\nterm naturalization, fixed in the common law,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0710.jp2"}, "711": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n673\\n(Co. Lit. 8 a, 129 a; 2 Ves. Sen. 286; 2 Bl.\\nCom. 29-3,) and in the minds of those who con-\\ncurred in framing and adopting the constitu-\\ntion. It was in this sense of conferring on an\\nalien and his issue the rights and powers of a\\nnative-born citizen, that it was employed in the\\nDeclaration of Independence. It was in this\\nsense it was expounded in the Federalist, (No.\\n42,) has been understood by Congress, by the\\njudiciary, (2 Wheat. 259, 269; 3 Wash. R 313,\\n322 12 Wheat. 277,) and by commentators on\\nthe constitution. (3 Story s Com. on Con. 1-3\\n1 Eawle on Con. 84-88 1 Tucker s Bl. Com.\\nApp. 255-259.)\\nIt appears, then, that the only power ex-\\npressly granted to Congress to legislate con-\\ncerning citizenship, is confined to the removal\\nof the disabilities of foreign birth.\\nWhether there be any thing in the constitu-\\ntion from which a broader power may be im-\\nplied, will best be seen when we come to ex-\\namine the two other alternatives, which are,\\nwhether all free persons, born on the soil of the\\nseveral states, or only such of them as may be\\ncitizens of each state, respectively, are thereby\\ncitizens of the United States. The last of\\nthese alternatives, in my judgment, contains the\\ntruth.\\nThe first-named power, that of establishing\\na uniform rule of naturalization, was granted\\nand here the grant, according to its terms,\\nstopped. Construing a constitution containing\\nonly limited and defined powers of govern-\\nment, the argument derived from this definite\\nand restricted power to establish a rule of\\nnaturalization, must be admitted to be exceed-\\ningly strong. I do not say it is necessarily de-\\ncisive. It might be controlled by other parts\\nof the constitution. But when this particular\\nsubject of citizenship was under consideration,\\nand, in the clause specially intended to define\\nthe extent of power concerning it, we find a\\nparticular part of this entire power separated\\nfrom the residue, and conferred on the general\\ngovernment, there arises a strong presumption\\nthat this is all which is granted, and that the\\nresidue is left to the states and to the people.\\nAnd this presumption is, in my opinion, con-\\nverted into a certainty, by an examination of\\nall such other clauses of the constitution as\\ntouch this subject.\\nI will examine each which can have any\\npossible bearing on this question.\\nThe first clause of the second section of the\\nthird article of the constitution is, The judicial\\npower shall extend to controversies between a\\nstate and citizens of another state; between\\ncitizens of different states between citizens of\\nthe same state claiming lands under grants\\nof different states and between states, or\\nthe citizens thereof, and foreign states, citi-\\nzens, or subjects. I do not think this clause\\nhas any considerable bearing upon the particu-\\nlar inquiry now under consideration. Its pur-\\npose was, to extend the judicial power to those\\ncontroversies into which local feelings or inter-\\nests might so enter as to disturb the course of\\njustice, or give rise to suspicions that they had\\ndone so, and thus possibly give occasion to\\njealousy or ill will between different states, or\\na particular state and a foreign nation. At the\\nsame time, I would remark, in passing, that it\\nhas never been held I do not know that it has\\never been supposed that any citizen of a state\\ncould bring himself under this clause and the\\neleventh and twelfth sections of the judiciary\\nact of 1789, passed in pursuance of it, who was\\nnot a citizen of the United States. But I have\\nreferred to the clause only because it is one of\\nthe places where citizenship is mentioned by the\\nconstitution. Whether it is entitled to any\\nweight in this inquiry or not, it refers only to\\ncitizenship of the several states it recognizes\\nthat but it does not recognize citizenship of\\nthe United States as something distinct there-\\nfrom.\\nAs has been said, the purpose of this clause\\ndid not necessarily connect it with citizenship", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0711.jp2"}, "712": {"fulltext": "676\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nof the United States, even if that were some-\\nthing distinct from citizenship of the several\\nstates, in the contemplation of the constitu-\\ntion. This cannot be said of other clauses of\\nthe constitution, which I now proceed to re-\\nfer to.\\nThe citizens of each state shall be entitled\\nto all the privileges and immunities of citizens\\nof the several states. Nowhere else in the\\nconstitution is there any thing concerning a\\ngeneral citizenship but here, privileges and\\nimmunities to be enjoyed throughout the United\\nStates, under and by force of the national com-\\npact, are granted and secured. In selecting\\nthose who are to enjoy these national rights of\\ncitizenshij^, how are they described As citi-\\nzens of each state. It is to them these national\\nrights are secured. The qualification for them\\nis not to be looked for in any provision of the\\nconstitution or laws of the United States.\\nThey are to be citizens of the several states,\\nand, as such, the privileges and immunities of\\ngeneral citizenship, derived from and guaran-\\ntied by the constitution, are to be enjoyed by\\nthem. It would seem that if it had been in-\\ntended to constitute a class of native-born per-\\nsons within the states, who should derive their\\ncitizenship of the United States from the action\\nof the federal government, this was an occa-\\nsion for referring to them. It cannot be sup-\\nposed that it was the purpose of this article to\\nconfer the privileges and immunities of citizens\\nin all the states upon persons not citizens of\\nthe United States.\\nAnd if it was intended to secure these\\nrights only to citizens of the United States,\\nhow has the constitution here described such\\npersons Simply as citizens of each state.\\nBut, further though, as I shall presently\\nmore fully state, I do not think the enjoyment\\nof the elective franchise essential to citizenship,\\nthere can be no doubt it is one of the chiefest\\nattributes of citizenship under the American\\nconstitutions; and the just and constitutional\\npossession of this right is decisive evidence of\\ncitizenship. The provisions made by a consti-\\ntution on this subject must therefore be looked\\nto as bearing directly on the question what\\npersons are citizens under that constitution\\nand as being decisive, to this extent, that all\\nsuch persons as are allowed by the constitution\\nto exercise the elective franchise, and thus to\\nparticipate in the government of the United\\nStates, must be deemed citizens of the United\\nStates.\\nHere, again, the consideration presses itself\\nupon us, that if there was designed to be a\\nparticular class of native-born persons within\\nthe states, deriving their citizenship from the\\nconstitution and laws of the United States,\\nthey should at least have been referred to as\\nthose by whom the president and house of\\nrepresentatives were to be elected, and to\\nwhom they should be responsible.\\nInstead of that, we again find this subject\\nreferred to the laws of the several states. The\\nelectors of president are to be appointed in\\nsuch manner as the legislature of each state\\nmay direct, and the qualifications of electors\\nof members of the house of representatives\\nshall be the same as for electors of the most\\nnumerous branch of the state legislature.\\nLaying aside, then, the case of aliens, con-\\ncerning which the constitution of the United\\nStates has provided, and confining our view to\\nfree persons born within the several states, we\\nfind that the constitution has recognized the\\ngeneral principle of public law, that allegiance\\nand citizenship depend on the place of birth\\nthat it has not attempted practically to apply\\nthis principle by designating the particular\\nclasses of persons who should or should not\\ncome under it that when we turn to the con-\\nstitution for an answer to the question, what\\nfree persons, born within the several states, are\\ncitizens of the United States, the only answer\\nwe can receive from any of its express provis-\\nions is, the citizens of the several states are to", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0712.jp2"}, "713": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n677\\nenjoy the privileges and immunities of citizens\\nin every state, and their franchise as electors\\nunder the constitution depends on their citi-\\nzenship in the several states. Add to this, that\\nthe constitution was ordained by the citizens\\nof the several states that they Avere the peo-\\nple of the United States, for -whom and whose\\nposterity the government was declared in the\\npreamble of the constitution to be made\\nthat each of them was a citizen of the United\\nStates at the time of the adoption of the con-\\nstitution, within the meaning of those words\\nin that instrument that by them the govern-\\nment was to be and was in fact organized and\\nthat no power is confe rred on the government\\nof the Union to discriminate between them, or\\nto disfranchise any of them the necessary\\nconclusion is, that those persons boi n within\\nthe several states, who, by force of their respec-\\ntive constitutions and laws, are citizens of the\\nstate, are thereby citizens of the United States.\\nIt may be proper here to notice some sup-\\nposed objections to this view of the subject.\\nIt has been often asserted that the constitu-\\ntion was made exclusively by and for the white\\nrace. It has already been shown that in five\\nof the thirteen original states, colored persons\\nthen possessed the elective franchise, and were\\namong those by whom the constitution was or-\\ndained and established. If so, it is not true, in\\npoint of fact, that the constitution was made\\nexclusively by the white race. And that it\\nwas made exclusively for the white race is, in\\nmy opinion, not only an assumption not war-\\nranted by any thing in the constitution, but\\ncontradicted by its opening declaration, that it\\nwas ordained and established by the people of\\nthe United States, for themselves and their pos-\\nterity. And as free colored persons were then\\ncitizens of at least five states, and so in every\\nsense part of the people of the United States,\\nthey were among those for whom and whose\\nposterity the constitution was ordained and es-\\ntablished.\\nAgain, it has been objected that if the con-\\nstitution has left to the several states the\\nrightful power to determine who of their in-\\nhabitants shall be citizens of the United States,\\nthe states may make aliens citizens.\\nThe answer is obvious. The constitution\\nhas left to the states the determination what\\npersons, born within their respective limits,\\nshall acquire by birth citizenship of the United\\nStates it has not left to them any power to\\nprescribe any rule for the removal of the dis-\\nabilities of alienage. This power is exclusively\\nin Congress.\\nIt has been further objected, that if free\\ncolored persons, born within a particular state,\\nand made citizens of that state by its constitu-\\ntion and laws, are thereby made citizens of the\\nUnited States, then, under the second section\\nof the fourth article of the constitution, such\\npersons would be entitled to all the privileges\\nand immunities of citizens in the several states\\nand if so, then colored persons could vote, and\\nbe eligible to not only federal offices, but offices\\neven in those states whose constitutions and\\nlaws disqualify colored persons from voting or\\nbeing elected to office.\\nBut this position rests upon an assumption\\nwhich I deem untenable. Its basis is, that no\\none can be deemed a citizen of the United\\nStates who is not entitled to enjoy all the privi-\\nleges and franchises which are conferred on any\\ncitizen. (See 1 Lit. Kentucky R 326.) That\\nthis is not true, under the constitution of the\\nUnited States, seems to me clear.\\nA naturalized citizen cannot be president\\nof the United States, nor a senator till after\\nthe lapse of nine years, nor a representative\\ntill after the lapse of seven years, from his\\nnaturalization. Yet, as soon as naturalized, he\\nis certainly a citizen of the United States. Nor\\nis any inhabitant of the District of Columbia,\\nor of either of the territories, eligible to the\\noffice of senator or representative in Congress,\\nthough they may be citizens of the United", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0713.jp2"}, "714": {"fulltext": "678\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nStates. So, in all the states, numerous persons,\\nthough citizens, cannot vote, or cannot hold\\noflBce, either on account of their age, or sex, or\\nthe want of the necessary legal qualifications.\\nThe truth is, that citizenship, under the con-\\nstitution of the United States, is not dependent\\non the possession of any particular political or\\neven of all civil rights and any attempt so to\\ndefine it must lead to error. To what citizens\\nthe elective franchise shall be confided, is a\\nquestion to be determined by each state, in ac-\\ncordance with its own views of the necessities\\nor expediencies of its condition. What civil\\nrights shall be enjoyed by its citizens, and\\nwhether all shall enjoy the aPcie, or how they\\nmay be gained or lost, are to be determined in\\nthe same way.\\nThere is one view of this article entitled to\\nconsideration in this connection. It is mani-\\nfestly copied from the fourth of the Articles\\nof Confederation, with only slight changes of\\nphraseology, which render its meaning more\\nprecise, and dropping the clause which excluded\\npaupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice,\\nprobably because these cases could be dealt\\nwith under the police powers of the states, and\\na special provision therefore was not necessary.\\nIt has been suggested, that in adopting it into\\nthe constitution, the words free inhabitants\\nwere changed for the word citizens. An ex-\\namination of the forms of expression common-\\nly used in the state papers of that day, and an\\nattention to the substance of this article of the\\nconfederation, will show that the words free\\ninhabitants, as then used, were synonymous\\nwith citizens. When the x\\\\rticles of Confedera-\\ntion were adopted, we were in the midst of the\\nwar of the revolution, and there were very few\\npersons then embraced in the words free in-\\nhabitants Avho were not born on our soil. It\\nwas not a time when many, save the children\\nof the soil, were willing to embark their for-\\ntunes in our cause and though there might be\\nan inaccuracv in the uses of words to call free\\ninhabitants citizens, it was then a technical\\nrather than a substantial difl erence. If we look\\ninto the constitutions and state papers of that\\nperiod, we find the inhabitants or people of\\nthese colonies, or the inhabitants of this state,\\nor commonwealth, employed to designate\\nthose whom we should now denominate citi-\\nzens. The substance and purpose of the arti-\\ncle prove it was in this sense it used these\\nwords: it secures to the free inhabitants of\\neach state the privileges and immunities of\\nfree citizens in every state. It is not conceiva-\\nble that the states should have agreed to ex-\\ntend the privileges of citizenship to persons\\nnot entitled to enjoy tlie privileges of citizens\\nin the states where they dwelt that under\\nthis article there was a class of persons in some\\nof the states, not citizens, to whom were se-\\ncured all the privileges and immunities of citi-\\nzens when they went into other states and the\\njust conclusion is, that though the constitution\\ncured an inaccuracy of language, it left the\\nsubstance of this article in the national consti-\\ntution the same as it was in the Articles of\\nConfederation.\\nThe history of this fourth article, respecting\\nthe attempt to exclude free persons of color\\nfrom its operation, has been already stated.\\nIt is reasonable to conclude that this history\\nwas known to those who framed and adopted\\nthe constitution. That under this fourth article\\nof the confederation, free persons of color\\nmight be entitled to the pi ivileges of general\\ncitizenship, if otherwise entitled thereto, is\\nclear. When this article was, in substance,\\nplaced in and made part of the constitution of\\nthe United States, with no change in its lan-\\nguage calculated to exclude free colored per-\\nsons from the benefit of its provisions, the pre-\\nsumption is, to say the least, strong, that the\\npractical effect which it was designed to have,\\nand did have, under the former government, it\\nwas designed to have, and should have, under\\nthe new government.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0714.jp2"}, "715": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n679\\nIt has sometimes been urged that colored\\npersons are shown not to be citizens of the\\nUnited States by the fact that the naturahza-\\ntion laws apply only to white persons. But\\nwhether a person born in the United States be\\nor be not a citizen, cannot depend on laws\\nwhich refer only to aliens, and do not affect\\nthe status of persons born in the United States.\\nThe utmost effect which can be attributed to\\nthem is, to show that Congress has not deemed\\nit expedient generally to apply the rule to\\ncolored aliens. That they might do so, if\\nthought fit, is clear. The constitution has not\\nexcluded them. And since that has conferred\\nthe power on Congress to naturalize colored\\naliens, it certainly shows color is not a necessary\\nqualification for citizenship under the constitu-\\ntion of the United States. It may be added,\\nthat the power to make colored persons citizens\\nof the United States, under the constitution,\\nhas been actually exercised in repeated and im-\\nportant instances. (See the Treaties with the\\nChoctaws, of September 27, 1830, art. 14 with\\nthe Cherokees, of May 23, 183^, art. 12 Treaty\\nof Guadalupe Hidalgo, February 2, 1848, art. 8.)\\nI do not deem it necessary to review at\\nlength the legislation of Congress having more\\nor less bearing on the citizenship of colored\\npersons. It does not seem to me to have any\\nconsiderable tendency to prove that it has been\\nconsidered by the legislative department of the\\ngovernment, that no such persons are citizens\\nof the United States. Undoubtedly they have\\nbeen debarred from the exercise of particular\\nrights or privileges extended to white persons,\\nbut, I believe, always in terms which, by impli-\\ncation, admit they may be citizens. Thus the\\nact of May 17, 1792, for the organization of the\\nmilitia, directs the enrolment of every free,\\nable-bodied, white male citizen. An assump-\\ntion that none but white persons are citizens,\\nwould be as inconsistent with the just import\\nof this language, as that all citizens are able-\\nbodied, or males.\\n86\\nSo the act of February 28, 1803, (2 Stat, at\\nLarge, 205,) to prevent the importation of\\ncertain persons into states, when by the laws\\nthei eof their admission is prohibited, in its first\\nsection forbids all masters of vessels to import\\nor bring any negro, mulatto, or other person\\nof color, not being a native, a citizen, or regis-\\ntered seaman of the United States, c.\\nThe acts of March 3, 1813, section 1, (2 Stat,\\nat Large, 809,) and March 1, 1817, section 3,\\n(3 Stat, at Large, 351,) concerning seamen, cer-\\ntainly imply there may be persons of color,\\nnatives of the United States, who are not citi-\\nzens of the United States. This implication is\\nundoubtedly in^^cordance with iiie fact. For\\nnot only slaves, but free persons of color, born\\nin some of the states, are not citizens. But\\nthere is nothing in these laws inconsistent with\\nthe citizenship of persons of color in others of\\nthe states, nor with their being citizens of the\\nUnited States.\\nWhether much or little weight should be\\nattached to the particular phraseology of these\\nand other laws, which were not pas^iod with\\nany direct reference to this subject, I consider\\ntheir tendency to be, as already indicated, to\\nshow that, in the apprehension of their framers,\\ncolor was not a necessary qualification of citi-\\nzenship. It would be strange if laws were\\nfound on our statute book to that effect, when,\\nby solemn treaties, large bodies of Mexican\\nand North American Indians, as well as free\\ncolored inhabitants of Louisiana, have been ad-\\nmitted to citizenship of the United States.\\nIn the legislative debates which preceded\\nthe admission of the state of Missouri into the\\nUnion, this question was agitated. Its result\\nis found in the resolution of Congress of\\nMarch 5, 1821, for the admission of that state\\ninto the Union. The constitution of Missouri,\\nunder which that state applied for admission\\ninto the Union, provided, that it should be the\\nduty of the legislature to pass laws to prevent\\nfree negroes and mulattoes from coming to and", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0715.jp2"}, "716": {"fulltext": "680\\nHrSTOilY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsettling in the state, under any pretext what-\\never. One ground of objection to the admis-\\nsion of the state under this constitution was,\\nthat it would require the legislature to exclude\\nfree persons of color, who would be entitled,\\nunder the second section of the fourth article\\nof the constitution, not only to come within\\nthe state, but to enjoy there the privileges and\\nimmunities of citizens. The resolution of Con-\\ngress admitting the state was upon the funda-\\nmental condition, that the constitution of Mis-\\nsouri shall never be construed to authorize the\\npassage of any law, and that no law shall be\\npassed in conformity thereto, by which any\\ncitizen of either of the states of this Union\\nshall be excluded from the enjoyment of any\\nof the privileges and immunities to which such\\ncitizen is entitled under the constitution of the\\nUnited States. It is true that neither this\\nlegislative declaration, nor any thing in the\\nconstitution or laws of Missouri, could confer\\nor take a way any privilege or immunity granted\\nby the constitution. But it is also true that it\\nexpresses the then conviction of the legislative\\npower of the United States, that free negroes,\\nas citizens of some of the states, might be en-\\ntitled to the privileges and immunities of citi-\\nzens in all the states.\\nThe conclusions at which I have arrived on\\nthis part of the case are,\\nFirst. That the free native-born citizens of\\neiach state are citizens of the United States.\\nSecond. That as free colored persons born\\nwithin some of the states are citizens of those\\nstates, such persons are also citizens of the\\nUnited States.\\nThird. That every such citizen, residing in\\nany state, has the right to sue and is liable to\\nbe sued in the federal courts, as a citizen of\\nthat state in which he resides.\\nFourth. That as the plea to the jurisdiction\\nin this case shows no facts, except that the\\nplaintiff was of African descent, and his ances-\\ntors were sold as slaves, and as these facts are\\nnot inconsistent with his citizenship of the\\nUnited States, and his residence in the state of\\nMissouri, the plea io the jurisdiction was. bad,\\nand the judgment of the Circuit Court overrul-\\ning it was correct.\\nI dissent, therefore, from that part of the\\nopinion of the majority of the court, in which\\nit is held that a person of African descent can-\\nnot be a citizen of the United States and I\\nregret I must go farther, and dissent both from\\nwhat I deem their assumption of authority to\\nexamine the constitutionality of the act of\\nCongress commonly called the Missouri com-\\npromise act, and the grounds and conclusions\\nannounced in their opinion.\\nHaving first decided that they were bound\\nto consider the sufficiency of the plea to the\\njurisdiction of the Circuit Court, and having\\ndecided that this plea showed that the Circuit\\nCourt had not jurisdiction, and consequently\\nthat this is a case to which the judicial power\\nof the United States does not extend, they\\nhave gone on to examine the merits of the case\\nas they appeared on the trial before, the court\\nand jury, on the issues joined on the pleas in\\nbar, and so have reached the question of the\\npower of Congress to pass the act of 1820.\\nOn so grave a subject as this, I feel obliged to\\nsay that, in my opinion, such an exertion of\\njudicial power transcends the limits of the\\nauthority of the court, as described by its re-\\npeated decisions, and, as I understand, ac-\\nknowledged in this opinion of the majority of\\nthe court.\\nBut as, in my opinion, the Circuit Court\\nhad jurisdiction, I am obliged to consider the\\nquestion whether its judgment on the merits\\nof the case should stand or be reversed.\\nThe residence of the plaintiff in the state of\\nIllinois, and the residence of himself and his\\nwife in the territory acquired from France ly-\\ning north of latitude thirty-six degrees thirty\\nminutes, and north of the state of Missouri,\\nare each relied on by the plaintiff in error.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0716.jp2"}, "717": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nm\\nAs the residence in the territory affects the\\nplaintiff s wife and children as well as himself,\\nI must inquire what was its effect.\\nThe general question may be stated to be,\\nwhether the plaintiff s status, as a slave, was so\\nchanged by his residence within that territory,\\nthat he was not a slave in the state of Missouri\\nat the time this action was brought.\\nIn such cases, two inquiries arise, which\\nmay be confounded, but should be kept dis-\\ntinct.\\nThe first is, what was the law of the terri-\\ntory, into which the master and slave went, re-\\nspecting the relation between them\\nThe second is, whether the state of Missouri\\nrecognizes and allows the effect of that law of\\nthe territory on the status of the slave, on his\\nreturn within its jurisdiction.\\nAs to the first of these questions, the will\\nof states and nations, by wiose municipal law\\nslavery is not recognized, has been manifested\\nin three different ways.\\nOne is, absolutely to dissolve the relation,\\nand terminate the rights of the master existing\\nunder the law of the country whence the parties\\ncame. This is said by Lord Stowell, in the case\\nof the slave Grace, (2 Hag. Ad. E. 94,) and by\\nthe Supreme Court of Louisiana in the case of\\nMaria Louise vs. Marot, (9 Louis. R 473,) to be\\nthe law of France and it has been the law of\\nseveral states of this Union, in respect to slaves\\nintroduced under certain conditions. (Wilson\\nvs. Isabel, 5 Call s R. 430 Hunter vs. Hulcher,\\n1 Leigh, 172; Stewart vs. Oaks, 5 Har. and\\nJohn. 107.)\\nThe second is, where, the municipal law of\\na country not recognizing slavery, it is the\\nwill of the state to refuse the master all aid to\\nexercise any control over his slave and if he\\nattempt to do so, in a manner justifiable only\\nby that relation, to prevent the exercise of that\\ncontrol. But no law exists designed to operate\\ndirectly on the relation of master and slave,\\nand put an end to that relation. This is said\\nby Lord Stowell, in the case above mentioned,\\nto be the law of England, and by Mr. Chief\\nJustice Shaw, in the case of the Commonwealth\\nvs. Aves, (18 Pick. 193,) to be the law of Massa-\\nchusetts.\\nThe third is, to make a distinction between\\nthe case of a master and his slave only tem-\\nporarily in the country, animo non manendi, and\\nthose who are there to reside for permanent or\\nindefinite purposes. This is said by Mr. Whea-\\nton to be the law of Prussia, and was formerly\\nthe statute law of several states of our Union.\\nIt is necessary in this case to keep in view this\\ndistinction between those countries whose laws\\nare designed to act directly on the status of a\\nslave, and make him a free man, and those\\nwhere his master can obtain no aid from the\\nlaws to enforce his rights.\\nIt is to the last case only that the authori-\\nties, out of Missouri, relied on by defendant,\\napply, when the residence in the non-slave-\\nholding territory was permanent. In the Com-\\nmonwealth vs. Aves, (18 Pick. 218,) Mr. Chief\\nJustice Shaw said, From the principle above\\nstated, on which a slave brought here becomes\\nfree, to wit, that he becomes entitled to the\\nprotection of our laws, it would seem to follow,\\nas a necessary conclusion, that if the slave\\nwaives the protection of those laws, and returns\\nto the state where he is held as a slave, his\\ncondition is not changed. It was upon this\\nground, as is apparent from his whole reason-\\ning, that Sir William Scott rests his opinion in\\nthe case of the slave Grace. To use one of his\\nexpressions, the effect of the law of England\\nwas to put the liberty of the slave into a\\nparenthesis. If there had been an act of Paif-\\nliament declaring that a slave coming to Eng-\\nland with his master should thereby be deemed\\nno longer to be a slave, it is easy to see that\\nthe learned judge could not have arrived at\\nthe same conclusion. This distinction is very\\nclearly stated and shown by President Tucker,\\nin his opinion in the case of Betty vs. Horton,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0717.jp2"}, "718": {"fulltext": "682\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n(5 Leigh s Virginia R 615.) (See also Hunter\\nvs. Fletcher, 1 Leigh s Va. R 172 Maria Louise\\nvs. Marot, 9 Louisiana R; Smith vs. Smith, 13\\nlb. 441; Thomas vs. Genevieve, 16 lb. 483;\\nEankin vs. Lydia, 2 A. K. Marshall, 467 Davies\\nvs. Tingle, 8 B. Munroe, 539 GriflFeth 2 s. Fanny,\\nGilm. V. K. 143 Lumford vs. Coquillon, 14\\nMartin s La. R 405 Josephine vs. Poultney, 1\\nLouis. Ann. R 329.)\\nBut if the acts of Congress on this subject\\nare valid, the law of the territory of Wiscon-\\nsin, within whose limits the residence of the\\nplaintiff and his wife, and their marriage and\\nthe birth of one or both of their children, took\\nplace, falls under the first category, and is a law\\noperating directly on the stains of the slave.\\nBy the eighth section of the act of March 6,\\n1820, (3 Stat, at Large, 548,) it was enacted\\nthat, within this territory, slavery and invol-\\nuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punish-\\nment of crimes, whereof the parties shall have\\nbeen duly convicted, shall be, and is hereby, for-\\never prohibited Provided, always, that any per-\\nson escaping into the same, from whom labor\\nor service is lawfully claimed in any state or\\nterritory in the United States, such fugitive\\nmay be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to\\nthe person claiming his or her labor or service,\\nas aforesaid.\\nBy the act of April 20, 1836, (4 Stat, at\\nLarge, 10,) passed in the same month and year\\nof the removal of the plaintiff to Fort Snel-\\nling, this part of the territory ceded by France,\\nwhere Fort Snelling is, together with so\\nmuch of the territory of the United States\\neast of the Mississippi as now constitutes\\nthe state of Wisconsin, was brought under a\\nterritorial government, under the name of the\\nTerritory of Wisconsin. By the eighteenth\\nsection of this act, it was enacted, That the in-\\nhabitants of this territory shall be entitled to\\nand enjoy all and singular the rights, privileges,\\nand advantages, granted and secured to the\\npeople of the territory of the United States\\nnorth-west of the Eiver Ohio, by the articles\\nof compact contained in the ordinance for the\\ngovernment of said territory, passed on the\\n13th day of July, 1787 and shall be subject to\\nall the restrictions and prohibitions in said arti-\\ncles of compact imposed upon the people of the\\nsaid territory. The sixth article of that com-\\npact is, There shall be neither slavery nor in-\\nvoluntary sei vitude in the said territory, other-\\nwise than in the punishment of crimes, where-\\nof the party shall have been duly convicted.\\nProvided, always, that any person escaping into\\nthe same, from whom labor or service is law-\\nfully claimed in any one of the original states,\\nsuch fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and\\nconveyed to the person claiming his or her\\nlabor or service, as aforesaid. By other pro-\\nvisions of this act establishing the territory of\\nWisconsin, the laws of the United States, and\\nthe then existing la ws of the state of Michigan,\\nare extended over the territory; the latter be-\\ning subject to alteration and repeal by the\\nlegislative power of the territory created by\\nthe act.\\nFort Snelling was within the territory of\\nWisconsin, and these laws were extended over\\nit. The Indian title to that site for a military\\npost had been acquired from the Sioux nation\\nas early as September 23, 1805, (Am. State\\nPapers, Indian Affairs, vol. i. p. 744,) and until\\nthe erection of the territorial government, the\\npersons at that post were governed by the rules\\nand articles of war, and such laws of the United\\nStates, including the eighth section of the act\\nof March 6, 1820, prohibiting slavery, as were\\napplicable to their condition; but after the\\nerection of the territory, and the extension of\\nthe laws of the United States and the laws of\\nMichigan over the whole of the territory, in-\\ncluding this military post, the persons residing\\nthere were under the dominion of those laws\\nin all particulars to which the rules and articles\\nof war did not apply.\\nIt thus appears that, by these acts of Con-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0718.jp2"}, "719": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES.\\n683\\ngress, not only was a general system of munici-\\npal law borrowed from the state of Michigan,\\nwhich did not tolerate slavery, but it was posi-\\ntively enacted that slavery and involuntary\\nservitude, with only one exception, specifically\\ndescribed, should not exist there. It is not\\nsimply that slavery is not recognized and can-\\nnot be aided by the municipal law. It is\\nrecognized for the purpose of being absolutely\\nprohibited, and declared incapable of existing\\nAvithin the territory, save in the instance of a\\nfugitive slave.\\nIt would not be easy for the legislature to\\nemploy more explicit language to signify its\\nwill that the status of slaver}^ should not exist\\nwithin the territory, than the words found in\\nthe act of 1820, and in the ordinance of 1787;\\nand if any doubt could exist concerning their\\napplication to cases of masters coming into\\nthe territory with their slaves to reside, that\\ndoubt must yield to the inference required by\\nthe words of exception. That exception is, of\\ncases of fugitive slaves. An exception from\\na prohibition marks the extent of the prohibi-\\ntion for it would be absurd, as well as useless,\\nto except from a prohibition a case not con-\\ntained within it. (9 Wheat. 200.) I must\\nconclude, therefore, that it was the will of\\nCongress that the state of involuntary servi-\\ntude of a slave, coming into the territory with\\nhis master, should cease to exist. The Supreme\\nCourt of Missouri so held in Rachel vs. Walker,\\n(4 Misso. R. 350,) which was the case of a mili-\\ntary officer going into the territory with two\\nslaves.\\nBut it is a distinct question whether the\\nlaw of Missouri recognized and allowed effect\\nto the change wrought in the stalus of the\\nplaintiff^ by force of the laws of the territory\\nof Wisconsin.\\nI have not heard it suggested that there was\\nany statute of the state of Missouri bearing on\\nthis question. The customary law of Missouri\\nis the common law, introduced by statute in\\n1816. (1 Ter. Laws, 436.) And the common\\nlaw, as Blackstone says, (4 Com. 67,) adopts, in\\nits full extent, the law of nations, and holds it\\nto be a part of the law of the land.\\nIt appears that this case came on for trial\\nbefore the Circuit Court and a jury, upon an\\nissue, in substance, whether the plaintiff to-\\ngether with his wife and children, were the\\nslaves of the defendant.\\nThe court instructed the jury that, upon\\nthe facts in this case, the law is with the de-\\nfendant. This withdrew from the jury the\\nconsideration and decision of every matter of\\nfact. The evidence in the case consisted of\\nwritten admissions, signed by the counsel of\\nthe parties. If the case had been submitted to\\nthe judgment of the court, upon an agreed\\nstatement of facts, entered of record, in place\\nof a special verdict, it would have been neces-\\nsai-y for the court below, and for this court, to\\npronounce its judgment solely on those facts,\\nthus agreed, without inferring any other facts\\ntherefrom. By the rules of the common law\\napplicable to such a case, and by force of the\\nseventh article of the amendments of the con-\\nstitution, this court is precluded from finding\\nany fact not agreed to by the parties on the\\nrecord. No submission to the court on a state-\\nment of facts was made. It was a trial by\\njury, in which certain admissions, made by the-\\nparties, were the evidence. The jury were not\\nonly competent, but were bound to draw from\\nthat evidence every inference which, in their\\njudgment, exercised according to the rules of\\nlaw, it would warrant. The Circuit Court took\\nfrom the jury the power to draw any inferences\\nfrom the admissions made by the parties, and\\ndecided the case for the defendant. This\\ncourse can be justified here, if at all, only by\\nits appearing that upon the facts agreed, and\\nall such inferences of fact favorable to the plain\\ntiff s case as the jury might have been war-\\nranted in drawing from those admissions, the\\nlaw was with the defendant. Otherwise, the", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0719.jp2"}, "720": {"fulltext": "684-\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nplamtifi would be deprived of the benefit of\\nhjfi trial bj jury, by whom, for aught we can\\nknow, those inferences favorable to his case\\nwould have been drawn.\\nThe material facts agreed, bearing on this\\npart of the case, are, that Dr. Emerson, the\\nplaintiff s master, resided about two years at\\nthe military post of Fort Snelling, being a sur-\\ngeon in the army of the United States, his\\ndou^iicile of origin being unknown and what,\\nif any thing, he had done, to preserve or\\nchange his domicile prior to his residence at\\nRock Island, being also unknown.\\nNow, it is true, that under some circum-\\nstances the residence of a mihtary officer at a\\nparticular place in the discharge of his official\\nduties, does not amount to the acquisition of a\\ntechnical domicile. But it cannot be affirmed,\\nwith correctness, that it never does. There\\nbeing actual residence, and this being pre-\\nsumptive evidence of domicile, all the circum-\\nstances of the case must be considered before\\nlegal conclusion can be reached that his place\\nof residence is not his domicile. If a military\\nofficer stationed at a particular post should en-\\ntertain an expectation that his residence there\\nwould be indefinitely protracted, and in conse-\\nquence should remove his family to the place\\nwhere his duties were to be discharged, form a\\npermanent domestic establishment there, exer-\\ncise there the civil rights and discharge the\\ncivil duties of an inhabitant, while he did no\\nact and manifested no intent to have a domicile\\nelsewhere, I think no one would say that the\\nmere fact that he was himself liable to be\\ncalled away by the orders of the government\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0would prevent his acquisition of a technical\\ndomicile at the place of the residence of himself\\nand his family. In other words, I do not think\\na military officer incapable of acquiring a domi-\\ncile. (Bruce vs. Bruce, 2 Bos. and Pul. 230\\nMunroe vs. Douglass, 5 Mad. Ch. R. 232.) This\\nbeing so, this case stands thus there was evi-\\ndence before the jury that Emerson resided\\nabout two years at Fort Snelling^ in the terri-\\ntory of Wisconsin. This may or may not\\nhave been with such intent as to make it his\\ntechnical domicile. The presumption is, that it\\nwas. It is so laid down by this court, in Ennis vs.\\nSmith, (14 How.,) and the authorities in support\\nof the position are there referred to. His in-\\ntent was a question of fact for the jury. (Fitch-\\nburg vs. Winchendon, 4 Cush. 190.)\\nThe case was taken from the jury. If they\\nhad power to find that the presumption of the\\nnecessary intent had not been rebutted, we can-\\nnot say, on this record, that Emerson bad not\\nhis technical domicile at Fort Snelling. But, for\\nreasons which I shall now proceed to give, I do\\nnot deem it necessary in this case to determine\\nthe question of the technical domicile of Dr.\\nEmerson.\\nIt must be admitted that the inquiry, whether\\nthe law of a particular country has rightfully\\nfixed the status of a person, so that, in accord-\\nance with the principles of international law,\\nthat statics should be recognized in other juris-\\ndictions, ordinarily depends on the question\\nwhether the person was domiciled in the coun-\\ntry whose laws are asserted to have fixed his\\nstatus. But, in the United States, questions of\\nthis kind may arise, where an attempt to decide\\nsolely with reference to technical domicile,\\ntested by the rules which are applicable to\\nchanges of places of abode from one country\\nto another, would not be consistent with sound\\nprinciples. And, in my judgment, this i^ one\\nof those cases.\\nThe residence of the plaintiff, who was taken\\nby his master. Dr. Emerson, as a slave, from\\nMissouri to the state of Illinois, and thence to\\nthe territory of Wisconsin, must be deemed to\\nhave been for the time being, and until he\\nasserted his own separate intention, the same\\nas the residence of his master; and the inquiry,\\nwhether the personal statutes of the territory\\nwere rightfully extended over the plaintiff,\\nand oughtj in accordance with the rules of", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0720.jp2"}, "721": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\ninternational law, to be allowed to fix his status,\\nmust depend upon the circumstances imder\\nwhich Dr. Emerson went into that territory,\\nand remained there and upon the further\\nquestion, whether any thing was there right-\\nfully done by the plaintiff to cause those per-\\nsonal statutes to operate on him.\\nDr. Emerson was an oflficer in the army of\\nthe United States. He went into the territory\\nto discharge his duty to the United States.\\nThe place was out of the jurisdiction of any\\nparticular state, and within the exclusive juris-\\ndiction of the United States. It does not ap-\\npear where the domicile of origin of Dr. Emer-\\nson was, nor whether or not he had lost it, and\\ngained another domicile, nor of what particular\\nstate, if any, he was a citizen.\\nOn what ground can it be denied that all\\nvalid laws of the United States, constitution-\\nally enacted by Ccmgress for the government\\nof the territory, rightfully extended over an\\nofl cer of the United States and his servant\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0who went into the territory to remain there\\nfor an indefinite length of time, to take part in\\nits civil or military affairs? They were not\\nforeigners, coming from abroad. Dr. Emerson\\nwas a citizen of the country which had ex-\\nclusive jui isdiction over the territory and not\\nonly a citizen, but he went there in a public\\ncapacity, in the service of the same sovereignty\\nwhich made the laws. Whatever those laws\\nmight be, whether of the kind denominated\\npersonal statutes or not, so far as they were\\nintended by the legislative will, constitutionally\\nexpressed, to operate on him and his servant,\\nand on the relations between them, they had a\\nrightful operation, and no other state or coun-\\ntry can refuse to allow that those laws might\\nrightfully operate on the plaintiff and his ser-\\nvant, because such a refusal would be a denial\\nthat the United States could, by laws constitu-\\ntionally enacted, govern their own servants, re-\\nsiding on their own territory, over which the\\nUnited States had the exclusive control, and in\\nrespect to which they are an independent\\nsovereign power. Whether the laws now in\\nquestion were constitutionally enacted, I repeat\\nonce more, is a separate question. But, assum-\\ning that they were, and that they operated\\ndirectly on the stcdvs of the plaintiff I consider\\nthat no other state or covmtry could question\\nthe rightful power of the United States so to\\nlegislate, or, consistently with the settled rules\\nof international law, could refuse to recognize\\nthe effects of such legislation upon the stattis\\nof their officers and servants, as valid 6verj\\nwhere.\\nThis alone would, in my apprehension, be\\nsufficient to decide this question.\\nBat there are other facts stated on the rec-\\nord which should not be passed over. It is\\nagreed that, in the year 1836, the plaintiff\\nwhile residing in the territory, was married,\\nwith the consent of Dr. Emerson, to Harriet,\\nnamed in the declaration as his wife, and that\\nEliza and Lizzie were the children of that mar-\\nriage, the first named having been born on the\\nMississippi River, north of the line of Missouri,\\nand the other having been born after their re-\\nturn to Missouri. And the inquiry is, whether,\\nafter the marriage of the plaintiff in the tei^\\nritory, with the consent of Dr. Emerson, any\\nother state or country can, consistently with\\nthe settled rules of international law, refuse to\\nrecognize and treat him as a free man, when\\nsuing for the liberty of himself, his wife, and\\nthe children of that marriage. It is in refer-\\nence to his status, as viewed in other states and\\ncountries, that the contract of marriage and\\nthe birth of children become strictly material.\\nAt the same time, it is proper to observe that\\nthe female to whom he was married having\\nbeen taken to the same military post of Fort\\nSnelling as a slave, and Dr. Emerson claiming\\nalso to be her master at the time of her mar-\\nriage, her stattis,Sindi that of the children of the\\nmarriage, are also aff ected by the same con-\\nsiderations.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0721.jp2"}, "722": {"fulltext": "686\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nIf the laws of Congress governing the ter-\\nritory of Wisconsin were constitutional and\\nvalid laws, there can be no doubt these parties\\nwere capable of contracting a lawful marriage,\\nattended with all the usual civil rights and ob-\\nligations of that condition. In tliat territory\\nthey were absolutely free persons, having full\\ncapacity to enter into the civil contract of mar-\\nriage.\\nIt is a principle of international law, settled\\nbeyond controversy in England and America,\\nthat a marriage valid by the law of the place\\nwhere it was contracted, and not in fraud of\\nthe law of any other place, is valid every\\nwhere and that no technical domicile at the\\nplace of the contract is necessary to make it\\nso. (See Bishop on Mar. and Div. 125-129,\\nAvhere the cases are collected.)\\nIf, in Missouri, the plaintiff were held to be\\na slave, the validity and operation of his con-\\ntract of marriage must be denied. He can\\nhave no legal rights of course, not those of\\na husband and father. And the same is true\\nof his wife and children. The denial of his\\nrights is the denial of theirs. So that, though\\nlawfully married in the territory, when they\\ncame out of it, into the state of Missouri, they\\nwere no longer husband and wife and a child\\nof that lawful marriage, though born under the\\nsame dominion where its parents contracted a\\nlawful marriage, is not the fruit of that marriage,\\nnor the child of its father, but subject to the\\nmaxim, Partus sequUur ventrem.\\nIt must be borne in mind that in this case\\nthere is no ground for the inquiry, whether it\\nbe the will of the state of Missouri not to rec-\\nognize the validity of the marriage of a fugi-\\ntive slave, who escapes into a state or country\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0where slavery is not allowed, and there con-\\ntracts a marriage or the validity of such a\\nmarriage, where the master, being a citizen of\\nthe state of Missouri, voluntarily goes with his\\nslave, in ilinere, into a state or country which does\\nnot permit slavery to exist, and the slave there\\nconti acts marriage Avithout the consent of his\\nmaster for in this case, it is agreed. Dr. Emerson\\ndid consent and no further question can arise\\nconcerning his rights, so far as their assertion\\nis inconsistent with the validity of the marriage.\\nNor do I know of any ground for the assertion\\nthat this marriage was in fraud of any law of\\nMissouri. It has been held by this court, that\\na bequest of property by a master to his slave,\\nby necessary implication entitles the slave to\\nhis freedom because only as a free man could\\nhe take and hold the bequest. (Legrand vs.\\nDarnall, 2 Pet. E. 664.) It has also been held,\\nthat when a master goes with his slave to re-\\nside for an indefinite period in a state where\\nslavery is not tolerated, this operates as an act\\nof manumission because it is sufficiently ex-\\npressive of the consent of the master that the\\nslave should be free. (2 Marshall s Ken. R. 470\\n14 Martin s Louis. R. 401.).\\nWhat, then, shall we say of the consent of\\nthe master, that the slave may contract a law-\\nful marriage, attended with all the civil rights\\nand duties which belong to that relation that\\nhe may enter into a relation which none but a\\nfree man can assume a relation which in-\\nvolves not only the rights and duties of the\\nslave, but those of the other party to the con-\\ntract, and of their descendants to the remotest\\ngeneration In my judgment, there can be no\\nmore effectual abandonment of the legal rights\\nof a master over his slave, than by the consent\\nof the master that the slave should enter into\\na contract of marriage, in a free state, attended\\nby all the civil rights and obligations which be-\\nlong to that condition.\\nAnd any claim by Dr. Emerson, or any one\\nclaiming under him, the effect of which is to\\ndeny the validity of this marriage, and the\\nlawful paternity of the children born from it,\\nwherever asserted, is, in my judgment, a claim\\ninconsistent with good faith and sound reason,\\nas well as with the rules of international law.\\nAnd I go further in my opinion, a law of the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0722.jp2"}, "723": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n687\\nstate of Missouri, which should thus annul a\\nmarriage lawfully contracted by these parties\\nwhile resident in Wisconsin, not in fraud of\\nany law of Missouri, or of any right of Dr.\\nEmerson, who consented thereto, would be a\\nlaw impairing the obligation of a contract, and\\nwithin the prohibition of the constitution of\\nthe United States. (See 4 Wheat. 629, 695,\\n696.)\\nTo avoid misapprehension on this important\\nand difficult subject, I will state, distinctly, the\\nconclusions at which I have arrived. They\\nare,\\nFirst. The rules of international law re-\\nspecting the emancipation of slaves, by the\\nrightful operation of the laws of another state\\nor country upon the status of the slave, while\\nresident in such foreign state or country, are\\npart of the common law of Missouri, and have\\nnot been abrogated by any statute law of that\\nstate.\\nSecond. The laws of the United States, con-\\nstitutionally enacted, which operated directly\\non and changed the status of a slave coming\\ninto the territory of Wisconsin with his master\\nwho went thither to reside for an indefinite\\nlength of time, in the performance of his duties\\nas an officer of the United States, had a right-\\nful operation on the status of the slave and it\\nis in conformity with the rules of international\\nlaw that this change of status should be recog-\\nnized every where.\\nThird. The laws of the United States, in\\noperation in the territory of Wisconsin at the\\ntime of the plaintiff s residence there, did act\\ndirectly on the status of the plaintiff, and\\nchange his status to that of a free man.\\nFourth. The plaintiff and his wife were\\ncapable of contracting, and, with the consent\\nof Dr. Emerson, did contract, a marriage in that\\nterritory, valid under its laws and the validity\\nof this marriage cannot be questioned in Mis-\\nsouri, save by showing that it was in fraud of\\nthe laws of that state, or of some right derived\\n87\\nfrom them; which cannot be shown in this\\ncase, because the master consented to it.\\nFifth. That the consent of the master that\\nhis slave, residing in a country which does not\\ntolerate slavery, may enter into a lawful con-\\ntract of marriage, attended with the civil rights\\nand duties which belong to that condition, is\\nan effectual act of emancipation. And the\\nlaw does not enable Dr. Emerson, or any one\\nclaiming under him, to assert a title to the\\nmarried persons as slaves, and thus destroy\\nthe obligation of the contract of marriage, and\\nbastardize their issue, and reduce them to\\nslavery.\\nI have thus far assumed, merely for the\\npurpose of the argument, that the laws of the\\nUnited States, respecting slavery in this terri-\\ntory, were constitutionally enacted by Congress.\\nIt remains to inquire whether they are consti-\\ntutional and binding laws.\\nIn the argument of this part of the case at\\nbar, it was justly considered by all the counsel\\nto be necessary to ascertain the source of the\\npower of Congress over the territory belonging\\nib the United States. Until this is ascertained,\\nit is not possible to determine the extent of\\nthat power. On the one side it was maintained\\nthat the constitution contains no express grant\\nof power to organize and govern what is now\\nknown to the laws of the United States as a\\nterritory; that whatever power of this kind\\nexists, is derived by implication from the\\ncapacity of the United States to hold and ac-\\nquire territory out of the limits of any state,\\nand the necessity for its having some govern-\\nment.\\nOn the other side, it was insisted that the\\nconstitution has not failed to make an express\\nprovision for this end, and that it is found in\\nthe third section of the fourth article of the\\nconstitution.\\nTo determine which of these is the correct\\nview, it is needful to advert to some facts re-\\nspecting this subject, which existed when the", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0723.jp2"}, "724": {"fulltext": "688\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n1\\nconstitution was framed and adopted. It will\\nbe found that these facts not only shed much\\nlight on the question, whether the framers of\\nthe constitution omitted to make a provision\\nconcerning the power of Congress to organize\\nand govern territories, but they will also aid\\nin the construction of any provision which may\\nhave been made respecting this subject.\\nUnder the confederation, the unsettled ter-\\nritory within the limits of the United States\\nhad been a subject of deep interest. Some of\\nthe states insisted that these lands were within\\ntheir chartered boundaries, and that they had\\nsucceeded to the title of the crown to the soil.\\nOn the other hand, it was argued that the\\nvacant lands had been acquired by the United\\nStates, by the war carried on by them under\\na coaimon government and for the common\\ninterest.\\nThis dispute was further complicated by un-\\nsettled questions of boundary among several\\nstates. It not only delayed the accession of\\nMaryland to the confederation, but at one time\\nseriously threatened its existence. (5 Jour, of\\nCong. 208, 442.) Under the jiressure of these\\ncircumstances. Congress earnestly recommended\\nto the several states a cession of their claims\\nand rights to the United States. (5 Jour, of\\nCong. 442.) And before the constitution was\\nframed, it had been begun. That by New\\nYork had been made on the 1st day of March,\\n1781; that of Virginia on the 1st day of\\nMarch, 1784 that of Massachusetts on the 19th\\nday of April, 1785 that of Connecticut on the\\n14th day of September, 1786 that of South\\nCarolina on the 8th day of August, 1787, while\\nthe convention for framing the constitution was\\nin session.\\nIt is very material to observe, in this con-\\nnection, that each of these acts cedes, in terms,\\nto the United States, as well the jurisdiction\\nas the soil.\\nIt is also equally important to note that,\\nwhen the constitution was framed and adopted,\\nthis plan of vesting in the United States, for\\nthe common good, the great tracts of ungrauted\\nlands claimed by the several states, in which so\\ndeep an interest was felt, was yet incomplete.\\nIt remained for North Carolina and Georgia\\nto cede their extensive and valuable claims.\\nThese were made, by North Carolina on the\\n25th day of February, 1790, and by Georgia\\non the 24th day of April, 1802. The terms\\nof these last-mentioned cessions will hereafter\\nbe noticed in another connection; but I ob-\\nserve here that- each of them distinctly shows,\\nupon its face, that they were not only in exe-\\ncution of the general plan proposed by the\\nCongress of the confederation, but of a formed\\npurpose of each of these states, existing when\\nthe assent of their respective people Avas given\\nto the constitution of the United States.\\nIt appears, then, that when the federal con-\\nstitiition was framed, and presented to the peo-\\nple of the several states for their consideration,\\nthe unsettled territory was viewed as justly ap-\\nplicable to the common benefit, so far as it\\nthen had or might attain thereafter a pecuniary\\nvalue and so far as it might become the seat\\nof new states, to be admitted into the Union\\nupon an equal footing with the original states\\nand also that the relations of the United\\nStates to that unsettled territory were of differ-\\nent kinds. The titles of the states of New\\nYork, Virginia, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and\\nSouth Carolina, as well of soil as of jurisdic-\\ntion, had been transferred to the United States.\\nNorth Carolina and Georgia had not actually\\nmade transfers, but a confident expectation,\\nfounded on their appreciation of the justice of\\nthe general claim, and fully justified by the\\nresults, was entertained, that these cessions\\nwould be made. The ordinance of 1787 had\\nmade provision for the temporary government\\nof so much of the territory actually ceded as\\nlay north-west of the Eiver Ohio.\\nBut it must have been apparent, both to the\\nframers of the constitution and the people of", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0724.jp2"}, "725": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n689\\nthe several states who were to act upou it, that\\nthe government thus provided for could not\\ncontinue, unless the constitution should confer\\non the United States the necessary powers to\\ncontinue it. That temporary government, un-\\nder the ordinance, was to consist of certain\\nofficers, to be appointed by and responsible to\\nthe Congress of the confederation their pow-\\ners had been conferred and defined by the\\nordinance. So fiir as it provided for the tem-\\nporary government of the territory, it was an\\nordinary act of legislation, deriving its force\\nfrom the legislative power of Congress, and\\ndepending for its vitality upon the continuance\\nof that legislative power. But the officers to\\nbe appointed for the north-western territory,\\nafter the adoption of the constitution, must\\nnecessarily be officers of the United States, and\\nnot of the Congress of the confederation; ap-\\npointed and commissioned by the president, and\\nexercising powers derived from the United\\nStates under the constitution.\\nSuch was the relation between the United\\nStates and the north-western territory, which\\nall reflecting men must have foreseen would\\nexist, when the government created by the\\nconstitution should supersede that of the con-\\nfederation that if the new government should\\nbe without power to govern this territory, it\\ncould not appoint and commission officers, and\\nsend them into the territory, to exercise there\\nlegislative, judicial, and executive power; and\\nthat this territory, which was even then fore-\\nseen to be so important, both politically and\\nfinancially, to all the existing states, must be\\nleft not only without the control of the general\\ngovernment, in respect to its future political\\nrelations to the rest of the states, but ab-\\nsolutely without any government, save what\\nits inhabitants, acting in their primary capaci-\\nty, might from time to time create for them-\\nselves.\\nBut this north-western territory was not\\nthe only territory, the soil and jurisdiction\\nwhereof were then understood to have been\\nceded to the United States. The cession by\\nSouth Carolina, made in August, 1787, was of\\nall the territory included within the River\\nMississippi, and a line beginning at that part\\nof the said river which is intersected by the\\nsouthern boundary of North Carolina, and con-\\ntinuing along the said boundary line until it\\nintersects the ridge or chain of mountains\\nwhich divides the eastern from the western\\nwaters then to be continued along the top of\\nsaid ridge of mountains, until it intersects a\\nline to be drawn due west from the head of\\nthe southern branch of the Tugaloo River to\\nthe said mountains; and thence to run a due\\nwest course to the River Mississippi.\\nThere is another consideration applicable to\\nthis part of the subject, and entitled, in my\\njudgment, to great weight.\\nThe Congi-ess of the confederation had as-\\nsumed the power not only to dispose of the\\nlands ceded, but to institute governments and\\nmake laws for their inhabitants. In other\\nwords, they had proceeded to act under the\\ncession, which, as we have seen, was as well of\\nthe jurisdiction as of the soil. This ordinance\\nwas passed on the 13th of July, 1787. The\\nconvention for framing the constitution was\\nthen in session at Philadelphia. The proof is\\ndirect and decisive, that it was known to the\\nconvention. It is equally clear that it was\\nadmitted and understood not to be within the\\nlegitimate powers of the confederation to pass\\nthis ordinance. (Jefferson s Works, vol. ix pp.\\n251, 276 Federalist, Nos. 38, 43.)\\nThe importance of conferring on the new\\ngovernment regular powers commensurate with\\nthe objects to be attained, and thus avoiding\\nthe alternative of a failure to execute the\\ntrust assumed by the acceptance of the cessions\\nmade and expected, or its execution by usurpa-\\ntion, could scarcely fail to be perceived. That\\nit was in fact perceived, is clearly shown by the\\nFederalist, (No. 38,) where this very argument", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0725.jp2"}, "726": {"fulltext": "690\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nis made use of in commendation of the con-\\nstitution.\\nKeeping these facts in view, it may confi-\\ndently be asserted that there is very strong\\nreason to believe, before we examine the con-\\nstitution itself, that the necessity for a compe-\\ntent grant of power to hold, dispose of, and\\ngovern territory, ceded and expected to be\\nceded, could not have escaped the attention of\\nthose who framed or adopted the constitution\\nand that if it did not escape their attention, it\\ncould not fail to be adequately provided for.\\nAny other conclusion would involve the as-\\nsumption that a subject of the gravest national\\nconcern, respecting which the small states felt\\nso much jealousy that it had been almost an\\ninsurmountable obstacle to the formation of\\nthe confederation, and as to which all the states\\nhad deep pecuniary and political interests, and\\nwhich had been so recently and constantly agi-\\ntated, was nevertheless overlooked or that\\nsuch a subject was not overlooked, but design-\\nedly left unprovided for, though it was mani-\\nfestly a subject of common concern, which be-\\nlonged to the care of the general government,\\nand adequate provision for which could not fail\\nto be deemed necessary and proper.\\nThe admission of new states, to be framed\\nout of the ceded territory, early attracted the\\nattention of the convention. Among the reso-\\nlutions introduced by Mr. Randolph, on the\\n29th of May, was one on this subject, (Res. No.\\n10, 5 Elliot, 128,) which, having been affirmed\\nin committee of the whole, on the 5th of June,\\n(5 Elliot, 156,) and reported to the convention\\non the 13th of June, (5 Elliot, 190,) was re-\\nferred to the committee of detail, to prepare\\nthe constitution, on the 26th of July, (5 Elliot,\\n376.) This committee reported an article for\\nthe admission of new states lawfully consti-\\ntuted or established. Nothing was said con-\\ncerning the power of Congress to prepare or\\nform such states. This omission struck Mr.\\nMadison, who, on the 18th of August, (5 Elliot,\\n439,) moved for the insertion of power to dis-\\npose of the unappropriated lands of the United\\nStates, and to institute temporary governments\\nfor new states arising therein.\\nOn the 29th of August, (5 EUiot, 492,) the\\nreport of the committee was taken up, and\\nafter debate, which exhibited great diversity of\\nviews concerning the proper mode of providing\\nfor the subject, arising out of the supposed\\ndiversity of interests of the large and small\\nstates, and between those which had and those\\nwhich had not unsettled territory, but no differ-\\nence of opinion respecting the propriety and\\nnecessity of some adequate provision for the\\nsubject, Gouverneur Morris moved the clause as\\nit stands in the constitution. This met with\\ngeneral approbation, and was at once adopted.\\nThe whole section is as follows\\nNew states may be admitted by the Con-\\ngress into this Union but no new state shall\\nbe formed or erected within the jurisdiction of\\nany other state, nor any state be formed by\\nthe junction of two or more states, or parts\\nof states, without the consent of the legisla-\\ntures of the states concerned, as well as of\\nCongress.\\nThe Congress shall have power to dispose\\nof and make all needful rules and regulations\\nrespecting the territory or other property be-\\nlonging to the United States; and nothing in\\nthis constitution shall be so construed as to\\nprejudice any claims of the United States or\\nany particular state.\\nIt is said this provision has no application\\nto any territory save that then belonging to the\\nUnited States. I have already shown that,\\nwhen the constitution was framed, a confident\\nexpectation was entertained, which was speedily\\nrealized, that North Carolina and Georgia would\\ncede their claims to that great territory which\\nlay west of those states. No doubt has been\\nsuggested that the first clause of this same arti-\\ncle, which enabled Congress to admit new\\nstates, refers to and includes new states to be", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0726.jp2"}, "727": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n691\\nformed out of this territory, expected to be\\nthereafter ceded by North Carolina and Geor-\\ngia, as well as new states to be formed out of\\nterritory north-west of the Ohio, which then\\nhad been ceded by Virginia. It must have\\nbeen seen, therefore, that the same necessity\\nwould exist for an authority to dispose of and\\nmake all needful regulations respecting this\\nterritory, when ceded, as existed for a like\\nauthority respecting territory which had been\\nceded.\\nNo reason has been suggested why any re-\\nluctance should have been felt, by the framers\\nof the constitution, to apply this provision to\\nall the territory which might belong to the\\nUnited States, or why any distinction should\\nhave been made, founded on the accidental\\ncircumstance of the dates of the cessions a\\ncircumstance in no way material as respects\\nthe necessity for rules and regulations, or the\\npropriety of conferring on the Congress power\\nto make them. And if we look at the course\\nof the debates in the convention on this arti-\\ncle, we shall find that the then unceded lands,\\nso far from having been left out of view in\\nadopting this article, constituted, in the minds\\nof members, a subject of even paramount im-\\nportance.\\nAgain, in what an extraordinary position\\nwould the limitation of this clause to territory\\nthen belonging to the United States place the\\nterritory which lay within the chartered limits\\nof North Carolina and Georgia The title to\\nthat territory was then claimed by those states,\\nand by the United States their respective\\nclaims are purposely left unsettled by the ex-\\npress words of this clause and when cessions\\nwere made by those states, they were merely\\nof their claims to this territory, the United\\nStates neither admitting nor denying the valid-\\nity of those claims so that it was impossible\\nthen, and has ever since remained impossible,\\nto know whether this territory did or did not\\nthen belong to the United States and, conse-\\nquently, to know whether it was within or\\nwithout the authority conferred by this clause,\\nto dispose of and make rules and regulations\\nrespecting the territory of the United States.\\nThis attributes to the eminent men who acted\\non this subject a want of ability and forecast,\\nor a want of attention to the known facts upon\\nwhich they were acting, in which I cannot\\nconcur.\\nThere is not, in my judgment, any thing in\\nthe language, the history, or the subject-matter\\nof this article, which restricts its operation to\\nterritory owned by the United States when the\\nconstitution was adopted.\\nBut it is also insisted that provisions of the\\nconstitution respecting |,erritory belonging to\\nthe United States do not apply to territory ac-\\nquired by treaty from a foreign nation. This\\nobjection must rest upon the position that the\\nconstitution did not authorize the federal gov-\\nernment to acquire foreign territory, and con-\\nsequently has made no provision for its govern-\\nment when acquired or, that though the ac-\\nquisition .of foreign territory was contemplated\\nby the constitution, its provisions concerning\\nthe admission of new states, and the making\\nof all needful rules and regulations respecting\\nterritory belonging to the United States, were\\nnot designed to be applicable to territory ac-\\nquired from foreign nations.\\nIt is undoubtedly true, that at the date of\\nthe treaty of 1803, between the United States\\nand France, for the cession of Louisiana, it was\\nmade a question, whether the constitution had\\nconferred on the executive department of the\\ngovernment of the United States power to ac-\\nquire foreign territory by a treaty.\\nThere is evidence that very grave doubts\\nwere then entertained concerning the existence\\nof this power. But that there was then a set-\\ntled opinion in the executive and legislative\\nbranches of the government, that this power\\ndid not exist, cannot be admitted, without at\\nthe same time imputing to those who negotiated", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0727.jp2"}, "728": {"fulltext": "692\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nand ratified the treaty, and passed the laws\\nnecessai j to carry it into execution, a dehber-\\nate and known violation of their oaths to sup-\\nport the constitution and whatever doubts\\nmay then have existed, the question must now\\nbe taken to have been settled. Four distinct\\nacquisitions of foreign territory have been made\\nby as many different treaties, under as many\\ndifferent administrations. Six states, formed on\\nsuch territory, are now in the Union. Every\\nbranch of this government, during a period of\\nmore than fifty years, has participated in these\\ntransactions. To question their validity now,\\nis vain. As was said by Mr. Chief Justice Mar-\\nshall, in the American Insurance Company vs.\\nCanter, (1 Peters, 542J The constitution con-\\nfers absolutely on the government of the Union\\nthe powers of making war and of making\\ntreaties; consequently, that government pos-\\nsesses the power of acquiring territory, either\\nby conquest or treaty. (See Cerre ?\u00c2\u00bbs. Pitot,\\n6 Cr. 336.) And I add, it also possesses the\\npower of governing it, when acquired, not by\\nresorting to supposititious powers,, nowhere\\nfound described in the constitution, but express-\\nly granted in the authority to make all needful\\nrules and regulations respecting the territory\\nof the United States.\\nThere was to be established by the consti-\\ntution a frame of government, under which the\\npeople of the United States and their posterity\\nwere to continue indefinitely. To take one of\\nits provisions, the language of which is broad\\nenough to extend throughout the existence of\\nthe government, and embrace all territory be-\\nlonging to the United States throughout all\\ntime, and the purposes and objects of which\\napply to all territory of the United States, and\\nnarrow it down to territory belonging to the\\nUnited States when the constitution was\\nframed, while at the same time it is admitted\\nthat the constitution contemplated and author-\\nized the acquisition, from time to time, of other\\nand foreign territory, seems to me to be an\\ninterpretation as inconsistent with the nature\\nand purposes of the instrument, as it is with its\\nlanguage, and I can have no hesitation in re-\\njecting it.\\nI construe this clause, therefore, as if it had\\nread. Congress shall have power to make all\\nneedful rules and regulations respecting those\\ntracts of country, out of the limits of the sev-\\neral states, which the United States have ac-\\nquired, or may hereafter acquire, by cession.s,\\nas well of the jurisdiction as of the soil, so\\nfar as the soil may be the property of the\\nparty making the cession, at the time of mak-\\ning it. M:\\nBut it is insisted, that whatever other powers\\nCongress may have respecting the territory of\\nthe United States, the subject of negro slavery\\nforms an exception.\\nThe constitution declares that Congress\\nshall have power to make all needful rules and\\nregulations respecting the territory belonging\\nto the United States.\\nThe assertion is, though the constitution\\nsays all, it does not mean all though it says\\nall, without qualification, it means all except\\nsuch as allow or prohibit slavery. It cannot\\nbe doubted that it is incumbent on those who\\nwould thus introduce an exception not found\\nin the language of the instrument, to exhibit\\nsome solid and satisfactory reason, drawn from\\nthe subject-matter or the purposes and objects\\nof the clause, the context, or from other pro-\\nvisions of the constitution, showing that the\\nwords employed in this clause are not to be\\nunderstood according to their clear, plain, and\\nnatural signification.\\nThe subject-matter is the territory of the\\nUnited States out of the limits of every state,\\nand consequently under the exclusive power\\nof the people of the United States. Their will\\nrespecting it, manifested in the constitution,\\ncan be subject to no restriction. The purposes\\nand objects of the clause were the enactment\\nof laws concerning the disposal of the public", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0728.jp2"}, "729": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nma\\nlands, and the temporary government of the\\nsettlers thereon until new states should be\\nformed. It will not be questioned that, when\\nthe constitution of the United States was\\nframed and adopted, the allowance and the\\nprohibition of negro slavery were recognized\\nsubjects of municipal legislation every state\\nhad in some measure acted thereon and the\\nonly legislative act concerning the territory\\nthe ordinance of 1787, which had then so re-\\ncently been passed contained a prohibition\\nof slavery. The purpose and object of the\\nclause being to enable Congress to provide a\\nbody of municipal law for the government of\\nthe settlers, the allowance or the prohibition\\nof slavery comes within the known and recog-\\nnized scope of that purpose and object.\\nThere is nothing in the context which quali-\\nfies the grant of power. The regulations must\\nbe respecting the territory. An enactment\\nthat slavery may or may not exist there, is a\\nregulation respecting the territory. Regula-\\ntions must be needful but it is necessarily left\\nto the legislative discretion to determine wheth-\\ner a law be needful. No other clause of the\\nconstitution has been referred to at the bar, or\\nhas been seen by me, which imposes any re-\\nstriction or makes any exception concerning\\nthe power of Congress to allow or prohibit\\nslavery in the territory belonging to the United\\nStates.\\nA practical construction, nearly contempo-\\nraneous with the adoption of the constitution,\\nand continued by repeated instances through a\\nlong series of years, may always influence, and\\nin doubtful cases should determine, the judicial\\nmind, on a question of the interpretation of\\nthe constitution. (Stuart vs. Laird, 1 Cranch,\\n269; Martin vs. Hunter, 1 Wheat. 304; Co-\\nhens vs. Virginia, 6 Wheat. 264 Prigg vs. Penn-\\nsylvania, 16 Pet. 621 Cooley vs. Port Wardens,\\n12 How. 315.)\\nIn this view, I proceed briefly to examine\\nthe practical construction placed on the clause\\nnow in question, so far as it respects the in-\\nclusion therein of power to permit or prohibit\\nslavery in the territories.\\nIt has already been stated, that after the\\ngovernment of the United States was organized\\nunder the constitution, the temporary govern-\\nment of the territory north-west of the River\\nOhio could no longer exist, save under the\\npowers conferred on Congress by the constitu-\\ntion. Whatever legislative, judicial, or execu-\\ntive authority should be exercised therein could\\nbe derived only from the people of the United\\nStates under the constitution. And, accord-\\ningly, an act was passed on the 7th day of\\nAugust, 1789, (1 Stat, at Large, 50,) which re-\\ncites, Whereas, in order that the ordinance of\\nthe United States in Congress assembled, for\\nthe government of the territory north-west of\\nthe River Ohio, may conthiKe to Imve full effect,\\nit is required that certain provisions should be\\nmade, so as to adapt the same to the present\\nconstitution of the United States. It then\\nprovides for the appointment by the president\\nof all officers, who, by force of the ordinance,\\nwere to have been appointed by the Congress\\nof the confederation, and their commission in\\nthe manner required by the constitution and\\nempowers the secretary of the territory to ex-\\nercise the powers of the governor in case of the\\ndeath or necessary absence of the latter.\\nHere is an explicit declaration of the will\\nof the first Congress, of which fourteen mem-\\nbers, inclufling Mr. Madison, had been mem-\\nbers of the convention which framed the con\\nstitution, that the ordinance, one article of\\nwhich prohibited slavery, should continue to\\nhave full effect. General Washington, who\\nsigned this bill, as president, was the president\\nof that convention.\\nIt does not appear to me to be important,\\nin this connection, that that clause in the ordi-\\nnance which prohibited slavery was one of a\\nseries of articles of what is therein termed a\\ncompact. The Congress of the confederation", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0729.jp2"}, "730": {"fulltext": "694\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nhad no pojver to make such a compact, nor to\\nact at all on the subject and after what had\\nbeen so recently said by Mr. Madison on this\\nsubject, in the thirty-eighth number of the\\nFederalist, I cannot suppose that he, or any\\nothers who voted for this bill, attributed any\\nintrinsic eflfect to what was denominated in the\\nordinance a compact between the original\\nstates and the people and states in the new\\nterritory there being no new states then in\\nexistence in the territory, with whom a compact\\ncould be made, and the few scattered inhabit-\\nants, unorganized into a political body, not be-\\ning capable of becoming a party to a treaty,\\neven if the Congress of the confederation had\\nhad power to make one touching the govern-\\nment of that territory.\\nI consider the passage of this law to have\\nbeen an assertion by the first Congress of the\\npower of the United States to prohibit slavery\\nwithin this part of the territory of the United\\nStates; for it clearly shows that slavery was\\nthereafter to be prohibited there, and it could\\nbe prohibited only by an exertion of the power\\nof the United States, under the constitution;\\nno other power being capable of operating\\nwithin that territory after the constitution took\\neffect.\\nOn the 2d of April, 1790, (1 Stat, at Large,\\n106,) the first Congress passed an act accept-\\ning a deed of cession by North Carolina of\\nthat territory afterwards erected into the state\\nof Tennessee. The fourth express condition\\ncontained in this deed of cession, after provid-\\ning that the inhabitants of the territory shall\\nbe temporarily governed in the same manner\\nas those beyond the Ohio, is followed by these\\nwords Provided, always, that no regulations\\nmade or to be made by Congress shall tend to\\nemancipate slaves.\\nThis provision shows that it was then un-\\nderstood Congress might make a regulation\\nprohibiting slavery, and that Congress might\\nalso/ allew it to continue to exist in the terri-\\ntory and accordingly, when, a few days later,\\nCongress passed the act of May 20th, 1790, (1\\nStat, at Large, 123,) for the government of the\\nterritory south of the River Ohio, it provided,\\nand the government of the territory south of\\nthe Ohio shall be similar to that now exercised\\nin the territory north-west of the Ohio, except\\nso far as is otherwise provided in the conditions\\nexpressed in an act of Congress of the present\\nsession, entitled An act to accept a cession of\\nthe claims of the state of North Carolina to a\\ncertain district of western territory. Under\\nthe government thus established, slavery ex-\\nisted until the territory became the state of\\nTennessee.\\nOn the 7th of April, 1798,(1 Stat, at Large,\\n649,) an act was passed to establish a govern-\\nment in the Mississippi territory in all respects\\nlike that exercised in the territory north-west\\nof the Ohio, excepting and excluding the last\\narticle of the ordinance made for the govei n-\\nment thereof by the late Congress, on the 1.3th\\nday of July, 1787. When the limits of this\\nterritory had been amicably settled with Geor-\\ngia, and the latter ceded all its claim thereto,\\nit was one stipulation in the compact of ces-\\nsion, that the ordinance of July loth, 1787,\\nshall in all its parts extend to the territory\\ncontained in the present act of cession, that\\narticle only excepted which forbids slavery.\\nThe government of this territory was subse-\\nquently established and organized under the\\nact of May 10th, 1800 but so much of the\\nordinance as prohibited slavery was not put in\\noperation there.\\nWithout going minutely into the details of\\neach case, I will now give reference to two\\nclasses of acts, in one of which Congress has\\nextended the ordinance of 1787, including the\\narticle prohibiting slavery, over different ter-\\nritories, and thus exerted its power to prohibit\\nit in the other. Congress has erected govern-\\nments over territories acquired from France\\nand Spain, in which slavery already existed,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0730.jp2"}, "731": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0731.jp2"}, "732": {"fulltext": "e", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0732.jp2"}, "733": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0r ^-^^^mS\\n1\\nS3\\nm\\n5^", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0735.jp2"}, "734": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0736.jp2"}, "735": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n695\\nbut refused to apply to them that part of the\\ngovernment under the ordinance which ex-\\ncluded slavery.\\nOf the first class are the act of May 7th,\\n1800, (2 Stat, at Large, 58,) for the government\\nof the Indiana territory the act of January\\n11th, 1805, (2 Stat, at Large, 309,) for the gov-\\nernment of Michigan territory the act of\\nMay 3d, 1809, (2 Stat, at Large, 514,) for the\\ngovernment of the Illinois territory the act\\nof April 20th, 1836, (5 Stat, at Large, 10,) for\\nthe government of the territory of Wisconsin\\nthe act of June 12th, ]838, for the government\\nof the territory of Iowa; the act of Augxist\\n14th, 1848, for the government of the territory\\nof Oregon. To these instances .should be\\nadded the act of March 6th, 1820, (3 Stat, at\\nLarge, 548,) prohibiting slavery in the territory\\nacquired from France, being north-west of Mis-\\nsouri, and north of thirty-six degrees thirty\\nminutes north latitude.\\nOf the second class, in which Congress re-\\nfused to interfere with slavery already existing\\nunder the municipal law of France or Spain,\\nand established governments by which .slavery\\nwas recognized and allowed, are the act of\\nMarch 26th, 1804, (2 Stat, at Large, 283,) for\\nthe government of Louisiana; the act of\\nMarch 2d, 1805, (2 Stat, at Large, 322,) for the\\ngovernment of the territory of Orleans the\\nact of June 4th, 1812, (2 Stat, at Large, 743,)\\nfor the government of the Missouri territory\\nthe act of March 30th, 1822, (3 Stat, at Large,\\n654,) for the government of the territory of\\nFlorida. Here are eight distinct instances, be-\\nginning with the first Congress, and coming\\ndown to the year 1848, in which Congress has\\nexcluded slavery from the territory of the\\nUnited States and six distinct instances in\\nwhich Congress organized governments of terri-\\ntories by which slavery was recognized and\\ncontinued, beginning also with the first Con-\\ngress, and coming down to the year 1822.\\nThese acts were severally signed by seven\\n88\\npresidents of the United States, beginning with\\nGeneral Washington, and coming regularly\\ndown as far as Mr. John Quincy Adams, thus\\nincluding all who were in public life when the\\nconstitution was adopted.\\nIf the practical construction of the consti-\\ntution contemporaneously with its going into\\n^effect, by men intimately acquainted with its\\nhistory from their personal participation in\\nframing and adopting it, and continued by\\nthem through a long series of acts of the\\ngravest importance, be entitled to weight in the\\njudicial mind on a question of construction, it\\nwould seem to be difficult to resist the force of\\nthe acts above adverted to.\\nIs it conceivable that the constitution has\\nconferred the right on every citizen to become\\na resident on the territory of the United States\\nwith his slaves, and there to hold them as\\nsuch, but has neither made nor provided for\\nany municipal regulations which are essential\\nto the existence of slavery\\nIs it not more rational to conclude that they\\nwho framed and adopted the constitution were\\naware that persons held to service under the\\nlaws of a state are property only to the extent\\nand under the conditions fixed by those laws\\nthat they must cease to be available as prop-\\nerty, when their owners voluntarily place them\\npermanently within another jurisdiction, where\\nno municipal laws on the subject of slavery\\nexist; and that, being aware of these princi-\\nples, and having said nothing to interfere with\\nor displace them, or to compel Congress to\\nlegislate in any particular manner on the sub-\\nject, and having empowered Congress to make\\nall needful rules and regulations respecting the\\nterritory of the United States, it was their in-\\ntention to leave to the discretion of Congress\\nwhat regulations, if any, should be made con-\\ncerning slavery therein? Moreover, if the\\nright exists, what are its limits, and what are\\nits conditions If citizens of the United States\\nhave the right to take their slaves to a territory,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0737.jp2"}, "736": {"fulltext": "696\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nand hold them there as slaves, without regard\\nto the laws of the territory, I suppose this right\\nis not to be restricted to the citizens of slave-\\nholding states. A citizen of a state which does\\nnot tolerate slavery can hardly be denied the\\npower of doing the same thing. And what law\\nof slavery does either take with him to- the\\nterritory If it be said to Tae those laws\\nrespecting slavery which existed in the par-\\nticular state from which each slave last came,\\nwhat an anomaly is this Where else can we\\nfind, under the law of any civilized country,\\nthe power to introduce and permanently con-\\ntinue diverse systems of foreign municipal law,\\nfor holding persons in slavery I say, not\\nmerely to introduce, but permanently to con-\\ntinue, these anomalies. For the offspring of\\nthe female must be governed by the foreign\\nmunicipal laws to which the mother was sub-\\nject and when any slave is sold, or passes by\\nsuccession on the death of the owner, there\\nmust pass with him, by a species of subroga-\\ntion, and as a kind of unknown jus in re, the\\nforeign municipal laws which constituted, regu-\\nlated, and preserved, the status of the slave\\nbefore his exportation. Whatever theoretical\\nimportance may be now supposed to belong to\\nthe maintenance of such a right, I feel a per-\\nfect conviction that it would, if ever tried,\\nprove to be as impracticable in fact, as it is, in\\nmy judgment, monstrous in theory.\\nI consider the assumption which lies at the\\nbasis of this theory to be unsound not in its\\njust sense, and when properly understood, but\\nin the sense which has been attached to it.\\nThat assumption is, that the territory ceded by\\nFrance was acquired for the equal benefit of\\nall the citizens of the United States. I agree\\nto the position. But it was acquired for their\\nbenefit in their collective, not their individual,\\ncapacities. It was acquired for their benefit as\\nan organized political society, subsisting as\\nthe people of the United States, under the\\nconstitution of the United States; to be ad-\\nministered justly and impartially, and as nearly\\nas possible for the equal benefit of every indi-\\nvidual citizen, according to the best judgment\\nand discretion of the Congress to whose\\npower, as the legislature of the nation which\\nacquired it, the people of the United States\\nhave committed its administration. Whatever\\nindividual claims may be founded on local cir-\\ncumstances, or sectional differences of condition,\\ncannot, in my opinion, be recognized in this\\ncourt, without arrogating to the judicial branch\\nof the government powers not committed to\\nit and which, wnth all the unaffected respect I\\nfeel for it, when acting in its proper sphere, I\\ndo not think it fitted to wield.\\nNor, in my judgment, will the position, that\\na prohibition to bring slaves into a territory\\ndeprives any one of his property without due\\nprocess of law, bear examination.\\nIt must be remembered that this restriction\\non the legislative power is not peculiar to the\\nconstitution of the United States it was bor-\\nrowed from Magna Chaiia was brought to\\nAmerica by our ancestors, as part of their in-\\nherited liberties, and has existed in all the\\nstates, usually in the very words of the Great\\nCharter. It existed in every political commu-\\nnity in America in 1787, when the ordinance\\nprohibiting slavery north and west of the Ohio\\nwas passed.\\nAnd if a prohibition of slavery in a terri-\\ntory in 1820 violated this principle of Magna\\nChaHa, the ordinance of 1787 also violated it;\\nand what power had, I do not say the Congress\\nof the confederation alone, but the legislature\\nof Virginia, or the legislature of any or all the\\nstates of the confederacy, to consent to such a\\nviolation The people of the states had con-\\nferred no such power. I think I may at least\\nsay, if the Congress did then violate Magna\\nChaHa by the ordinance, no one discovered\\nthat violation. Besides, if the prohibition upon\\nall persons, citizens as well as others, to bring\\nslaves into a territory, and a declaration that", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0738.jp2"}, "737": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n697\\nif brought they shall be free, deprive citizens\\nof their property without due process of law,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0what shall we say of the legislation of many\\nof the slaveholding states which have enacted\\nthe same prohibition As early as October,\\n1778, a law was passed in Virginia, that there-\\nafter no slave should be imported into that\\ncommonwealth by sea or by land, and that\\nevery slave who should be imported should be-\\ncome free. A citizen of Virginia purchased in\\nMaryland a slave who belonged to another\\ncitizen of Virginia, and removed with the slave\\nto Virginia. The slave sued for her freedom\\nand recovered it as may be seen in Wilson vs.\\nIsabel, (5 Call s E. 425.) See also Hunter vs.\\nHulsher, (1 Leigh, 172;) and a similar law has\\nbeen recognized as valid in Maryland, in Stew-\\nart vs. Oaks, (5 Har. and John. 107.) I am not\\naware that such laws, though they exist in\\nmany states, were ever supposed to be in con-\\nflict with the principle of Manila Charia incor-\\nporated into the state constitutions. It was\\ncertainly understood by the convention which\\nframed the constitution, and has been so under-\\nstood ever since, that, under the power to\\nregulate commerce. Congress could prohibit\\nthe importation of slaves and the exercise of\\nthe power was restrained till 1808. A citizen\\nof the United States owns slaves in Cuba, and\\nbrings them to the United States, where they\\nare set free by the legislation of Congress.\\nDoes this legislation deprive him of his property\\nwithout due process of law If so, what be-\\ncomes of the laws prohibiting the slave trade\\nIf not, how can a similar regulation respecting\\na territory violate the fifth amendment of the\\nconstitution.\\nBut it is further insisted that the treaty of\\n1803, between the United States and France,\\nby which this territory was acquired, has so\\nrestrained the constitutional powers of Con-\\ngress, that it cannot, by law, prohibit the in-\\ntroduction of slavery into that part of this\\nterritory north and west of Missouri, and north\\nof thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north lati-\\ntude.\\nBy a treaty with a foreign nation, the\\nUnited States may rightfully stipulate that the\\nCongress will or will not exercise its legisla-\\ntive power in some particular manner, on some\\nparticular subject. Such promises, when made,\\nshould be voluntarily kept, with the most\\nscrupulous good faith. But that a treaty with\\na foreign nation can deprive the Congress of\\nany part of the legislative power conferred by\\nthe people, so that it no loriger can legislate\\nas it was empowered by the constitution to do,\\nI more than doubt.\\nThe powers of the government do and must\\nremain unimpaired. The responsibility of the\\ngovernment to a foreign nation, for the exer-\\ncise of those powers, is quite another matter.\\nThat responsibility is to be met, and justified to\\nthe foreign nation, according to the require-\\nments of the rules of public law but never\\nupon the assumption that the United States\\nhad parted with or restricted any power of\\nacting according to its own free will, governed\\nsolely by its own appreciation of its duty.\\nThe second section of the fourth article is,\\nThis constitution, and the laws of the United\\nStates which shall be made in pursuance\\nthereof, and all treaties made or which shall\\nbe made under the authority of the United\\nStates, shall be the supreme law of the land.\\nThis has made treaties part of our municipal\\nlaw but it has not assigned to them any par-\\nticular degree of authority, nor declared that\\nlaws so enacted shall be irrepealable. No\\nsupremacy is assigned to treaties over acts of\\nCongress. That they are not perpetual, and\\nmust be in some way repealable, all will\\nagree.\\nIf the president and the senate alone pos-\\nsess the power to repeal or modify a law found\\nin a treaty, inasmuch as they can change or\\nabrogate one treaty onl} by making another\\ninconsistent with the first, the government of", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0739.jp2"}, "738": {"fulltext": "698\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nthe United States could not act at all, to that\\neffect, without the consent of some foreign gov-\\nernment. I do not consider, I am not aware\\nit has ever been considered, that the constitu-\\ntion has placed our country in this helpless\\ncondition. The action of Congress in repeal-\\ning the treaties with France by the act of July\\n7th, 1798, (1 Stat, at Large, 578,) was in con-\\nformity with these views. In the case of\\nTaylor et al. vs. Morton, (2 Curtis s Cir. Ct. R.\\n454,) I had occasion to consider this subject,\\nand I adhere to the views there expressed.\\nIf, therefore, it were admitted that the\\ntreaty between the United States and France\\ndid contain an express stipulation that the\\nUnited States would not exclude slavery from\\nso much of the ceded territory as is now in\\nquestion, this court could not declare that an\\nact of Congress excluding it was void by force\\nof the treaty. Whether or no a case existed\\nsufficient to justify a refusal to execute such\\na stipulation, would not be a judicial, but a\\npolitical and legislative question, wholly be-\\nyond the authority of this court to try and\\ndetermine. It would belong to diplomacy and\\nlegislation, and not to the administration of\\nexisting laws. Such a stipulation in a treaty,\\nto legislate or not to legislate in a particular\\nway, has been repeatedly held in this court to\\naddress itself to the political or the legislative\\npower, by whose action thereon this court is\\nbound. (Foster vs. Nicholson, 2 Peters, 314\\nGarcia vs. Lee, 12 Peters, 519.)\\nBut, in my judgment, this treaty contains\\nno stipulation in any manner aflecting the ac-\\ntion of the United States respecting the ter-\\nritory in question. Before examining the\\nlanguage of the treaty, it is material to bear\\nin mind that the part of the ceded territory\\nlying north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes,\\nand west and north of the present state of\\nMissouri, was then a wilderness, uninhabited\\nsave by savages, whose possessory title had\\nnot then been extinguished.\\nIt is impossible for me to conceive on what\\nground France could have advanced a claim,\\nor could have desired to advance a claim, to\\nrestrain the United States from making any\\nrules and regulations respecting this territoi y\\nwhich the United States might think fit to\\nmake and still less can I conceive of any\\nreason which would have induced the United\\nStates to yield to such a claim. It was to be\\nexpected that France would desire to make\\nthe change of sovereignty and jurisdiction as\\nlittle burdensome as possible to the then in-\\nhabitants of Louisiana, and might well exhibit\\neven an anxious solicitude to protect their\\nproperty and persons, and to secure to them\\nand their posterity their religious and political\\nrights and the United States, as a just govern-\\nment, might readily accede to all proper stipu-\\nlations respecting those who were about to\\nhave their allegiance transferred. But what\\ninterest France could have in uninhabited terri-\\ntory, which, in the language of the treaty, was\\nto be transferred forever, and in full sov-\\nereignty, to the United States, or how the\\nUnited States could consent to allow a foreign\\nnation to interfere in its purely internal affairs,\\nin which that foreign nation had no concern\\nwhatever, is difficult for me to conjecture. In\\nmy judgment, this treaty contains nothing of\\nthe kind.\\nThe third article is supposed to have a bear-\\ning on the question. It is as follows The\\ninhabitants of the ceded territory shall be in-\\ncorpoi ated in the Union of the United States,\\nand admitted as soon as possible, according to\\nthe principles of the federal constitution, to the\\nenjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and\\nimmunities of citizens of the United States;\\nand in the mean time they shall be maintained\\nand protected in the enjoyment of their liberty,\\nproperty, and the religion they profess.\\nThere are two views of this article, each of\\nwhich, I think, decisively shows that it was\\nnot intended to restrain the Congress from", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0740.jp2"}, "739": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n699\\nexcluding slavery from that part of the ceded\\nterritory then uninhabited. The first is, that,\\nmanifest!}^, its sole object was to protect indi-\\nvidual rights of the then inhabitants of the\\nterritory. They are to be maintained and\\nprotected in the free enjoyment of their liberty,\\nproperty, and the religion they profess. But\\nthis article does not secure to them the right\\nto go upon the public domain ceded by the\\ntreaty, either with or without their slaves.\\nThe right or power of doing this did not exist\\nbefore or at the time the treaty was made.\\nThe French and Spanish governments while\\nthey held the country, as well as the United\\nStates when they acquired it, always exercised\\nthe undoubted right of excluding inhabitants\\nfrom the Indian country, and of determining\\nwhen and on what conditions it should be\\nopened to settlens. And a stipulation, that the\\nthen inhabitants of Louisiana should be pro-\\ntected in their property, can have no reference\\nto their use of that property, where they had\\nno right, under the treaty, to go with it, save\\nat the Avill of the United States.\\nFor these reasons, I am of opinion that so\\nmuch of the several acts of Congress as pro-\\nhibited slavery and involuntary servitude with-\\nin that part of the territory of Wisconsin lying\\nnorth of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north\\nlatitude, and west of the Eiver Mississippi, were\\nconstitutional and valid laws.\\nI have expressed my opinion, and the reasons\\ntherefor, at far greater length than I could have\\nwished, upon the different questions on which\\nI have found it necessary to pass, to arrive at\\na judgment on the case at bar. These ques-\\ntions are numerous, and the grave importance\\nof some of them required me to exhibit fully\\nthe grounds of my opinion. I have touched\\nno question which, in the view I have taken,\\nit was not absolutely necessary for me to pass\\nupon, to ascertain whether the judgment of the\\nCircuit Court should stand or be reversed. I\\nhave avoided no question on which the validity\\nof that judgment depends. To have done either\\nmore or less, would have been inconsistent with\\nmy views of my duty.\\nIn my opinion, the judgment of the Circuit\\nCourt should be reversed, and the cause re-\\nmanded for a new trial.\\nAmong many reviews and strictures upon\\nthe Dred Scott decision, the Examination of\\nthe Dred Scott Case, by the veteran states-\\nman Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri, is worthy\\nof note, because of Mr. Benton being a citizen\\nof a slaveholding state, and long one of the\\nleading members of the Democratic party,\\nwhich, in all the recent contests, had adhered\\nto the policy of the south, but especially\\nbecause he stood almost the sole connecting\\nlink between the last generation of great states-\\nmen and the present. In that review, all the\\nquestions then at issue in relation to slavery\\nwere discussed with the ability and earnestness\\nwhich distinguished Colonel Benton. Of the\\nopinion of the court against the constitution-\\nality of the Missouri Compromise Act, Colonel\\nBenton writes thus\\nThe Missouri compromise was a political\\nenactment, made by the political power, for\\nreasons founded in national policy, enlarged\\nand liberal, of which it was the proper judge\\nand which was not to be reversed afterwards\\nby judicial interpretation of words and phrases.\\nDoubtless the court was actuated by the\\nmost laudable motives in undertaking, while\\nsettling an individual controver.sy, to pass from\\nthe private rights of an individual to the pub-\\nlic rights of the whole body of the people,\\nand in endeavoring to settle, by a judicial de-\\ncision, a political question which engrosses and\\ndistracts the country but the undertaking\\nwas beyond its competency, both legally and\\npotentially. It had no right to decide no\\nmeans to enforce the decision no machinery\\nto carry it into effect; no penalties of fines or\\njails to enforce it; and the event has corre-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0741.jp2"}, "740": {"fulltext": "700\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsponded with these inabilities. Far from set-\\nthng the question, the opinion itself has be-\\ncome a new question, more virulent than the\\nformer; has become the very watchword of\\nparties has gone into party creeds and plat\\nforms, bringing the court itself into the polite\\nical field, and condemning all future appoint-\\nments of federal judges, and the elections of\\nthose who make the appointments, and of those\\nwho can multiply judges by creating new dis-\\ntricts and circuits, to the test of these de-\\ncisions.\\nThose who suppose that there was no ob-\\nject in view in this abrogation of the Missouri\\ncompromise, but merely to make Kansas a\\nslave state, are far behind the state of the facts,\\nand can have had but little opportunity of\\nknowing the intentions of the prime movers\\nof that measure those who ruled the council\\nthat commanded it. Certainly that was one\\nof the objects but there were others far be-\\nyond it, far transcending it in importance, and\\nof which the establishment of Kansas as a\\nslave state was only an introduction and a\\nmeans of attainment. To form the slave states\\ninto a unit, for federal elections and legislation,\\nby the revival of the slavery question, was one\\nobject, counting upon the federal patronage to\\ngain as much help from the free states as\\nwould give the slave states the majority. Vast\\nacquisitions of free territory to the southward,\\nto be made slave, (besides Cuba,) was another\\nobject and for this purpose, the principles of\\nthe Kansas-Nebraska bill were doubly con-\\ntrived first, to carry slavej y into these free\\nterritories by the constitution next, to estab-\\nlish it by the inhabitants of the states, enough\\nsouthern people going in to dominate over the\\nfeeble and ignorant natives. Separation of the\\nslave states, or domination over the free states,\\ndriving out of the Union the north Atlantic\\nstates, was to be the consequence of this con-\\nsolidation of the slave states, and vast acqui-\\nsition of slave territory.\\nThe citizens of all the states, free and slave,\\nare precisely equal in their cajjacity to carry\\ntheir property with them into territories. Each\\nmay carry whatever is property by the laws of\\nnature neither can carry that which is only\\nproperty by statute law and the reason is, be-\\ncause he cannot carry with him the law which\\nmakes it property. Either may carry the\\nthing which is the subject of this local pi-op-\\nerty, but neither can carry the law which\\nmakes it so. The Virginian may carry his\\nman slave but he cannot carry the Virginian\\nlaw which makes him a slave. The citizen of\\nMassachusetts may carry the pile of money\\nwhich, under a state law, constitutes a bank\\nbut he cannot carry the law or charter which\\nmakes it a bank and his treasure is only a\\npile of money and besides being impossible,\\nit would be absui d, and confusion confounded,\\nto be otherwise. For, if the citizen of one\\nstate might carry his slave state law with him\\ninto a territory, the citizens of every other\\nslave state might do the same and then what\\nBabylonish confusion, not merely of tongues,\\nbut of laws, would be found there Fifteen\\ndifferent codes, as the slave sta tcs now number,\\nand more to come. For every slave state has\\na servile code of its own, differing from others\\nin some respects and in some radically as\\nmuch so as land, in the eye of the law, differs\\nfrom cattle.\\nMr. Calhoun (1848) declared, I deny that\\nthe laws of Mexico can have the effect attrib-\\nuted to them, that of keeping slavery out of\\nNew Mexico and California.) As soon as the\\ntreaty between the two countries is ratified,\\nthe sovereignty and authority of Mexico in\\nthe territory acquired by it becomes extinct,\\nand that of the United States is substituted in\\nits place, conveying the constitution, with its\\noverriding control over all the laws and insti-\\ntutions of Mexico inconsistent with it. This is\\nthe declared effect of the transmigration of\\nthe constitution to free territory by the author", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0742.jp2"}, "741": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n701\\nof the doctrine and great is the extent of\\ncountry, either acquired or to be acquired, in\\nwhich the doctrine is to have application. All\\nNew Mexico and California, at the time it was\\nbroached, all the territories now held, wher-\\never situated, and as much as can be added to\\nthem, these additions have ali-eady been con-\\n\u00c2\u00abiderable, and vast and varied accessions are\\nstill expected. Arizona has been acquired\\nfifty millions were offered to Mexico for her\\nnorthern half, to include Monterey and Saltillo\\na vast sum is now offered for Sonora and Sina-\\nloa, down to Guyamas Tehuantepec, Nicara-\\ngua, Panama, Darien, the Spanish part of San\\nDomingo, Cuba, with islands on both sides of\\nthe tropical continent. Nor do we stop at the\\ntwo Americas, their coasts and islands, ex-\\ntensive as they are but circumvolving the\\nterraqueous globe, we look wistfully at the\\nSandwich Islands, and on some gem in the\\nPolynesian group, and, plunging to the an-\\ntipodes, pounce down upon Formosa, in the\\nChinese Sea. Such were the schemes of the\\nlast administration, and must continue, if its\\npolicy should continue. Over all these prov-\\ninces, isthmuses, islands, and ports, now free,\\nour constitution must spread, (if we acquire\\nthem, and the decision of the Supreme Court\\nstands,) overriding and overruling anti-slavery\\nlaw in their respective limits, and planting\\nAfrican slavery in its place, beyond the power\\nof Congress or the people there to prevent it.\\nFrom Mr. Benton s able and interesting dis-\\ncussion of the various questions raised in this\\nopinion of the Supreme Court further extracts\\nmight be made, to show the reasons and the\\npurposes which were underlying that opinion.\\nFrom his long experience, keen observation,\\nand knowledge of human nature, and from his\\nposition in the political world, as well as his\\ngeographical position, a representative of a\\nborder slave state, none better than Mr. Benton\\ncould know the schemes and objects for the\\naccomplishment of which the opinion of the\\ncourt was but one means. More recent events\\nshow that he was not wrong in his judgment,\\nthough he perhaps failed to see to what that\\nmalign power would resort, when its political\\nschemes should fail, and the government should\\npass beyond its absolute control. In an appen-\\ndix to the Examination, Mr. Benton reviews\\nthat portion of President Pierce s last annual\\nmessage, which is given in previous pages. In\\nconcluding he thus sums up the progress and\\npurposes of the political slave power as de-\\nveloped at that time\\nUp to Mr. Pierce s administration the plan\\nhad been defensive that is to say, to make\\nthe secession of the south a measure of self-\\ndefence against the abolition encroachments,\\naggressions, and crusades of the north in the\\ntime of Mr. Pierce, the plan became offensive\\nthat is to say, to commence the expansion\\nof slavery, and the acquisition of territory to\\nspread it over, so as to overpower the north\\nwith new slave states, and drive them out of\\nthe Union. In this change of tactics originated\\nthe abrogation of the Missouri compromise the\\nattempt to purchase one half of Mexico, and\\nthe actual purchase of a large part; the design\\nto take Cuba; the encouragement to Kinney\\nand to Walker in Central America the quar-\\nrels with Great Britain, for outlandish coasts\\nand islands; the designs upon the Tehuante-\\npec, the Nicaragua, the Panama, and the Da-\\nrien routes and the scheme to get a foothold\\nin the Island of San Domingo. The rising in\\nthe free states in consequence of the abroga-\\ntion of the Missouri compromise checked these\\nschemes, and limited the success of the dis-\\nunionists to the revival of the agitation which\\nenables them to wield the south against the\\nnorth in all the federal elections and federal\\nlegislation. Accidents and events have given\\nthis party a strange preeminence. Under\\nJackson s administration, proclaimed for trea-\\nson since, at the head of the government, and\\nof the Democratic party. The death of Har-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0743.jp2"}, "742": {"fulltext": "702\\nHISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nrison, and the accession of Tyler, was their first\\ngreat lift the election of Mr. Pierce was their\\nculminating point. It not only gave them the\\ngovernment, but power to pass themselves for\\nthe Union party and for Democrats, and to\\nstigmatize all who refuse to go with them as\\ndisunionists and abolitionists. And to keep up\\nthis classification is the object of the eleven\\npages of the message which calls for this re-\\nview unhappily, assisted in that object by\\nthe conduct of a few real abolitionists, (not five\\nper centum of the population of the free\\nstates,) but made to stand in the eyes of the\\nsouth for the whole.\\nThe rapid development of the disunion\\nschemes under the next administration, when\\nit was found that neither by force nor fraud\\ncould Kansas be secured as a slave state, and\\nthe power of the government was likely to\\npass into the hands of the more populous and\\nnumerous free states, Mr. Benton did not live\\nto see.* But the results show that he did not\\nerr much in his judgment of the political lead-\\ners of the south.\\nMr. Benton died at Washington, April 10, 1858, aged\\nseventy-six years. He was born at Hillsborough, North Car-\\nolina, and at an early age emigrated to Tennessee, where he\\nstudied law, and was elected to the state legislature. In 1814\\nhe removed to Missouri, where he soon acquired some distinction,\\nand when that territory was admitted to the Union as a state, in\\n1820, he was elected United States senator. He remained in the\\nsenate until 1851 a period of thirty years. He afterwards\\nserved one term in the house of representatives, and then retired\\nfrom public life. He was a man of the greatest industry aud\\nperseverance, and long held a high rank among the members of\\nthe Democratic party, but in the latter part of his hfe he did not\\nwholly agree with the policy of the party. He has left a valuable\\nlegacy to his countrymen in his works, Thirty Years in the\\nSenate, and the Abridgment of the Debates in Congress.\\nHe had just completed the latter work when he died.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0744.jp2"}, "743": {"fulltext": "OkviiLt^\\nBIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS\\nOF THE\\nDECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0745.jp2"}, "744": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0746.jp2"}, "745": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nThe memory of the illustrious men, to whose patriotism and firmness the American\\npeople owe their national independence, should ever be cherished with respect and admira-\\ntion. A knowledge of their personal histories may serve to keep alive the gratitude which\\nis due to them, and to preserve a just appreciation of their action in founding a new\\nRepublic. The following Biographical Sketches are compiled from authentic sources, and aim\\nonly at a simple narrative of the public services of these patriots and statesmen. They\\nshow of what manner of men the Continental Congress was composed, and how many of\\nthem were prominent citizens of their respective colonies, whose services in the cause of\\ntheir country were not confined to the memorable act of signing the Declaration. As\\nimassuming sketches of eventful lives, they are submitted to the kind consideration of the\\nreader.\\nEditor.", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0747.jp2"}, "746": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS\\nOF\\nTHE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,\\nWEyW HAMPSHIKE.\\nJOSIAH BARTLETT,\\nWILLIAM WHIPPLE,\\nMATTHEW THORNTON.\\nMASSACHUSETTS.\\nJOHN HANCOCK,\\nJOHN ADAMS,\\nSAMUEL ADAMS,\\nROBERT TREAT PAINE,\\nELBRIDGE GERRY.\\nKHODE ISLAND.\\nSTEPHEN HOPKINS,\\nWILLIAM ELLERY.\\nOOHlTECTICirT.\\nROGER SHERMAN,\\nSAMUEL HUNTINGTON,\\nWILLIAM WILLIAMS,\\nOLIVER WOLCOTT.\\nliTE-W TOHK.\\nWILLIAM FLOYD,\\nPHILIP LIVINGSTON,\\nFRANCIS LEWIS,\\nLEWIS MORRIS.\\nITE W JERSEY.\\nRICHARD STOCKTON,\\nJOHN WITHERSPOON,\\nFRANCIS HOPKINSON,\\nJOHN HART,\\nABRAHAM CLARK.\\nPENIJ-SYLVAIirtA.\\nROBERT MORRIS,\\nBENJAMIN RUSH,\\nBENJAMIN FRANKLIN,\\nJOHN MORTON,\\nGEORGE CLYMER,\\nJAMES SMITH,\\nGEORGE TAYLOR,\\nJAMES WILSON,\\nGEORGE ROSS.\\nDELA-WAKE.\\nC^SAR RODNEY,\\nGEORGE READ.\\nTHOMAS MCKEAN.\\nMAEYLAKTD.\\nSAMUEL CHASE,\\nTHOMAS STONE,\\nWILLIAM PACA,\\nCHARLES CARROLL,\\nof Carrollton.\\nVrRGLNXa..\\nGEORGE WYTHE,\\nRICHARD HENRY LEE,\\nTHOMAS JEFFERSON,\\nBENJAMIN HARRISON,\\nTHOMAS NELSON, JR.,\\nFRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE,\\nCARTER BRAXTON.\\nNORTH CAROLINA.\\nWILLIAM HOOPER,\\nJOSEPH HEWES,\\nJOHN PENN.\\nSOtTTH CAROLINA.\\nEDWARD RUTLEDGE,\\nTHOMAS HAYWARD, JR.,\\nTHOMAS LYNCH, JR.,\\nARTHUR MIDDLETON.\\nGEORGIA.\\nBUTTON GWINNETT,\\nLYMAN HALL,\\nGEORGE WALTON.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0748.jp2"}, "747": {"fulltext": "BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS\\nOF THE\\nDECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nJOSIAH BARTLETT.\\nNEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nJosiAH Bartlett was born in Amesbury, Mas-\\nsachusetts, in November, 1729. He was unable\\nto enjoy the advantages to be derived from a\\ncollegiate education, but improved every oppor-\\ntunity, and was able to obtain some knowledge\\nof Greek and Latin. He chose the medical\\nprofession as a means of subsistence, and began\\nthe study of medicine at the age of sixteen.\\nHe possessed an active, energetic mind, which\\nmade up in part for the want of books, from\\nwhich he had few opportunities of acquiring\\nknowledge, and he was able to pass an exami-\\nnation with honor.\\nHe commenced practising as a physician at\\nKingston, in 1750, where he soon established a\\nreputation by his treatment with Peruvian bark\\nin 1754, and amassed a competency. Bai tlett\\nreceived several appointments from the royal\\ngovernor, John Wentworth, by whom he was\\nhighly esteemed among them was the appoint-\\nment to the command of a regiment of militia.\\nIn 1765 he was elected a member of the Pro-\\nvincial Legislature of New Hampshire. When\\nthe Stamp Act was before the British Parlia-\\nment, he became a leader of the opposing\\nparty but his patriotism was inflexible, though\\nhe was offered extravagant bribes by Went-\\nworth. In 1776 he was appointed a member\\nof the Committee of Safety for his state, which\\nwas dissolved by the governor, and reassembled\\nunder the lead of Bartlett. He was soon after\\nchosen a member of the Continental Congress,\\nand in 1775 was deprived of his appoint-\\nments by the governor but on assumption of\\ngovernment by the Provincial Congi-ess, in the\\nabsence of Wentworth, he was reappointed.\\nHe was reelected a delegate to the Continental\\nCongress both in 1775 and 1776, and was one\\nof the committee to form a plan for the con-\\nfederation of the states. He w^as a warm sup-\\nporter of the Declaration of Independence,\\nand was the first of the members of Congress\\nto append his signature. He accompanied\\nStark to Bennington in 1777. In 1779 he was\\nappointed chief justice of the Court of Common\\nPleas, in 1784 justice of the Supreme Court,\\nand chief justice in 1788.\\nDr. Bartlett took an active part in the Conven-\\ntion called to adopt the Constitution in 1788,\\nand was elected a member of the first Senate\\nconvened under it in the city of New York but\\nhe declined the honor, and did not take his\\nseat. He was chosen president of the state in\\nI 1790, which office he continued to hold till\\ni 1793, when he was elected the first governor\\nof the state under the Constitution. Through\\nhis exertions a medical society was formed of\\nwhich he was chosen president. In all his\\nvarious offices of trust and honor he faithfully", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0749.jp2"}, "748": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nperformed his duties. He held the ofl ce of\\ngovernor for one year, when he retired to pri-\\nvate life, which he was not permitted to enjoy\\nlong, as he died on the 19th of May, 1795, in\\nthe sixty-sixth year of his age.\\nWILLIAM WHIPPLE.\\nNEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nWilliam Whipple was born in 1730, at Kit-\\ntery. This town at the time of his birth was\\nin New Hampshire, but has since formed a\\nTpart of Maine.\\nHis early advantages were only such as\\nthe common school of the town could afford,\\nwhich he quitted, when yet a mere lad, to fol-\\nlow the sea. After having engaged in this\\npursuit for several years, by which he accumu-\\nlated a considerable sum of money, he com-\\nmenced business with one of his brothers at\\nPortsmouth.\\nIn January, 1775, he was elected as repre-\\nsentative to the Provincial Consjjress of New\\nHampshire, appointed for the purpose of choos-\\ning delegates to the Continental Congress, of\\nwhich latter Convention he was made a mem-\\nber the next year.\\nHe continued in Congress until September,\\n1777, when, having been commissioned a brig-\\nadier-general, he joined Gates s army to repel\\nBurgoyne. He took part in the battle of Sara-\\ntoga, and was among those who arranged the\\nterms of capitulation, and conducted the pris-\\noners to Cambridge and Charlestown. In 1778\\nhe joined Sullivan in his expedition against the\\nBritish in Rhode Island, which failed through\\nthe neglect of Count d Estaing to sustain Sulli-\\nvan in his attack on Newport.\\nIn 1782 he was appointed the superintendent\\nof finance for his state an office requiring\\ngreat faithfulness and integrity in its incum-\\nbent. During the same year he was also\\nappointed to settle the dispute between Penn-\\nsylvania and Connecticut concerning the own-\\nership of the Wyoming valley.\\nIn 1783 Jie was constitutetl a judge of the\\nSuperior Court, which office he retained until\\nNovember, 1785, when a violent attack of pal-\\npitation of the heart, from which he never\\nrecovered, caused him to relinquish it. He\\ndied on the 28th of that month, aged fifty-five.\\nMATTHEW THORNTON.\\nnew HAMPSHIRE.\\nMatthew Thornton was born in Ireland, in\\n1714, and was brought to this country, when\\nquite 3^oung, by his father, who first settled at\\nWiscasset, in Maine, but subsequently moved\\nto Worcester, Massachusetts, where he educated\\nhis son for one of the learned professions.\\nMatthew chose that of medicine, and upon the\\ncompletion of his studies settled in London-\\nderry, New Hampshire, where he soon became\\neminent as a physician.\\nHe was aj)pointed surgeon, in 1745, to the\\ntroops of his state, and accompanied them in\\nthe expedition against Louisburg, and on his\\nreturn was appointed a colonel of militia, and\\nalso justice of peace.\\nHe was chosen speaker of the House when\\nthe Provisional Congress was organized, and in\\nSeptember of the same year, 1776, was ap-\\npointed delegate to the Continental Congress.\\nNot being present when the vote on the adop-\\ntion of the Declaration of Independence was\\ntaken, the indulgence was granted him, as\\nwell as several others who approved the meas-\\nure, of subsequently signing their names to it.\\nPrevious to his election to the Congress,\\nhe received the appointment of judge of the\\nSuperior Court, which position he resigned in", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0750.jp2"}, "749": {"fulltext": "JOHN HANCOCK.\\n1782. He died in Newburyport, on the twenty-\\nfourth of June, 1803, while on a visit to his\\ndaughters.\\nJOHN HANCOCK.\\nMASSACHUSETTS.\\nThe illustrious patriot John Hancock, who\\nenjoyed in his time one of the highest places in\\nthe consideration of the American communitj^,\\nwas born in Quincy, January 12, 1737. Both\\nfather and grandfather of Hancock were clergy-\\nmen, and men of very considerable reputation.\\nHis father dying during his infancy, he was\\nleft to the care of a paternal uncle, who, being\\nwealth} and kindly disposed towards him, sent\\nhim to Harvard University, and spared neither\\nexpense nor exertion to secure his comfort and\\npromotion. He graduated at Harvard in the\\nyear 1754, at the early age of seventeen, and\\nduring the six years subsequent was engaged\\nmost of his time as a clerk in the counting\\nhouse of hi? uncle, who was then at the height\\nof commercial prosperity.\\nIn 1760 Hancock visited the mother country,\\nand during that period was present at the\\nfuneral of George 11., and the coronation of\\nhis successor, the principles and policy of\\nwhose administration caused the conflict which\\nsubsequently occurred. After his return to\\nhis own country in 1764, by the decease of his\\nuncle, he was placed, at the age of twenty-\\nseven, in possession of a munificent fortune,\\nreputed to have been the largest property held\\nby any individual in the province, and proba-\\nbly but little inferior to any other American\\nestate.\\nShortly after Mr. Hancock s return from Eng-\\nland, he was elected one of the selectmen of\\nBoston; an office he continued to hold for sev-\\neral years. In 1766 he was chosen, with James\\nOtis, Samuel Adams, and Thomas Gushing, a\\nrepresentative to the General Court of the prov-\\nince. In this assembly, although only thirty\\nyears of age, he was placed immediately among\\nthe foremost of the leading and workino- men,\\nbeing nominated to most of the important com-\\nmittees of that body, and upon more than one\\noccasion of great and general interest, appoint-\\ned to the chairmanship over associates of high\\nreputation. He is said to have been some-\\nwhat indebted for his early advancement to\\nthe kindly offices of Samuel Adams, a gentle-\\nman with whom he afterwards differed in politi-\\ncal sentiment on several occasions, but it is\\nbelieved not to the disparagement of the mutual\\nrespect of the parties.\\nIn the impositions attempted by the British\\ngovernment, in regard to the importation of\\nforeign merchandise into this country, Mr.\\nHancock took an early and strong interest, and\\nwas one of the most active in establishina; those\\nmemorable associations of the citizens for the\\nprevention of the introduction and circulation\\nof English goods, which so materially aided, not\\nonly in warding off some of the encroachments\\nof tj-ranny, but in awakening the attention of\\nthe American people to a discussion and decis-\\nion on the whole subject of monarchical and\\nministerial abuse. In the course of this con-\\ntroversy, his name was brought particularly\\nbefore the public, on account of the seizure of\\none of his vessels by the custom-house officers,\\nunder the pretext of its being taken in contra-\\nvention of the revenue laws. It was removed\\nby the officers under the protection of the guns\\nof a British vessel then in the harbor. The\\ncitizen.s, however, became exasperated at this\\nproceeding, and assembling in great numbers,\\npursued them, beat them with clubs, and drove\\nthem aboard their vessels. The collector s boat\\nwas then burned bj the mob, amidst loud re-\\njoicing, and the houses of some of the most\\nodious of the supporters of divine right j,\\nrazed, in the first transport of popular fury, to\\nm", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0751.jp2"}, "750": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nthe ground. This affair, apparently trifling,\\nhas been considered one of the principal of\\nthose immediate original causes which has-\\ntened the great dispute between the mother\\ncountry and the provinces to a crisis.\\nAnother incident, of still greater interest,\\ntending to the same effect, was the celebrated\\nmassacre of the Boston citizens, by the British\\ntroops, on the 5th of March, 1770. Mr. Han-\\ncock, with several others, was, the day after\\nthis affair, appointed by an assembly of the\\ncitizens to wait on the royal governor, and pro-\\ncure the removal of the troops from the town,\\nwhich they succeeded in doing. In 1774 Han-\\ncock was called on to deliver an oration on\\nthe anniversary of the massacre, over the re-\\nmains of the murdered victims of tyranny.\\nThis production, which increased the author s\\nalready established reputation, is still preserved,\\nand is justly considered, though not remarka-\\nble for any thing like a learned or classic taste,\\na fine specimen of indignant patriotism, ex-\\npressed in the strong language of a fearless\\nfreeman.\\nAbout this time, having declined accepting\\nthe appointment of councillor by the governor,\\nhe was removed by General Gage from the\\ncaptaincy of the Cadets, or Governor s Guard.\\nThe company disbanded, however, and the\\nwhole affair added to his popularity with every\\nclass of the people. Several years before, he\\nhad shown a similar spirit when offered a mili-\\ntary commission by Governor Bernard, at that\\ntime tearing up the paper in presence of his\\nfellow-citizens.\\nIn October, 1774, Hancock, but thirty-\\nseven years of age, was elected president of\\nthe Massachusetts Provincial Convention by a\\nunanimous vote. The following year, the first\\nof the revolution, found him at the height of\\nhis political distinction, in the honorable posi-\\ntion of president of the Continental Congress.\\nWhen the Declaration of Independence was\\nadopted, as president of the Congress he was\\nthe first to affix his signature in that bold hand\\nwhich will alwaj s attract the attention of those\\nwho behold that immortal instrument. He\\nheld the presidency till October, 1777, a period\\nof two years and a half, during which the con-\\nstant application he gave to business had ren-\\ndered his health somewhat delicate. On this\\naccount he resigned his office, and retired to\\nhis native province, accompanied by the most\\ngratifying testimonials of the universal respect\\nof his countrymen.\\nHe was not permitted, however, to remain\\nlong in the quiet of private life for a conven-\\ntion being appointed to frame a Constitution\\nfor the State of Massachusetts, he was chosen\\none of its members, and took an active part\\nin the deliberations of that important occasion.\\nIn 1780 he was chosen governor, being the first\\nunder the new Constitution. He was reelected\\nto this office annually until 1785, when he re-\\ntired in ill health. In 1787 he was again called\\nto the gubernatoi ial dignity, and continued to\\nfill that station very acceptably, till his death,\\nwhich occurred October 8, 1793, in the fifty-\\nsixth year of his age.\\nThe reputation gained by John Hancock\\namong his own countrymen at the time the\\nrevolution broke out, cannot better be shown\\nthan by the importance attached to his patriot\\nism by the enemy, who perhaps had a par-\\nticular ill will against him, on account of his\\nsignature, as president of the Continental Con-\\ngress, to the Declaration of Independence. The\\npreceding year, however, he was honored by\\nbeing pointed out, in connection with Samuel\\nAdams, as an exception to the pardon offered\\nby the royal governor of Massachusetts, in the\\nproclamation he issued after the battle of\\nBunker Hill, declaring the province in a state\\nof rebellion.\\nNo individual probably contributed as much\\ntowards the adoption of the Federal Constitu-\\n(8)", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0752.jp2"}, "751": {"fulltext": "JOHN HANCOCK. SAMUEL ADAMS.\\ntion by the State of Massachusetts, in 1788, as\\nJohn Hancock. It was generally thought, when\\nhe submitted that instrument to the considera-\\ntion of the legislature, that, should this state\\nrefuse to ratify it, its passage would certainly\\nbe lost in the other twelve. A convention\\nassembled in Boston to consider the question\\nof acceptance, comprising all the distinguished\\ntalent of the state, and Hancock was chosen\\npresident. It is said that, through his influ-\\nence, exerted with his utmost discretion and\\nenergy at this juncture, particularly in pressing\\nsundry amendments which obviated the objec-\\ntionable features of the proposed Constitution,\\nthe scale was turned in favor of its adoption.\\nThis event was celebrated in Boston with great\\nrejoicing, and hailed with satisfaction through-\\nout the country.\\nThe funeral ceremonies over the remains of\\nGovernor Hancock were observed in a manner\\nwhich plainly indicated the hold he continued\\nto have on the popular good will till the last.\\nHis body lay in state for several days at his\\nresidence, and its interment was conducted with\\ngreat ceremony. The disease from which the\\ngovernor had suffered most in his latter years\\nwas the gout but his death was occasioned not\\nmore by this than by the fatigue caused by his\\narduous and responsible public duties, which\\nseemed to occupy his whole time and thought.\\n~Nj Governor Hancock left no lineal descendant.\\nHe had married, about twenty years before his\\ndeath, Miss Quincy, of Boston, a lady be-\\nlonging to one of the most distinguished fami-\\nlies of New England, and by this connection\\nhad one son but this child died at an early\\nSAMUEL ADAMS.\\nMASSACHUSETTS.\\nSamuel Adams, one of the leading actors in\\nthe revolution, was born in Boston, September\\n2\\n27, 1722, of a family long settled there. His\\ngrandfather was a grandson of Henry Adams,\\nthe same emigrant from England to Massachu-\\nsetts from whom John Adams, second President\\nof the United States, traced his descent. He\\nwas prepared for college, and entered Cambridge\\nin 1736 but owing to the misfortunes of his\\nfather, who was engaged in trade, and who was\\nnearly ruined by connection with a bank-\\ning speculation known as the manufactory\\nscheme, he was obliged to leave before com-\\npleting his course, though his diligence had\\nbeen so great that the faculty rewarded him\\nwith a bachelor s degree. These family mis-\\nfortunes were followed by *he death of his\\nfather, and Adams was compelled to relinquish\\nhis intention of entering the clerical profes-\\nsion, and attempt instead to continue his father s\\nmercantile business. He was unsuited to the\\noccupation, however, and had but indifferent\\nsuccess.\\nIn efforts in behalf of the unfortunate spec-\\nulators in the manufactory scheme, Samuel\\nAdams found an early introduction to politics,\\nwhich finally became the chief interest and\\nprincipal employment of his life. The act of\\nParliament which prohibited the formation of\\nunincorporated joint-stock companies with more\\nthan six partners, compelled the two banking\\ncompanies, which were formed on account of\\nthe scarcity of money, to wind up their affairs,\\nand the partners were held individually liable\\nfor the notes Lssued in lieu of silver. The\\npartners of the banking company called the\\nmanufactory scheme were particularly im-\\nfortunate, and the few who had any thing to\\nlose, among whom was Adams s father, were\\nruined. This act of Parliament was denounced\\nby the friends of banks as a violation of the\\nchartered rights of Massachusetts. Thus Sam-\\nuel Adams entered upon politics as the oppo-\\nnent of parliamentary authority, and as a\\nchampion for the body of the citizens a\\nposition which his father seems, to a certain\\n(9)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0753.jp2"}, "752": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nextent at least, to have occupied before him.\\nThat his mind was strongly turned in this di-\\nrection, appears from the subject he chose for\\nhis thesis upon taking his degree of A. M.\\nHe proposed as a question, Whether it be\\nlawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the\\ncommonwealth cannot otherwise be preserved;\\non which he maintained the affirmative.\\nNot succeeding in business, Adams obtained\\nthe office of tax collector for the town of\\nBoston, which caused him to be brought in\\ncontact and acquainted with all the inhabitants,\\nand obtained for him from his political oppo-\\nnents, the cognomen of Samuel the puhlican.\\nOwing to some deficiency in his tax collections,\\nfor he was a man of no business tact, he\\nwas thrown for a time in the shade but troubles\\nimpending, he again came forward conspic-\\nuously.\\nHe remained steadily in the opposition dur-\\ning the administration of Governor Shirley,\\nand against Bernard he took a still more de-\\ncided stand, his influence increasing with his\\nage. He took an active part in all town meet-\\nings, where his energy and courage made him\\na leader. The instructions given to their newly-\\nchosen representative in May, 1764, by the town\\nof Boston, the first decided protests from\\n/any part of America against Grenville s scheme\\nf of parliamentary taxation, were drawn up by\\nhim. The following year he was one of the\\ni three representatives in the General Court\\nchosen from the town of Boston an office which\\nhe held the nine years following.\\nUpon his entry into the House he accepted\\nthe office of clei k, a position which, besides\\nmaking an addition to his limited income, ena-\\nbled him to exert an influence over the course\\nof proceedings. The Massachusetts House of 1\\nKepresentatives was the largest assembly in^\\nthe colonies, numbering at this time about one^^\\nhundred members. Besides taking an active\\npart in the debates, which had already begun\\n(10)\\nto attract attention, he also was the one who\\ndrew up the greater part of the papers put\\nforth by the House in its contentions with Ber-\\nnard and Hutchinson. He was well fitted. for\\nthis office by the mixture in his character of\\ncaution, with fire, courage, and decision, as well\\nas by his eloquence and fluent pen. An account\\nof Samuel Adams found in the Diary of John\\nAdams, dated December 23, 1765, says, Adams\\nis zealous, ardent, and keen in the cause is\\nalways for softness, delicacy, and prudence,\\nwhen they will do, but is stanch, and stiff,\\nand strict, and rigid, and inflexible in the\\ncause.\\nGovernor Hutchinson, who looked upon\\nAdams from an oj^posite point of view, gives\\nabout the .same account in his History of Mas-\\nsachusetts, and sets him down as the most\\nartful and insinuating politician he had ever\\nknown, and most successful in robbing men of^^\\ntheir character, and calumniating the servants)\\nof the crown.\\nIt was proposed to silence him by the gift of\\nsome office under the government but Adams,\\nthough poor, was incorruptible, and Hutchinson,\\nin a letter to England, .said that, owing to his\\nobstinacy and inflexible disposition, no gift nor\\noffice could conciliate him.\\nIn 1767 the passage of acts of Parliament,\\nfor the purpose of raising a parliamentary rev-\\nenue in America by taxes on trade, aroused the\\ncolonists, who considered that taxes on trade\\nfor a revenue were as much a violation of their\\nrights as any other tax. Adams took a lead-\\ning part in urging these views, and sujjported\\nthe petition to the king, which the General\\nCourt of Massachusetts adopted on this occa-\\nsion. The letter of instruction to the colonial\\nagent in England, and a circular letter ad-\\ndressed to the different colonial asi^emblies,\\nfor consultation and mutual cooperation for\\nthe defence of their rights, were all written\\nbv him.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0754.jp2"}, "753": {"fulltext": "SAMUEL ADAMS.\\nIn 1770, upon the occurrence of the Boston\\nmassacre, in March, Samuel Adams was ap-\\npointed chairman of a committee to wait upon\\nthe governor and council, with the vote of a\\ntown meeting, to the effect that nothing but\\nthe removal of the two regiments then quar-\\ntered in the town would restore order and pre-\\nvent carnage. Hutchinson at first disclaimed\\nall authority over the soldiers but after a con-\\nsultation with Colonel Dalrjmple, he replied,\\nthat the colonel was willing to remove one\\nregiment. The energy of Adams prevailed, how-\\never, and both regiments were sent to the for-\\ntified island in the harbor, where they had pre-\\nviously been quartered. The destruction of\\nthe tea which it was attempted to force upon\\nthe colonists, the passage of the Boston port\\nbill, and the bill modifying the Massachusetts\\ncharter, together with the appointment of\\nGeneral Gage as governor at the head of an\\narmy, brought things to a crisis.\\nAt the meeting of the General Court in June,\\nit was proposed to assemble a Continental Con-\\ngress at Philadelpljia, at which Adams was one\\nof the five delegates appointed by the represen-\\ntatives; and Gage having thereupon suddenly\\ndissolved the court, a separate government be-\\ngan immediately to be organized by the patriots.\\nTransferred thus to Philadelphia, and from the\\nMassachusetts General Court to a Continental\\nCongress, Adams now had a broader field in\\nwhich to act. His first act was conciliatory.\\nThere had been a good deal of feeling pro-\\nduced by the recent attempts to extend Epis-\\ncopacy in America. A motion made by one\\nof the Massachusetts delegates to open the\\nproceedings of Congress with prayer was op-\\nposed by one of the delegates from New York,\\non the ground that as there were so many dif-\\nferent beliefs among the members, they would\\nhardly be able to join in the same act of wor-\\nship. Thereupon Samuel Adams arose and\\nsaid, he was no bigot, and could hear a prayer\\nfrom a gentleman of piety and virtue who was^\\nat the same time a friend to his country, and\\nproposed that Mr. Duche, an Episcopal clergy-\\nman, might be desired to read prayers before\\nCongress, although he was himself a strict\\nCongregationalist. The motion passed, and\\nDuche, then the most popular preacher in Phil-\\nadelphia, appeared the next morning as chap-\\nlain, which office he held during several sessions,\\nthough when the British occupied Philadelphia\\nhe abandoned the cause of his country. This\\nmotion of Adams was well timed, as it not only\\npleased the Ejiiscopalians, a powerful body in\\nNew York, and predominant at the south, but\\nalso secured for the time Duche, whose example\\nwas not without effect.\\nAdams continued a member of Congress for\\neight years, taking an active and influential\\npart. No man, probably, did as much as he\\ntowards putting the revolution in motion and\\neffecting a separation from the mother country\\na distinction which General Gage confirmed by\\nexcluding him, together with Hancock, from the\\npardon offered the people in case of submission.\\nHe was not as prominent for his adminis-\\ntrative talents, however, the policy he adopted\\nbeing rather to suit the feelings, sentiments,\\nand occasionally the prejudices of the people,\\nthan to meet the real emergencies. In the\\nformation of the state Constitution of Massa-\\nchusetts, adopted in 1780, he took an active\\npart. In the Massachusetts Convention, called\\nin 1788, to consider the Federal Constitution,\\nAdams was an influential member, and was\\nfinally induced to give it his support, in con-\\nsequence of several proposed amendments,\\nsome of which were afterwards adopted, al-\\nthough many of its features did not meet with\\nhis approval. The following year, Adams was\\nelected lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts\\na position he held till 1794, when he was chosen\\ngovernor in place of Hancock. In national pol-\\nitics, Adams inclined decidedly towards the re-\\n(11)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0755.jp2"}, "754": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\npublican or Jeffersonian party, a circumstance eldest son, John who oradn^tP,! .f TT a\\nwhich influenced him not less than his increas-: College in 17^\\ning age and infirmities to decline serving longer\\nas governor in 1797, when he retired to i\u00c2\u00b0ri-\\nvate life.\\nPossessing neither property nor profession,\\nAdams was compelled, almost to the close of\\nhis life, to depend upon the small salaries and\\nemoluments of office, augmented by the in-\\ndustry and economy of his wife, whom he\\nmarried young, and who is said to have been\\nthe chief supporter of the femily while Adams\\ndevoted himself to politics. The death of his\\nonly son, in 1788, gave Adams a competency,\\nhowever, through the avails of his claims for\\nservices as surgeon in the army through the\\nrevolutionary war. This competency Adams\\nenjoyed until October 2, 1803, when he died,\\nbeing eighty-one years of age. Besides the\\nstate papers, of which Adams was almost wholly\\nthe author, and the many contributions of po-\\nlitical articles made to newspapers, he wrote\\na number of letters which appeared in print,\\nand also an oration on American Independence,\\nwhich was delivered in Philadelphia, in 1776\\nan excellent specimen of his style.\\nJOHN ADAMS.\\nMASSACHUSETTS.\\nThis distinguished patriot and statesman was\\nborn in that part of Braintree, Massachusetts,\\nwhich has since been set off under the name of\\nQuincy, October 19, 1735. He was a great-\\ngrandson of Henry Adams, who emigrated from\\nEngland in 1640, and settled in Braintree,\\nhavmg had a grant of forty acres there. The\\nfather of Adams was a deacon of the church\\nand selectman, though a farmer of limited\\nmeans and a shoemaker. He was enabled,\\nhowever, to give a classical education to his\\n(12)\\nThe first employment of Adams, on leavino-\\ncollege, was the care of a grammar .school\\nm Worcester, Massachusetts, which, however,\\nproved an affliction, and induced him to seek\\nrelief in the study of law. He had previously,\\nhowever, thought seriously of becoming a cler-\\ngyman, but was deterred from so doing by the\\ntheological controversies he had witnessed.\\nThe army also had attractions for him, and\\nhad he patronage to secure preferment noth-\\nuig would have deterred him from becomino- a\\nsoldier. About this time he wrote a remarka-\\nble letter to a young friend, containing some\\nsingular prophecies with regard to England\\nand her colonies in America, and from this\u00c2\u00b0time\\nhis interest in public affairs commenced. After\\nstudying at Worcester two years, where he had\\nplaced himself under the tuition of the only\\nlawyer in that town, he returned to Braintree,\\nand in 1758 commenced life in Suffolk county!\\nGradually his practice increased, and in 1764\\nhe married Abigail Smith, a daughter of the\\nmimster of Weymouth, whose connections oc-\\ncupied a superior social position to the family\\nof Mr. Adams. She was well fitted to make\\nhim hapjjy, however, and was a lady of great\\nability and good sense.\\nSoon after his marriage his attention was\\ncalled from the law, and directed to politics by\\nreason of the attempt at parliamentary tax-\\nation. He encouraged the calhng of a town\\nmeeting to instruct the representatives on the\\nsubject of the stamp act, and the resolutions\\nhe offered on that occasion were not only ap-\\nproved and adopted by his own town, but by\\nmore than forty others, word for word, and\\nattracted great attention throughout the prov-\\nince. The violence which followed somewhat\\nalarmed him, and the refusal of the judges to\\ngo on without stamps caused a vexatious\u00c2\u00b0inter-\\nruption in his own business. An unexpected", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0756.jp2"}, "755": {"fulltext": "JOHN ADAMS.\\nappointment on the part of the town of Bos-\\nton to act as counsel, together with Jeremiah\\nGridley, the king s attorney and head of the\\nbar, and James Otis, the celebrated orator,\\nsomewhat consoled him, though they were un-\\nsuccessful in their mission to obtain permission\\nfrom the governor and council to proceed with\\nbusiness notwithstanding the want of stamps.\\nThe stamp act was repealed soon after, and\\nbusiness proceeded as before.\\nAdams at this time first became known as\\na writer. Among other papers, a series of\\nfour articles, which appeared in the Boston\\nGazette, attracted a great deal of attention,\\nbeing republished in a London paper, and after-\\nwards printed in a volume with other papers\\nrelating to the disputes on taxation, under the\\ntitle of an Essay on the Canon and Feudal\\nLaw. They had reference to these subjects,\\nbut it has been suggested that they might more\\nproperly have been called an Essay on the\\nGovernment and Rights of New England.\\nLi 1770 he was chosen a representative\\nfrom Boston to the General Court, although he\\nhad previously accepted a retainer to defend\\nCaptain Preston and his soldiers for their share\\nin the Boston massacre, which defence he\\nconducted with success. Adams s acceptance\\nof the office of representative interrupted in\\na great measure his practice at law, which he\\ndepended on for support, and which had already\\ngrown to be greater than that of any other\\nlawyer in the province. Fi om this time for-\\nward Adams became tlie principal legal adviser\\nof the patriot party, and for the first time an\\nactive and conspicuous member of it. Return-\\ning afterwards to Braintree, he continued to be\\nconsulted, and to give advice regarding im-\\nportant matters, during the two or three follow-\\ning years. Soon after he was elected by the\\nGeneral Court to the Provincial Congress, but\\nwas negatived by Governor Hutchinson.\\nAdams was one of the five delegates from Mas-\\nsachusetts to the Continental Congress in 1774.\\nIn the discussions in the committee on the\\ndeclaration of colonial rights, he took an active\\npart in favor of resting those rights upon the\\nlaw of nature, as well as the laws of England\\nand subsequently he was appointed to put the\\nresolutions in shape, after the matter had been\\ndecided upon.\\nAfter the adjournment of the Provincial\\nCongress, to which he had been elected a\\nmember by the town of Braintree on his re-\\nturn from Philadelphia, Adams applied himself\\nto answering a series of able papers in a Bos-\\nton journal, written by a supporter of the\\nmother country s claims. These essays were\\ncontinued during the winter of 1774, but were\\nsuddenly interrupted by the battle of Lexing-\\nton. Under the title of A History of the\\nDispute with America, an abridgment of them\\nwas published in 1775, and afterwards they\\nwere issued in pamphlet form, and have been\\ntwice reprinted entire. They are valuable on\\naccount of the contemporaneous view they\\npresent of the primary cause of the contest\\nbetween England and the colonies, and of the\\npolicy adopted by Governors Bernard and\\nHutchinson, which helped so much to bring on\\nthat struggle. These letters are distinguished,\\nlike all his other productions, by a bold tone\\nof investigation, as well as by a concise, clear,\\nand pointed style, but, being written piecemeal\\nand at vai ious times, lack order and polish.\\nAdams was chosen a member of the Con-\\ntinental Congress of 1775, where, active and\\nuntiring, he found ample opportunity for the\\nemployment of his business talents. He was\\nhere placed upon a committee to fit out cruis-\\ners and see to naval affairs generally, and laid\\nthe foundation of an American navy, the rules\\nand regulations of which were drawn up by\\nhim, and form the basis of our present naval\\ncode. In 1776, Adams, being frequently con-\\nsulted by southern members, wrote several\\n(13)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0757.jp2"}, "756": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nletters concerning the best form of government\\nthe states could adopt, one of which was pub-\\nlished under the title of Thoughts on Gov-\\nernment, applicable to the Present State of the\\nAmerican Colonies. This was largely circula-\\nted in Virginia, and intended to controvert the\\naristocratic views quite common in that state.\\nAfter the resolution was carried that the\\nUnited States are and ought to be free and\\nindependent, Adams was chosen upon two of\\nthe committees appointed, a committee on a\\nDeclaration of Independence, and one on for-\\neign relations. Upon Adams the duty fell\\nof battling the Declaration of Independence\\nthrough Congress, which he succeeded in doing\\nafter three days debate.\\nOn the 12th of June, a board of war and\\nordnance being establi.shed by Congress, Adams\\nwas made president, a position he continued\\nto hold for several months, and one of great\\nlabor and responsibility. At this time he was\\nalso chairman of the committee upon which\\ndevolved the decisions of appeals in admiralty\\ncases from the state courts.\\nHaving gained the rejDutation of having\\nthe clearest head and firmest heart of any\\nman in Congress, John Adams was appointed\\ncommissioner to France in 1777, to supersede\\nDeane. On arriving, however, he found that\\nthe recall of Deane had not reconciled the\\nother two commissioners, and advised the mis-\\nsion should be intrusted to a single j^erson.\\nAdopting his suggestion, Franklin was ap-\\npointed ambassador, and Adams returned home,\\nto take a leading part in the Convention called\\nto form a state Constitution for Massachusetts.\\nBefore this Convention had finished the work,\\nAdams was again sent abroad as minister to\\ntreat with Great Britain for peace and com-\\nmerce, and sailed for France in 1779. Much\\nagainst his inclination, Mr. Adams was deterred\\nfrom making any communication of his powers\\nto Great Britain, by Vergennes, the French\\n(14)\\nminister of foreign affairs, between whom and\\nhimself a feeling of distrust had arisen, which\\nwas entirely unfounded.\\nFinding his position in Paris uncomfortable,\\nhe left for Holland in July, 1780, to form an\\nopinion as to the possibility of borrowing money\\nthere. In order that the Dutch might better\\nunderstand American affairs, he published a\\nnumber of papers, some of which were after-\\nwards many times reprinted, and appeared\\nunder the title of Twenty-six Letters upon In-\\nteresting Subjects respecting tne Revolution in\\nAmerica. He had already entered upon ne-\\ngotiations for a loan, when interrupted by the\\nbreach caused by the capture of Laurens, and\\nthe declaration of war between Great Britain\\nand Holland. He was soon afterwards appointed\\nminister in place of Laurens, and commissioned\\nto sign the articles of armed neutrality, but\\nbefore he had procured recognition, was obliged\\nto return to Paris in July, 1781, by receiving a\\nnotice to act there as minister to treat of peace.\\nReturning to Holland, Adams succeeded in\\nhis efforts to be received as ambassador, on\\nthe 19th of April, 1782, and during the year\\nnegotiated a Dutch loan of two millions of\\ndollars, the first of a series which afterwards\\nproved the principal resource of the Continen-\\ntal Congress, besides negotiating a treaty of\\namity and commerce. In the same year Adams\\nwas appointed, together with Franklin and Jay,\\nto negotiate a commercial treaty with Great\\nBritain. After remaining in England some\\ntime, and- negotiating other loans in Holland,\\nhe returned to Paris in 1784, remaining there\\nwith his family, receiving a commission to form\\ntreaties with foreign powers. In 1785 Adams\\nwas appointed minister for the United States\\nat the court of Great Britain. Here, being\\nvmable to accomplish any of the objects of his\\nmission, and sensible of the ill feeling still ex-\\nisting between the two countries, his position\\nwas rather disagreeable, and he was recalled,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0758.jp2"}, "757": {"fulltext": "ROBERT TREAT PAINE.\\nat his own solicitation, in February, 1788, when\\nhe returned to America with the thanks of\\nCongress for the patriotism, perseverance,\\nintegrity, and diligence he had shown during!\\nthe ten years of his residence abroad.\\nUpon the adoption of the new Federal Con-\\nstitution, after his arrival home, his name was\\nplaced upon the ticket with Washington, and\\nhe was elected Vice-President, being reelected\\nto the same office in 1792. In 1796 Adams\\nwas elected the successor of Washington, but\\nat the expiration of his term of service, re-\\ntired from public life, having sufficient prop-\\nerty to support him in comfort during the\\nremainder of his life. Adams felt keenly the\\nneglect he then experienced, and the dislike of\\nboth political partie.s, caused by some of his acts\\nduring the latter part of his administration.\\nThe old charge of his having personal motives\\nin setting on foot the mission to France in 1779,\\nbeing brought up, he took up the subject in a\\nseries of letters to the Boston Patriot. These\\nare a valualjle continuation of the history of\\nthat period, and are generally regarded as a com-\\nplete vindication of his conduct at that time.\\nIn 1820, when the District of Maine became\\na separate state, Adams, although eighty-six\\nyears old, was chosen a delegate to the Con-\\nvention of Massachusetts, to revise the Con-\\nstitution, in the framing of which instrument\\nhe had taken an active part. A series of reso-\\nlutions were passed by the members of this\\nbody, containing an enumeration and warm\\nacknowledgment of some of his principal public\\nservices, and calling upon him to preside but\\nacknowledging the compliment, he declined the\\nhonor on account of his as-e. In 1825 Adams\\nhad the pleasure of seeing his son raised to the\\npresident s chair, and received the congratu-\\nlations of Jefferson, between whom and himself\\nthere had been ill feeling for thirteen years\\nafter the withdrawal of the latter from public\\nlife. In 1826 Adams became feeble, and his\\nhealth rapidly declining, he expired on the 4th\\nof July, in the ninety-second year of his age.\\nUpon the same day, and nearly the same hour,\\nJefferson also died. It was the fiftieth anni-\\nversary of the Declaration of Independence,\\nand the singular coincidence made a deep im-\\npression on the minds of the people.\\nROBERT TREAT PAINE.\\nMASS.\\\\CHUSETTS.\\nRobert Treat Paine was born in Boston,\\nMassachusetts, March 11, 1731. His ancestors\\nwere of good family, his maternal grand-\\nfather being Governor Treat, of Connecticut.\\nHis early education was conducted by the same\\ntutor that instructed John Adams and John\\nHancock, and at the age of fourteen he was\\nadmitted to Harvard College, where he grad-\\nuated with honor. He then studied theology,\\nafter he had made a voyage to Europe, and on\\nhis return acted as chaplain, in 1755, to the\\ntroops on the northern frontier. But he re-\\nlinquished this profession, and studied law with\\nChief Justice Pratt, of New York, teaching\\nschool meanwhile to sujjport himself, and was\\nadmitted to the bar, and commenced practice.\\nHe subsequently moved to Boston, and be-\\ncame a powerful rival of the celebi-ated Tim-\\nothy Ruggles.\\nHe early took sides with the patriots, but so\\nconducted himself that he won the confidence\\nof the governor. In 1768 he was elected dele-\\ngate to the Provincial Congress, called after\\nGovernor Bernard had dissolved the General\\nAssembly, for refusing to rescind a circular\\nletter sent to the other colonies.\\nIn 1770 he added much to his reputation\\nby the able manner in which he conducted, in\\nthe absence of the attorney-general, the pros-\\necution against Captain Preston and his men\\na6)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0759.jp2"}, "758": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nfor firing on tlie inhabitants of Boston. In\\n1774 he was chosen a member of the Provin-\\ncial Assembly, and was one of the commission-\\ners appointed to conduct the proceedings in\\nthe impeachment of Chief Justice Oliver.\\nDuring this same year he advocated the\\ncalling of a Continental Congress, in opposition\\nto Governor Gage, and was appointed a dele-\\ngate to it. He was deputized by Congress, with\\ntwo others, to visit General Schuyler s army at\\nthe north for the purpose of observation. This\\ndelicate commission was performed to the sat-\\nisfoction of all. He was reelected to the Con-\\ntinental Congress in 1776, and gave his support\\nand vote to the Declaration of Independence,\\nlie occupied many important stations in the\\ngovernment of Massachusetts, being in 1777\\nspeaker of the Massachusetts House of Repre-\\nsentatives, and attorney-general, which latter\\noffice he held until 1790, when he was ap-\\npointed judge of the Supreme Court.\\nIn 1804 he was obliged, on account of deaf\\nness, to resign the office of judge, and retire\\nto private life. He died May 4, 1814, at\\nBoston, aged eighty-four.\\nELBRIDGE GERRY.\\nMASSACHUSETTS.\\nElbridge Gerry was born in Marblehead,\\nMassachusetts, July 17, 1744. He received a\\ngood education, and graduated at Harvard\\nCollege in 1762. Entering into commercial\\npursuits soon after, he was quite successful,\\namassing a handsome fortune, and winning\\nthe esteem of his fellow-citizens by his hon-\\norable character. Having expressed his opin-\\nions openly and fearlessly in regard to the\\noppressions of the mother country, he was\\nelected to the General Court of the province\\nJn^l772, from Marblehead. He immediately\\n(16)\\nbecame the associate of Samuel Adams, Han-\\ncock, and Warren, and continued in public life\\nfrom this time tili his death, almost without\\nintermission. He was placed on two most im-\\nportant committees, those of safety and sup-\\nplies, and afterwards appointed judge of the\\nCourt of Admiralty, but declined the office,\\nas he preferred a more active life.\\nIn January, 1776, he was chosen a delegate\\nto the Continental Congress, where he was\\nplaced on the most important committees, and\\nwas most of the time chairman of the com-\\nmittee of the treasury, until the organization\\nof the treasury board in 1780, of which he was\\nmade presiding officer. In 1780 he retired\\nfrom Congress, but was reelected in 1783, where\\nhe remained until 1785, and is said to have\\nbeen longer a member of that assembly than\\nany other man.\\nHe was appointed a member of the Convention\\nwhich met at Philadelphia, in 1787, to revise the\\nArticles of Confederation. He was so opposed\\nto many of the leading features of the Consti-\\ntution proposed, however, that he refused to sign\\nit; but when it was sanctioned by the people\\nhe did all in his power to carry out its provis-\\nions. He was a member of Congress four\\nsuccessive years, and served faithfully, and\\nin 1795 retired to private life. In 1797, how-\\never, President Adams, knowing his ability,\\nappointed him one of the three envoys to\\nFrance. This joint mission not being received,\\nhowever, by that government, and the accept-\\nance by Gerry of their invitation to remain,\\nalthough his associates were ordered to leave,\\nmade him very unpopular with many of the\\npeople of the United States. On his return he\\nwas nominated for governor in 1798, but was\\ndefeated, and again in 1801, but was elected in\\n1810, and again in 1811. In 1812 he was elected\\nVice-President of the United States, but was\\nsuddenly seized with illness while performing\\nhis duties at Washington, and died on the\\nNw^", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0760.jp2"}, "759": {"fulltext": "in- 1 II\\n^/2.^5^./.V//x.; V. _/.v/. /^.//^r, rA,/^ /JJO\\ny-7-y\\nl-a C( -rx_\\n^i2^z^\\n-tj^?\\nC2^^\\n^rrrzj.\\n7", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0761.jp2"}, "760": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0762.jp2"}, "761": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0763.jp2"}, "762": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0764.jp2"}, "763": {"fulltext": "75\\n\u00e2\u0084\u00a2i ^J^_\u00e2\u0080\u009e -...,_\\nr\\n41 LCCOUrTOli\\nFvV\\n^fTr^^j\\n\\\\jli*ritrt*\\no lis II\\njF;;;^^^;\\no\\n1- I nawi\\n^^^ArMpoif i a njc i i n i l p^g.\\n?.;ii^\\no3f 77D_4_-.\\n:x\\n1\\nI\\nf#yf", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0765.jp2"}, "764": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0766.jp2"}, "765": {"fulltext": "HOPKINS. ELLERY.\\ntwenty-third of November, 1814, when seventy\\nyears old. He was entombed in the Congres-\\nsional cemetery, and Congress erected a hand-\\nsome monument to his memory.\\nSTEPHEN HOPKINS.\\nRHODE ISL/VND.\\nStephen Hopkins was born in Scituate, Ehode\\nIsland,March 7, 1707. He took up his residence\\nin early life at Providence, and was elected a\\nmember of the General Assembly in 1733, and in\\n1739 chief justice of the Court of Common Pleas.\\nHe was chosen governor of the state in 1755,\\nwhich office he continued to hold until 1768,\\nwith the exception of four years. His sym-\\npathies were early with the colonies, siding with\\nthem against the mother country. In 1754 he\\nwas appointed one of the members of the board\\nof commissioners which assembled to form a\\nplan of union for the colonies at Albany, New\\nYork. In 1765, at a special town meeting, he\\nwas chosen chairman of a committee appointed\\nto draught instructions to the General Assembly\\non the stamp act.\\nIn August, 1774, Hopkins was elected, with\\nSamuel Ward, to represent the state in the\\nGeneral Congress held at Philadelphia, and was\\nalso chosen, in 1775 and 1776, a member of\\nthat body. He here used his influence in favor\\nof decisive measures, strongly upholding them,\\nand advising such members as were not pre-\\npared for action to return home.. At this time,\\nalthough entering upon his seventieth year, he\\npossessed all the fire of youth in his zeal for\\nthe freedom of his country. His signature to\\nthe Declaration of Independence is written in\\na trembling hand, which was owing, however,\\nto a nervous affection. He was placed upon\\nthe naval committee next after John Hancock,\\nthe chairman, and assisted greatl}^ in the for-\\nmation of a navy. John Adams, who was\\n3\\nassociated with him on this committee, says he\\nwas the life of them, and his experience and\\njudgment in business were very useful; while,\\nhaving read Greek, Roman, and British history,\\nand being familiar with British poetry, rendered\\nhim an exceedingly agreeable companion, par-\\nticularly as he possessed wit and humor, as\\nwell as the faculty of imparting his knowl-\\nedge to others. Governor Hopkins was for\\nmany years chancellor of Brown University,\\nand for fifty years filled some public station.\\nIn 1768 he began a History of the Planting\\nand Growth of Providence, which was pub-\\nlished in the Providence Gazette. In the\\nsame year, by order of the General Assembly\\nof Rhode Island, he wrote and published a\\nwork, entitled the Rights of the Colonies\\nExamined, afterwards reprinted in London. He\\ndied in Providence July 13, 1785, and a monu-\\nment was erected over his grave by the state.\\nWILLIAM ELLERY.\\nRHODE ISLAND.\\nWilliam Ellert was born in Newport, Rhode\\nIsland, December 22, 1727. Particular atten-\\ntion was paid to his early education, and he\\ndistinsjuished himself as a scholar in Greek\\nand Latin at Harvard University, where he\\ngraduated in 1747, at the age of twenty. For\\nsome years following his marriage, which oc-\\ncurred in 1750, he devoted himself to mercan-\\ntile pursuits in Newport, and was also naval\\nofficer of the colony of Rhode Island. In 1770\\nhe commenced the practice of law in Newport,\\nhaving previously served two years as clerk of\\none of the courts, and acquired a fortune in\\nthis pursuit.\\nWhen the revolutionary troubles began, El-\\nlery became an ardent sympathizer with the\\ncolonies, and an active patriot. In May, 1776,\\nhe took a seat in the Continental Congress as\\n(17)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0767.jp2"}, "766": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\ndelegate from Ehode Island, where he remained\\ntill 1786, with the exception of the years 1780\\nand 1782, proving himself an active and useful\\nmember. In 1782 he was appointed by Con-\\ngress to inform Major-General Greene of their\\nestimate of his valuable services. In 1784 he\\nwas a member of the committee to whom the\\ntreaty of peace with Great Britain was referred.\\nHe was also a member of the marine committee,\\nand subsequently of the board of admiralty,\\nwhere he exercised a great deal of influence\\nand the plan of fitting out fire-ships at Newport\\nis said to have originated with him. In 1785, in\\nconnection with Kufus King, of New York, he\\nmade strenuous efforts to have slavery aboUshed\\nin the United States. In April, 1786, he was\\nchosen commissioner of the Continental loan\\noffice for the State of Ehode Island by Con-\\ngress; and, in 1790, after the adoption of the\\nnew Constitution, was appointed by President\\nWashington collector for the port of Newport,\\nwhich office, notwithstanding he made frequent\\navowal of political principles opposed to sev-\\neral administrations, he retained until his death\\nwhich occurred on the 15th day of February,\\n1820, in the seventy-third year of his age.\\nEOGER SHERMAN.\\nCONNECTICUT.\\nThis distinguished signer was born in New-\\nton, Massachusetts, on the 19th of April, 1721.\\nHis father, being only a farmer in moderate cir-\\ncumstances, could give him no better education\\nthan a country school afforded; but being nat-\\nurally eager in the pursuit of knowledge, he\\nsupplied by his own exertions what his situation\\ncould not give. He was, when young, appren-\\nticed to a shoemaker, but found time, even\\nwhen at his work, by i^lacing a book before\\nhim on his bench, on which he could look\\n(18)\\nwhen his eyes were not needed for his work, to\\nacquire a good knowledge of mathematics and\\nastronomy.\\nHis father having died when he was only\\nnineteen, the care of the family devolved upon\\nhim. In 1743 he sold the farm upon which\\nthey had hitherto lived, and with the rest moved\\nto New Milford, Connecticut, performing the\\njourney himself on foot, with his tools \u00c2\u00b0upon\\nhis back. He relinquished his trade, and com-\\nmenced business with a brother but during\\nall these interruptions he never abandoned his\\nhabit of study.\\nLaw became a favorite pursuit with him;\\nand so proficient did he become in this, that,\\nalthough he had no tutor, and was forced to\\nborrow most of the books which he read, he\\nwas admitted to the bar in December, 1754.\\nHe had previously to this time been appointed\\ncounty surveyor, and had made most of the astro-\\nnomical calculations for a New York almanac.\\nHe was elected in 1755 a representative of\\nthe Assembly of Connecticut, and appointed a\\njustice of the peace. In 1759 he was made a\\njudge of the Court of Common Pleas. Having\\nchanged his residence to New Haven, he re-\\nceived many similar appointments, and also\\nthat of treasurer of Yale College, which in-\\nstitution conferred upon him the degree of\\nA. M.\\nIn 1766 he was constituted a member of the\\nSenate of Connecticut. His open and earnest\\nefforts in behalf of the rights of the colonies\\ncaused him to be elected a delegate to the\\nContinental Congress, and during his whole\\ncareer as a member of this body he showed\\nthe most untiring zeal and unflinching courage\\nin the discharge of his duties, and was one of\\nthe committee selected to draw up the Declara-\\ntion of Independence. In the midst of these\\ncares he still continued to hold many minor\\noffices, among which was that of mayor of\\nNew Haven.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0768.jp2"}, "767": {"fulltext": "SHERMAN. HUNTINGTON. WILLIAMS.\\nIn the year 1783, together with Richard\\nLaw, he was commissioned to revise the statutes\\nof his state. In 1787 he was a member of the\\nConvention which framed the present Con-\\nstitution of the United States, and was un-\\nwearied in his efforts for its adoption.\\nDuring two years he held the office of United\\nStates senator, but his declining health caused\\nhim to resign this position. His death occurred\\non the 23d of July, 1793.\\nSAMUEL HUNTINGTON.\\nCONNECTICUT.\\nSamuel Huntington was born in Windham,\\nConnecticut, on the 2d of July, 1732. His\\nfather was an industrious farmer, but unable to\\ngive his son any other than a common school\\neducation. Huntington was very studious.\\nhowever, and overcame many obstacles that\\nstood in the way of his advancement. He\\nmanaged to acquire a tolerable knowledge of\\nLatin, and commenced the study of the law at\\nthe age of twenty-two. Although obliged to\\npursue it with borrowed books and without a\\nteacher, he succeeded in mastering its dif-\\nficulties and obtaining a good practice in his\\nnative town, but removed to Norwich when\\ntwenty-eight, where he had a wider field for\\nhis talents.\\nHe was elected to the General Assembly of\\nConnecticut in 1764, and in the following year\\na member of the Council, and in 1774 associate\\njustice of the Superior Court. In January,\\n1776, he was chosen one of the delegates to\\nthe Continental Congress, where he became\\nan active and useful member, and remained\\nneai ly five consecutive years. In September,\\n1779, he succeeded John Jay as president of\\nCongress, and continued in that office until\\nJuly, 1780, resuming then his seat on the\\nConnecticut bench. He again took a seat in\\nCongress in 1783, leaving it, however, in No-\\nvember of the same j ear, and, returning to\\nConnecticut, was appointed chief justice of the\\nSuperior Court in 1784. In 1785 he was elect-\\ned lieutenant-governor, and the following year\\nsucceeded Roger Griswold as governor, which\\noffice he held till his death, in Norwich, on the\\n5th of January, 1796.\\nWILLIAM WILLIAMS.\\nCONNECTICUT.\\nThe subject of this sketch was born of Welsh\\nparents, who emigrated to this country, at\\nLebanon, Connecticut, April 8, 1731. His\\nfather was minister of the parish, and intended\\nhim for the same profession. He entered Har-\\nvard at the age of sixteen, and after complet-\\ning his studies there, commenced a theological\\ncourse with his father. But the French and In-\\ndian war proved more attractive, and in the year\\n1755 he accepted a commission on the staff\\nof his relative, Colonel Ephraim Williams, and\\naccompanied him on an expedition to Lake\\nGeorge. He returned home after this cam-\\npaign, thoroughly disgusted with the British\\nsoldiers, especially the officers, who regarded\\nthe colonists as inferior and treated them with\\nhaughtiness. The seeds of dislike towards his\\nmother country which sprung up and flourished\\nduring the revolution, were probably sown at\\nthis time.\\nHe did not continue his theological course,\\nbut entered into business in Lebanon. At the\\nage of twenty-five he was chosen town clerk\\nan office which he held for nearly half a cen-\\ntury. He was not long afterwards made a\\nmember of the Connecticut Assembly, in which\\nhe held a seat for nearly forty-five years.\\nWhen the revolutionary troubles commenced\\n(19)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0769.jp2"}, "768": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nhe was an active member of the council of\\nsafety, and in October, 1775, was elected a\\ndelegate to the General Congress. He was an\\nearnest though modest advocate of the inde-\\npendence of the colonies, and gladly gave his\\nsignature to the Declaration, when the immor-\\ntal instrument was at last adopted. His projD-\\nerty was nearly all expended in the war, and\\nhe was successful in procuring many private\\ndonations in aid of the ami} often going him-\\nself from door to door, soliciting articles with\\nwhich to relieve the destitution of the soldiers.\\nOnce, when the issue of paper money had be-\\ncome so worthless that the services of the\\nmilitary could not be procured by it, he ex-\\nchanged more than two thousand dollars of it\\nfor specie from his own funds, thereby losing\\nthe whole. His devotion to the cause of inde-\\npendence was illustrated by many similar acts\\nof self-sacrifice and unassumino; labor.\\nWhen, in 1781, the traitor Arnold made an\\nattack on New London, Williams, who was then\\na colonel of militia, rode twenty-three miles in\\nthree hours, but arrived only in time to see the\\ntown enveloped in flames.\\nHe was a member of the state Convention\\nof Connecticut which decided upon the adop-\\ntion of the present Constitution of the United\\nStates. He voted for it in direct opposition to\\nthe instructions of his constituents, who, upon\\ndiscovering their mistake, admired and were\\ngrateful for his firmness.\\nIn 1804 Colonel Williams dissolved his con-\\nnection with the Connecticut Assembly, and re-\\ntired to private life, where he greatly endeared\\nhimself, by his domestic virtues, to all around\\nhim. In 1810 the death of his eldest son so\\npowerfully affected his weakened constitution\\nthat he never recovered from the shock. For\\nfour days previous to his death he lay per-\\nfectly silent, and took his departure from this\\nworld August 2, 1811, at the advanced age\\nof eighty-one.\\n(20)\\nOLIVER WOLCOTT.\\nCONNECTICUT.\\nOliver Wolcott was born at Windsor, Con-\\nnecticut, on the 26th of November, 1726. His\\ncareer was eminently a military one. Having\\nreceived a captain s commission directly after\\nhis graduation at Yale, which took place in\\n1747, he raised a company and proceeded to\\njoin the army on the northern frontier, to fight\\nthe combined forces of the French and Indians.\\nHe remained here until the termination of\\nhostilities by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.\\nHis attention was then turned to medicine;\\nbut he abandoned it upon the completion of\\nhis studies, on account of the office of sheriff\\nhaving been conferred upon him.\\nIn 1774 he was made a member of the\\nCouncil of his state, and was annually reelected\\nuntil 1786. During this interval he also filled\\nthe positions of chief justice of the county,\\njudge of the Court of Common Pleas, and judge\\nof Probate, and had regularly risen from cap-\\ntain to major-general of militia.\\nIn 1776 his patriotism and ability secured\\nfor him a seat in the Continental Congress;\\nand during his connection with this body he\\nwas appointed one of the commissioners for pro-\\ncuring the neutrality of the Indians, and also\\nassisted in amicably settling the dispute be-\\ntween Connecticut and Pennsylvania about tlie\\nWyoming Valley. In this latter duty he was as-\\nsisted by William Whipple, another of the noble\\nsigners of the Declaration of Independence.\\nHe was sent as deletrate to the second Gen-\\neral Congress towards the close of 1776, during\\nwhich time he affixed his name to the Declara\\ntion and after this trying duty had been per-\\nformed, he was placed by Governor Trumbull\\nat the head of fourteen regiments of the state\\nmilitia, raised to act for the defence of New\\nYork.\\nAfter the battle at Long Island he resumed", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0770.jp2"}, "769": {"fulltext": "WOLCOTT.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 FLOYD.\\nhis seat in Congress but during the following\\nsummer he joined Gates s army, and assisted\\nin repelling Burgoyne. He again returned to\\nCongress, where he continued, with some inter-\\nruptions, until 1783.\\nDuring the summer of 1779 he successfully\\nundertook the defence of the sea coast of his\\nstate against the British. In 1784 and 1785\\nhe was actively employed as agent in negoti-\\nating with the famous Six Nations, and pre-\\nscribed terms of peace to them.\\nIn 1786 General Wolcott was chosen lieu-\\ntenant-governor of Connecticut, and after ten\\nsuccessive reelections, was made governor,\\nwhich position he retained until the day of\\nhis death, December 1, 1797. Among the most\\nprominent traits of his cliaracter were decis-\\nion, virtue, a bright piety, and untarnished\\nintegrity.\\nWILLIAM FLOYD.\\nNEW YORK.\\nWiLUAM Floyd was born in Suffolk county.\\nNew York, December 17, 1734. He had hardly\\nfinished his studies when he was called to the\\nsuperintendence of a large estate, by tlie deatli\\nof his fiither, who was a wealthy land owner\\non Long Island. He performed his duties with\\ngreat skill and fidelity, but was soon called to\\na more active life by the differences witli Great\\nBritain. An excellent character and pleasing\\nmanners soon made him very popular, which,\\nunited with his strong sympathy with, and\\nsupport of the cause of the colonies, led to his\\nappointment to the command of the militia of\\nSuffolk county.\\nFloyd was chosen a delegate from New York\\nto the Continental Congress in 1774, and be-\\ncame one of the most active of its members.\\nDuring his absence the British collected a force\\nwith the intention of invading Long Island\\nand levying contributions, but he returned in\\nseason to place himself at the head of a division,\\nand marching towards the threatening invaders,\\nawed them into a retreat to their vessels by\\nhis energy and daring. In 1775 he was again\\nreturned to tlie General Colonial Congress, and\\ncontinued a member during the eight suc-\\nceeding years.\\nWhile attending so zealously to his public\\nduties in Congress he suffered greatly in con-\\nsequence of the destruction of his property.\\nAfter the battle of Long Island, in August, 1776,\\nand the retreat of tlie American army to Yorl\\nIsland, his estate was exposed to the ravages\\nof the British soldiery, and his family forced to\\nseek shelter and protection in Connecticut, and\\nfor seven years he received no income whatever\\nfrom his property. In 1777 he was elected a\\nsenator of the State of New York, reserving at\\nthe same time his seat in Congress. In 1779\\nFloyd, in connection with two or three others,\\nled the state safely through threatened bank-\\nruptcy, and by their skilful management placed\\nit in a very prosperous financial, condition. He\\nwas elected a member of the first Confess\\nunder the Constitution, which met in New York\\nin 1789, declining a reelection.\\nIn 18(Jl he was chosen a presidential elector,\\nand a delegate in the Convention for the re-\\nvision of the Constitution. He was ailerwards\\nchosen a member of the state senate, and\\ntwice presidential elector. He retained his\\nmental foculties, and enjoyed robust health\\nuntil he died, August 4, 1821. His life was a\\nlong and active one. Being a thorough business\\nman, and possessing a great deal of decision,\\nhis services proved of the greatest benefit to\\nthe country during the stormy times of the\\nEevolution and the turbulent period which\\nfollowed.\\n(21)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0771.jp2"}, "770": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nPHILIP LIVINGSTON.\\nNEW YORK.\\nPhilip Livingston, a descendant of John Liv-\\ningston, an exemplary Scotch minister, was\\nborn in Albany on the 15th of January, 1716.\\nHaving completed a preparatory course of\\nstudy, he entered Yale College, New Haven,\\nwhere he graduated with high honors in 1737.\\nHe immediately engaged in commercial pur-\\nsuits, removing to New York, where he com-\\nmenced an extensive and profitable business,\\ngaining the respect and esteem of all by his\\nhonesty and viprightness.\\nLivingston first entered public life in 1754,\\nwhen he was chosen alderman, serving in that\\ncapacity until 1758. He was then elected to\\nthe Colonial House of Assembly, where he be-\\ncame a leader, and through his wisdom and\\nsagacity plans were started which ended in\\nthe capture of important fortresses from the\\nFrench, and subsequently the subjugation of\\nCanada. The celebrated Edmund Burke was\\nthe resident agent in England for New York\\nat the commencement of the war. He made\\nsome very able speeches in Parliament while\\nthere, defending the colonies, and it is believed\\nthat he obtained his enlightened views through\\na constant correspondence with Philip Living-\\nston, who was placed upon a committee for\\nthat purpose. He was an influential member,\\ntaking a firm stand against the oppressions of\\nGreat Britain, and remained here until the\\nascendency of Toryism in 1769.\\nIn 1774 Livingston was elected to the first\\nContinental Congress, and was placed upon the\\ncommittee by whom the address to the people\\nof Great Britain was prepared. The following\\nyear he was one of the delegates chosen by the\\nProvincial Convention to Congress, with power\\nto act as circumstances required. He zeal-\\nously upheld the proposition for independence,\\nand voted for and signed the Declaration of\\n(22)\\nIndependence, which act was approved by the\\nProvincial Assembly of New York. He was\\nsubsequently chosen to the Provincial Con-\\ngress and State Assembly, and was elected\\na member of the first state senate of New\\nYork, which met on the 10th of September,\\n1777. He was reelected to the Continental\\nCongress in 1778, and took his seat, although\\nin an extremely delicate state of health, but\\ndied on the 12th of the following June, (1778,)\\none of the most devoted and purest patriots.\\nFRANCIS LEWIS.\\nNEW YORK.\\nFrancis Lewis was born in Wales, in the\\ntown of Llandaff, Glamorganshire, in March,\\n1713. He was left an orphan when only about\\nfive years old, under the care of a maiden aunt,\\nand after receiving a preliminary education in\\nScotland, his uncle. Dean of St. Paul s in Lon-\\ndon, sent him to Westminster, where he was\\nwell educated. After leaving school he served\\nan apprenticeship with a London merchant.\\nBecoming the possessor of some money on\\ncoming of age, he invested in merchandise\\nand sailed for New York, where he engaged in\\ncommercial pursuits, which he followed for forty\\nyears, until the breaking out of hostilities with\\nGreat Britain in 1775. In the interval he\\nseveral times visited Europe as his business\\nincreased, and was agent for supplying the\\nBritish troops in America during the French\\nand Indian war. He was the aid of Colonel\\nMercer, at Fort Oswego, when it was captured\\nby Montcalm, in August, 1757, being taken to\\nCanada with other prisoners and narrowly escap-\\ning death by the Indians. He was afterwards\\nsent to France, where he was finally exchanged.\\nLewis was elected delegate to the Colonial\\nCongress in 1765. He retired to his country", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0772.jp2"}, "771": {"fulltext": "MORRIS.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 STOCKTON.\\nresidence on Long Island on the enforcement\\nof the Stamp Act. In 1775 he was chosen a\\nmember of the General Congress. The follow-\\ning year he was also elected a delegate by the\\nProvincial Assembly, becoming one of the sign-\\ners of the Declaration in August. He continued\\na member of Congress until April, 1779, except\\nduring a short interval, being always an active\\ncommittee man in that body. His residence\\non Long Island was plundered by the British\\nduring the war, and not only did they destroy\\nhis property to such an extent that he died a\\npoor man, but they imprisoned his wife for\\nseveral months, during which she received such\\nhard treatment that she died two j^ears after-\\nwards in consequence. Francis Lewis lived to\\nbe ninety years of age, and died on the 30th\\nof December, 1803, iniiversally esteemed and\\nrespected by his countrymen.\\nLEWIS MORRIS.\\nNEW YORK.\\nThis bold and zealous advocate of the Dec-\\nlaration of American rifchts was born at Mor-\\nrisiana, in New York, in 1726. He entered\\nYale College at the age of sixteen, where he\\ngraduated with honor, and then settled upon\\nthe estate which his father had left him.\\nWhen the troubles between England and\\nAmerica broke out, he took an active part\\nagainst the act of Parliament compelling the\\ninhabitants of New York to furnish supplies to\\nthe troops. His own circumstances were such\\nas to render this no heavy burden, but his sym-\\npathy was awakened for those around him, and\\nhe risked his ease and fortune for their sake.\\nNotwithstanding his earnest endeavors, the\\ncolony of New York did not at first see fit to\\nsend him as delegate to the General Congress\\nbut he was soon better appreciated, and in April,\\n1775, was elected a member of the second\\nContinental Congress, which appointed him a\\nmember of the committee to devise means for\\nthe supply of the colonies with munitions of\\nwar. To him was also assigned the arduous task\\nof detaching the Western Indians from their\\nalliance with Great Britain.\\nIn 1776 he resumed his seat in Congress, and\\nwhen the question arose whether the inde-\\npendence of America should be declared or not,\\nhe openly advocated it, although by so doing\\nhe sacrificed all his property, as the enemy\\ndestroj-ed all his valuable estate, and drove his\\nfamily into exile. His patriotic spirit commu-\\nnicated itself to three of his sons, who entered\\nthe colonial army, where they served with dis-\\ntinction to themselves.\\nMr. Morris received the appointment of\\nmajor-general, but his services in that capacity\\nwere not brought much into requisition. He\\nrelinquished his seat in Congress in 1777, and\\nretired to the remains of his once fine estate,\\nwhere he spent the remainder of his days. He\\ndied in January, 1798, and his funeral was\\nattended by a large concourse of citizens, who\\nsincerely mourned his loss.\\nRICHARD STOCKTON.\\nNEW JERSEY.\\nRichard Stockton was born near Princeton,\\nNew Jersey, October 1, 1730. His studies pre-\\nparatory to a collegiate course were pursued at\\nan academy in Maryland, after having finished\\nwhich he entered New Jersey College, from\\nwhich he c;raduated in 1748. He then com-\\nmenced the study of law, and was admitted to\\nthe bar, where he soon became distinguished\\nfor his great abilities.\\nIn June, 1766, Mr. Stockton went to Eng-\\nland, making the tour of the British Isles\\nduring his sojourn of about two years. He\\nwas every where received with the most flat-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0773.jp2"}, "772": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\ntering marks of distinction, and was compli-\\nmented at Edinburgh with a public dinner and\\nthe freedom of the city, and his opinions on\\nthe leading topics of the day were eagerly\\nsought for by many eminent persons of the\\nrealm. On his return home in 1768, he was\\nescorted to his residence by the people, so\\ngreatly was he esteemed.\\nDuring this year he was appointed by the\\nking one of the judges of the Supreme Court,\\nand a member of the royal executive covmcil of\\nthe colony. Being thus openly honored by the\\nking, and being possessed of an ample fortune,\\nthe temptations to remain on the side of roy-\\nalty during the stormy times which took place\\nin the colonies were many and strong, but he\\nnobly overcame them and boldly avowed him-\\nself on the side of the patriots.\\nIn June, 1776, he was constituted a member\\nof the General Congress, then in session at\\nPhiladelphia, and took his seat in time to take\\npart in the debate concerning the Declaration\\nof Independence. At first he was somewhat\\ndoubtful of the exjjediency of such a measure,\\nbut the conclusive arguments of John Adams\\nhaving settled the question, he cheerfully voted\\nfor and signed it.\\nIn the fall of that year he received an equal\\nnumber of votes with Mr. Livingston for gov-\\nernor of the state, but the office was finally\\nconferred upon the latter. He declined the\\nhonor of chief justice of New Jersey, but ac-\\ncepted a reelection to Congress, which sent\\nhim, with Mr. Clymer, on a mission to General\\nSchuyler, to investigate the reasons for the\\nmiserable condition of the northern army, and\\nto devise means for its amelioration. He was I\\nobliged to hasten home to prevent his family]\\nfrom being captured by the British army, then\\npursuing Washington and his forces across New\\nJersey. He removed them to the house of a\\nfriend, some thirty miles distant, but the retreat\\nwas discovered, and he was dragged from his\\n(24)\\nbed at night by a party of refugee loyalists,\\nand taken to New York. On his way there\\nhe was treated with great indignity, and was\\nthrown into the common prison, where he\\nendured great hardships, which terminated his\\nlife February 28, 1781.\\nJOHN WITHEKSPOON.\\nNEW JERSEY.\\nJohn Witherspoon was born in the parish of\\nTester, Scotland, on the 5th of February, 1722.\\nHe was a descendant, on his mother s side, of\\nJohn Knox, and was educated at the University\\nof Edinburgh. His father determined to have\\nhis early education based upon sound moral\\nand religious principles, and early dedicated\\nhim to the ministry, and his own mind seemed\\nspecially bent towards sacred literature. He\\nwent through a regular course of theological\\nstudy, and was licensed a preacher when he\\nwas twenty-one, and was ordained minister of\\nthe parish of Beith, where he labored faithfully\\nfor many years.\\nMr. Witherspoon was present as a spectator\\nat the battle of Falkirk, January 17, 1746, and\\nwas taken prisoner and confined two weeks,\\nduring which time his health received a per-\\nmanent injury. In 1753 he published, anony-\\nmously, Ecclesiastical Characteristics, and a\\nfew years later an Apology, in which he\\nacknowledged himself the author of the pre-\\nvious work.\\nIn 1757 he removed from Beith to Paisley,\\nwhere he soon became distinguished for his\\npiety and learning. He was invited to remove\\nto several distinguished cities of Europe, but\\ndeclined. In 1766 he was unanimously invited\\nby the trustees of New Jersey College to be-\\ncome its president, but on account of his wife s\\nunwillingness to leave her native land con-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0774.jp2"}, "773": {"fulltext": "WITHERSPOON. HOPKINSON.\\neluded to refuse. But being strongly urged\\nby Richard Stockton, when on his visit to Scot-\\nland, to accept the appointment, he sailed with\\nhis family, and arrived at Princeton in August,\\n1768 and on the 17th was inaugurated as the\\nhead of the institution. His character and\\nexertions soon raised its reputation, and in-\\ncreased the state of its finances. He accepted\\na professorship of divinity, and was pastor of\\nthe church at Princeton during his presidency.\\nThe Revolution dispersing the students, left him\\nat leisure to attend to the great events of the\\nday, and his talents were soon called into play\\nin a new field.\\nEarly in 1776 he was a member of the Con-\\nvention called together to assist in the formation\\nof a new Constitution for New Jersey, and his\\npatriotism and good sense were so conspicuous\\nthat he was elected a delegate to the Conti-\\nnental Congress. His mind had already been\\nmade up on the subject of independence, and\\nhe heartily gave his support to it. He re-\\nmained connected with this body the greater\\npart of six years, served on many important\\ncommittees, and was intrusted with several\\ndelicate commissions.\\nUpon the restoration of peace in 1783, the\\ncollege was reopened, and Dr. Witherspoon re-\\nturned to his duties there, and made a journey\\nto Endand in order to obtain funds for the\\ninstitution, which had suffered greatly during\\nthe war. This voyage was undertaken against\\nhis better judgment, as he wisely concluded\\nthat but little money could be obtained from a\\npeople so recently engaged in a deadly war\\nwith his countrymen, and whose feelings were\\nnot then right towards them. Trial proved that\\nhe was correct, as he obtained barely enough\\nto pay expenses.\\nDuring the latter part of his life he suflFered\\nfrom imprudent speculations in land. About\\ntwo years before his death he lost his eyesight,\\nbut he did not relinquish his ministerial duties.\\n4\\nHe closed his long and useful career on the\\n10th of November, 1794. As a theological\\nwriter he had but few superiors, and as a states-\\nman he held a high rank. His learning was\\nextensive, and his knowledge of character sin-\\ngularly good.\\nFRANCIS HOPKINSON.\\nNEW JERSEY.\\nFrancis Hopkinson was born in Philadelphia,\\nin 1737, and died May 9, 1791. His father,\\nThomas Hopkinson, was an English gentleman,\\nwho died when his son was fourteen years of\\nage. He was the first student who entered\\nthe College of Philadelphia, (now the Universi-\\nty of Pennsylvania.) where he graduated, and\\nafterwards adopted the profession of the law.\\nIn 1761, in a conference held on the Lehigh,\\nbetween the government of Pennsylvania and\\nseveral Indian tribes, he was chosen secretary\\nan event he afterwards celebrated in one of\\nhis poems. In 1766 he went to England, where\\nhe remained two years, and afterwards return-\\ning to America, settled in Bordentown, New\\nJersey, where he married Miss Ann Borden.\\nHe was chosen one of the representatives to\\nCongress from New Jersey in 1776.\\nHopkinson distinguished himself by his po-\\nlitical and satirical writings during the Rev-\\nolution, which were very popular, and he is\\nsaid to have done much towards educating the\\nAmerican people for political independence.\\nIn 1779 he was made judge of the Admiralty of\\nPennsylvania, an office he continued to hold\\nuntil its expiration on the organization of the\\nfederal government, a period of ten years.\\nWhen, however. General Washington took the\\nPresident s chair, Hopkinson received from him\\na very complimentary letter, in which was en-\\nclosed a commission as United States district\\njudge for Pennsylvania.\\n(26)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0775.jp2"}, "774": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nHe was a man possessing many accomplisli-\\nments, being familiar with tlie sciences as\\nwell as skilful in painting and music, having\\ncomposed some airs for his own songs, which\\nwere very popular. The most important of his\\npolitical writings were The Pretty Story, pub-\\nlished in Philadelphia, in 1774, The Proph-\\necy, published in 1776, and The Political\\nCatechism, in 1777. His poems which are the\\nmost well known are The New Roof, a Song\\nfor Federal Mechanics, and a humorous ballad,\\nentitled The Battle of the Kegs. His essays\\nand occasional writings were jDublished after\\nhis death, in Philadelphia, in 1792.\\nJOHN HART.\\nNEW JERSEY.\\nThe precise date of the birth of John Hart\\nis unknown. He was born in Hopewell, New\\nJersey, where he passed the earlier part of his\\nlife on his paternal estate, following the avoca-\\ntion of his father, who was a fixrmer, and by\\nindustry and enterprise he acquired a mod-\\nerate fortune. His sympathies were imme-\\ndiately enlisted in the cause of his oj^pressed\\ncountrymen when the Stamp Act arrested his\\nattention, and although living in a secluded\\ndistrict, he was perfectly acquainted with af-\\nfairs both at home and abroad, and took part\\nin the election of delegates to the Colonial\\nCongress, convened in the city of New York\\nin 1765. He was often elected to the Colonial\\nAssembly, and took an active part, particularly\\nin the legislation for local improvements.\\nIn 1774 Hart was chosen a deleajate to the\\nContinental Congress, and reelected in 1775,\\nbut resigned his seat to attend to family affairs,\\nbeing chosen, however, to the Provincial Con-\\ngress of New Jersey, and becoming vice-presi-\\ndent of that body. In February, 1776, his\\ntalents being considered too valuable to remain\\ninactive, he was again reelected to the General\\nCongress, when he voted for, and signed the\\nDeclaration of Independence. At the invasion\\nof New Jersey by the British army his estate\\nwas among the first to be devastated, and par-\\nticular exertions were made to take him pris-\\noner, so that he dared not remain two nights\\nunder the same roof. He was enabled to re-\\nturn to his estate, however, by Washington s\\ncapture of the Hessians, and remained there\\nuntil his death in 1780, at an advanced age.\\nABRAHAM CLARK.\\nNEW JERSEY.\\nAbraham Clark was born in Elizabethtown,\\nNew Jersey, February 15, 1726. He received\\nan excellent education, particularly in mathe-\\nmatics and civil law, and took up the occupa-\\ntions of surveying and conveyancing, being\\nunable to attend to his paternal form in conse-\\nquence of possessing a feeble constitution. He\\nsoon acquired a knowledge of the law and\\nthough he never followed the profession, he was\\noften called the poor man s counsellor, on\\naccount of his readiness and ability to impart\\nadvice gratuitously.\\nHe held several important local offices under\\nthe colonial government, but took an active\\npart in upholding the rights of the colonists,\\nand in resisting the aggressions of the mother\\ncountry, becoming a constant and useful person\\nat the meetings of the people. He was a mem-\\nber of the Committee of Public Safety in Eliza-\\nbethtown, and on June 21, 1776, was one of\\nthe five delegates appointed to the Continental\\nCongress from New Jersey by the Provincial\\nCongress, and there became one of the signers\\nof the Declaration of Independence. He was\\nreelected in the fall of the same year, and con-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0776.jp2"}, "775": {"fulltext": "CLARK. MORRIS.\\ntinued a membei- of this Congress until No-\\nvember, 1783, except during the session of,\\n1779.\\nIn 1788 Clark again took his seat in the\\nNational Legislature. He was one of the com-\\nmissioners in the Convention which met at\\nAnnapolis, September 11, 1786, in order that\\nthey might report a uniform system of commer-\\ncial intercourse and regulations to be ratified\\nby all the states, and in the following year,\\nMay 8, he was appointed one of the commis-\\nsioners to represent New Jersey in the Con-\\nvention which framed the Constitution. He\\nwas prevented, however, from attending the\\nsessions of that famous assembly by ill health,\\nbut was elected a member of the Second Con-\\ngress in 1790, retaining his seat until a short\\ntime before his death, which occurred in the\\naiitumn of 1794, from the eflFects of a sunstroke.\\nHis remains rest in the cemetery at Rahway,\\nNew Jersey, where a handsome marble monu-\\nment was erected to his memory, July 4,\\n1848, by his fellow-citizens.\\nROBERT MORRIS.\\nPENNSYLVANIA.\\nThis distinguished financier was born in Lan-\\ncashire, England, in January, 1733. His ftither\\nwas a merchant, engaged in American trade,\\nand came to this country to settle, whither he\\nwas followed by his son when he was thirteen.\\nNot long after his arrival he was placed in the\\ncounting room of Mr. Charles Willett, and his\\nfidelity and ability caused him, upon the death\\nof the senior partner, to be admitted to the firm.\\nAt the commencement of the Revolution this\\nwas one of the largest commercial houses in\\nthe country, yet, notwithstanding the great\\nsacrifice which such a course of conduct must\\nproduce, they cheerfully concurred in the meas-\\nures taken against importation and the Stamp\\nAct.\\nMr. Morris was elected to a seat in the second\\nContinental Congress, and became a member\\nof all the committees on maritime and finan-\\ncial affairs, being a special commissioner to ne-\\ngotiate bills of exchange, and otherwise procure\\nmoney for the government.\\nOn the 1st of July, 1776, he voted against,\\nand on the 4th, refused to vote at all, for the\\nDeclaration, considering the action as prema-\\nture, but having been reelected to Congress he\\nformally aflSxed his name to the document the\\nAugust following. His labors now became ar-\\nduous, and so confident was he of the final\\nsuccess of the cause, that he did not hesitate\\nto borrow large sums of money on his own credit,\\nwith which he materially assisted the half-\\nclothed and half-starved band of Washington,\\nwhen he crossed the Delaware and won the\\nvictory of Trenton.\\nIn 1780 Mr. Morris, assisted by several other\\nprominent citizens, established a bank for the\\npurpose of issuing bills that would receive the\\nconfidence of the public, as the government\\nissues were almost worthless, and the funds in\\nthe treasury very low.\\nOn the 20th of February, 1781, he was unan-\\nimously appointed superintendent of the public\\nfinances, and subsequently the entire control\\nof the government moneys was placed in his\\nhands. One of his first and most beneficial\\nmeasures was the establishment of the Bank\\nof North America, which was incorporated y\\nCongress December 31, 1781, and went into\\noperation early the next year, with a capital of\\n|400,000. The notes of this institution were\\ndeclared receivable for the payment of duties\\nand taxes in the United States.\\nBeing posse.ssed of an ample fortune and\\nunbounded credit, he rendered the government\\nj eminent service by repeatedly raising, on his\\nj own private responsibility, large sums for its\\n(27)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0777.jp2"}, "776": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nmaintenance, so that he had finally issued his\\nown notes to the amount of $1,400,000, which\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0were subsequently all paid. Indeed, so indis-\\npensable was he to the carrying on of the war,\\nthat, but for him, the surrender of Cornwallis\\nwould never have taken place, but in its stead\\nwould have been the laying down of arms by\\nthe Americans. throua;h the lack of means actu-\\nally necessary for prosecuting the campaign.\\nAs no other inducement than a desire to as-\\nsist his country, in her earnest endeavors to\\nfree herself from British tyranny, could have\\ninfluenced him to accept the office of superin-\\ntendent of finance, now that there was no fur-\\nther use, after the conclusion of peace, for his\\nservices, he tendered his resignation, which\\nCongress refused to accept, l)ut he finally with-\\ndrew in November, 1784. Added to his onerous\\nduties while holding this office, were those con-\\nnected with the agency of marine aflfiiirs, which\\nCongress had decided should devolve upon the\\nsuperintendent of finance.\\nIn 1786 he allowed himself to take a seat in\\nthe Pennsylvania Legislature, in order to obtain\\na renewal of the charter of the North Ameri-\\ncan Bank. In the selection of his cabinet,\\nWashington was particularly desirous of obtain-\\ning Robert Morris s services as Secretary of the\\nTreasury, but he declined the honor, and pro-\\nposed Alexander Hamilton in his place.\\nIn 1787 he was made a member of the Con-\\nvention which framed the Constitution of the\\nUnited States. In 1788 the General Assembly\\nof Pennsylvania appointed him a United States\\nsenator, which position he filled with honor to\\nhimself and benefit to the country. He retired\\nto private life at the expiration of his term.\\nHis fortune had been greatly diminished by his\\nmeeting, from his own private purse, many gov-\\nernment obligations, and having embarked most\\nof the residue in an unfortunate speculation in\\nwild lands, purchased with the expectation that\\na tide of emigration would set in, he became\\n(28)\\nmuch embarrassed, which seriously affected his\\nmind. He was one among the first to engage\\nin the East India and China trade, and was also\\nthe first to attempt to effect what is termed an\\nout-of-season passage. His death occurred on\\nthe 8th of May, 1806.\\nBENJAMIN RUSH.\\nPENNSYLVANIA.\\nDoctor Benjamin Rush was born on the 24th\\nof December, 1745. His father dying when\\nhe was only six, the care of his education de-\\nvolved upon his mother, who was anxious to\\ngive him a liberal education, but as her means\\nwere too limited, she sold her land and moved\\nI to Philadelphia, and commenced some commer-\\nj cial business. Her vv ishes were gratified, as\\nj after having received a thorough preparation\\nhe entered Princeton College, where he gradu-\\nated at the age of sixteen.\\nThe study of the law was his own choice,\\nbut by the advice of his former preceptor he\\ncommenced that of medicine. In 1766 he went\\nto Edinburgh, where he spent two years attend-\\nI ing lectures. The next winter he spent in\\nLondon, and in the spring went to Paris. He\\nreturned to this country greatly improved, and\\nso rapidly did he gain in reputation that before\\nhe had been in practice a year he was called\\nin consultation by some of the most distin-\\nguished physicians. His kind and unwearied\\nattention to the poor made him very popular\\nwith that class, and his polished manners made\\nhim a favorite with the rich. His reputation\\nas a teacher became so great that students\\nflocked to him from all parts of the United\\nStates.\\nDoctor Rush espoused the colonial cause\\nimmediately after his return to America, and\\nproved a powerful aid. He was solicited to", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0778.jp2"}, "777": {"fulltext": "RUSH. FRANKLIN.\\ntake a seat in the Continental Congress of\\n1775, but declined but when, in 1776, some\\nof the Pennsylvania delegates refused to\\nvote for independence and withdrew, he was\\nelected to fill one of them, and feeling that\\nduty now pointed that way he accepted the\\noffice.\\nIn 1777 Congress appointed him physician\\ngeneral to the military hospitals, in which he\\nwas of great service. In 1787 he was a member\\nof the Convention of Pennsylvania for the\\nadoption of the Federal Constitution. He was\\nappointed president of the mint in 1788, which\\noffice he held for fourteen years.\\nHe took a deep interest in the many private\\nassociations for the advancement of civilization\\nand humanity, and was an honorary member\\nof many of the celebrated literary institutions\\nof Europe. He also received many valuable\\npresents from the diiferent sovereigns of Europe\\nfor important discoveries in medical science.\\nHe filled the chair of professor of chemistry\\nin the Philadelphia College in 1769, and also\\nthat of theory and practice of medicine in\\n1789.\\nDoctor Eush s characteristics shone brightest\\ndvn ing the time when the yellow fever raged\\nso violently in 1793. The usual method of\\ntreatment utterly failed of success, but a new\\none introduced by him produced such wonder-\\nful results that he was soon overwhelmed with\\npractice. Even while at his meals his house\\nwas filled with persons, chiefly the poor, de.\\nsiring his attendance, and even while riding, his\\nhorse was frequently stopped, and his hours of\\nrest were sadly encroached upon. Worn out by\\nsuch constant activity of body and mind, he\\nfell an easy victim to the disease, which nearly\\ncost him his life. The death of this patriot\\nand sincere Christian occurred on the 19th\\nof April, 1813. During his illness crowds\\nflocked to his house, so greatly was he beloved\\nby all.\\nBENJAMIN FEANKLIN.\\nPENNSYLVANIA.\\nThis remarkable personage was born in Bos-\\nton, January 17, 1706. His father emigrated\\nto this country in 1682, and shortly after his\\narrival married a Miss Folger, and set up in\\nbusiness as a tallow chandler, which occupation\\nhe followed during the rest of his life.\\nBenjamin s education was connnenced witli\\na view to his being a minister, but his parents\\nscanty means not being sufficient* he was kept\\nat a common school a few years, and then went\\nto work with his father. But this not being to\\nhis taste, he was apprenticed, on probation, to\\na cutler, but the fee charged was more than his\\nfather could afford, and he was removed from\\nthis also. He then entered the office of one\\nof his brothers, who was a printer, where he\\nattained a considerable degree of proficiency,,\\napplying himself in his leisure moments to\\nearnest study, instead of the amusements usual\\nto those of his age.\\nAt length a difficulty having arisen between\\nhimself and his brother, he left his employ and\\nwent to New York, where he hoped to find\\nwork, but failing in this he proceeded to Phila-\\ndelphia. He attracted considerable attention\\non his first appearance in this city, friendless,\\nand with only a dollar in his pocket. Having\\nbouo ht three loaves of bread, one of which he\\nate and the others he placed under his arm,\\nhe wandered about until he came to a Quaker\\nmeeting-house, which he entered, and slept\\nsoundly until he was aroused by the congre-\\ngation dispersing.\\nHe was successful in obtaining a situation as\\ncompositor in a printing office, and soon won\\nthe confidence and respect of his employers.\\nHaving written to a friend an account of his\\njourney, the letter was shown to Governor\\nKeith, of Delaware, who Avas so much pleased\\nwith it tliat he invited Franklin to his resi-", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0779.jp2"}, "778": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\ndence, and offered him his patronage, and ad-\\nvised him to set up in business for himself.\\nThis step involved the necessity of a voyage\\nto England to obtain materials but when he\\narrived there he found the governor s assistance\\nof so little avail that he was forced to go to\\nwork again for others. In his new situation\\nhe soon made many friends by pursuing the\\nsame course of conduct which characterized\\nhim at home. During his stay there he be-\\ncame somewhat tinctured with infidel senti-\\nments, and wrote a pamphlet on deistical met-\\naphysics, a performance which he afterwards\\ndeeply regretted.\\nWith his earnings he started to take a trip\\non the Continent, but having received an offer\\nto return home as a clerk to a friend, he ac-\\ncepted it. With a new employer at Philadel-\\nphia, there was a bright prospect before him\\nof wealth and fame, but his employer having\\ndied, he once more became a journeyman printer\\nwith his first master. But he soon entered into\\npartnership with another printer, and rapidly\\nrose in popularity, and success attended him\\non every side.\\nSo numerous and varied were the occupa-\\ntions and pursuits of this wonderful character,\\nthat it would require a volume to notice them\\nall and do him justice. In 1732 he began his\\ncelebrated Poor Richard s Almanac, which had\\nan extensive circulation in the colonies and in\\nEngland, and was translated into several of the\\nEuropean languages. The issue of this ceased\\nabout 1757, and at the same time he com-\\nmenced a newspaper, which became very pop-\\nular in this country. By indefatigable study\\nhe acquired a knowledge of the Latin, French,\\nSpanish, and Italian languages. He started a\\nliterary club, called the Junto, and the books\\nthey collected are the basis of the Philadel-\\nphian Library. He was the author of many\\npamphlets on popular topics, which were much\\nsought for by all classes of people, and which\\n(30)\\ngreatly increased his pecuniary resources. In\\n1734 he was appointed government printer for\\nthe state, and two years afterwards he became\\nclerk of the General As.sembly. In 1737 he\\nwas made ^Dostmaster of Philadelphia. These\\noffices bringing him in considerable money, the\\nnecessity for a close application to business was\\ndone away with, and he was left free to devote\\nmuch of his attention to the study of philosophy\\nand public improvement. He organized fire\\ncompanies, invented means for paving the\\nstreets and lighting tliem with gas. Military\\ndiscipline having been almost entirely neg-\\nlected, he revived it, and also started several\\nliterary societies. He published a treatise on\\nthe improvement of chimneys, and invented\\nthe celebrated stove which bears his name.\\nIn 1741 he published the General Maga-\\nzine and Historical Chronicle for the British\\nPlantations, which was extensively circulated.\\nIn 1744 he was elected a member of the Gen.\\neral Assembly, and was annually reelected for\\nten consecutive years, and before this time he\\nhad held the office of justice of the peace and\\nalderman.\\nAbout this time he made his celebrated dis-\\ncoveries in philosophy, especially in electricity,\\ncompletely identifying, in a novel and wonder-\\nful manner, lightning and the electrical spark.\\nThese discoveries alone would have made him\\nfamous, but, united with his varied achieve-\\nments, have rendered his name immortal.\\nIn 1753 he treated with the Indians at Car-\\nlisle, and in 1754 attended the Convention, at\\nAlbany, of delegates from the different colo-\\nnies, who met to consult in I egard to general\\ndefence against the French. About this time\\nhe became deputy postmaster general, and\\nwas active in providing material for Braddock s\\nexpedition againt Fort Du Quesne.\\nIn 1757 he was sent to London by the Gen\\neral Assembly, to manage a dispute between\\nthe province and its governor, and so admirably", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0780.jp2"}, "779": {"fulltext": "FRANKLIN.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 MORTON.\\ndid he conduct it that, on his return to this\\ncountry, he received twenty thousand dollars\\nas compensation for his valuable services. He\\nremained as agent in England for the colony\\nduring five years, and formed many valuable\\nacquaintances there. In 1764 he was sent\\nagain on much the same business, and when,\\nduring his stay there the Stamp Act was passed,\\ndeclared loudly against its injustice. His opin-\\nions weighed much, and averted for a time the\\nstorm which finally burst upon the colonies.\\nHe returned home in 1775, as he became satis-\\nfied that war was unavoidable, and was imme-\\ndiately made a delegate to the General Con-\\ngress, to which he was reelected in 1776, and!\\nwas one of the committee appointed to draft the\\nDeclaration of Independence. In September\\nof that year he was appointed one of three\\ncommissioners to meet Lord Howe on Stateu\\nIsland, and hear his proposals for peace. This\\nwas unsuccessful, and the war began.\\nShortly afterwards a Convention was called\\nin Pennsylvania to organize a state govern-\\nment, in pursuance of a recommendation of\\nthe General Congress. Franklin was made the\\npresident, and his superior wisdom and judg-\\nment were displayed in the constitution which i\\nwas framed.\\nPerhaps the most important office held by\\nFranklin was that of commissioner to France,\\nto which he was apjjointed by Congress in\\nOctober, 1776, to negotiate a treaty of alliance.\\nHe was received with great honor in that coun-\\ntry, and the sympathy of the people with the\\nsuffering Americans was assured to him but\\nthe court of France hardly dared to make a\\ntreaty, until the news of Burgoyne s capture\\nwas received, when every thing promisuig secu-\\nrity, they signified their desire of entering into\\na formal negotiation. The treaty was finally\\nconcluded, and was signed by Franklin and\\nthe French ministers in February, 1778. The\\nindependence of America was acknowledged,\\nand France openly espoused her cause. Con-\\ngress bestowed upon him almost unlimited\\npower, and although his duties were difficult\\nand complicated, yet they were most satisfac-\\ntorily discharged.\\nIn September, 1783, Franklin had the pleas-\\nure of signing the treaty of peace and recog-\\nnition with Great Britain. He remained abroad\\nuntil the arrival of his successor, Thomas Jef-\\nferson, in 1785. His return to this country\\nwas every where hailed with the most lively\\ndemonstrations of joy from individuals of every\\nclass, and from nearly every public body in the\\ncountry. Notwithstanding the great age to\\nwhich he had attained, being then nearly eighty,\\nhe was not allowed to retire to private life, but\\nserved in the capacity of President of Pennsyl-\\nvania, which office he held for the space of\\nthree years.\\nIn 1787 he was a member of the Conven-\\ntion which framed the Constitution of the\\nUnited States. But disease had made such in-\\nroads upon his .system that he relinquished his\\nposition as a public character, and retired to\\nprivate life.\\nHis death occurred on the 17th of April,\\n1790. The sad news was heard with profound\\nsorrow wherever his name was known, and\\nCongress proclaimed a season of universal\\nmourning for his loss. In the National Assem-\\nbly of France public notice was given of his\\ndeath, and a brief eulogium was pronounced\\nby Mirabeau. A vast concourse of citizens\\nfollowed his body to the grave, thus testifying\\nto the regard which every one felt for his\\nmemory.\\nJOHN MORTON.\\nPENNSYLVANIA.\\nJohn Morton was born in Ridley, Pennsylvania,\\nin 1724. His parents, who were of Swedish\\nC31)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0781.jp2"}, "780": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\ndescent, emigrated to America early in the\\nseventeenth century, and settled on the Dela-\\nware, not far from Philadelphia. His father\\ndying before his birth, his education was in-\\ntrusted to the care of his stepfather, who, being\\na good practical surveyor, paid particular atten-\\ntion to mathematics, and also to the more\\ncommon branches.\\nThe first official position that he held was\\nthat of justice of peace in 1764, and he\\nwas not long afterwards chosen a member\\nof the General Assembly of Pennsylvania,\\nwhere his services were very valuable, and of\\nwhich body he was speaker for a number\\nof years.\\nHe was also a delegate to the Stamp-Act\\nCongress in 1765, and in the following year\\nwas made high sheriff of his county.\\nHe eagerly espoused the patriots cause,\\nand when troops were first raised was offered\\na commission, but was obliged to refuse on\\naccount of his duties, which he felt unable to\\nrelinquish. He was at this time holding the\\noffice of judge of the Court of Common Pleas,\\nand not long afterwards was advanced to a\\nsimilar position in the Supreme Court.\\nIn 1774 the Assembly of Pennsylvania ap-\\npointed him a delegate to the General Congress,\\nand reelected him four times in succession.\\nDuring bis connection with this body his\\nduties were faithfully discharged, though many\\nwere arduous ones. He served on many com-\\nmittees, and among others on that which re-\\nported the Articles of Confederation for the\\nStates.\\nHis death occurred in April, 1777, in the\\nfifty-fourth year of his age, before peace and\\nthe independence which he had so warmly\\nespoused, were established.\\nGEORGE CLYMER.\\nPENNSYLVANU.\\n(S2)\\nThis earnest patriot was born in Philadelphia\\nin 1739. His father left him an orphan at\\nthe age of seven, when his maternal uncle,\\nWilliam Coleman, gave him a good education,\\nand eventually bequeathed him the greater\\npart of his fortune. Upon leaving school\\nhe entered his uncle s counting house, but\\nspent much of his leisure in study. In\\n1765 he married Miss Elizabeth Meredith,\\nand joined the commercial house of his father-\\nin-law.\\nHis first appearance in political affairs was\\nin October 16, 1773, as speaker at a tea\\nmeeting, held in Philadelphia by the citizens,\\nwhere his opposition was so spirited that he\\nwas appointed chairman of the committee\\nwhich requested the tea agents to resign.\\nDuring the next twenty years Clymer was a\\nprominent man, being a member of many of\\nthe preliminary committees, and of the council\\nof safety. He commanded a company, under\\nGeneral Cadwallader, performing but little mili-\\ntary duty, however, being of more service in\\na civil capacity. He was appointed to the\\ncare of the public treasury on July 29, 1775,\\ntogether with Michael Hillegas, and here proved\\nhis sincere belief in the future, by converting all\\nhis specie into continental currency, liberally\\nsubscribing also to the loan.\\nJuly 20, 1776, Cl^ mer was appointed one of\\nthose who succeeded the members of the Penn-\\nsylvania delegation who had refused to subscribe\\ntheir names to the Declaration of Independence.\\nThe new members affixed their signatures,\\nClymer s being the thirty-eighth name after\\nJohn Hancock s. In September of the same\\nyear he was one of the committee sent to Ticon-\\nderoga to confer with Washington on aflfixirs of\\nthe army. In December he was among the com-\\nmissioners left in Philadelphia to guard the public", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0782.jp2"}, "781": {"fulltext": "CLYMER. SMITH.\\ninterests on the retirement of Congress to Balti-\\nmore. The following year he was reelected to\\nCongress, and again sent to consult with Wash-\\nington, and having removed his family to Chester\\ncounty, had his home plundered by the British\\nat the battle of Brandywine. In 1777 he was\\nappointed, together with Colonel Samuel Wash-\\nington and Gabriel Jones, to treat with the\\nIndians at Fort Pitt but failing, returned, after\\nan absence of four months, and recommended\\ncompulsory measures.\\nIn 1780 Clymer was a third time elected to\\nCongress. In November, of the same year, he\\nwas deputed, with John Nixon, to organize the\\nBank of North America, and in 1782 was asso-\\nciated with Eutledge in his mission to the\\nSouthern States. At the close of the war he\\nremoved to Princeton, where he was only per-\\nmitted to enjoy his retirement for a short time,\\nbeing elected a member of the Pennsylvania\\nlegislature against the party who supported the\\nold constitution. He here did good service by\\nhis successful efforts to modify the cruelty of\\nthe criminal code. Besides other institutions\\nindebted to him, were the Pennsylvania Agri-\\ncultural Society, of which he was vice-president\\nthe Academy of Fine Arts and Pennsylvania\\nBank, of both of which institutions he was also\\npresident. Clymer was a member of the Con-\\nvention which framed the Federal Constitution,\\nand was elected a member of the first Congress\\nunder that instrument, in November, 1788. He\\ndeclined a reelection in 1790, and the follow-\\ning year was appointed collector of the excise\\nduty on spirits, which collection led to whiskey\\nriots in Pennsylvania. Cl3aner acted firmly\\nand temperately in these troubles, but finally\\nresigned it, and was appointed one of three to\\nnegotiate a treaty with the Cherokees and\\nCreeks in Georgia. Completing this work in\\n1796, he withdrew from public afiairs, and died\\nat the residence of his son, at Morrisville, Penn-\\nsylvania, July 23, 1813.\\n5\\nIn person George Clymer was of medium\\nstature, fair complexion, and attractive counte-\\nnance, with marked expression in harmony\\nwith his character, which was honest, frank,\\nand republican. He Avas a man extremely\\naverse to the .assumptions of aristocracy, which\\nhe thought abounded more in the United States\\nthan in any other country. He seldom spoke\\nin public, but when he did he expressed himself\\nin keen, pithy, and laconic language.\\nJAMES SMITH.\\nPENNSYLVANIA.\\nThe birthplace of James Smith was Ireland,\\nbut the time of his birth was never ascertained\\nwith certainty. It probably occurred about\\nthe year 1720. His father emigrated to this\\ncountry when James was quite small, and set-\\ntled on the Susquehanna. Early in life he\\ndiscovered a strong intellect, and was liberally\\neducated at Philadelphia College. Upon his\\ngraduation he studied law, and after havins:\\nbeen admitted to the bar, set up for himself in\\nShippensburg as a lawyer and surveyor, but\\nfinding the place too much of a wilderness for\\nextensive practice removed to York.\\nHe early perceived the storm which threat-\\nened the annihilation of the colonies, but fear-\\nlessly withstood it. In 1774 he was present\\nat a meeting of delegates from all the counties\\nof Pennsylvania for the purpose of expressing\\nthe public mind on the Non-importation Act,\\nand the propriety of calling a General Congress.\\nHe endeavored to arouse the people, and was\\nin favor of independence as early as 1774; but\\nthe State of Pennsylvania was slow to adopt\\nhis sentiments, and even gave her delegates\\nadverse instructions, but she finally saw good\\nreason to alter her mind, and sent Mr. Smith,\\nwith several others, to fill the vacancies caused\\n(33)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0783.jp2"}, "782": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nby the withdrawal of some who would not vote\\nfor the Declaration.\\nHe was a member of the Convention of Penn-\\nsylvania which assembled in July to establish\\na new State Constitution. In this he was\\nvery active, and it was not till Qctober, 1776,\\nthat he took his seat regularly in Congress.\\nHe was soon after appointed one of a most\\nimportant committee to aid Washington in\\nrepelling General Howe. They were provided\\nwith almost unlimited power, and were the cliief\\noriginators of many of the military movements.\\nIn the spring of 1777 he declined a reelec-\\ntion to Congress, but the disastrous defeats of\\nthe Americans at Brandywine and German-\\ntown, and the capture of Philadelphia, rendered\\nhis presence with that deliberative body neces- 1\\nsary. When, in 1778, the battle of Monmouth\\nretrieved the fallen fortunes of the colonists, j\\nhe dissolved his connection with it, and retired j\\nto private life. In 1779 he served one term\\nin his State Legislature, which terminated his\\npublic career.\\nHis death occurred on the 11th of July,\\n1806, at the advanced age of nearly ninety.\\nIn manner, Mr. Smith was quite eccentric, but\\nbe possessed a ready wit, joined to a genial\\nhumor, which made him a great favorite in\\nthe social circle.\\nGEOEGE TAYLOR\\nPENNSYLVANIA.\\nGeorge Taylor was born in Ireland, in 1716,\\nand came to this country when he was about\\ntwenty. Upon his arrival here he was so poor\\nthat he was obliged to perform menial service,\\nalthough he had been well educated. He aftei\\nwards filled the situation of clerk in an iron\\nestablishment in Durham, Pennsylvania. After\\nthe death of his employer he married his widow,\\nand thus became possessed of considerable\\n(34)\\nproperty and a flourishing business. When he\\nhad carried this on for some time, and had\\naccumulated considerable wealth, he purchased\\na fine estate on the Lehigh, and erected iron\\nworks there.\\nHis position in society, joined to a suavity\\nof manner, procured for him a seat in the\\nColonial Assembly in 1764. He soon became\\na prominent member, and was placed upon\\nmany of the most important committees. It\\nwas during his connection with this body that\\na letter was received from Massachusetts call-\\ning for a general convention at New York in\\n1765. The invitation was accepted, and Mr.\\nTaylor was appointed to prepare instructions\\nfor the delegates from his state.\\nHe retained his seat in the Assembly five\\nyears, when he withdrew that he might attend\\nto his private affairs, which he had been obliged\\nto neglect in the discharge of his public duties.\\nHe was elected to the Provincial Congress in\\n1775, and was also appointed on the committee\\nto make regulations to govern the delegates to\\nthe General Congress. These instructions con-\\ntained one that forbade the delegates to vote\\nfor any proposition of independence, as hopes\\nof a reconciliation were still entertained. But\\npublic opinion on this subject changed as matters\\ngrew worse, and the restriction was removed\\nin June, 1776; still, many of the members\\nadhered to the old course of action. Mr. Tay-\\nlor was sent to fill the place of one of them,\\nand remained in Congress a year, when he\\nretired to Easton. He died on the 23d of\\nFebruary, 1781.\\nJAMES WILSON.\\nPENNSYLVANIA.\\nThis patriot was born in Scotland, in 1742.\\nHis father was a respectable farmer, and he\\nplaced his son under the tuition of some of the", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0784.jp2"}, "783": {"fulltext": "WILSON. ROSS.\\nbest teachers in Edinburgh. He came to this\\ncountry in 1766, so highly recommended that\\nhe found but little difficulty in obtaining a\\nsituation as a tutor in the Philadelphia College,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2where he soon gained the reputation of a fine\\nclassical scholar. After a few months teachino-\\nhe commenced the study of law in the office\\nof John Dickinson, and was admitted to the\\nbar, and finally established himself at JPhila-\\ndelphia.\\nHe gained great renown as a lawyer, and\\nalso as a warm adherent of the republican\\ncause. The zeal which he showed for the\\ninterests of his adopted home caused him to\\nbe elected to the Provincial Assembly of Penn-\\nsylvania in 1774, and in May, 1775, he was\\ndeputized to attend the General Congress. He\\nwas reelected in 1776, and showed himself a\\nstrong friend of independence, but was opposed\\nin his efforts for its success by several of the\\nmembers of his own state.\\nParty spirit running high about this time,\\nhis people did not send him to Congress from\\n1777 until 1782. Although thus unkindly\\nI eturned to private life, he still continued his\\nefforts for the public good. He labored untir-\\ningly, in connection with Mr. Smith, in organ-\\nizing a volunteer body of militia, and was\\nappointed colonel of a regiment in 1774.\\nIn 1777 he was sent on a commission to the\\nIndians in his state, with whom difficulties had\\narisen, which he settled amicably. As soon as\\nFrance had declared herself for America, in\\n1778, she sent a minister to Congress, a Mon-\\nsieur Gerard, who soon formed an acquaint/\\nance with Mr. Wilson. He was struck with the\\nversatility of his talents, and appointed him\\nadvocate-general of French affair.s, a duty\\nboth arduous and delicate. He served in this\\ncapacity until 1782, when he relinquished\\nthe office on account of difficulty respecting\\nremuneration.\\nMr. Wilson resumed his connection with\\nCongress in 1783, and during that year was\\ncommissioned by the government of Pennsyl-\\nvania to assist in settling the difficulty between\\nthat state and Connecticut in regard to the\\ntitle to the Wyoming Valley. He was again\\nsent to Congress in 1785, and in 1787 assisted\\nin framing the Federal Constitution. He was\\nchosen as orator on the occasion of its adoption,\\nand was one of those who altered his state s\\nconstitution to conform with the general one.\\nHe received the appointment of professor\\nof law in the College of Philadelphia in 1790,\\nand in the year following commenced revising\\nthe laws of the state but the senate refusino-\\nto concur with the representatives in this under-\\ntaking, he abandoned his work. Washington\\nconferred upon him the office of judge of the\\nSupreme Court of the United States, and he\\ndied while at Edenton, August 28, 1798, as he\\nwas making a judicial circuit.\\nGEOEGE ROSS.\\nPENNSYLVANIA.\\nGeorge Ross was born in Newcastle, Dela-\\nware, during the year 1730. His father, an\\nEpiscopal minister, gave him an excellent edu-\\ncation, and he exhibited great proficiency in\\nthe classics. He commenced the study of the\\nlaw at the age of eighteen, at his brother s\\noffice, and was admitted to the bar three years\\nafterwards, and fixed his residence at Lancas-\\nter, Pennsylvania.\\nIn 1768 he began his public career as a\\nmember of the Pennsylvania Assembly, with\\nwhich he retained his connection for several\\nsuccessive years. When the British govern-\\nment, jealous of the rising power of the colo-\\nnies, endeavored to crush them by oppressive\\nand unjust regulations, Mr. Ross heartily ap-\\nproved of resistance, and joined in the universal\\n{\u00e2\u0080\u00a215)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0785.jp2"}, "784": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\ndesire for a General Congress. In 1774 he was\\nelected to this body, and was instructed to draw\\nnp rules by which himself and his colleagues\\nwere to be governed. He was so highly es-\\nteemed that he was continually returned until\\n1777, when indisposition obliged him to with-\\ndraw, on which occasion the citizens of Lancas-\\nter voted him a piece of plate.\\nHis warmest sympathies were always enlisted\\non the side of suffering, and he put forth ear-\\nnest endeavors to ameliorate the condition of\\nthe Indians, and prevent any outbreaks among\\nthem. In April, 1799 he was made a judge\\nof the Admiralty Court for Pennsjdvania, in\\nwhich position he bid feir to greatly distinguish\\nhimself, but a sudden attack of the gout ter-\\nminated his useful life in Julv, 1780.\\nC^SAK RODNEY.\\nDELAWARE.\\nC^SAR Rodney was born in Dover, Delaware,\\nin 1730. His father came to this country about\\nthe same time as William Penn, and, after a\\nshort residence in Pennsylvania, settled in\\nDelaware. Coesar, being the eldest, inher-\\nited his father s estate and high social stand-\\ning. At the age of twenty-eight he was\\nmade high sheriflj and upon the expiration of\\nhis services in this capacity, he was created a\\njustice of the peace, and a judge of the lower\\ncourts.\\nHe represented his county in the Provincial\\nLegislature in 1762, by which he was sent, in\\n1765, to the Stamp Act Congress, which met\\nin New York, when the British, by their nu-\\nmerous unjust measures, laid a yoke upon the\\ncolonies too grievous to be borne. He was\\nelected speaker of the Provincial Assembly,\\nand occupied that position until 1774, at the\\nsame time being chairman of the committee\\n(36)\\nwhose business it was to carry on a political\\ncorrespondence with the colonies.\\nHe was elected to the first General Congress\\nin 1774, and assisted in drawing up a declara-\\ntion of rights. In the following year he was\\nreelected, and was also commissioned brigadier-\\ngeneral. When the question of the Declara-\\ntion of Independence came before Congress\\nhe was absent, attending to the duties devolv-\\ning upon him in his military capacity, but his\\ncolleagues, knowing his feelings on the subject,\\ndespatched messengers at their own expense\\nto bring Mr. Rodney back as soon as possible.\\nHe arrived just in time to cast his vote and\\nsign his name to the document.\\nIn the fall of 1776 the people of Delaware\\ncalled a convention to frame a state constitu-\\ntion and nominate delegates to the next Gen-\\neral Congress. By the influence of the loyalist\\nparty, which was too well represented in the\\nstate, he was deprived of the honor, which\\nproperly belonged to him, of a reelection, but\\nhe employed liis time in obtaining material aid\\nfor the troops of his state then with Washing-\\nton in New Jersey.\\nAfter the battle of Princeton, in 1777, he\\nwent to the camp there, and spent two months\\nrecruiting, but then, his services being no\\nlonger necessary, came home. Shortly after his\\nreturn he received the appointment of judge\\nof the Supreme Court, but this he declined, as\\nhe had a greater relish for the more active\\nduties of military life. He was afterward.s\\ncalled to march, with his brigade, to quell an\\ninsurrection in his state, and also to join the\\nmain army under Washington when Lord\\nHowe turned his troops towards Philadelphia.\\nThe tory element at length having subsided.\\nGeneral Rodney was returned to Congress, but\\nbefore taking his seat was chosen president of\\nthe state, and fulfilled the arduous duties con-\\nnected with it in a worthy manner, effectually\\nrepressing all tendencies to anarchy which dis-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0786.jp2"}, "785": {"fulltext": "READ. McKEAN.\\nplayed -themselves. In 1782 his gradually de-\\nclining health caused him to retire from office,\\nand he expired early in 1783.\\nGEOEGE EEAD.\\nDELAWARE.\\nGeorge Eead was born in Maryland, in the\\nyear 1734. He was of Irish descent, hi.s father\\nhaving emigrated to this country about 1726.\\nThe latter educated his son in the common\\nEnglish branches himself, and then placed him\\nin the hands of good teachers, with whom he\\nmade much progress in the classics.\\nGeorge commenced studying law at Phila-\\ndelphia when he was only seventeen, and was\\nadmitted to the bar two years after. An act\\nof generosity which he performed at that time\\ndeserves notice. According to the established\\nlaws he was entitled to two shares in his fixther s\\nestate, but he relinquished his rights to his\\nbrothers, considering that he had already re-\\nceived his share in his education. In 1754 he\\ncommenced the practice of his profession at\\nNewcastle, Delaware, where, although he was\\nsurrounded by lawyers of eminence, he soon\\nrose to a level with them.\\nIn 1763 he was appointed attorney-general\\nfor the three lower counties of Delaware, which\\noffice he held until he was elected a delegate\\nto the Continental Congress in 1774. In 1765\\nhe was made a member of the General Assem-\\nbly of his state, and continued his connection\\nwith it for eleven consecutive years. He was\\none of a committee from this body appointed\\nto draw up an address to the King in behalf of\\nthe provinces at the time of the passage of the\\nStamp Act. But he felt that remonstrance\\nfrom the colonies singly would have but little\\neflect, and believing that in union there is\\nstrength, he advocated a general meeting of\\nall the colonies.\\nHe also strenuously opposed commercial in-\\ntercourse with the British. When Boston suf-\\nfered so severely under the crushing weight\\nof the Port Bill, Mr. Eead was very active in\\ntransmitting donations and procuring pecuniary\\naid for its inhabitants.\\nIn 1774 he was deputized to attend the ses-\\nsion of the Continental Congress, ajid also in\\n1775 and 1776. When the vote was taken for\\nthe Declaration of Independence, he gave his in\\nopposition to it, deeming the act as premature,\\nbut when the time came for signing the instru-\\nment he affixed his signature to it. Durinfr\\nthe latter year he was the president of the\\nConvention which framed a state constitution\\nfor Delaware.\\nIn 1779 ill health compelled him to with-\\ndraw from public life, but he returned to it the\\nnext year. In 1782 he was made a judge of\\nthe Court of Appeals in Admiralty Cases, and\\nretained this position during the existence of\\nthe office. In 1785 he assisted in settling a\\ndisputed point about the territory between\\nMassachusetts and New York. In 1787 he was\\na representative of his state in the Convention\\nfor framing the Federal Constitution, and on\\nits adoption was elected a member of the\\nUnited States Senate, and occupied a place\\nthere until 1793, when he became judge of the\\nSupreme Court of his state. This office he\\nfilled till his death in the fall of 1798.\\nTHOMAS McKEAN.\\nDELAWARE.\\nThomas McKean was born in New London,\\nChester county, Pennsylvania, on the 19th of\\nMarch, 1734. At the conclusion of his studies\\nwith the Eev. Dr. Allison, under whose care he\\nwas placed, he began the study of the law,\\nwhere his talents soon manifested themselves,\\n(37)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0787.jp2"}, "786": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nand he was employed as assistant clerk of the\\nCourt of Common Pleas. He was admitted to\\nthe bar when twent_y-one years of age, and\\npermitted to practise in three counties of Dela-\\nware. He soon became eminent in his profes-\\nsion, attracting the attention of many leading\\nmen.\\nWhen only twenty-two years of age, the\\nattorney-general of the province appointed him,\\nwithout solicitation, his deputy to prosecute all\\nclaims for the crown in the county of Sussex.\\nIn 1757 he was admitted to practise in the\\nSupreme Court of Pennsylvania, and about the\\nsame time was elected clerk of the House of As-\\nsembly of Delaware; he declined another elec-\\ntion the following year, however. In 1762 he\\nwas appointed, together with Caesar Piodney, to\\nrevise and print the laws of the province which\\nhad been enacted during the preceding ten years.\\nHe was next elected a representative to the\\nGeneral Assembly from Newcastle, although\\nhe had resided in Philadelphia for six years, but\\nat his urgent request he was permitted to relin-\\nquish his seat. A committee was appointed to\\ncall upon him and request him to nominate seven\\nmen for representatives he finally acceded to\\ntheir desires, and they were elected by large\\nmajorities. In 1765 he became a member of\\nthe Pennsylvania Assembly, to which he was\\nannually elected for the next seventeen years.\\nIn 1765 he was a delegate to the General Con-\\ngress of the colonies assembled at New York,\\nand was placed upon the committee who pre-\\npared an address to the British House of Com-\\nmons. In the same year he was also appointed\\nsole notary public for the lower counties on\\nthe Delaware, and afterwards, in quick succes-\\nsion, justice of the peace, judge of the Court\\nof Common Pleas and Quarter Sessions, also of\\nthe Orphan Com-t.\\nIn 1766 he was admitted by the governor\\nof New Jersey to practise in any of its courts.\\nIn 1771 he was appointed collector of the cus-\\n(38)\\ntoras for the port of Newcastle, and elected\\nspeaker of the Assembly of Delaware the next\\nyear. In September, 1774, he attended the\\nfirst Continental Congress, being delegate from\\nthe lower counties in Delaware, and continued\\na delegate until the ratification of the treaty\\nof peace in 1783, being the only member who\\nserved during the whole revolutionary period\\nuninterruptedly. He ardently supported the\\nmeasure which led finally to the Declaration\\nof Independence, and voted for and signed that\\ninstrument.\\nIn September, 1776, he was appointed a\\nmember of the convention to form a state consti-\\ntution, although he then commanded a regiment\\nunder Washington. This instrument, which was\\nadopted by a unanimous vote, was the produc-\\ntion of his pen. McKean, claimed as citizen by\\nboth Delaware and Pennsylvania, served both,\\nfilling offices in each state, officiating as president\\nof the former and chief justice of the latter in\\n1777. In 1781 he was appointed president of\\nCongress in place of Mr. Huntington of Con-\\nnecticut, resigning that position in November,\\nreceiving the thanks of Congress for his able\\nservices. McKean retained the office of chief\\njustice of Pennsylvania until 1799, when, being\\nchosen governor, he retired from the bench.\\nHis administration continued until 1808, when\\nhe withdrew from public life, and died on the\\n24th of June, 1817, when eighty-four years\\nof age.\\nSAMUEL CHASE.\\nMARYLAND.\\nSamuel Chase was born in Somerset county,\\nMaryland, April 17, 1741. His early education\\nwas directed by his fiither, an Episcopal clergy-\\nman, of English birth, who sent him to Annap-\\nolis, where he applied himself to the study of\\nthe law, and was admitted to the bar at twenty", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0788.jp2"}, "787": {"fulltext": "CHASE. STONE.\\nyears of age, soon becoming noted as a skilful\\nand eloquent advocate and learned lawyer.\\nHe strongly opposed the royal governor and\\nhis adherents in the colonial legislature, and was\\none of the most vehement in resisting the\\nStamp Act, becoming the leader of the friends\\nof liberty in his state.\\nMr. Chase was one of the five delegates sent\\nby the Maryland convention to the Continental\\nCongress in 1774, of which he continued a\\nmember during all the sessions until the end\\nof the year 1788. He it was who denounced\\nRev. Dr. Zubley of Georgia as a traitor, com-\\npelling hiui to flee from Congress, the secrets\\nof which body he was revealing to the enemy.\\nIn 1776 Chase accompanied Charles and John\\nCarroll on a mission to Canada, all the more\\nreadily because the Maryland convention was\\ninclined to half-wa} measures, and refused to\\ninstruct its delegates to vote for the Declaration\\nof Independence. Upon his return he can-\\nvassed the state, brought public opinion to\\nbear on the convention, and thus having caused\\nthe jxissage of the desired resolution, returned\\nto Philadelphia in time to vote for independ-\\nence. He was placed on the greater part of\\nthe important committees in Congress, where\\nhis industry was unwearied. During the\\nlast three years of the war he remained at\\nhome practising law, to the study of which\\nhe had devoted all his spare time while in\\nCongress.\\nIn 1783 he went to England as commissioner\\nfrom Maryland, to recover funds invested in\\nthe Bank of England before the war. After\\nremaining there a year, he succeeded so fiir in\\nadjusting the claim that six hundred and fifty\\nthousand dollars were afterwards paid to the\\nstate. Removing to Baltimore in 1788, he was\\nappointed chief justice in a newly-established\\ncriminal court there, and in 1791 chief justice\\nof the General Court of Maryland between\\nthese two dates being a member of the Mary-\\nland convention for the consideration of the\\nFederal Constitution, which instrument he did\\nnot think sufficiently democratic. In 1796\\nhe was appointed associate justice of the Su-\\npreme Court by Washington, with whom he\\nhad long been on terms of intimacy. In 1804,\\nat the instance of John Randolph, he was im-\\npeached by the House of Representatives for\\nmisdemeanor in the conduct of several political\\ntrials, particularly those of Fries and Callender,\\nconvicted of seditious libels five years pre-\\nviously. He was discharged, however, by the\\nSenate, March 5, 1805, a majority being in his\\nfavor in five out of eight charges, and against\\nhim on the remainder. After his discharge,\\nJudge Chase resumed his seat on the bench,\\nwhich he occupied until his death, June 19,\\n1811. He was a pure patriot, a learned and\\nable, though sometimes an overbearing judge,\\nand a brave but rather irritable man.\\nTHOMAS STONE.\\nMARYLAND.\\nThomas Stone was born in Maryland in the\\nyear 1743. After having received a fair clas-\\nsical education he studied law and commenced\\npractice at Fredericton.\\nHe attached himself to the colonial cause\\nearly in the Revolution from motives of pure\\npatriotism and a love of justice, and was elected\\na delegate to the first session of the Conti-\\nnental Congress, but retired to private life upon\\nits completion. He was returned in 1775, with\\nthe injunction, however, not to vote for inde-\\npendence. Thus fettered, Mr. Stone could not\\ndo justice to himself, but the restriction having\\nbeen removed, he willingly subscribed his name\\nto the document.\\nHis unassuming disposition prevented him\\nfrom being conspicuous as a public character,", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0789.jp2"}, "788": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nbut he rendered an important service in being\\none of the committee who drew up the Articles\\nof Confederation, adopted November, 1777.\\nHe refused a reelection to Congress, but took j\\na seat in the Maryland Legislature. In 1783\\nhe was again sent to Congress, and was present\\nwhen Washington resigned his commission. Li\\n1784 he was appointed president, ^^/-o tempore,\\nof that body, and had it not been for his mod-\\nesty he would doubtless have been elected to\\nthat important situation. He died at his resi- 1\\ndence. Port Tobacco, on the 5th of October,\\n1787, as he was on the point of embarking for\\nEurope.\\nWILLIAM PACA.\\nMARYLAND.\\nWilliam Paca was the second son of a wealthy\\nplanter of Maryland, where he was born on\\nthe 31st of October, 1740. He was carefully\\neducated when young, and graduated at Phila-\\ndelphia College in 1759. He then commenced\\nstudying law, and after having been admitted\\nto the bar settled at Annapolis.\\nHe was made a member of the Provincial\\nAssembly, and when the Stamp Act aroused\\nthe people, in 1765, to the danger of their situa-\\ntion, he warmly opposed it. This conduct, as\\nwell as many subsequent acts of his, endeared\\nhim to the people, although it rendered him\\nunpopular to the royal party. He was made a\\nmember of the first Continental Congress, with\\nfull instructions to accede to all measures neces-\\nsary to redress the grievances of the colonies.\\nHe was successively reelected until 1778, when\\nhe was appointed chief justice of the Supreme\\nCourt of his state.\\nWhile serving in Congress he was much\\ntrammelled by the opposition of his constituents\\nto independence, who, as late as the early part\\nof 1776, passed a resolution forbidding the\\ndelegates to vote for it, but finally withdrew\\ntheir restrictions. Thus freed, he continued\\nhis previous efforts in behalf of the colonies,\\nand joyfully signed his name on the 2d of\\nAugust, 1776.\\nNear the commencement of 1778 he re-\\nceived the appointment of chief justice of his\\nstate, and two j-ears afterwards was made by\\nCongress chief judge of Appeals in Prize and\\nAdmiralty Cases. In 1782 he was chosen gov-\\nernor of Maryland, after holding which office\\nhe retired to private life, but again filled the\\nposition in 1786, as well as sei ving a short time\\nin Congress. In 1788 he was a member of the\\nConvention called together to ratify the Fed-\\neral Constitution, and after it had gone into\\neffect Washington nominated him judge of the\\nMaryland district. He held this office tiU his\\ndeath in 1799.\\nCHARLES CAEROLL.\\nMAETLAND.\\nCharles Carroll of Carollton was born at\\nAnnapolis, Maryland, September 20, 1737. His\\nparents being of the Roman Catholic faith,\\nhis father took him to France, where he placed\\nhim at the college of English Jesuits, at St.\\nOmer, when he was eiglit years of age, where\\nhe remained six years, afterwards going to a\\nJesuit college at Rheims. Remaining here a\\nyear, he entered the college of Louis le Grand,\\nwhere he graduated at the age of seventeen,\\nthen beginning the study of law at Bourges.\\nHe remained here one year, thence proceeding\\nto Paris, where he continued two years, and\\nthen repaired to London, and took apartments\\nin the Temple. He remained here until 1765,\\nwhen he returned to Maryland a finished schol-\\nar and gentleman, and in 1768 married Mary\\nDarnell. He was heir to a vast estate, the last\\nof the manorial grants of Maryland, and was", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0790.jp2"}, "789": {"fulltext": "CARROLL.\\nconsidered the wealthiest man in the colonies\\nat the time the revolutionary war broke out.\\nAfter his return, the passage of the Stamp\\nAct first drew his particular attention towards\\npolitical affairs, of which for sunie time he had\\nbeen an interested spectator. He immediately\\nespoused the American cause, and took an\\nactive part in the various patriotic movements\\nof the times. Carroll became particularly dis-\\ntinguished as a political writer; and in 1771-72\\nhis name became well known as such in the\\nother colonies. In 1772 lie wrote a series of\\nessays against the right of the British govern-\\nment to tax the colonies without their consent\\nwhich was ah\\\\y written, and emphatically tri-\\numphed over tiie papers written in opposition\\nby the secretary of the colony. The name of\\nthe author was at first unknown, but the peo-\\nple were so grateful for the able defence of\\ntheir cause, that they instructed the members\\nof the Legislative Assembly of Maryland to\\nreturn their sincere thanks to the unknown\\nwriter through the public prints. When it be-\\ncame known that Charles Carroll was the author,\\nlarge numbers expressed their thanks person-\\nally, and he immediately stood high in popular\\nconfidence and esteem. His clear judgment\\nand decided character made him umpire in\\nseveral momentous cases, and he rose higher\\nand higher in popular favor.\\nCarroll was appointed a member of the first\\ncommittee of safety of Maryland, and in 1775\\na member of the Provincial Assembly. Car-\\nroll early foresaw that the colonists would be\\nobliged to re-sort to arms to defend their rights\\nand his sentiments, well known to be in favor\\nof independence, were probably the cause\\nof his not bein!; sooner sent to the General\\nCongress, as the Maryland convention were\\nopposed to extreme measures. Anxious to\\nwitness the proceedings of the Continental Con-\\ngress, he visited Philadelphia in 1776, and was\\nso favorably known there that he, with Dr.\\n6\\nFranklin and Judge Chase, were chosen to visit\\nCanada, to induce the Canadians to unite with\\nthe colonists. On his return from this mission\\nin June, 1776, Carroll found the Declaration of\\nIndependence under discussion, and hastened to\\nresume his seat at Annapolis, to use his infl.u-\\nence to remove the instructions with which\\nthe delegates of Maryland were shackled. To-\\ngether with Judge Chase he worked with per-\\nsevering and untiring industry, and finally\\nsucceeded when, having been elected a mem-\\nber of the Continental Congress, he returned\\nto Philadelphia, with instructions to the dele-\\ngates to vote according to their judgment.\\nHe arrived on the 8th of July, in season to\\naffix his signature to the parchment, to which\\nhe added his place of residence, in order that\\nhe might be the sufferer in case punishment\\nfell upon the heads of the patriots, as he had a\\ncousin of the same name.\\nTen days after taking his seat in Congress\\nCarroll was placed upon the Board of War, of\\nwhich he remained a member during his con-\\ntinuance in that body. In the latter part of\\n1776 he was appointed a member of the con-\\nvention that framed a constitution for the state\\nof Maryland, and in December after its adop-\\ntion, was elected a member of the state senate.\\nCarroll continued a member of Congress until\\n1788, when he relinquished his seat, and de-\\nvoted himself to the aifairs of his native state.\\nIn 1781 and 1786 he was reelected to the Mary-\\nland senate, and in December, 1788, he was\\nchosen a member of the first United States\\nSenate from Maryland. He was again elected\\nto the Maryland senate in 1797, and in 1799\\nwas appointed one of the commissioners to\\nsettle the boundary between Virginia and\\nMaryland.\\nIn 1810 Carroll retired to private life, devot-\\ninu- himself to the nuxnagement of his estate,\\nwhere his society was eagerly sought, being\\na man of cultivated mind, pleasing manners,\\n(41)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0791.jp2"}, "790": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nproverbial hospitality, and liberal in all his\\nviews. When Carroll had passed the advanced\\nage of ninety, on the 4th of July, 1828, he laid\\nthe corner stone of the Baltimore and Ohio\\nRailroad, in the presence of an immense num-\\nber of spectators, and attended by one of the\\nmost imposing civic processions ever seen in\\nthe United States. Carroll was spared for\\nseveral years after, and died at Baltimore on\\nthe 14th day of November, 1832, in the ninety-\\nsixth year of his age, and the last survivor of\\nthe signers of the Declaration of Independence.\\nGEORGE WYTHE.\\nVIRGINIA.\\nThis earnest patriot was born in 1726, in\\nVirginia. His parents being wealthy, he had\\nevery opportunity for acquiring a superior\\neducation. Both of them dying before he was\\nof age, he was left to his own guidance, and the\\nproperty left him was much more than sufficient\\nfor all his wants. He commenced a career of\\ndissipation, from which he aroused himself at\\nthe age of thirty, to find ten of the most valu-\\nable years of his life wasted. Determined to\\nretrieve his past misconduct, he applied him-\\nself earnestly to the study of law. He was\\nadmitted to the bar in 1757, and became dis-\\ntinguished for his talents and sense of right, as\\nhe would never knowingly undertake an un-\\njust cause.\\nFor several years previous to the Revolution\\nhe was a member of the Virginia House of\\nBurgesses, and when the oppressive Stamp\\nAct roused the ire of the people he showed\\nhimself a warm lover of liberty. In 1764 he\\ndrew up a remonstrance to the House of Com-\\nmons, but in a strain too indignant to suit\\nthe colonists, who greatly modified it before\\nit was sent.\\nIn 1775 he was constituted a delegate to\\nthe Continental Congress at Philadelphia, and\\nin connection with Thomas Jefferson and Ed-\\nward Pendleton, revised the laws of Virginia\\na duty which he performed with great success.\\nIn 1777 he was appointed speaker of the House\\nof Delegates, and also a judge in the High\\nCourt of Chancery. When this was fully or-\\nganized he was chosen sole judge, and occupied\\nthe bench for more than twenty years. For a\\nwhile he was professor of law in the College\\nof William and Mary, but was obliged to resign,\\nas he found it conflicted with his other duties.\\nIn 1787 Mr. Wythe was chosen to assist in\\nthe Convention which framed the Federal Con-\\nstitution, and acted as chairman in most of the\\ndebates on the subject. He was also in the\\nAssembly of Virginia, which met to consider its\\nadoption, and was twice chosen United States\\nSenator under its provisions. Notwithstanding\\nthe numerous draughts on his time, he taught a\\nprivate school, for those who chose to attend it,\\nfree. His death, which was supposed to have\\nbeen caused by poisoning, occurred on the 8th\\nj of June, 1800.\\nRICHARD HENRY LEE.\\nVIRGINIA.\\nRichard Henry Lee, a descendant of one of\\nthe noblest families of Virginia, was born at\\nStratford, Westmoreland county, on the 20th\\nday of January, 1732, within a short time, and\\nonly a few miles distant from the place, of\\nthe birth of Washington. After a course of pri-\\nvate tuition at home, he was sent to England\\nto be educated, according to the custom at that\\ntime. He was placed at Wakefield Academy,\\nin Yorkshire, England, where he became a\\nthoughtful and industrious student. Through\\nancient history, of which he was very fond,\\nand of which he read eagerly all that came in", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0792.jp2"}, "791": {"fulltext": "RICHARD HENRY LEE.\\nhis way, he became imbued with republican\\nideas and attached to those principles of liberty\\nwhich he afterwards upheld and contended for.\\nHe also became an excellent Latin and Greek\\nscholar, laying the basis of his knowledge of\\nthe classics which afterwards so improved his\\noratory.\\nHe returned to Virginia in his twentieth\\nyear, where he came into possession of a con-\\nsiderable estate. He immediately applied him-\\nself to literary pursuits and, fond of athletic\\nexercises, he was led to form a military corps,\\nof which he was chosen commander. He first\\nappeared in public life in 1755, on the arrival\\nof Braddock from England on his expedition\\nagainst FortDu Quesne, when, upon offering his\\nservices as captain of a company of volunteers,\\nthey were haughtily refused by that general,\\nand Lee was obliged to return home deeply\\nmortified.\\nIn 1757, when in the twenty-fifth year of\\nhis age, Lee was appointed justice of the peace\\nby the royal governor, which at that time was\\nan important and responsible office. This was\\na strong evidence of the public respect, and he\\ndid not forfeit the good opinion held of his\\ntalents, as his brother magistrates requested the\\ngovernor to so date his commission that he\\nmight have legal precedence, and be able to\\nact as president of the court. Lee was soon\\nafter elected a member of the House of Bur-\\ngesses, and retained his seat there during two\\nor three sessions, but was too diffident to take\\npai t in the debates.\\nUnfortunately for Lee, at the advice of a\\nfriend he was thoughtlessly induced to apply\\nto Eno;land for the office of collector under the\\nproposed Stamp Act. He soon discovered his\\nmistake, however, and determinedly exerted all\\nhis influence in opposition to the government\\nand being accused by the tories of trying to\\nrevenge himself on account of his disappoint-\\nment, he soon found an opportunity to defend\\nhimself, and succeeded in exculpating him-\\nself in the eyes of all but his enemies. He\\nwas placed upon a committee, by the House of\\nBurgesses, to draw up an address to the King,\\na memorial to the Lords, and a remonstrance\\nagainst taxation to the House of Commons, and\\nselected to prepare two of the papers.\\nFrom this time Lee was ever on the alert\\nfor the cause of liberty, never failing to do\\nevery service in his power. In 1773 Lee was\\nappointed on the first committee of corre-\\nspondence, the plans of which committee he is\\nsaid to have first suggested. He was cognizant\\nof the secret movements and opinions of the\\nBritish government, through his brother Arthur,\\nwho was a distinguished literary character in\\nXondon, associating with the leading men.\\nThis was a great aid to him, as it furnished him\\nwith the earliest political intelligence, and gen-\\nerally so capable of being relied upon, that\\nother committees of correspondence always\\ncredited information coming from the Virginia\\ncommittee. He soon saw that no reconciliation\\ncould ever be effected, that nothing short of\\nindependence could arrest British oppression,\\nand was therefore ready to propose it at a\\nfiivorable opportunity.\\nIn 1774 Lee was one of the delegates from\\nVirginia to the first General Congress, which\\nmet at Philadelphia on the 5th of September,\\nand where he made the second speech ever\\nmade in that assembly. He immediately took\\na leading position, and by his convincing elo-\\nquence, induced them to stand up boldly for\\ntheir rights. He was placed upon all the most\\nimportant committees, and as chairman of the\\ncommittee to prepare addresses to the king,\\npeople of England, and the colonies, he reported\\nthe papers so highly praised. The address to\\nthe people of British America, which was one\\nof the most masterly papers of the age, was\\nwritten by Lee. Upon his return home at the\\nclose of the session, he was immediately elected\\n(43)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0793.jp2"}, "792": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLrARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nto the House of Burgesses, and reelected to the\\nGeneral Congress in 1775. Here he was again\\nplaced upon the most important committees,\\ndrawing up the commission and instructions\\nof General Washington as commander in chief\\nof the American army. He also prepared the\\nsecond address of Congress to the people of\\nGreat Britain, which takes a front rank among\\nAmerican state papers.\\nLee was also a member of Congress in 1776,\\nwhen the House of Burgesses in Virginia having\\ndesired her delegates to propose to declare\\nthe colonies independent, he was requested to\\nmake the proposition, which was warmly sec-\\nonded by John Adams. His speech upon in-\\ntroducing the resolution was one of the finest\\nhe ever delivered. The consideration of the\\nresolution was made the special order of the\\nday for the first Monday in July, and a com-\\nmittee appointed to draw up a Declaration of\\nIndependence, of which Lee would have been\\nchosen chairman but for the severe sickness\\nof his wife, in consequence of which the glory\\nof the authorship was transferred to Thomas\\nJefferson, who was appointed chairman in his\\nstead.\\nLee continued an active and untiring mem-\\nber of Congress until 1779. Fi om the time he\\nentered Congress till the middle of 1777, he\\nhad served on nearly a hundred important\\ncommittees, and in most cases acted as chair-\\nman, and performed the greater part of the\\nnecessary labor. In 1778 he served upon thirty-\\nseven committees, although laboring under\\nserious ill-health. He was occasionally absent\\nfrom Congress in consequence of sickness, and\\nonce because he was charged with toryism, as\\nhe received his rents in produce instead of\\ncontinental currency. He explained satisfac-\\ntorily, however, that it was for the benefit of his\\ntenants that such an arrangement was made, in\\nan able defence before the Virginia Assembly,\\nwhich resulted in a resolution of thanks to\\nC44)\\nRichard Henry Lee for the fixithful services\\nhe has rendered his country in the discharge\\nof his duty as one of the delegates of this state\\nin General Cono-ress.\\nAfter leaving Congress in 1779, he remained\\nin Virginia, where he sat in the Assembly, and\\nduring the next four years, as lieutenant of the\\ncounty of Westmoreland, actively exerted him-\\nself to repel the enemy, who made incursions\\ninto the state. Lee was again elected to Con-\\ngress in 1784, and by a unanimous vote was\\nchosen president of that body. In 1786 and\\n1787 he was chosen to the Assembly of Vir-\\nginia, and was again elected to Congress, and\\ntook a seat in that body in the latter year, and\\nupon the adoption of the Federal Constitution\\nwas appointed one of the two first senators\\nfrom Virginia, an office he retained until too\\ninfirm to take part longer in public life.\\nLee was a man who, in evexy relation of life,\\nmaintained a character above reproach. He\\nwas twice married, and was a kind and affec-\\ntionate husband and father. He was a sincere\\nChristian, and was twice thanked by Episcopal\\nconventions for the interest he manifested in\\ntheir affairs, and his doors were ever open to\\nthe poor and destitute. He enjoyed through\\nlife the respect and gratitude of a nation, -who\\ntruly mourned when, on the 19th of June,\\n1794, and in the sixty-fourth year of his age,\\nhe went to his last rest.\\nTHOMAS JEFFEESON.\\nVIRGINIA.\\nThis person, distinguished for the complete\\nascendency which he acquired over the minds\\nof men in every station of life, was born at\\nShad well, in Virginia, on the loth of April,\\n1743. His ancestors were among the earliest\\nBritish emigrants to Virginia, coming from", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0794.jp2"}, "793": {"fulltext": "JEFFERSON.\\namong the mountains of Wales, and his mother\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0was of Scottish descent.\\nHis father s death occurred when he was\\nfourteen, and as he was the eldest of a family\\nof eight, the fine estate of Monticello became\\nhis, where he always after that resided when not\\nengaged in public duties, and where he died.\\nHe entered a grammar school at the age of\\nfive, and commenced the study of the classics\\nat the age of nine, under the care of the Rev.\\nMr. Douglas. Early in the year of 1700 he\\nentered William and Mary College, where he\\nstudied for two years. He owed the direction\\nwhich his mind received at that time towards\\nmathematics and philosophy, to Dr. William\\nSmall, and the foundation of his future attain-\\nments in those sciences was then and there laid.\\nHe then studied law in the office of George\\nWythe, another of the signers of the Declara-\\ntion. During the pro.secution of his studies in\\nthis office, in 1765, he heard the celebrated\\nPatrick Henry deliver his famous denunciation\\nagainst the Stamp Act, and at once became\\naware of the danger to whicli his country was\\nexposed, and, animated by patriotic emotions,\\ntook his stand boldly for the colonists.\\nIn 1769, in consequence of his sentiments,\\nhe was elected to the Virginia Legislature, and\\nsoon became popular there on account of his\\nurgent though unsuccessful endeavors to pro-\\ncure the emancipation of slaves.\\nWhen, in 1773, the plan of corrrespondence\\nbetween the colonies was carried out, he was\\nvery active, as one of the committee, with his\\npen, and in the next year his very able pamph-\\nlet, entitled A Summary View of the Rights\\nof British America, appeared. This produc-\\ntion gave great offence to Lord Dunmore, the\\nroyal governor of Virginia, who threatened to\\narrest him for high treason, and attempted to\\ndissolve the General Assembly because it sus-\\ntained Jefferson, but fiiiling in these efforts, he\\ndesisted from further action.\\nIn 1775 Jefferson was elected a delegate\\nto the Continental Congress, and served in\\nthis body with his wonted fidelity. Such was\\nthe confidence felt in his talents and ability,\\nthat although he was one of the youngest mem-\\nbers, yet he was appointed chairman of the\\ncommittee to draw up the Declaration of Inde-\\npendence. This instrument remains an imper-\\nishable monument to his memory, and fur-\\nnishes us with a good idea of his talents and\\npatriotism.\\nDuring the summer of 1776 he left Congress\\nto take a seat in the Virscinia Leoislature. feel-\\ning that his services were needed more imme-\\ndiately at home. He was soon after appointed,\\nwith Dr. Franklin and Silas Deane, to go to\\nFrance and negotiate terms of alliance, but\\nwas obliged to decline the honor, and remained\\nin his own state till the close of the Revolu-\\ntion, rendering it important services.\\nFrom 1777 into 1779 he was ensfnged with\\nGeorge Wythe^ and Edmund Pendleton in re-\\nvising the laws of the state, and to him belongs\\nthe honor of proposing the laws forbidding the\\nimportation of slaves, annulling the rights of\\nprimogeniture, establishing schools for general\\neducation, and confirming freedom in religious\\nopinion.\\nWhen the prisoners captured at Saratoga\\nwere sent to the different states to be provided\\nfor until the treaty between Gates and Bur-\\ngoyne should be ratified, some were quartered\\nnear Jefferson s residence, and his sympathies\\nbeing deeply enlisted in their behalf, he did\\nall in his power to alleviate their sufferings.\\nBut provisions being scarce they were ordered\\nout of the state, though Jefferson and his friends\\ndid all they could to have them retained.\\nIn June, 1779, he succeeded Patrick Henry\\nas governor of Virginia, and the latter portion\\nof his administration was a period of both diffi-\\nculty and danger. The state was threatened\\nwith raids from Arnold and his lawless bands\\n(45)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0795.jp2"}, "794": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nof followers. Richmond was partially destroy eel,\\nand the governor and his council barely escaped\\ncapture. He endeavored, but in vain, to obtain\\npossession of the traitor.\\nHe had another narrow escape when Tarleton\\nattempted to seize the legislators who were in\\nsession at Charlottesville. He was arranging\\nsome matters at his own house, when he saw\\nthe cavalry ascending a hill towards his resi-\\ndence. Hastily mounting a swift horse, he\\ndashed through the woods and escaped.\\nIn 1782 he was appointed minister plenipo-\\ntentiary to assist in negotiating a treaty with\\nGreat Britain, but the preliminaries having\\nbeen arranged before he could make ready to\\ntake his departure, he did not go. He was not\\nlong after elected a delegate to Congress, and\\nwas the chairman of the committee who rec-\\nommended the ratification of the treaty with\\nGreat Britain in 1783.\\nIn 1784 he wrote an essay on coinage and\\ncurrency, and introduced the convenient system\\nof decimals. During the May of this year he\\nwas appointed, with Adams and Franklin, to\\nnegotiate treaties of commerce with foreign\\nnations. The latter having obtained permis-\\nsion to return home from the French court,\\nJefferson succeeded him as minister in 1785,\\nand remained there four years, where he ac-\\nquired an enviable reputation among the learned\\nmen, and his society was much sought after.\\nDuring his absence Washington had been\\ninaugurated President under the new Constitu-\\ntion and upon his return home he was offered\\nhis choice of going back to France or accept-\\ning a seat in the presidential cabinet as secre-\\ntary of state. This latter office he accepted,\\nand rendered the President iniportant services\\nduring the trying period of his first adminis-\\ntration. He felt called upon to differ with\\nWashington in regard to the rising revolution\\nin France, but acquiesced with him on the sub-\\nject of the neutrality of the United States.\\n(46)\\nBut his bold avowal of democratic sentiments,\\nand undisguised sympathy with the French in\\ntheir struggles for liberty, caused him to become\\nthe head of the party opposed to the adminis-\\ntration of Washington, and in 1793 he resigned\\nhis position in the cabinet.\\nIn 1796 he became the republican candidate\\nfor the presidency in opposition to John Adams.\\nThe latter was chosen and in accordance with\\none of the provisions of the Constitution as it\\nthen stood, that the candidate receiving the\\nnext highest number of votes should be Vice-\\nPresident, Mr. Jefferson filled that office.\\nIn 1800 he was again, with Mr. Adams,\\nbefore the people as an aspirant for the presi-\\ndential chair, and this time was successful.\\nAaron Burr was on the same ticket with hira,\\nand received an equal number of votes, where-\\nupon a new balloting en.sued, and on the thirty-\\nsixth time two of Mr. Burr s friends withdrew,\\nand Jefferson was elected.\\nHis administration continued eight years, he\\nbeing reelected for a second term. The most\\nimportant events which transpired during this\\nperiod were the purchase of Louisiana from\\nFrance, by the payment of fifteen million dol-\\nlars the passage of the embargo act, which\\nprohibited all American vessels from sailing\\nfor foreign ports, all foreign vessels from taking\\nout cargoes, and requiring all coasting vessels\\nto give bonds to land their cargoes in the Uni-\\nted States the non-intercourse and non-impor-\\ntation systems the experiment of constructing\\ngunboats to protect American harbors the\\nsuppression of Burr s attempt to dissolve the\\nUnion and the sending of an exploring com-\\npany to the Rocky Mountain region, and then\\nwestward to the Pacific. He also introduced\\nthe custom of communicating with Congress\\nby message instead of personally addressing it,\\na custom which has been handed down to the\\npresent day. The foreign relations of the Uni-\\nted States were in a very perplexed condition,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0796.jp2"}, "795": {"fulltext": "JEFFERSON. HARRISON.\\nbut he brought them safely through all their\\ntroubles.\\nHe retired to private life at the close of his\\npresidential career, and spent the remainder of\\nhis days in the more quiet pursuits of agriculture\\nand philosophy. Through his exertions a uni-\\nversity was founded in 1818 at Charlottesville,\\nnear his residence, which he liberally endowed,\\nand of which he was the rector.\\nTowards the end of his life his pecuniary\\naffairs became so embarrassed that he was forced\\nto sell his valuable private library to Congress\\nfor the sum of thirty thousand dollars, and this\\nbody also granted him the privilege of dispo-\\nsing of his fine estate by lottery, to prevent it\\nfrom being seized by his creditors and sacrificed.\\nEarly in the year 1826 his bodily health be-\\ncame so poor that he was obliged to cease exer-\\ntion, and in the summer was confined to his bed.\\nOn the morning of the 4th of July he awoke,\\napparently no worse than on the preceding\\nday, but he soon rapidly sunk, and at about\\nnoon his spirit passed away. It is a most sin\\ngular coincidence that John Adams, who was\\nassociated with him in drawing up and signing\\nthe glorious Declaration just fifty years before,\\ndeparted this life on the same day and hour\\nwith Jefferson. He endeared himself to the\\nmasses by his democratic sentiments, and in\\nprivate life, to all who knew him, by his social\\nvirtues. In religion he was a freethinker, but\\nhis morality was unimpeachable.\\nBENJAMIN HAERISON.\\nVIRGINIA.\\nBenjamin Harrison was born in Berkley,\\nCharles City county, Virginia, about 1740. He\\nwas placed at the College of William and Mary,\\nin order that he might obtain a thorough clas-\\nsical education, but disputing with one of the\\nprofessors, he left college before the close of\\nhis term, never returning to receive his degree.\\nHis fiither having died while he was at college,\\nthe management of the estate fell to him, al-\\nthough a minor, being the oldest of six sons,\\nand he performed his duties with great fidelity\\nand skill.\\nAt an early age, in 1764, Harrison entered\\npublic life, becoming an influential member of\\nthe Virginia House of Burgesses, where he was\\nsoon elected speaker, and a seat in which bod}\\nhe held during the greater part of his life.\\nWhen the agitation caused by the Stamp Act\\ntook place, the royal governor, desirous of keep-\\ning him on the side of the government, by\\nreason of his wealth and distinguished connec-\\ntions, as well as personal worth, offered him a\\nseat in the executive council. He rejected the\\noffer, however, announcing his attachment to\\nthe cause of the colonists in opposition to\\nBritish tyranny.\\nHarrison was one of the seven delegates first\\nelected by Virginia to the Continental Congress\\nin 1774. He was reelected in 1775, during the\\nautumn of which year he was appointed on\\nthe committee to visit Washington at Cam-\\nbi idge, Massachusetts, and united with him\\nin forming plans for the future. Towards\\nthe close of 1775 he was appointed chairman\\nof a connnittee to carry on foreign correspon-\\ndence, in which position he faithfully labored\\nuntil the spring of 1777, when such a commit-\\ntee became no longer necessary. He warmly\\nfavored independence, voting for and signing\\nthe Declaration of Independence in 1776. He\\nresigned his seat in Congress in 1777, to re-\\nturn to public affairs in his own state, as well\\nas private affairs which demanded his attention.\\nHe was immediately chosen a member of the\\nHouse of Burgesses, and occupied the speaker s\\nchair in that assembly until 1782.\\nHaving been appointed lieutenant of his\\nnative county, which appointment made him\\n(475", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0797.jp2"}, "796": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nnot only commander of all the militia, with the\\ntitle of colonel, but also presiding judge in all\\nthe civil courts in the county, he made himself\\nactive and useful in bringing the Virginia\\nmilitia into some efficiency. In 1782 Harrison\\nwas chosen governor, managing affairs with\\ngreat ability, and in 1785, having twice been\\nreelected, retired to private life. He almost im-\\nmediately, however, resumed his seat as speak-\\ner in the House of Burgesses. In 1790 he was\\nagain nominated for governor, but declined.\\nIn April of the following year, having been\\nelected to the gubernatorial chair, he invited a\\nparty of friends to dine. While dining he was\\nseized with gout in the stomach, and died the\\nfollowing day. The lamented and respected\\nWilliam Henry Harrison, President of the Unit-\\ned States, was a son of Benjamin Harrison.\\nTHOMAS NELSON.\\nVIRGINIA.\\nThomas Nelson was born in Virginia, at York-\\ntown, December 26, 1738. His father was a\\nwealthy merchant, and occupied a high position\\nin society. In accordance with the custom\\namong the opulent, he sent his son to England\\nat the age of fourteen, to be educated. After\\ncompleting his preparatory studies, he entered\\nTrinity College, Cambridge, where he remained\\nuntil 1761. He watched, with great anxiety,\\nthe struggle between England and America,\\nand favored the latter.\\nIn 1774 we find him a member of the Vir-\\nginia House of Burgesses. It was during a\\nsession of that body that the resolutions passed\\non the Boston Port Bill so aroused the wrath\\nof the royal governor that he dissolved the\\nassembly, but many of the members met the\\nnext day at a tavern, and worked more effect-\\nively than before. He was also a member\\n(48)\\nof the convention which met at Williams-\\nburg to nominate delegates to the Continen-\\ntal Congress.\\nIn 1775 he took a part in another con-\\nvention, and there proposed the bold plan of\\nputting Virginia in a state of defence, which\\nwas accordingly done. In August, 1774, he\\nwas elected a delegate to the General Congress,\\nin which he was very active, although he did\\nnot mingle much in the debates. He retained\\nhis position there during the year 1776, but in\\nMay, 1777, was obliged to withdraw, on account\\nof a serious trouble in his head. When he\\nrecovered sufficiently to be of service to his\\ncountry, he was appointed brigadier-general and\\ncommander in chief of the military forces of\\nhis state.\\nAbout this time the finances of the country\\nwere in such an embarrassed condition that\\nCongress called for volunteers. Mr. Nelson\\nraised a body of them, and proceeded at their\\nhead to assist Washington at Pliiladelphia. The\\nout-door life consequent on the duties of the\\nlast few months so flir restored his health as\\nto enable him to resume his seat in Congress\\nin 1779; but a recurrence of his old complaint\\ncompelled him to again relinquish his connec-\\ntion with that body. In May of that year the\\noperations of the enemy on the coast called\\nGeneral Nelson again into the field.\\nIn 1781 he succeeded Thomas Jefferson as\\ngovernor of the state. The state of things was\\nthen most disheartening, and called for active\\nand vigilant measures; but as the distracted\\ncondition of affairs prevented many of the\\nmembers of the council from meeting, he de-\\ntermined to take matters into his own hands,\\nand by a liberal use of his time and money,\\nsucceeded in keeping the forces together until\\nthe surrender of Cornwallis. For this he re-\\nceived the merited thanks of Washington,\\nalthough he was greatly blamed by many as\\nhaving gone beyond his power as governor,", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0798.jp2"}, "797": {"fulltext": "NELSON. LEE.\\nbut was fully and honorably acquitted by the\\nlegislature of Virginia. His liealth gradually\\ndeclined from this time, and he died January\\n4, 1789.\\nFRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE.\\nVIRGINIA.\\nFrancis Lightfoot Lee, a younger brother\\nof Richard Henry, was born at Stratford, West-\\nmoreland county, Virginia, October 14, 1734.\\nHis father dying before he was old enough to\\nbe sent abroad for an education, he received\\nevery advantage possible in the colonies, being\\nplaced at an early age in the charge of Rev.\\nDr. Craig, a pious and learned Scotch clergy-\\nman, who proved an excellent tutor, educating\\nhis heart as well as his head. Under his in-\\nstruction he acquired a good knowledge of the\\nclassics, and developed a decided taste for read-\\ning and study, which he was able to gratify in\\nhis father s large and valuable library.\\nOn the return of his brother Richard Henry\\nfrom England, he was much impressed with his\\nacquirements and polished manner-s, and im-\\nmediately took him for a model. Having had\\nan independent property left him. by his father,\\nand being without cares, he soon entered upon\\nthe pleasures and occupations of country life in\\nVii ginia, becoming a favorite by his gentle-\\nness and modesty though these same qualities,\\nwhich he always retained, proved disadvan-\\ntageous in public life, as he never overcame a\\ndiffidence which appears to have been a fiimily\\ntrait. He was aroused to the danger impend-\\ning over his country by the contest in the House\\nof Burgesses against Parliament, and took a\\nseat in that body as a member from Loudon\\ncounty, while his brother was at the same time\\na member fi-om Westmoreland county.\\n7\\nHe continued a useful member of this as-\\nsembly until 1772, when he married and moved\\nto Richmond. Here he was immediately chosen\\na member from Richmond, taking part in those\\nmeasures of resistance against Great Britain in\\nwhich Virginia was engaged at that time. He\\nremained the representative of that county\\nuntil August, 1775, when he was chosen in\\nplace of Colonel Bland, who resigned, to a seat\\nin the General Congress. He was reelected\\nsuccessively in 1776, 1777, and 1778, acting\\nupon several important committees, and fre-\\nquently sitting as chairman, and upon the\\nadoption of the Declaration of Independence,\\nsigned that instrument with great delight.\\nHis chief service in Congress was the assistance\\nhe rendered while a member of the committee\\nwhich framed the Articles of Confederation.\\nHe took the stand in favor of securing to the\\ncolonies the right to the northern fisheries and\\nthe navigation of the Mississippi in concluding\\nthe treaty with England, by which he gained the\\ngratitude of the inhabitants of New England.\\nIn the spring of 1779 he retired from Con-\\ngress and returned home, intending never again\\nto engage in politics. He was soon called,\\nhowever, to represent his county in the Vir-\\nginia senate, but he remained here only a short\\ntime, when he again gave up public service.\\nA love of ease and social enjojanent rendered\\nprivate life much more agreeable to him, and\\nhe kept his resolution, and never again could\\nbe induced to leave his domestic pleasures.\\nHe passed the remainder of his life in agri-\\ncultural pursuits, reading, study, and pleasant\\nintercourse with friends, and dispensed his\\nwealth for the benefit of his country and fellow-\\nmen. In April, 1797, he was seized by severe\\npleurisy, and died in a few days, when sixty-\\nthree years of age. He left no children, and\\nwas survived by his wife only a few days.\\n(49)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0799.jp2"}, "798": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nCAETER BRAXTON.\\nVIRGINIA.\\nCarter Braxton was born at Newington,\\nKing and Queen s county, Virginia, Septem-\\nber 10, 1736. He was educated at the College\\nof William and Mary, where he graduated at\\nthe age of nineteen, and on leaving that in-\\nstitution married the daughter of a wealthy\\nplanter, by which union his fortune, already\\nLirge, was considerably increased. He spent\\nthe early part of his life in the enjoyment of\\nhis fortune, going to England in 1757, whei e\\nhe remained until 1760.\\nIn 1765 he took an active part in the session\\nof the House of Burgesses of Virginia, of which\\nhe was a member, when the resolutions of\\nPatrick Henry were introduced and adopted.\\nBraxton took a conspicuous part in the con-\\nvention met on the abdication of Governor\\nDunmore, for the purpose of forming a pro-\\nvincial government, and was chosen representa-\\ntive in the new assembly. In December, 1775,\\nhe was elected a delegate to the Continental\\nCongress, as successor of Peyton Randolph,\\ndeceased. He remained in Congress only one\\nsession, and then resumed his seat in the state\\nlegislature, where he served, with but little\\ninterruption, until 1786, when he became a\\nmember of the executive council, and held\\nthat station until 1791. He was reelected to\\nthe same office in 1794, and held it until\\nwithin four days of his death, which occurred\\nOctober 10, 1797.\\nWILLIAM HOOPER.\\nNORTH CAROLINA.\\nWilliam Hooper was born in Boston, Massa-\\nchusetts, June 17, 1742, and was the son of a\\nScotch clergyman. He received a good prep-\\naration for a college course, and graduated at\\nHarvard College in 1760. He was designed for\\nthe ministry, but evinced a preference for the\\nlaw. Having been admitted to the bar, he re-\\nmoved to North Carolina, where he soon had ex-\\ntensive practice, and became a favorite in society.\\nIn 1770-71 a party sprang up under the\\nname of Regulators, whose actions were\\nviewed in different lights. Mr. Hooper con-\\nsidered them as low malecontents, and assisted\\nGovernor Tryon in suppressing them. For this\\nhe was condemned as a loyalist, and when he\\ncame out boldly on the colonial side he found\\nmany who distrusted him.\\nHis legislative labors were commenced in\\n1773, in the Provincial Assembly in North\\nCarolina, and he signalized himself by his oppo-\\nsition to the British. In 1774 he was elected\\na delegate to the Continental Congress, and\\nalthough younger than a majority of the mem-\\nbers, was placed upon two of the most important\\ncommittees. He was again elected to Congress\\nin 1775, and was chairman of the committee\\nwhich drew up an address to the inhabitants\\nof Jamaica.\\nHe was again returned in 1776, but after\\nsigning the Declaration, was obliged to leave\\nfor home, as his private affairs were in a very\\ndisordered condition. When the Revolution\\nceased, and prosperity once more smiled upon\\nthe land, he resumed the practice of his pro-\\nfession, and did not appear in public life until\\n1786, when he was appointed a judge of the\\nFederal Court established to settle the question\\nof disputed territory between Massachusetts\\nand New York. He died at Hillsborough, in\\nOctober, 1790.\\nJOSEPH HEWES.\\nNORTH CAROLINA.\\nJoseph Hewes was born in Kingston, New\\nJersey, in 1730. He received his education at\\n(60)", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0800.jp2"}, "799": {"fulltext": "HEWES. PENN.\\nPrinceton College, and after completing his\\nstudies in that institution, he was apprenticed\\nto a merchant in Philadelphia, to fit him for\\ncommercial pursuits. His apprenticeship being\\nended, he commenced business with a small\\ncapital which his fether furnished him, and a\\ngood reputation, and in a few years gained\\nquite a fortune.\\nIn 1760, when thirty years of age, he removed\\nto Edenton, North Carolina, where he ever\\nafterwards resided. Gaining the esteem of the\\npeople here by his honesty and uprightness, he\\nwas elected a member of the North Carolina\\nlegislature in 1763, where he discharged his\\nduties faithfully, and was reelected for several\\nyears. He early showed himself a decided\\npatriot, using his influence to bring about a\\nconvention to second the call of Massachusetts\\nfor a General Cona-ress.\\nHe was elected a delegate to the Continen-\\ntal Congress by the convention that met in\\nthe summer of 1774. He took his seat on the\\n14th of the following September, and was ap-\\npointed on a committee to state the rights\\nof the colonies in general, the several instances\\nin which those rights are violated or infringed,\\nand the means most proper to be pursued for\\nobtaining a restoration of them. During this\\nsession he was active in maturing a plan for\\na non-importation agreement throughout the\\ncolonies. By this act he exhibited his dis-\\ninterested patriotism, as, if carried into effect,\\nthe agreement would ruin the business in which\\nhe was engaged.\\nHewes was again elected a member of Con-\\ngress in 1775, also in 1776, serving on many\\nimportant committees, and was in effect the\\nfirst secretary of the navy of the United States.\\nHis views of independence being supported by\\nhis instructions, he voted for and signed the\\nDeclaration. Returning home on account of\\nthe troubles, he remained until 1779, declining\\na reelection in 1777. In 1779, however, he\\nwas elected again, but having a weak constitu-\\ntion, his health failed rapidly, and he resigned\\nhis seat. He only lived eleven days after,\\ndying in Philadelphia on the 10th of Novem-\\nbei*, 1779, in the fiftieth year of his age. His\\nremains were followed to the grave by Con-\\ngress in a body, and large numbers of the\\ncitizens of Philadelphia.\\nJOHN PENN.\\nNORTH CAROLINA.\\nJohn Penn was born in Virginia, on the\\n17th of May, 1741. His father, although\\npossessed of the means for giving him a good\\nEnglish education, utterly neglected his intel-\\nlectual culture, and his two or three years\\nattendance at a common country school were\\nhis only opportunities for improvement. His\\nfather dying when he was only eighteen, left\\nhim in the full possession of a competent for-\\ntune. Happily for him, the retirement of his\\nprevious life had been without the induce-\\nments to dissipation which too many situa-\\ntions afford, and the natural vigor and bent\\nof his mind prevented him, when he came\\ninto the enjoyment of his estate, from leading\\nan idle and vicious life.\\nInstead of making for himself companions\\nof the gay and dissipated, he sought the society\\nof the celebrated Edward Pendleton, a near\\nrelative, who allowed him the free use of his\\nextensive library. This privilege was turned\\nto advantage by young Penn, who applied him-\\nself assiduouslj to the study of the law. In\\nthis he succeeded far beyond his expectations,\\nand although he was his own instructor, was\\nadmitted to the bar at the age of twenty-\\none. His new profession rapidly developed\\ntalents which hitherto had lain dormant, and\\nhis earnest, persuasive eloquence stirred the\\ntenderest emotions of all who heard it.\\nIn 1774 he moved to North Carohna, where\\n(51)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0801.jp2"}, "800": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nhis talents soon won him renown, and in 1775\\nhe was sent as delegate to the Continental\\nCono-ress. He retained his connection with\\nthis body three years, during which time he\\ndischarged his duties faithfully and well.\\nWhen, in 1780, Cornwallis commenced his\\nvictorious march, the western part of North\\nCarolina was in a wholly defenceless con-\\ndition, and the legislature conferred almost\\nabsolute authority upon Mr. Penn to take meas-\\nures for the preservation of it, which he\\naccomplished in a creditable manner. In 1781\\nhe resumed the practice of his profession, but\\nhe was again called into public life in 1784,\\nwhen he was appointed a receiver of taxes by\\nRobert Morris for his state. This situation,\\nalthough one of trust and honor, was such as to\\nrender him unpopular in the extreme, and\\nfinding that his exertions in it were of little\\nbenefit to his country, he soon resigned it.\\nHe died in September, 1788. His life fur-\\nnishes a bright example of success attending\\nwell-directed efforts in spite of discouragements\\nin early life.\\nEDWARD RUTLEDGE.\\nSOUTH CAROLINA.\\nEdward Rutledge was born in South Caro-\\nlina, in November, 1749. His father emigrated\\nfrom Ireland, and settled at Charleston, in 1735.\\nAfter receiving a good English and classical\\neducation, he was placed in the office of his\\nelder brother to prepare for the law, and by\\nway of finishing his studies, he went to Eng-\\nland, where he entered the Inner Temple, and\\nhad an opportunity of listening to the eloquence\\nof the master minds of the day. He returned\\nhome in 1772, and was admitted to the bar,\\nwhere he soon rapidly rose into eminence.\\nAlthough young, he had taken a great in-\\nterest in the political questions of the day, and\\n(62)\\ntook a decisive stand on the side of the colonies.\\nThis, together with his growing reputation as a\\nlawyer, brought him before the public, and the\\nconvention of South Carolina sent him as a\\ndelegate to the first Continental Congress. He\\nthere displayed great activity and fearlessness\\nin his efforts for the Declaration of Independ-\\nence, although many of the citizens of his state\\nwere opposed to it. He, with Richard Lee and\\nJohn Adams, prepared the preamble.\\nWhen, during the darkest days of the Revo-\\nhition, the British sent Lord Howe to endeavor\\nto procure a reconciliation. Dr. Franklin, John\\nAdams, and Mr. Rutledge were commissioned\\nto negotiate with him. This proved, as was\\nexpected, a fixilure, as the terms offered, namely,\\nthe representation of the colonies as free\\nstates, were such as England would not accept.\\nOn account of ill health he relinquished his\\nseat in Congress in 1777, but returned in\\n1779, having in the mean time been actively\\nengaged at home in repelling invasion. He\\ncommanded a battalion of artillery, and suc-\\nceeded in dislodging the British from their\\nposition at Port Royal. During the siege of\\nCharleston, in 1780, he was actively engaged\\nin affording succor to General Lincoln, but in\\nan attempt to throw troops into the city, was\\ncaptured, and sent to St. Augustine, Florida,\\nwhere he remained a prisoner for nearly a year.\\nHe afterwards resided some time in Philadel-\\nphia, but soon removed south, and resumed the\\npractice of his profession, serving ably at the\\nsame time in the state legislature, where he\\nrendered himself conspicious by his strenuous\\nopposition to the extension of slavery, and his\\nadvocacy of the Federal Constitution.\\nHe was chosen to fill the vacancy in the\\nSenate of the United States caused by the\\nresignation of Charles C. Pinckney, but did not\\nhold the office after 1798, when he was elected\\ngovernor of South Carolina. In this office he\\ndied, January 23, 1800.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0802.jp2"}, "801": {"fulltext": "HAYWARD. LYNCH.\\nTHOMAS HAYWAED.\\nSOUTH CAROLINA.\\nThomas Hatward was born in South Carolina,\\nin the year 1746. His father was a wealthy\\nplanter, and placed his son in the best classical\\nschool in that region, where he so readily mas-\\ntered the Latin that he read with ease the best\\nworks in that language. As soon as he finished\\nhis studies he entered a law office, where he\\nstudied for a while, and then went to England\\nto finish his legal education. He entered one\\nof the courts of the Temple, and prosecuted\\nhis studies with much zeal.\\nWhile he was in England he was much dis-\\npleased with the idea, every where prevalent,\\nthat a colonist was inferior to an inhabitant of\\nthe mother country, and he combated it, but\\nunsuccessfully. Before returning home he vis-\\nited several of the states of Europe, but instead\\nof being impressed with the splendor of the\\ncourts, he only became more deeply imbued\\nwith democratic principles. He was among the\\nfirst in his state to resist tyranny and oppres-\\nsion in every form, and constantly scoffed at\\nthe idea of unconditional submission. This\\nboldness caused hiui to be elected a member\\nof the General Assembly, and also of the first\\nCommittee of Safety.\\nIn 1775 he was elected a member of the\\nGeneral Congress, but only accepted after he\\nhad been waited upon by a special delegation.\\nHe remained here until 1778, when he became a\\njudge of the criminal and civil courts for his state.\\nHis patriotism rendered him particularly\\nodious to the tories, who made several ineffect-\\nual attempts to obtain his person. He received\\na military commission in 1780, and having been\\nwounded, was taken prisoner and sent to St.\\nAugustine, Florida, where he remained a year.\\nOn his return he resumed his seat upon the\\nbench, and was engaged in its duties until\\n1798. He then retired to private life, and died\\nMarch, 1809.\\nTHOMAS LYNCH, JR.\\nSOUTH CAROLINA.\\nThomas Lynch was born in Prince George s\\nparish. South Carolina, on the 5th of August,\\n1749. Having received a good academical\\neducation at Georgetown, South Carolina, he\\nwas placed at Eton, England, and after com-\\npleting his preparatory studies entered Cam-\\nbridge University, where he took his degree,\\nand won the respect and esteem of the tutors\\non account of his studious habits. Upon leav-\\ning Cambridge, Lynch began the study of the\\nlaw in the Temple, London. Here he applied\\nhimself fliithfully, and became a finished lawyer,\\nand being acquainted with some of the leading\\npoliticians, gained a pretty thorough knowledge\\nof the movements of the government, and be-\\ncame desirous to return home, where he arrived\\nin 1772. He soon after married, relinquished\\nthe profession of the law, and settled upon a\\nplantation given him by his father.\\nLynch made his first appearance in public\\nlife in 1773, at a town meeting in Charleston,\\ncalled for the consideration of British imposi-\\ntion. Here he immediately won the hearts of\\nthe people by his patriotism and eloquence,\\nand froui that time he was looked upon as one\\nwho would materially aid in obtaining freedom\\nfor his country. He was chosen to many offices\\nof trust, and in 1775 he accepted a captain s\\ncommission in the army.\\nHe was called from this service to the Con-\\ntinental Congress, to fill the seat vacated by\\nhis father in consequence of ill health, and took\\nhis seat in that body in 1776, supporting the\\nproposition for independence and signing his\\nname to the Declaration, which was one of his\\nlast public acts. He did not remain long in\\nCongress, but was obliged to resign his seat, as\\nhis health became impaired, and returned home\\nwith his father, who died at Annapolis. As the\\nonly means of saving his life he sailed for the\\n(63)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0803.jp2"}, "802": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nWest Indies, accompanied by his wife, towards\\nthe latter part of the year 1779, intending to\\ntake passage on a neutral vessel thence to\\nEurope. The vessel is supposed to have foun-\\ndered at sea, as it never reached its destined\\nport, and was never heard of afterwards. He\\nwas one of the youngest and most promising\\nstat smen of the Kevolution, being only thirty\\nyears of age when he pei ished.\\nARTHUR MIDDLETON.\\nSOUTH CAROLINA.\\nArthur Middleton was born in South Carolina,\\nin 1743. His father, Henry Middleton, was a\\nwealthy planter, of English descent. The son\\nenjoyed such opportunities as the province\\nafforded for obtaining an education, until he\\nreached a suitable age, when he was sent to\\nEngland to receive a thorough education. At\\nfifteen he was sent to Harrow school, from\\nthence to Westminster, where he remained four\\nyears, then entering Cambridge University.\\nHere he was very studious, and after remaining\\nfour years, graduated with distinguished honors\\nat the age of twenty-two.\\nAfter remaining some time in England, for\\nthe purpose of improvement and the cultiva-\\ntion of the acquaintance of a branch of his\\nfamily, he travelled on the continent for two\\nyears, passing some time at Rome, where he\\nbecame well acquainted with the fine arts, and\\nquite proficient as a painter. He again visited\\nEurope after his marriage, and returning, took\\nup his residence in the family mansion and\\nengaged in planting. He soon, however, left\\nthis for a more active life, and became a leader\\nof the revolutionary party. He was one of\\nthe most useful and decided members of the\\nfirst council of safety.\\nThis colony, having been particularly favored\\n(S4)\\nby the English government, it required all the\\neloquence of the leaders to rouse the people to\\ntake part in the Revolution, and to this task Mid-\\ndleton zealously devoted himself In 1776 he\\nwas placed upon the committee to form a state\\ngovernment, and in the spring he was elected\\nby the Provincial Legislature a delegate to the\\nContinental Congress, and having been active\\nin promoting measures leading to the severing\\nof the colonies from Great Britain, affixed his\\nname to the Declaration of Independence.\\nMiddleton returned to South Carolina at the\\nclose of 1777, when his membership terminated,\\nand in 1778 was elected governor, but declined\\naccepting the appointment. In 1779, South\\nCarolina being invaded by the British, his prop-\\nerty was ravaged, but unmindful of it he joined\\nGovernor Rutledge in his defence of the state.\\nIn 1780, after the fall of Charleston, he was\\ntaken prisoner, and being one of those kept as\\nhostages, he was sent to St. Augustine, Florida,\\nand thence to the Jersey prison ship. The\\nlatter part of 1780 he was sent to Philadelphia\\nan exchanged prisoner, and was at once elected\\na Representative to Congress, where he served\\ntill the close of the war.\\nMiddleton was an excellent stenographer,\\nthen an uncommon accomplishment, taking\\ndov.n many debates he also wrote useful po-\\nlitical essays under the signature of Andrew\\nMarvell. He was a representative to the state\\nlegislature until the close of the year 1787,\\nwhen, having contracted an intermittent fever,\\nhe died on the 1st of January, 1788.\\nBUTTON GWINNETT.\\nGEORGIA.\\nButton Gwinnett was born in England, in\\n1732. He received a good common education\\nonly, as the means of his parents were some-", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0804.jp2"}, "803": {"fulltext": "GWINNETT. HALL.\\nwhat limited. After finishing an apprentice-\\nship to a merchant in Bristol, he married and\\nbegan business for himself Attracted by pros-\\npects of wealth and distinction, he embarked\\nfor America, and arrived at Charleston, South\\nCarolina, in the year 1770. He remained here\\ntwo years engaged in mercantile business, when\\nhe removed to Georgia, purchasing large tracts\\nof land on St. Catharine s Island, and devoted\\nhimself to agricultural pursuits.\\nHe favored, in a measure, the opposition of\\nthe colonists to British oppression, but was one\\nof those who were somewhat doubtful of success\\nin an open rupture with the mother country\\nconsequently he looked upon the proposition\\nof a General Congress with unfavorable eyes,\\nas dangerous and full of evils. Meeting with\\nDr. Lyman Hall, and other true patriots, how-\\never, he changed his views, and became one of\\nthe warmest supporters of American independ-\\nence, and an advocate of unyielding resistance\\nto oppression.\\nGwinnett became very popular as soon as he\\nespoused the cause of the people, and being-\\ntalented and possessing a cultivated mind, every\\nhonor in their power they quickly bestowed\\nupon him. Openly supporting the cause of\\nthe patriots, he was elected to the Continental\\nCongress by the parish of St. John, in 1775.\\nHe was reelected the following year, and ac-\\ncording to instruction and his own inclination,\\nhe voted for and signed the Declaration of\\nIndependence. He remained in Congress\\nuntil 1777, when he was chosen a member\\nof the state convention to form a constitu-\\ntion, and its grand outlines are attributed to\\nGwinnett.\\nReceiving so many civil honors, Gwinnett\\nbecame ambitious, and desirous of obtaining\\nmilitary honors also. He became a candidate\\nfor the office of brigadier-general, but was\\ndefeated by his opponent, Colonel Mcintosh,\\nwhom he ever afterwards looked upon as a per-\\nsonal enemy. He planned a military expedi-\\ntion against East Florida, which he refused to\\ntrust to General Mcintosh, who was entitled to\\ncommand it, and which ended disastrously.\\nThis, together with other irritations, led to a\\nduel, in which both were wounded, Gwinnett\\nmortally, and at the early age of forty-five he\\ndied, on the 27th of May, 1777.\\nLYMAN HALL.\\nGEORGIA.\\nLym.\\\\n Hall was born in Connecticut, in 1727.\\nHis father possessing some fortune, he received\\na good education, entering Yale College at the\\nage of sixteen, and graduating in 1747. He\\nselected the practice of medicine as a pro-\\nfession, and after completing his professional\\nstudies, he married, and removed to South Car-\\nolina in 1752, and soon afterwards to Sunbury,\\nGeorgia. Here he was very successful in his\\nprofession, and won the unlimited confidence\\nand esteem of his fellow-citizens by his intelli-\\ngence, uprightness, and consistency.\\nDr. Hall was among the first of the patriots\\nat the south to resist British oppression. The\\ncommunity in which he lived was thoroughly\\nimpressed with the same feeling as many of\\nthe people were from New England, and brought\\nhither their principles. The parish of St. Jolin,\\nin which Dr. Hall resided, appeared in fact to\\nhave all the patriotism of the province concen-\\ntrated there, as many of the settlers were direct\\nfrom Europe, in whom the principles of free-\\ndom were much less strong. In 1774, with\\nthe assistance of a few others, he endeavored\\nto arouse a little spirit by calling meetings, but\\nhis efforts seemed almost useless. Finally, at a\\ngeneral meeting called at Savannah, in July,\\n1774, despairing of inducing Georgia to send\\ndelegates to Congress at Philadelphia, he re-\\n(66)", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0805.jp2"}, "804": {"fulltext": "SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.\\nturned home. Having the deepest sympathy\\nwith the New England patriots, the people of\\nthe parish of St. John determined to act inde-\\npendently of the rest of the colony, and elected\\nDr. Hall delegate to the General Congress,\\nwhere he took a seat by a unanimous vote of\\nCongress, notwithstanding he was not a dele-\\ngate countenanced by the whole province.\\nAfterwards Georgia was induced to send five\\ndelegates, of whom Hall was one. He offered\\nhis new credentials in May, 1776, taking part\\nin the debates which followed Mr. Lee s motion\\nfor independence, warmly supporting it, and\\nvoting for it on the 4th of July. After sign-\\ning the Declaration, on the 2d of August he re-\\nturned home for a time. He continued to\\nbe annually reelected to Congress until 1780,\\nat the close of which year he retired from the\\nContinental Congress to attend to the safety of\\nhis family, as the state was invaded by the Brit-\\nish. He was able to remove them, but being\\nobliged to leave his property it was confiscated.\\nReturning to Georgia in 1782, he was elected\\ngovernor the following year, which office he\\nheld one term, and then retired to private life.\\nHe died in February, 1791, in the sixty-third\\nyear of his age, greatly lamented.\\nGEORGE WALTON.\\nGEORGIA.\\nGeorge W.\\\\lton was born in Virginia, in 1740.\\nHis early education was exceedingly limited,and\\nat the age of fourteen he was apprenticed to a\\ncarpenter. His desire for information prompted\\nhim to spend all his spare moments at night\\nporing over books by the aid of a pine torch.\\nIn this way his mind became well stored, and\\n(56)\\nhe laid the foundation of his future greatness.\\nHe afterwards moved into Georu;ia and com-\\nmenced the study of law, the practice of which\\nhe began in 1777, at a period when the colonies\\nwere in a ferment respecting British opjjres-\\nsion.\\nGeorgia was at first very backward in taking\\na stand on the side of right and justice, and\\nwas the only colony not represented in the\\nGeneral Congress. Walton, with a few other\\nardent patriots, endeavored to persuade the\\npeople to adopt sentiments like his own. His\\nefforts were crowned with success, and he had\\nthe pleasure of seeing Georgia finally yield to\\nthe tide of public opinion.\\nIn 1776 the Colonial Assembly sent five del-\\negates to the Continental Congress, of whom\\nMr. Walton was one. This body was convened\\nat Baltimore at the time he took his seat, hav-\\ning removed from Philadelphia because of the\\nexpected attack upon that city by Cornwallis.\\nHe retired from his congressional duties in\\n1778, to accept the position of colonel of a\\nregiment in his state, when it was threatened\\nwith an invasion from the sea. He was present\\nat the siege of Savannah, and received a severe\\nwound in his thigh, and while in this disabled\\ncondition was taken prisonei but was finally\\nexchanged.\\nIn October, 1779, he was appointed governor\\nof Georgia by the legislature, but did not hold\\nthis office long, as he was again sent to Con-\\ngress, but in the next October he returned\\nhome to retake the position of governor.\\nHe became also chief justice of the state,\\nand held this post of honor till his death. In\\n1798 he was constituted a member of the Uni-\\nted States Senate, which position he retained a\\nyear. He died in Augusta, Georgia, February\\n2, 1804.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0806.jp2"}, "805": {"fulltext": "art J6I\\nTWO STEEL ENGRAVINGS IN EVERY PART.\\n25 cts. each.\\nTO wen WILL BE ADDED THE MOBY OF THE SOUTHERN REBELLION.\\nBOSTON SAMTTEL WALKER, 3 TREMONTT EO W", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0807.jp2"}, "806": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0808.jp2"}, "807": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0809.jp2"}, "808": {"fulltext": "BEAUTIFULLY ILLUSTRATED\\nHISTORY OF THE UNTIED STATES,\\nAND\\nBIOGRiPIIIES OF THE mUU OF THE! DE(LABATIOi\\\\ OF INDEPENDENtE.\\nThe American people have always received with favor works on the History of their\\ncountry, and none perhaps has had a wider circulation, or been more generally approved, than\\nthis of which the publisher now oflfers a new and improved edition, brought down to i/ie adminis-\\ntration of Presided Bwshanan.\\nA testimonial to a former edition, signed by Daniel Webster, George P. Marsh, Moses H.\\nGrinnell, and others, thus speaks of the author and his work His sj^irited and impartial narra-\\ntive, exhibiting an unusual degree of industry, candor, and carefulness his manly and philo-\\nsophical views of the physical, social, and political aspects of our Eepublic and the complete-\\nness of the sketch he presents of American society, in its widely various features, all combine\\nto invest it with a standard character. And it recommends the History as a standard ivorlc,\\nremarkable for the clearness with which it is written, and for the impartiality with which many\\nvexed questions, so interesting to us as Americans, are treated.\\nThe present edition will offer to the reader a complete record of our national annals, and will\\nshow the progress and condition of the country as exhibited by the census of 1860.\\nThe Biographies of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence are a valuable addition\\nto the History, which it is believed must prove highly acceptable to all who reverence that\\ngreat instrument and the patriots who pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred\\nhonors to its support.\\nThe work will be beautifully illustrated with fine steel engravings and wood cuts, executed\\nexpressly for it, from pictures by eminent artists,- and original designs by Hammatt Billings. It\\nwill also contain a map of the United States, engraved expressly for the work and the pub-\\nlisher can safely say that no serial publication of equal value and beauty, has ever before been\\noffered to the American public at so low a price.\\nCONDITIONS OF PUBLICATION.\\nThe work will be published in parts, each containing two fine steel engraving?, engraved expressly for tliis\\nwork, also numerous highly finished wood cuts will be given in the course of pul)licatioi).\\nEach part will be furnished to subscribers at twenty-five cents, payable on delivery.\\nThe work is expected to be completed in thirty parts but shoiild the number exceed thirty-two, all over\\nthat number will be furnished to subscribers gratis.\\nNo subscription will he taken for less than one entire copy.\\nThe Southern Rebellion has given a new interest to the History of the United States, by calling attention\\nto the origin and progress of the Union, and especially to those past events and acts which serve to explain, in\\nsome degree, the present state of afiairs. The publisher is therefore induced to continue the History through this\\nmost important era of the nation s existence, and thus to make a complete History of the country, from the earliest\\nperiod down to the close of Rebellion. With this object, a new volume will be issued, commencing with Mr,\\nBuchanan s Administration, illustrated with the finest engravings, and giving a narrative of events, compiled from\\nofficial documents and other authentic souroes. Specimen parts are now ready.", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0810.jp2"}, "809": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0811.jp2"}, "810": {"fulltext": "II", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0812.jp2"}, "811": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0813.jp2"}, "812": {"fulltext": "I\\nII", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0814.jp2"}, "813": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0815.jp2"}, "814": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3167", "width": "2385", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0816.jp2"}, "815": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3162", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0817.jp2"}, "816": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3197", "width": "2477", "jp2-path": "historyofuniteds00hint_0818.jp2"}}