{"1": {"fulltext": ".i. i;;.ii- .i;i it ffl", "height": "3364", "width": "2101", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3270", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3265", "width": "1970", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3218", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3203", "width": "1929", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "2069", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3244", "width": "1939", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "COL. A. K. McCLURE,\\nOf I ennsylvauiff,", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^M.^\\nLEISURE HOUR\\nVol. VII. DECEMBER, 1871. No. III.\\nSKETCHES OF PEOMINENT PUBLIC MEN.\\nN0MBEE FIFTY-FODS.\\nBY J. TRAINOR KING,\\nCOL. A. K. McCLUKE.\\nFortune a godrless is to fools alone,\\nThe wise are always masters of their own.\\nIf the life-history of any man in the State illustrates Dryden s idea, as\\nabove expressed, it is that of Col. Alexander K. McClure, the present and\\nfifty-fourth subject of our series. Col. McClure s life has been made up of\\ntrials and triumphs, yet he has never fawned upon the fickle goddess for her\\nsmiles, nor bowed beneath her frowns. He comes of a robust race of moun-\\ntaineers, of Scotch-Irish descent, without the guinea s stamp, but with one\\nmore indelible, more honorable that of true manhood. He was born January\\n9th, 1828, among the mountains of Perry County, Pennsylvania. His early\\nschooling was of too meagre a nature to justify mention; perhaps more detri-\\nmental than advantageous. At fifteen years of age he was apprenticed to\\nthe tanning trade. At eighteen his time had expired, and being pronounced\\nau fait by his master, he started out as a journeyman. In 1846 he visited\\nthis city in the pursuit of his calling, extending his tramp to New York\\nand New England. The same fall, however, he returned to his native county,\\nand embarked in the more congenial avocation of newspaper publisher, estab-\\nlishing The Juniata Sentinel, at Mifiiin. This opened a more fascinating field\\nfor his grasping mind, and he concentrated all his powers of thought, not\\nonly upon its managerial and editorial intricacies, but the practical working\\nof the composing room, and in one year s time had sufiiciently mastered the\\nlatter to assume the foremanship, and get out his paper with the assistance of\\nan \u00c2\u00a3-pprentice. Here, then, before he was twenty, he was master of two\\npractical trades, and an editor well versed in politics, at least local. At the\\ninstance of Joseph B. Meyers and Henry White, of Philadelphia, he was, oa\\nhis twenty-first birthday, appointed Aid to Gov. Wm. F. Johnston, and herbce\\nhis title of Colonel. In 1850 he was appointed Deputy United States Mar-\\nshal for Juniata County. This appointment was, perhaps, mainly attributable\\nto the influimce he wielded through the Sentinel, which had, by this time,,\\ngained quite an extended circulation and conquered a decided success.\\n7", "height": "3244", "width": "1939", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "I f^\\nSa LEISURE HOURS.\\nIn 1852 he purchased the Chambershurg Repository, which he enlarged and\\nsoon gave a State-wide circulation and influence. In 1853, when only twenty-\\nfive years of age, he was nominated on the Whig ticket for Auditor-General,\\nbut the State being at that time largely democratic, he was defeated by Hon.\\nEphraim Banks, the Democratic candidate. In 1855 he was voluntarily\\nappointed Superintendent of Public Printing by Governor Pollock. This\\nposition he resigned after having served eight months. The same year,\\nhaving studied law with William McLellan, Esq., of Chambershurg, he was\\nadmitted to the bar, and became the law partner of his preceptor.\\nIn 1856 he received another appointment from Governor Pollock that of\\nSuperintendent of the Erie and Northeast Railroad, to settle the riots which\\nhad been so productive of mischief for a year previous in the City of Erie.\\nHe succeeded in adjusting the difficulties promptly and finally, to the great\\nrelief of the peaceful and more progressive citizens of Erie and to his own\\ncredit. The same year he was a delegate to the National Republican Con-\\nvention, which nominated Fremont and Dayton for President and Vice-\\nPresident, and made a thorough canvass of the State in behalf of the ticket.\\nIn 1857 he was one of the handful (twenty-seven, all told,) of Republican mem-\\nbers elected to the Legislature, and from a district that gave four hundred\\nmajority against his party. In the House he took a prominent part in the\\nsale of the public works, and in aiding the construction of the Erie Railroad.\\nIn 1858 he was returned to the House with a largely increased majority, and\\nthe following year, 1859, was chosen State Senator from his district by four\\nhundred majority, after a most exciting and bitter contest, succeeding a\\ndemocrat who had added three hundred and fifty democratic votes to the\\ndistrict by a new apportionment.\\nIn 1860 he was appointed Chairman of the Republican State Central Com-\\nmittee. In this campaign he made, for the first time in the State, a thorough\\nand complete organization in every county, township and precinct. The\\nsame year he was mentioned prominently for United States Senator, but\\ndeclined to be a candidate, and supported Mr. Wilmot.\\nWhen the war broke out he was in the Senate, and was made Chairman of\\nthe Committee on Military Affairs\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a position he filled with intelligent dis-\\ncrimination. During that trying period of our national existence, he gave a\\nmost unselfish and cordial support to the National and State Governments,\\nand was author of most important war measures in his place in the Senate.\\nIn 1862 he was solicited by President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton to\\nmake the draft in Pennsylvania, and, with two clerks, he had the State\\nenrolled, credits adjusted, draft made and seventeen regiments in the field in\\nsixty days. To give him the military authority to make the draft he was\\ncommissioned Assistant Adjutant-General of the United States. This he\\nresigned as soon as the work was completed.\\nIn 1863 he declined the Chairmanship of the Republican State Central\\nCommittee, but gave his undivided time and best energies during the cam-\\npaign for Governor Curtin s re-election. In 1864 he was elected delegate at\\nlarge to the Republican National Convention, and was formally requested by\\nthree-fourths of the delegates of the State Convention to accept the Chair-", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "LEISURE HOURS. 83\\nmanship i^ 5tate Committee. He declined this to accept the nomination\\nfor the Legislature from a new district, which was strongly Democratic. He\\nwas elected by four hundred majority.\\nAfter the defeat of his party in October of that year, and at the special\\nrequest of President Lincoln, he came to Philadelphia to aid in organizing, or\\nperfecting the organization, for the Presidential election to follow in Novem-\\nber. The same year, in July, Lee s army, in its invasion of and detour in\\nPennsylvania, destroyed all his property, near Chambersburg, amounting to\\n$76,000. To do this it even went out of its way, as if with special intent to\\nleave him homeless, as a punishment for his ardent support of the National\\nGovernment.\\nIn 1867 he left Chambersburg, and spent the summer in the Rocky Moun-\\ntains for the benefit of his wife and son s health. On his return he located\\nin Philadelphia, in the practice of the law, and soon after published a work\\non his travels in the new Territories.\\nHe was Chairman of the Pennsylvania delegation in the National Repub-\\nlican Convention that nominated General Grant for President, and advocated\\nthe claims of Governor Curtin for Vice-President, in a speech of great power\\nand earnestness. During that campaign he devoted his entire time to the\\ncanvass of Pennsylvania, until after the October election, when he stumped\\nConnecticut, Rhode Island and Massachusetts under direction of the National\\nCommittee. He made his last political speech in 1869, for Governor Jewell,\\nin Connecticut; although he really withdrew from active participation in\\npolitics after the Presidential contest in 1868, ten years of incessant labor in\\npolitics having completely broken him down in health and pocket; and\\nbesides these reasons, amounting almost to necessities, for a more qtfiet and\\nprofitable life, he considered the great issues of the war settled by that\\nelection, and the responsibilities resting upon him as a loyal citizen discharged.\\nCol. McClure gave more time and made more sacrifices for the Repub-\\nlican party in the days when hard work was needed than, perhaps, any man in\\nthe State, and he did it for principle and not to feather his own nest. Though\\nan acknowledged leader, and a bold and unvanquishable defender of its doc-\\ntrines, he never allowed his name to be used in connection with any of the\\ngreat remunerative offices in its gift. He was Mr. Lincoln s most trusted\\npolitical adviser in Pennsylvania, and a bosom friend of Governor Curtin.\\nHe was a loorldng member of the Whig and Republican parties, from 1849 to\\n1868. and never missed being present at a State Convention in all the years\\nintervening. As a representative man he literally towered over liis fellows\\nsitting in his seat in a state of apparent indifference to the thunder of this\\nmember, or the rhetoric of that, his herculean form would suddenly bolt up\\nand in words, few but conclusive, he would demolish the beautiful fabric\\nof the rhetorician, or bring the Jupiter down to mundane realities. His\\ngreat speeches were, however, carefully digested, and delivered with the\\npower of eloquence and earnestness for which he is characterized. Chief\\namong these were those in favor of a liberal policy of improvements; in aid\\nof the Sunbury and Erie Railroad, and in the repeal of the unjust tax upon\\nonnage, a repeal by which the commerce of Philadelphia was greatly enlarged.", "height": "3244", "width": "1939", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "84 LEISURE HOURS.\\nHis i olitical speeches defined the policy of his party in thePT-ying time\\nwhen the outbreak of war gave birth to the most delicate and complex ques-\\ntions. His last great speech in the Legislature was in 1865, in support of the\\nthirteenth amendment, abolishing slavery. His campaign speeches are too\\nfamiliar to our readers for special reference.\\nAs a specimen of his powers as an extemporaneous speaker, we make the\\nfollowing extract from a response to a toast given at Governor Curtin s ban-\\nquet, June 12th, 1869, after Col. McClure had retired from public life.\\nThe response was to the toast The Young Eepublicans of 1860. We\\nquote as follows\\nNine years ago the young Eepublicans of Pennsylvania made him (Gov.\\nCurtin.) their chieftain, and since then he has had no rival in their confidence\\nand love. Through evil and good report, whether in power or sceptreless,\\nwith them, where sits MacDonald, theie is the head of the table. Others\\nhave brightened and fiided, have climbed and fallen, but his name and his\\nrecord have inspired the earnest men in every conflict. The retrospect of\\ntheir achievements covers less than a decade. They have had perpetual\\nbattle. Whoever gathered the laurels of their victories, whether worthily\\nconferred, or won in dishonor and worn in shame, it was their task to com-\\nplete the work they had so bravely begun. They have fought the great fight,\\nuntil the full fruition of the country s sacrifices in war is realized in the\\nsublimest fabric of human government ever reared by man or blessed by\\nheaven. It was a mighty struggle, and priceless were the offerings on the\\naltar of freedom. By scores of thousands M e count our dead, our maimed,\\nour widowed and our fatherless; and among those who enjoy with us the\\nblessings for which our martyrs died, how sadly eyes are dimmed, how deeply\\nbrows are furrowed, how locks are silvered, and strong forms bowed in the\\ncrucible of a nation s redemption. Sooner for some, later for others, and not\\nlong hence for all, we shall surrender our now unstained inheritance to those\\nwho will preserve, in growing power and grandeur, our perfected liberty and\\njustice for future generations. There will be noble names recorded with\\nnoble deeds, to inspire those who come after us with the highest devotion to\\nfree institutions; and even the humble and forgotten in the pages of man s\\nmost illustrious annals have their proud reward, that they filled the measure\\nof their duty in maintaining that government of the people, by the people,\\nand for the people, shall not perish from the earth.\\nIn these sketches we have not aimed to discover greatness hid beneath a\\nholly. We prefer that the public should first make the discovery it is\\nmore likely to do so than an humble individual. Therefore, when we say\\nthat Col. McClure is a great political leader, a man of extraordinary ability\\nas a public speaker, lecturer and expounder of law, we express not our own\\nopinion, but that of the public. Men may differ with him politically, but\\nall accord to him the honor of exalted thought, clear comprehension, earnest\\nintent, and patriotic devotion to principle. No man in the State, if we may\\nexcept General Cameron, has figured so conspicuously in the political arena,\\nand none stand before the world with a clearer record.\\nIn personal appearance he is commanding. He would be singled out of a", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "LEISURE HOURS. 85\\ntlionsand as Alec. McClure from description alone, and from his presence\\nwould be noted as a man of decided calibre. Six feet and two inches\\nin height, powerfully built, and without being corpulent or even fleshy,\\nweighing two hundred pounds and over, with a massive head and expressive\\nface, it is little wonder he* attracts attention and admiration. All great men\\nare peculiar, otherwise they would be ordinary. His leading peculiarity is\\nseeming indifference to surroundings, or rather, taking minute account of\\nwhat is going on around him, and at the same time writing or holding con-\\nverse with one or more persons. In the Senate, as we have before intimated,\\nwhile having appeared wholly absorbed in the work before him, during the\\ndiscussion of some knotty question, he would, when the proper time arrived,\\nrise in place and take up the points gone over, seriatim, and dissect them and\\nthe arguments in their favor as thorouglily as if he had had his whole mind\\nbent on the subject. This trait was rehearsed to us by Hon. George Connell\\nin his lifetime, and was accounted by him a most wonderful attribute. The\\nsame gentleman, himself, by the way, one of the brightest lights that ever\\nillumined the Senate chamber, paid Col. McClure the compliment of having\\nmore brains than any man in the State.\\nCol. McClure is highly social, and delights in spending his leisure hours\\nin the company of genial friends; and being possessed of fine conversational\\npowers, and a well-stored mind, he is ever a welcome guest. He is a warm\\nfriend and a relentless enemy. Like a woman, he either loves or hates.\\nSlow to form an opinion, he rarely changes one. and the same in his attach-\\nments. In this he would seem to have followed the counsel of Polonius\\nThe friends thou hast and their adoption tried,\\nGrapple them to thy soul with hooks of steel.\\nAside from this, a characteristic of the race from which he springs, he is\\nlargelv individual.\\nG^\\nCHARLES CAEEOLL OF OAEROLLTON.\\nThis worthy gentleman and distinguished philanthropist, was the last of\\nthe signers of the Declaration of Independence to be summoned to the tomb.\\nHe was born at Annapolis, Md., September 8, 1737, 0. S., and at eight years\\nof age was taken to France to receive an education. Having remained there\\ntwelve years, he visited London and directed his attention to the study of\\nlaw, and in 1764 he returned to Maryland richly qualified for the important\\nduties which subsequently he discharged with so much credit to himself and\\nhonor to his country. He was one of the intrepid champions who opposed\\nthe Stamp Act in 1765, and in 1771-2 he entered the arena of public con-\\ntroversy with the provincial secretary on the subject of the governor s pro-\\nclamation, in which he had commanded all officers not to take any greater\\nfees than therein expressed. In this contest he came off triumphant, and\\nthe obnoxious proclamation was suspended on a gallows and then burnt by\\nthe common hangman. Mr. Carroll was one of the commissioners who\\nvisited Canada in 1776, to induce that province to join the colonies in\\ndeclaring themselves free and independent, and on his return to Philadelphia\\nhe found the subject of independence under discussion in Congress, and that", "height": "3244", "width": "1939", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "86 LEISURE HOURS.\\nthe Maryland delegates had been directed to refuse it their sanction. Not\\nbeing a member of Congress at that time, he hastened to the convention,\\nthen sitting in Annapolis, and in his own seat in that body advocated the\\nindependent cause with such success that the convention not only gave new\\ninstructions to their delegates, but elected Mr. Carroll as a member of Con-\\ngress with them, with full instructions to espouse and defend the cause of\\nindependence.\\nThe next day after he took his seat as a member of that body, a second\\nresolution was adopted, directing the Declaration to be engrossed on parch-\\nment, and signed by all the members, which was accordingly done on the\\nsecond of August. As Mr. Carroll had not given a vote on the adt ption of\\nthat instrument, he was asked by the President if he would sign it? Most\\nwillingly, he replied, and immediately affixed his name to that record of glory,\\nwhich has endeared him to his country, and rendered his name immortal.\\nHe was a member of the U. S. Senate from 1788 to 1791, from which time\\nuntil 1801 he was an active member of the Senate of his native State.\\nThe editor of the Boston Courier, having enjoyed an interview with him a\\nshort time previous to his death, thus describes him\\nAs we entered his parlor Mr. Carroll arose to salute us with the cus-\\ntomary compliments, and offered chairs with almost as much ease and firmness\\nas a man of fifty. His under-dress was of brown broad-cloth his waistcoat\\nof the fashion of the last century. He wore no coat, but a gown of the same\\nmaterial as the waistcoat and small clothes. His hair was of a silvery white-\\nness his teeth apparently perfect his eyes animated and sparkling, though,\\nas he stated, they had become too dim to enable him to read. His hearing\\ndid not seem to be in the least degree impaired. He spoke with ease, articu-\\nlated with uncommon distinctness, and his voice possessed all the clearness of\\nvigorous manhood.\\nThe character of this revered patriot we shall not attempt to portray; its\\nsublime simplicity we feel our incompetency to describe. Nor is it in the\\ncompass of our ability to express the emotions we felt when our hand was\\ncordially pressed in that which, more than half a century ago, set its signa-\\nture to an instrument that certified the birth of a nation, and placed on the\\ndeclaration of our freedom the seal of eternity.\\nHe died on the 14th of November, 1832, aged 95 years.\\nIf the best man s faults were written on his forehead, it would make hitu\\npull his hat over his eyes.\\nNever give up, is an excellent maxim but it means not that we should\\nalways hold on in the same way, as the many take it, but in some way: in\\nthe same, if we can, and find it good but in some other, if we cannot, and\\nfind it better.\\nA New York politician, in writing a letter of condolence to the widow of\\na country member who had been his friend, said: I am pained to hear\\nthat Mr. Sorrybones has gone to heaven. We were bosom friends, but now\\nwe shall never meet again.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "McCLURE-GRAY CAMPAIGN.\\nmmm\\n;\u00c2\u00a5il Se mtestiil P\u00c2\u00a3gii\u00c2\u00a3@i,\\n1873.", "height": "3244", "width": "1939", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "THE\\nloeLUBE-^GRAY gEIATORIAL mmi\\nHon. George Connell was elected to the Senate for the fifth\\nterm, on the 10th day of October, 1871, by the people of the\\nFourth Senatorial District of Philadelphia, and on the 27th\\nday of October he died, leaving the Senate stand a tie politi-\\ncally. Important as it was politically, and to facilitate legis-\\nlation, to have the vacancy filled, a writ could not be issued\\nby the Speaker of the Senate for a special election until the\\nreturns were ofiicially transmitted to the Senate on the first\\nTuesday of January. As soon as the Legislature met, Speaker\\nBrodhead issued the writ for an election, to be held on Tuesday,\\nthe 30th of January, 1872.\\nPrior to the meeting of the Legislature, there was much\\ndiscussion and active canvassing among Republican politicians\\nin the district, as to the proper candidate for the party to\\nadopt. Among other names that of A. K. McClure was\\nur^^ed by some of the more independent members of the party.\\nThe Germantown Telegraph, one of the oldest and most influ-\\nential of the Philadelphia weeklies, took up the suggestion,\\nand practically opened the McClure campaign by the following\\neditorial in that journal of the 6th day of December last:", "height": "3244", "width": "1939", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "2\\nTHE STATE SENATE.\\nThe notable scheme of the Chairman of the Democratic\\nState Central Committee to secure control of the Senate of\\nthe Commonwealth in defiance of the popular will has come to\\ncrief. The mandamus nnanimouslv granted by the Supreme\\nCourt compelled the recusant return judge to sign the certi-\\nficate of Mr. Weakly, the Republican Senator-elect from the\\nCumberland and Franklin district, or go to jail; and the afore-\\nsaid iudc e, with every willingness to cheat Mr. Weakly out of\\nhis seat by withholding his certificate, but with a decided dislike\\nfor imprisonment, signed the document. This makes the\\nSenate a tie, which it would not haye been but for the atrocious\\nfrauds in the Luxeme district, where a Republican Senator-\\nelect was deliberately cyphered out of his election.\\nThe future complexion of the Senate will now depend upon\\nthe choice of a successor to the late Mr. Connell in the Fourth\\nDistrict of Philadelphia, and as ^Ir. C. had seven thousand\\nmajority, the result cannot be in doubt. Some influential\\njournals have earnestly exhorted the people of the district to\\nelect CoL Alexander K. McClure to fill this yacancy, and per-\\nsonally we know of no man whom we should feel more pleasure\\nin supporting. But there are some diSculties in the way.\\nThis Senatorial District is so oyerwhelmingly in favor of the\\nrenomisation of President Grant, and of sustaininj: his adminis-\\nc\\ntrative measures as well as those of Congress, that it would seem\\nrather ridiculous for it to send to the Stare Senate a gentleman\\nwho, with all his acknowledged ability and public services, has\\nnot concealed his dissatisfaction with the existing order of\\nthin gs. It is true that during the last election Col. McClure\\nrender e*! a? much effective service for the Republican cause as\\nany man in the State, and perhaps he may have changed hia\\nyiews somewhat. If so we should be glad to hear from him,\\nand so woold the people of the district. We are heartily tired\\nof small men in the Legislature, and should be proud to hare\\nsuch a Senator as McClure, for we believe that he would serve\\ntte interests of the district faithfully. The Republican force?", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "in the Senate seem to stand very much in need of a bold and\\nable leader, such as Col. McClure was when last there; and if\\nthe difficulty spoken of above could be removed, we believe\\nthe Colonel would be gladly accepted by the district.\\nTo the foreo-oins: Mr. McCIure answered as follows:\\nPhiladelphia, December 14, 1571.\\nCol. p. R. Freas, Editor Germaxtowx Telegraph\\nMy Bear Sir I was absent from home for some days, and\\nmissed your paper of the 6th inst. Since my return my atten-\\ntion has been called to your leading editorial of that date, in\\nwhich you discuss my position as a possible candidate for State\\nSenator in the Fourth District, and state that you and the\\npeople of the district would be glad to hear from me on the\\nsubject of President Grant s renomination. My assumed pre-\\nference for another than Grant as the next Republican stand-\\nard-bearer, is treated as a difl culty in the way of my election\\nto the Senate.\\nFor the kind and quite too flattering notice you take of my\\nhumble public services in the past, I thank you, and permit\\nme to say in all candor that I have not proposed myself as a\\ncandidate for the vacant Senatorship, and will not do so. The\\nstrongest personal considerations make any political position\\nundesirable to me. If imposed upon me as a public duty, I\\nshould accept it upon the principle that no citizen can justly\\nrefuse public service when fairly required of him but as such\\nduties are not common in these days of machine politics, I feel\\nthat I am not likely to be interrupted in my wish for continued\\nretirement.\\nI cannot controvert your statement that the people of the\\ndistrict are overwhelmingly in favor of the renomination of\\nGrant, for I am not advised on the subject. Thus far, I be-\\nlieve, they have not given any formal, or even informal expres-\\nsion of their choice. If I were called upon to represent their\\nwishes as to the Presidency in a nominating convention, I", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "should faithfully reflect their preference or return the trust to\\nthem but, as an humble individual, I prefer adherence to my\\nown convictions of political duties to the approval of even so\\nintelligent and patriotic a constituency as the people of the\\nFourth District. If not to prefer Grant as the next Republican\\nnominee Avould make me seem rather ridiculous as a Senato-\\nrial candidate, or interpose difficulties in the way, I am not\\neligible.\\nWhat the Presidential preference of a citizen has to do with\\nthe election of a State Senator, any more than the preferences\\nof the people in the selection of their preachers or wives have\\nto do with the same subject, I do not comprehend; but I as-\\nsume it is so, because you say it is so. Accepting your pre-\\nmises as correct, could a stronger reason be given for the inflexi-\\nble limitation of the Presidential tenure to a single term A\\nState legislature is presumed to be selected to discharge cer-\\ntain specific duties. The ambition of national candidates or\\nthe distribution of the patronage and plunder of the National\\nGovernment, do not come within the scope of his public powers\\nor actions. He is the custodian of the interests of his district\\nand of the State to be aff ected by legislation. He has no\\nvoice, no power beyond any other citizen of equal character, in\\ncontrolling Presidential nominations, and those who would\\nerect such new standards of eligibility, overlooking all the\\nleo-itimate and vital purposes of legislation, must do it in defer-\\nence to the arbitrary exactions of power, and not in deference\\nto enlightened public opinion.\\nThe Republican party is the party of liberal and patriotic\\nprogress. It has its wisely-constituted tribunals to decide upon\\nits candidates and its policy, and thus define the duty of all.\\nUntil the supreme authority of the organization is invoked to\\nreconcile its conflicting views and preferences, the utmost free-\\ndom of conviction and expression as to both men and measures,\\nhas heretofore been claimed and conceded as the prerogative\\nof the humblest as well as of the greatest of its advocates.\\nThat it seems not to be so now, is one of the most significant\\nand dangerous signs of the times dangerous to the Republi-", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "can party, and, tlicrefore, dangerous to the country. The\\nadministration, chosen by the Republican organization, that\\nresents honest Republican counsel and criticism, betrays pal-\\npable weakness, or proclaims its power and purpose to defy\\nthe popular judgment, and either is a crime against the nation.\\nUnder our government men in official positions, from the high-\\nest to the lowest, are but the servants, not the masters of the\\npeople.\\nI do not prefer President Grant s renomination. It is con-\\nfessed that the Republicans have many men who would be\\nmore competent, and, at least, equally faithful in the\\nfirst civil office of the government; and I believe that they\\nwould much bettor maintain the unity and purity of the\\norganization. Believing it, I deem it my right and my\\nduty to say so. When the accepted authority of the party\\ndeclares me to be mistaken, lean cheerfully defer to it.\\nThe Republican party has been in power in the nation. State\\nand city for many years. We had a faithless accidental Presi-\\ndent for a time, and our city has had a Democratic executive;\\nbut the practical power of government has been uninterrupt-\\nedly Republican. If Republican criticism of Republican ad-\\nministration is an offence, why is the cry for reform not\\nsilenced It comes from our own long forbearing people, and\\nnot from the enemy, and it arraigns Republican, not Demo-\\ncratic misrule. It comes up to Congress from every section of\\nthe country, for relief from oppressive taxes, from wasteful\\nexpenditures, from peculation and defalcations, and from\\nswarms of arrogant and useless officials, whose chief employ-\\nment seems to be to instruct the party who it must accept for\\nplaces of trust and profit, from President down to alderman.\\nIt comes up to our Legislature from all parties in the State,\\nand demands fundamental limitations as the only source of\\npublic safety. It comes up from the press and people of this\\ncity, as with one voice, to save private property and public\\ncredit.\\nThese are not the complaints of disappointed ambition, but\\nthe faithful criticisms of sincere men, seeking to protect and", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "preserve their own inheritance. They do not propose political\\nrevolution, although that must come soon if they are unheeded.\\nThej aim to employ the Republican organization as the proper\\ninstrumentality to correct the patent and oppressive evils it has\\ntolerated. With a system of barter and sale of Federal ap-\\npointments that prostitutes the civil service to the advance-\\nment of unworthy men with a system of State legislation that\\nis a running sore and a standing reproach, and with our crush-\\ning city taxes and debt, both rapidly increasing without visible\\nbenefits to our people, the men who would maintain Republi-\\ncan ascendancy must remember that faithful are the wounds\\nof a friend.\\nWe appear to be upon the threshold of systematic reform\\nin our State government. It has long been battled for, but\\nwas long defeated by those who make politics a trade. AVhat\\nfruits the people will gather for their efforts the next Legida-\\nture must decide. I am hopeful that a Republican Congress\\nwill not too long delay obedience to the imperative demand for\\ncivil service reform, and for the complete exercise of the\\nsupreme civil authority of the government. I need not say\\nthat reform must come in riiiladelphia not the shadow or a\\nmockery, but the substance that will dethrone the spoilsmen.\\nIt will come through the Republican organization, as it should,\\nunless the already sorely-tested forbearance of the people is\\ntaught that forbearance must cease to be a virtue.\\nla those various channels of power the nation, State and\\ncity fearless Republican criticism has given the Republican\\norganization the opportunity to vindicate its fame, and attest\\nthe integrity and patriotism of its people. It stands in history\\nas a party of honest convictions and sublime achievements;\\nbut the time is at hand when judicious and positive reform\\nmust become its accepted and avowed policy, or it must dim\\nthe lustre of its noblest deeds by self-invited destruction.\\n1 have frankly complied with your request to hear from me.\\nIf what I have said places me beyond the range of a Senato-\\nrial election, I can have no personal regrets, for it will but", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "deny me what I do not want, and I have performed my duty\\nas I understand it. Very truly yours,\\nA. K. McCLURE.\\nFirst.\\nSecond\\n51\\n02\\n29\\n32\\n2i\\n19\\n9\\nNOMINATION OF COL. GRAY.\\nOn the 17th day of January the Republican conference\\nmet, and after an exciting contest, Henry W. Gray was\\nnominated. The following is a statement of the several\\nballots:\\nHenry W. Gray,\\nChristian Knoass,\\nS. A. Miller,\\nJ. N. Marks,\\nTotal, 113 113\\nNecessary to choice, 57.\\nMr. Gray was declared the nominee, and he appeared before\\nthe conference and delivered the following address:\\n3Ir. President and G-entlemen of the Convention Thi.s,\\nthe most honored event of my life, finds me too deeply moved\\nto appropriately express the profound gratitude with which\\nyour action this day filled me.\\nI ha-e, indeed, no speech that can convey to you my lcep\\nsense of obligation for this most distinguished exhibition of\\nyour trust and confidence, and the faith it implies in my\\nability to represent the interests of this district, important and\\nmultifarious as they are, in the Senate of this great Common-\\nwealth.\\nYou are the delesrated voice of the Fourth District called\\nby it to exercise your best wisdom in the nomination of its\\nSenator. I can only join to my poorly expressed thanks the\\nsincere assuraice that my best eifarts shall constantly be\\nexerted to realize the hope you have reposed in me. There is\\na propriety, on this occasion, which entitles you to know\\nsomething of the feelings with which I regard the office and", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "8\\nduties of a State Senator. There was a time in tlie earlier\\nhistory of our Commonwealth when this position was con-\\nsidered among the highest and most potential for the public\\nwelfare.\\nIt was fortified in its high prerogatives bj the respect and\\nconfidence of every pure-minded citizen a respect and con-\\nfidence attaching to men who found their strongest claims to\\nit in the integrity and purity of their legislative acts. How\\ndifferent how lamentably different it is to-day, when the\\npublic mind regards with suspicion the very name of Senator.\\nIt is neither my purpose nor desire to criticise either the\\nrepresentative or his constituency for this existing evil it is\\nrather my hope and anxious desire that I may become to some\\nextent instrumental in restorinoj confidence in the minds of the\\npeople by an unselfish devotion to their common and highest\\ninterests.\\nThe wise and most profitable economy which has character-\\nized the administration of the government of our State durinsr\\nthe last twelve years, and which has worked so great a reduc-\\ntion in our public debt, besides building up and sustaining so\\nmany praiseworthy, because most humane public charities,\\nshould be carefully continued, and where it is possible, even\\nimproved upon. The public financial exhibits during the last\\ndecade have been as much a matter of general congratulation\\nas they have been distinguished in making a new era in our\\nState affairs. I wish, as I believe does every citizen of Phila-\\ndelphia, that we could observe the same praiseworthy charac-\\nters in the general legislation which has been running through\\nthese years. That most reckless propensity known as special\\nlegislation, has grown until it has reached the most disastrous\\nconsequences to the well-being of every community in the\\nState, and this evil becomes to-day the most potent reason for\\nsuch a constitutional reform as will correct and prohibit this\\nabuse of legislative power.\\nPerhaps no portion of the State has felt this evil so sensibly\\nas the city of which this district forms a part. Now, living as\\nwe do, under a charter which invests us with full legislative", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "power over all our local concerns, and feeling as we do, that\\nthe citjzons of this great corporation are tlie most competent to\\nappreciate their necessities, and to provide for then, it is natural\\nthat every interference by the State to the pre;judice of our\\nlocal interests should be met with the sternest protest. I sin-\\ncerely liope to see this practice entirely change. There may\\nbe necessary and wliolesome exceptions but the rule of legis-\\nlative interference in our municipal aflairs is decidedly per-\\nnicious.\\nWhile I do not affect any concealment of the gratification\\nthis honor gives me personally, since it realizes an ambition\\nheretofore confessed, to serve the State in this highest legisla-\\ntive capacity, I accept this nomination under that sense of\\nduty which a call like this, to serve the public, must impose\\nupon a citizen so honored. It will be my pleasure as well as\\nmy duty to study the public welfare and especially the in-\\nterests of this district and reflect, so far as it lies within my\\nhuml)le abilities, the wishes of my constituents in all things.\\nThere can be no divorcing of the political sympathies of the\\nState from those of the nation, when the complexion of both\\nsprino- from the same sensation causes, to wit: the common\\ndesire of the people to have and maintain a government that\\nshall preserve peace, a wise civil policy, and faithful\\neconomy as the essential conditions of their happiness and\\nprosperity. In the accomplishment of this result, each State\\nmust perform no mean part, and none, perhaps, occcupy so\\npotential a position as our own, to give a substantial direction\\nto this great purpose.\\nThe people of the United States will soon be called upon to\\nshape the policy of the General Government for another\\nPresidential term, and they will justly and necessarily rely\\nmuch upon the temper and character of their State and\\nnational representatives for the effective expression of their\\nwill. In this approaching contest, the great Republican party\\nwill be reinforced, as heretofore, by a proud reference to its\\nown past record, and will point assuringly to the capacity and\\nintegrity which has been displayed by its own great leaders.", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "10\\nAdilressinji; as I do, so intelligent a convention as this, I\\nneed not call upon you to reflect how far the continuation of\\nthat success which has so conspicuously marked Republican\\nrule, may depend upon the faithful reflection of your principles\\nin your own State Government. In conventions like these,\\nspeaking for the people, lies the very inception of that political\\nvictory which awaits us in 1872. Sincerely hoping that I may\\nbe so fortunate as to realize, in my humble way, your expec-\\ntations in this !ind every other direction, permit me again,\\ngentlemen, to thank you, one and all, for this high evidence of\\nyour kindness and confidence.\\nMost of the Republican papers of Philadelphia boldly de-\\nnounced the action of the conference, and none of them gave\\nan ardent support to Mr. Gray. Several committees, repre-\\nsenting Republicans, Reformers and Democrats, calleil upon\\nMr, MaClure the evening of the same d ly Mr. G/ay was\\nnominated, and urged him to become an imlepondent candidate.\\nHe declir.ed to answer definitely until the question should be\\nformally presented to him. Two days afcerw.ir !s the fallow-\\ning coi rcsijijudeuce appeared in the public journals, by which\\nMr. McCiure not only accepted the candiducj^ but clearly\\ndefinetl his views on the question of State and Municipal\\nReform.*\\n*The following letters sufficiently explain themselves:\\nGkrwantown, January 20th, 1872.\\nTo Messhs. a. J. Drrxkl. E. A. AVarne, Charles McIlvain, Ai.kxandkr Hknkt,\\nWu. II. iMRKRICK, AND others:\\nGentlemen Your letter has been duly received asking me to accert a nomination\\nas an IiiJopf^ndcnt cmdldato for the Fourth Sanatorial District. Beins in full\\nsympathy with the spirit of your letter, I should have deemed it mv duty to have ac-\\ncepted such a nomination had not a third candidate entero.l tlic field in thi i lterest\\nof reform, and in opposition to those who wrongfully claim to represent the Repub-\\nlican party of our district, and who, by all manner of evil means, have managed to\\ngain such complete control of the machinery of the organization as to make it abso-\\nlutely necessary for us to drive them from power in order to preserve our simple\\nrights as citizens.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "11\\nPhiladelphia, January 18, 1872.\\nHon. a. K. McClure:\\nSir: The violent abuses of the delegate system in the\\nprimary action of the Republican Party of this city, as\\ndeveloped in many recent nominations, and especially in the\\nnomination of a Senatorial candidate for theFouRTii District,\\non the 17th iust., demand the positive reprobation of all good\\nRepublican citizens.\\nBelieving that the time is at hand for Republican reform in\\nthe primary action of the party, in our municipal government,\\nand in our system of State legislation, whereby the -wishes of\\nthe Republicans will be respected in the selection of candidates,\\nthe purity of the ballot be restored, official responsibility and\\neconomy enforced in our city, and the glaring evils of special\\nlegislation arrested, we respectfully ask you to permit us to\\npresent your name to the people of this district, at the\\napproaching special election, as a Republican Reform candidate\\nfor Senator.\\nUnder sufh circumstances, I think you will asree with rae that to divide our forces\\nin tlie f:i.ec ofour well-disciplined opponents would be but to i- sure their success,\\nwhile by uniting upon the Hon. A. K. McClure. to whom I need hardly say I have\\nabove referred, and V-y visorous action we may well hope to secure a victory the im-\\nportance of which Very tnan must realize who calmly considers the presont condition\\nof our municipal affiirs. I must, therefore, beg leave to decline a nomination, and\\nthanking you for the very complimentary terms in which you have been pleased to\\ncouch your letter,\\nI remain.\\nVery respectfully, yours, c.,\\nJAMES STARE.\\nPhiladklphia, January 22d, 1872.\\nGeo. Bur.T-, Esq.. Secretary Citizens Reform Association:\\nDear Sir. In answer to your note of this date enclosing a printed copy of tho\\nPlatform of tho Citizens R sform Association, I would say that I regard my letter ac-\\ncepting the call of the Republicans of the District to become a Republican Reform\\ncandi I it for Ssn itor a,s covering every principle .avowed in your platform. But,\\nlest it should be coisid^irel a? in any sense ambiguous, I do not hesitate to say that\\nI fully approve of tho declaration of measures you have made as essential to State\\nand Municipal Reform, and that they will have my cordial support in or out of the\\nLegislature.\\nRespectfully yours, c.,\\nA. K. McCLURE.", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "12\\nConfiding in your ripe experience and confessed ahilitv as a\\nlegislator, your devotion to Republican principles, and your\\nfearless advocacy of the reforms so earnestly desired by the\\ngreat mass of our citizens, the people of the District will, we\\nfeel assured, triumphantly elect you.\\nBridesburg Manf. Company,\\nBarton H. Jenks, Pres.,\\nJ. E. Caldu-ell Co.,\\nBobbins, Clark Biddle,\\nColeman Sellers,\\nJohn Sellers, Jr.,\\nWm. Sellers,\\nEdward H. Williams,\\nW. H. Wilson,\\nB. B. Comegys,\\nWm. Rushton, Jr.,\\nWm. Painter Co.,\\nB. F. Chatham,\\nChas. E Morgan,\\nFrank L. Altemus,\\nL. T. Watson,\\nR. N. Buckley,\\nJas. S. Young,\\nRobt. W. Truitt,\\nWm. Montelius,\\nWm. Sanderson,\\nGeo. H. Christian,\\nS. A. Coyle,\\nJ. W. Lauo-hlin,\\nJ. A. Linn,\\nWm. Stevenson,\\nG. E. Mancill,\\nJas. Trimble,\\nWm. A. Husband,\\nAlex. J. Andrews,\\nJohn Weik,\\nWm. J. Benners,\\nJos. S. Hayward,\\nW. B. Weir,\\nJohn H. Wiestling,\\nSamuel Sloan,\\nGeo. C. Hanimill,\\nF. J. Parvin,\\nGeo. W. Parvin,\\nJ. H. T. Jackson,\\nDan l J. Cochran,\\nJohn E. Diehl,\\nSamuel G. Diehl,\\nG. A. Heberton,\\nCharles S. Baker,\\nChas. C. MuUer,\\nAVm. H. Jones,\\nRobert Macsirefror,\\nS. L. Meredith,\\nM. M. Pugh,\\nChas. F. Gussman,\\nJohn A. Boger,\\nChas. W. Kuhnle,\\nChas. N. Kuhnle,\\nDavid B. Fox,\\nD. M. Lane,\\nJohn Tolbert,\\nIsaac W. Hughes, M. D.,\\nSamuel J. Downs,\\nJ. Levis Worrall,\\nJos. K. Culiii,\\nGeorge V. Edd}-,\\nHenry H. English,\\nEdmund Moore,\\nWm. J. Suplec,\\nH. W. Mansfield,", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "13\\nJoseph Hayward,\\nAlfred II. Potter,\\nClias. W. Hancock,\\nAlbert S. x\\\\shmead,\\nThos. P. Campbell,\\nW. H. Wallace, M. D.,\\nChas. 11. Noblit,\\nWm. Howell,\\nH. W. Siddall,\\nH. C. Mcllvain,\\nChas. G. Blatchley,\\nJohn Shed wick,\\nJas. C. Shedwick,\\nSamuel E. Smith,\\nRobert Barker,\\nJohn Moore,\\nJ. R. Sypher,\\nI, C. Paynter,\\nThs. D. Crispin,\\nJas. Bateman,\\nJohn M. Powell,\\nt. D. Jiuld,\\nChas. F. F. Klotz,\\nJohn Gardiner,\\nBenj. F. Weckerly,\\nM. Wanner,\\nGeo. N. Moore,\\nR. ]M. Moore,\\nGeo. B Hilliard,\\nL. F. Hilliard,\\nS. G. North,\\nE. P. Sloan Bro.,\\nHoward L. Sloan,\\nJas. B. Allen,\\nJos. G. H. Muller,\\nJas. M. Sellers,\\nW. H. Armstrong,\\nAnd over eight hundred others,\\nin full by circular.\\nW. G. Spencer,\\nC. F, Spencer,\\nRobert Cherry,\\nJ. E. Mitchell,\\nDr. A. W. Green,\\n0. W. Green,\\nJ. B. Eussier,\\nA. W. Bussier,\\nP. G. McCollin,\\nB. Darlington,\\nG. D. Bender,\\nJ. F. Jones,\\nChas. Weiss,\\nElias Cox,\\n0. Darlington,\\nSimon Hamburger,\\nJohn R. Kennady,\\nWm. Williamson,\\nThos. Barker,\\nA. J. Rose,\\nEdward Nicholson,\\nEdward Bennett,\\nSamuel Lewis,\\nHenry N. Johnson,\\nJames Lang-stroth,\\nTheo. A. Langstroth,\\nDr. A. Bockius,\\nA. G. Elliott,\\nH. McCallum,\\nC. Royal,\\nG. E. Thomas,\\nThomas Moore, M. D.,\\nJ. H. Comly,\\nJos. H. Brown,\\nSamuel Kilpatrick,\\nFrederick Orth,\\nJonas M. Walker,\\nwhose names will be published", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "14\\nPhiladelphia, January 19, 1872.\\nGentlemen: Your favor of the 18th instant, signed by\\nnearly one thousand Republican citizens of the Fourth Sena-\\ntorial District, in a few hours, asking me to become a Repub-\\nlican Reform Candidate for Senator, has been received.\\nI profoundly regret the humiliating necessity that compels\\nfaithful Republicans to turn from the proper nominating con-\\nference, to present a candidate to the people of the Fourth\\nDistrict. They could not, however, do otherwise, unless at the\\nsacrifice of every consideration of self-respect and public duty.\\nA people so conspicuous for intelligence and patriotism, and\\nfor the magnitude and diversity of their material interests,\\nshould not be shamed by primary elections marked by violence,\\nfraud, and even murderous assaults, nor by a conference\\nassuming to represent them, in which two policemen were\\nnecessary to protect each delegate from himself, his fellows and\\ncontestants, and from the gangs of desperadoes hired by the\\nsuccessful candidate and his chief competitors to compass a\\nnomination.\\nI fully agree with you that the Republican organization,\\nbeing the party of power in the City and State, should be the\\ninstrumentality through which to effect the clearly demanded\\nreforms. It has overlooked grave evils while discharging the\\nholiest duties to free government, until they have grown in\\nmagnitude and dimmed its illustrious deeds; but the great\\nmass of its voters are honest and patriotic, and every wrong\\ndone in the name of Republicanism is a libel upon its people.\\nPronounced as I am, alike in conviction and action, in sup-\\nport of the principles, the policy, and the organization of the\\nRepublican party, I could accept no candidacy that would\\nendanger Republican success in the Senate, or in the State or\\nnation but, sharing your convictions that prompt and thorough\\nreform in our municipal and State affairs must come by the\\nRepublican party, or by its overthrow, I regard it ns the first\\nduty of every member of the organization to enforce reform as\\nthe cardinal article of political faith.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "15\\nThere Avill be ii stubborn struggle in Philadelpliia, but it\\ncannot long be a doubtful one. Men in -whotn the people do\\nnot confide have entrenched themselves in the channels which\\nordinarily give expression to great political bodies. They have\\ninvoked bad legislation to sustain worse acts, and are gradually\\nwounding more and more deeply and deadly public respect,\\npublic credit and public safety. They mock the demand for\\nthe purity of the ballot, for an unjust registry law destroys all\\nthe usual wholesome checks upon election frauds, and they can\\ndefy public sentiment with impunity in the selection of candi-\\ndates while they can manufacture results regardless of the\\nvotes cast. Until there is entire equality of rights enjoyed,\\nand restraints exercised by both political parties in the manage-\\nment of elections, the tax-payers are practically disfranchised,\\nand our city, with all its vast interests, must remain at the\\nmercy of those who steadily increase its taxes and debt, and\\nplunder its revenues.\\nOur important offices immediately related to the business of\\nthe citizens confer most liberal emoluments when honestly\\nadministered, yet they are made sources of boundless oppres-\\nsion, in insolent violation of law and in utter contempt of the\\nrights of the people. Most important public trusts are created,\\nwholly without responsibility to the public, and Avithout even\\nthe ordinary safeguards necessary to the protection of upright\\nofficers. The result is an enormous tax-rate upon the highest\\nassessment of property in any city of the Union a debt of\\nsixty millions and yearly increasing, and millions of dollars of\\ncity warrants dishonored in the hands of creditors.\\nDuring some years of public service, I made fruitless efforts\\nin both branches of the Legislature to arrest our pernicious\\nsystem of special legislation. It has been the fruitful parent\\nof venality and shame. When it proved to be impossible to\\nlimit legislation to general and uniform laws, I have for five\\nyears past, on every proper occasion, publicly and privately,\\nurged a Constitutional Convention, for the purpose of enlarging\\nour representation, restraining the legislative power over appro-\\npriations, prohibiting all special and private enactments, and", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "16\\nrequiring every measure to pass only upon a recorded affirma-\\ntive vote of a majority of each house. We are now upon the\\nthreshold of attaining these reforms, and only a faithless Legis-\\nlature can defeat them. When they shall have reached fruition,\\nPhiladelphia will be governed by her people, and not by legal-\\nized bands of political highwaymen.\\nPersonally I am indifferent, indeed reluctant, about attaining\\na place in the Senate; but if my humble services, either in the\\ncanvass or in the Legislature, can accomplish anything in\\nrestoring our city to economy, fidelity and justice, it is my duty\\nto give them. I therefore accept the responsibility you have\\nimposed upon me, and have so notified Colonel Gray, and\\nrequested him to meet me in joint discussion before the people\\nof the District every night until the election.\\nRespectfully yours, c., A. K. McCLURE.\\nAfter accepting the popular nomination of the Reform Re-\\npublicans, Mr. McClure at once addressed the following note\\nto Mr. Gray, proposing joint discussions\\nPhiladelphia, Jan. 19, 1872.\\nColonel Harry W. Gray.\\nSir: Having been requested to become a candidate for\\nSenator, by many Republicans of the Fourth District, who\\ndesire to effect a thorough reform in the management of the\\nparty in Philadelphia, and in municipal and State affairs\\ngenerally, I beg to advise you that I have acceded to their\\nrequest.\\nThere being no issue between us as to our plighted faith to\\ngive a consistent support to the Republication organization, in\\nand out of the Legislature, on all vital questions, the one issue\\nof local reform, embracing local, political and municipal re-\\ngeneration, so far as legislation can affect it, becomes para-\\nmount to all others.\\nIn order that we may be fully and fairly understood by the", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "17\\npeople who are to decide between us, I respectfully propose to\\nmeet you in joint discussion in the most important localities of\\nthe district every night until the election. I shall be glad to\\nmeet you at once to make the necessary arrangements, so that\\nwe may begin by Wednesday evening.\\nAn early reply will much oblige\\nYours truly,\\nA. k. McCLURE.\\nThe Democratic City Committee decided to present no can-\\ndidate, but recommended Mr. McClure because of his pledges\\nin favor of municipal reform and honest election laws.\\nThe press of the city commented as follows on the issues and\\ncandidates. We copy from the Evening Telegraph of January\\n29 th:\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2The public press is at the same time the leader and the\\nexponent of public opinion. The course taken by the journals\\nof this city on the question of filling the vacancy in the State\\nSenate is peculiarly significant. The disreputable manner in\\nwhich* Mr. Gray was placed in nomination, and the unques-\\ntioned abilities and sound principles of Colonel McClure, have\\ncombined to evoke from the people and the press alike an\\napproach to unanimity which is seldom witnessed on such\\noccasions.\\nThe Press is the only journal which has at any time\\nunqualifiedly endorsed Gray s nomination. But the tide of\\npublic opinion has set so strongly against him that even the\\nJPress, on the 27th, said\\nIt is evident from the correspondence between Colonel A.\\nK. McClure and Colonel Barton H. Jenks, chairman of a\\ncommittee of Bepublican citizens, that a very large and\\ninfluential body of voters of the Fourth Senatorial District,\\n2", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "18\\nparhaps the larger and more inSuential portion, are not\\nsatisfied with the nomination of Mr. Gray, the regular Re-\\npublican nominee, and that their dissatisfaction will divide the\\nenergies and weaken the verdict of a strong Republican dis-\\ntrict, whose return determines the political voice of the State\\nSenate.\\nThe Public Ledger, which does not encumber itself with\\npartisan opinions, but is entirely independent, on the 22d\\nsaid\\nSwiftly following upon the scandalous events and sur-\\nroundings of the recent Fourth District Senatorial Convention,\\ncomes the nomination of an Independent Republican Candidate\\nby nearly a thousand Republican votei S of that district. This\\nis a most welcome sign of the wholesome state of public\\nopinion brought about by recent events. The citizens who\\nhave united in this independent nomination have revolted\\nagainst the violent abuses of the delegate system, especially\\nas they were developed by the late convention, and as they are\\notherwise manifested in supporting glaring evils in our State\\nand municipal governments. In taking this position, and\\nin holding the very proper view that, as the district is largely\\nRepublican in political sentiment, it should be represented by\\na member of that party, they have called on Alexancfer K.\\nMcClure, Esq., a well-known Republican opponent of these\\nvery abuses, and a man of recognized ability, to become their\\ncandidate.\\nIt is a significant fact that four of the six pronounced\\nRepublican daily newspapers of the city have condemned the\\nconvention which nominated Mr. Gray, and have commended\\nthe independent action of the Republican voters who have\\nnominated Colonel McClure, and only one recognized Re-\\npublican organ has endorsed the convention and its operations.\\nWhy should not the citizens of that district be represented\\nby a Senator possessed of such qualifications There is no\\nreason, except the tame submission heretofore manifested by\\nthe voters in obeying the mandates of Conventions, chosen", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "19\\nas that convention was, and surrounded by just such pernicious\\ninfluences. There is an opportunity now to test the assertion\\nwhether such delegates do represent such people as live\\nwithin the Fourth Senatorial District, and whether such influ-\\nences are all-powerful. The defeat of the nominee of those\\ndelegates, and the election of his Independent Republican\\nopponent, would strike a staggering blow to the system which\\nis the prolific parent of nearly all the municipal and legislative\\nevils which oppress the people of this city.\\nThe Imjuire?; vfhich is a strong Republican journal, although\\nindependent in its tone, has earnestly supported Colonel\\nMcClure from the start. On the 18th, the day after the con-\\nvention which nominated Gray, it said\\nIn a district eminent for the intelligence, wealth and\\norder of its citizens, the small political desperadoes, who are\\nmade potential by the various Rings which are disgracing and\\ncrippling the city, seem to have had entire possession of the\\nprimaries, and brute force alone gave success to the delegates\\nin the contested precincts. It is not wonderful that primaries\\nso conducted should add murder to the shameful disorder that\\nreigned throughout the struggle.\\nThe time is now for the people of the district to vindicate\\ntheir good name, and protect the great interests by rallying as\\none man in support of the ablest and most experienced candi-\\ndate who can be got to make the contest. Self-respect and\\npublic duty demand that Philadelphia shall not be perpetually\\ndisgraced by Ring legislators, and her mighty interests made\\nthe mere plaything of bands of peculators.\\nOn the 24th the Inquirer said\\nThis contest is, when narrowed down to the real issue, one\\nsolely between the people and the Rings. If a fair election is\\nhad it will be determined which of the two is the stronger.\\nThe Reform candidate has every qualification for the position\\nthat the friends of Reform have nominated him for. He has,\\nbeside that, the entire confidence of the whole community.\\nAs to his politics, he is as good a Republican as his opponent,", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "20\\nand when a regular nomination is set up in a low groggery,\\nand enforced by aid of ruffians using freely the bludgeon, knife\\nand pistol, we do not conceive that it is entitled to quite the\\nsame consideration as is properly due to a nomination expres-\\nsive of the real sentiments of the honest portion of the\\ncommunity. Of this latter sort was Colonel McClure s, and\\nwe believe that it will, as it should, receive the active support\\nof every honest citizen of his district.\\nAnd in a subsequent issue we find the following\\nThe issue of Tuesday is simply whether or not the election\\nis to be an honest expression of popular choice or a triuniph\\nfor the Rings. Between them and the people the battle is\\nto be fought out, and should Colonel McClure be defeated, his\\ndefeat, if it will establish anything, will be the fact that the\\nRings, the rounders and repeaters, and not the citizens of\\nPhiladelphia, control the selection of officials.\\nThe Post, which has been inclined to be factiously Repub-\\nlican, and to take the orders of the party leaders as law, has\\nfound the Gray business too much for it. On the 2-lth it\\nsaid:\\nColonel McClure s speech settles the question in the\\nFourth district. It leaves no choice between the two Repub-\\nlican candidates, among the citizens who know and feel that\\nthe issue, far above all other issues in this canvass, is that of\\nMunicipal Reform. He has defined directly, definitely, unmis-\\ntakably, his position in regard to the evils under which our\\ntax-payers groan, and the humiliations, not to be measured by\\npecuniary loss, against which the proud spirit of the people\\nrebels.\\nThe first objection made against Colonel McClure is that\\nhe is not the regular Republican candidate. This objection is\\nmet by the fact that the regular candidate was nominated by\\na convention Avhich did not represent the Republican voters,\\nbut which was notoriously a body self-constituted by the poli-\\nticians that composed it. It is also met by the fact that", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "21\\nColonel Gray represents no principle of Republicanism that\\nColonel McClure does not represent. They may be assumed\\nto stand upon an equality before the people so far as the\\npolitical principles of the party are concerned. But they stand\\nfar asunder upon the immediate and pressing questions of the\\ncontest.\\nThe issue, then, is between two Republicans one pled^^ed\\nbeyond all recall or reservation to Reform the other pledged\\nby gratitude and interest to oppose Reform. It is before the\\npeople of the Fourth district to decide, and we earnestly liope\\nthat they may be permitted to deciile it without the interference\\nof corruption or violence. It is an important contest for\\nPhiladelphia, for it is the first contest which has squarely pve-\\nseui.ed the question of Reform free from all political entan-\\nglements.\\nAgain, on the 25th, the Post said\\nWe do not oppose the election of Mr. Gray because we\\nlike him less than his opponent. This is not a fight\\nof individuals, but a fight of systems\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a war for the restora-\\ntion and the integrity of grand principles a combat for the\\nbody and the sepulchre. If tiie toads that now occupy the\\nseats of eagles suppose that the people are to be longer\\nawed into submission by the elevation of party forms and\\nparty rules they will deceive themselves. The people have\\nbowed before the fiat of tyranny and ignorance for the last\\ntime, and will even risk the shooting of the apple from a\\nbeloved head rather than continue such abject submission, d\\nMr. Gray is the creation of this system its head and front\\nits hope and dependence.\\nThe Evening Bulletin, which is a straightforward, plain-\\nspoken Republican journal, has opposed Gi ay from the start,\\nand for other reasons than his associations with the Building\\nCommission. In its issue of the ^Oth, it said:\\nNo one who reads the signs of the times can fail to see\\nthat there is, just now, an unusual and most significant condi-\\ntion of the political atmosphere in Philadelphia. There has", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "22\\nbeen what is technically called a regular nomination of a\\nRepublican candidate for the vacant Senatorship in the Fourth\\ndistrict. But the candidates that were put before the conven-\\ntion conducted that convention in such a discreditable style\\nthat there is a general revolt all along the Republican lines,\\nand but one party paper, the Press, has endorsed the action of\\nthe convention, or signified any intention to support its candi-\\ndate.\\nOn the 24th, the Bulletin said:\\nWe are unable to find room for a full report of Colonel A.\\nK. jMcClure s able discussion of the local events involved in\\nthe Senatorial contest in the Fourth district. As was generally\\nanticipated, his antagonist has failed to accept the courteous\\nchallenge to meet him before the people, and the Reform Repub-\\n-lican candidate has, therefore, the whole argument of the case\\nconceded to him. Colonel McClure s speech, last night, was a\\n:frank, bold, and full exposition of his platform and it cannot\\nsbe successfully denied that it embodies every true principle of\\nrradical Republicanism. Mr. Gray, in failing to take up the\\ngauntlet of his adversary, confesses his inability to meet him,\\nand this confession will naturally have a powerful effect upon\\nthe minds of voters, who, in choosing between tAvo Republican\\ncandidates, will feel the importance of the preference for the\\none who has the ability to defend his principles in debate.\\nThe North American, which is a consistent Republican\\njournal, but generally not very decided in its preferences or\\nantagonisms, has declined to give Gray a hearty endorsement.\\nThe most that it does is to assail Colonel McClure because of\\nhis supposed opposition to the re-nomination of President Grant.\\nOn the 22d it said\\nIn the opposition to the regular Republican nominee, which\\nhas found expression in the suggestion of several other names\\nas independent candidates, and the origin of which is doubtless\\neasily traced to Mr. Gray s prominent connection with the\\nBuilding Commission, as we have already stated, the strongest\\nmovement yet made apparent is that in favor of Colonel Alex-", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "23\\nander K. McClure, who, at the solicitation of a number of\\nresidents of the district, has consented to be a candidate for\\nthe phice. Of Mr. iMcClure s eminent abilities and thorough\\nfitness for this, or any other public position, we cannot speak\\ntoo highly. For years he has been recognized throughout the\\nState of Pennsylvania, and indeed far beyond its limits, as a\\no-entleman of areat intellectual power, an astute politician, a\\nready debater, and a fearless advocate in any cause that he has\\nfavored. Thoroughly acquainted with our methods of legisla-\\ntion, and familiar, by experience, with the duties of State\\nSenator, we know of no man, who, under ordinary circumstances,\\nwould be a better representative of any constituency, nor one\\nwho could be more certainly relied upon to reflect credit upon\\nthose who elevated him.\\nAnd, finally, the Age, the Democratic organ, on the 27th,\\nsaid\\nOur Ring is doomed. It cannot be that in this city the\\npeople will long submit to be sheared and plundered by these\\nscoundrels. In the Fourth district, the Ring candidate has\\nno honest majority, even of his own party. With the Demo-\\ncratic vote ca^t against him, only the most sheer, gross, outra-\\no-eous frauds can give him the semblance of an election, and\\nthat can be tested afterwards, and exposed in the Senate.\\nColonel MeClure is a man of large mould of mind and body,\\nto whom we have never had any personal antagonism. The\\npledges he has made in this canvass, in his public letter and\\nspeeches, are clear, plain, and satisfactory. He has received\\nan endorsement from the better portion of his party, of which\\nhe may well be proud. In this election, in which the Democ-\\nracy have placed no candidate in the field, they cannot do better\\nthan to vote for McClure.\\nIn its issue of the 29th, the Age, in referring to the suc-\\ncessor of Senator Connell, said:\\nHe should be something more than a mere politician, ready\\nfor a job, no matter where located, or who may be affected by\\nthe operation. Mr. Gray is not the kind of a man required.", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "24\\nHe is a member of the Ring, was nominated by the Ring,\\nand will represent the Ring at Ilarrisburg. In Councils he\\nis a jobber. In the Building Commission he acted on the\\nnarrow ledge of self, and when he visited Ilarrisburg, it was\\nfor the purpose of passing some bill with a Ring snake in it,\\nnot to benefit any of the great interests of the people among\\nwhom he was domiciled. This is a true portrait of Mr. Gray\\nand his surroundings, and we repeat he is not fit to represent\\nthe solid interests of the people of the Fourth district, in the\\nSenate. They are in favor of reform. He is opposed to it.\\nHe is for the Ring. They are opposed to that corrupt\\norganization. In a word, Mr. Gray is a politician, and the\\npeople of the Fourth district want a totally different man to\\nrepresent them in the Senate. Such a man they will elect on\\nTuesday next.\\nSuch is the voice of the press; that of the people of the\\nFourth district will bo in the same strain to-morrow, unless\\nfraud and rascality are carried to the very polls.\\nMr. Gray, having made no reply to Mr. McClure s propo-\\nsition for joint discussions, Mr. McClure took the stump on the\\nfollowing Tuesday evening, commencing at JNIorton Hall, and\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Subsequently speaking in Germantown, Manayunk,Frankrord,\\nOdd Fellows Hall, 19th Ward, and Public Hall, 20th Ward.\\nThe speeches given, are taken from the reasonably full and\\naccurate reports of the Morning Post. Before the close of\\nthe canvass, Mr. Gray published the following card, which is\\nalluded to by Mr. McClure in his Frankford speech:\\nPhiladelphia, January 2G, 1872.\\nColonel A. K. McClure\\nDear Sir: I duly received your note of the 10th inst.,\\nadvising me that you had been requested to become a candi-\\ndate for Senator by many Republicans of the Fourth district,\\nwho desire to effect a thorough reform in the manngement of\\nthe party in Philadelphia, and in municipal and State affairs", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "25\\ngenerally, and that you have acceded to their request, and\\ninviting me to meet you in joint discussion on the issue of local\\nreform, embracing local, political and municipal regeneration,\\nso far as legislation can effect it. I did not reply to your letter,\\nbecause my action, had I declined your invitation, might have\\nbeen misconstrued, and to have accepted it, would, according\\nto the terms of your letter, have involved a public consideration\\nof our respective qualifications to be the champion of political\\npvubity and reform, and my duty to myself, and the great party\\nI represent, would have required a review of the past which it\\nwould be unpalatable for you to listen to, and for me to utter.\\nI had hoped, therefore, that the campaign would have been\\nconducted with a due regard for the courtesies and proprieties\\nwhich should govern gentlemen aspiring to become members\\nof the Senate of Penns} lvania. Since, however, you have\\nrealized the desperation of your position, and resorted as a\\nforlorn hope, to a villification of my personal and political\\ncharacter in my own ward, and amongst my friends and neigh-\\nbors, I feel that my delicacy for your feelings has been thrown\\naway. In your published speech, a portion of which only was\\ndelivered at Germantown last night, I am accused of harbor-\\ning repeaters, of political infidelity, and of being opposed to\\nHon. Wm. D. Kelley. You seem to be exceedingly familiar\\nwith tlio ways and doings of repeaters, and the process of\\nmanipulating elections; but I desire to assure you that until I\\nsaw your printed speech this morning, I had not heard it even\\nsu -esteil, that an unfair or fraudulent vote was needed to keep\\nthe Fourth district in the ranks of the Republican party. Nor\\ndid I believe, even with my knowledge of your antecedents,\\nthat you would resort to extraneous help of this character; but\\nyour cry of Stop thief! has put me upon my guard, and I\\nam obliged by your insinuations against my political infidelity\\nto reply.\\nPardon mo if I suggest that you are incompetent to try that\\nquestion. I was among the first handful of Republicans in this\\nState, and subscribed to Republican principles, and voted for", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "26\\nthe candidates before you found it profitable to join its successful\\narmy. During the recent campaign, involving not only the\\npolitical complexion of the Legislature, to which you now\\naspire, but the vindication of your personal and life-long friends,\\nyou never uttered a word of encouragement, or wrote a line\\nin their behalf. As to the charge that I sought a nomination\\nagainst Judge Kelley, who was the regular nominee of my party,\\nit is simply not true. I have always been his warm friend and\\nsupporter. How the suggestion, even if true, is an argument\\nfor your election, I am at a loss to see. The rules of the great\\nparty to which you profess to belong, regulate the manner of\\npresenting the nominees of the party. You were a candidate.\\nYour views were eloquently set forth over your own signature,\\nand that document failed to procure you a solitary vote in the\\nconvention. Whether the fact that you were comparatively a\\nstranger in the district, or on the other hand were too well\\nknown, was the cause of your defeat, 1 do not know. But I do\\nknow that you have since insisted upon being a candidate even\\nat the risk of disrupting the Republican organization. When\\nconsistent and devoted party leaders like ray honorable oppo-\\nnents, Christian Kneass, Jas. N. Marks and Samuel A. Miller,\\nyield to the overwhelming demonstration which conferred the\\nhonors of the party upon me, how can you hope to filch from\\nour organization a sufficient number of votes, which, added to\\nthose of the Democracy, of whom you are also to be a candi-\\ndate, will elect you to the Senate?\\nYou may be deluded by false hope. I am not deterred by\\nfear. My capital is your record.\\nY ^ours, respectfully,\\nH. W. GRAY.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "MORTON HALL SPEECH.\\n(DELIVERED TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 23.)\\nFellow Citizens of the Reform Association: I thank you for\\nyour kind invitation to address you, knoAving as I do that the\\nmeetinjT -was called for the transaction of business, and not\\nwith the view of giving any expression on the pending political\\ncontest. Having no views to conceal touching the questions\\nthe people of the Fourth Senatorial District must soon decide,\\nI shall avail myself of the occasion to deal fully and frankly\\nwith the issues made so momentous by the vexed condition of\\nour municipal afiairs.\\nI have not entered thoughtlessly into this contest. I have\\nwell considered its grave issues, its graver responsibilities,\\nand the desperate character and multiplied resources of the\\nenemy. In the name of Republicanism the people of the\\nFourth District will be implored to deck with fresh garlands\\nof apparent popular approval the venality of rings and the\\nviolence of the rounders. Did they come before you flaunting\\ntheir true colors, declaring their real purposes, and exhibiting\\nin naked truth the fruits of their rule, there Avould not be one\\nhonest vote of any party cast to sustain them. But they know\\nthat the people are honest in purpose, and sincerely devoted\\nto the true principles of the Republican party. They therefore\\nplant the standard of Republicanism in their midst, and stain\\nits great achievements by studied wrong. An eagle soaring\\ntowards the sun, over the sandy plain, was indifferent to the\\nvolleys of musketry fired to arrest his flight. He was safe\\nfrom the reach of their missiles of death, and he soared\\nonward towards the divinity he worshipped. But a subtle son\\nof the forest planted his gleaming arrow in the sand, so as to\\nreflect the sunlight back to the heavens. The keen eye of the\\nking of the air caught the dazzling I ays reflected fiom tie", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "28\\nearth, and in his downward flight met the fatal shaft from the\\nskilled bowman, who had lared him to death by the cunning\\ncounterfeit. It is so in this struggle. Republicanism, by its\\nillustrious record of patriotism, of heroism, and of statesman-\\nship, is the political divinity of a large majority of the people\\nof the Fourth District. When it is assailed by open fraud or\\ntreachery, or by direct assault, they can vindicate the integrity\\nof their convictions and of their cause without wound or stain.\\nBut against the cunning, crawling vampires who hoist the\\nRepublican flag to conceal the wrongs which have made our\\nmuiucip.al affairs a common reproach, and to deceive faithful\\nmen into perpetuating their power, thousands of our best citi-\\nzens have been lured from their lofty aims to off er themselves\\nas apparently willing sacrifices upon the altar of misrule and\\ndegrailation.\\nI yield to none in devotion to Republicanism. I need not\\nrest upon professions alone to claim Republican confidence.\\nWhen many of the rulers of the rings who assail me were\\nreveling in the flesh-pots of successful Democracy, or unknown\\nin the unrewarc ed eff orts then made for justice and truth, I was\\nin the forefront of the battle not for place nor for plunder,\\nnot for honors or emoluments, for these I really conceded to\\nothers; but for Republican victory in the city. State and nation.\\nIll the first successful national contest, I was honored with the\\npost of greatest responsibility in this, the pivotal State of the\\nbattle. In the second, 1 represented the State at large to\\nrecord its seal of approval of the lamented Lincoln; and in\\nthe last I was charged with casting the vote of the State for\\nGrant and Curtin. In every struggle from the dawn of\\nRepublicanism until the crowning victory of 18(J8, however\\nhumble my eff orts may have been, they were ever given in and\\nout of season. I was not in the innumerable throng that\\ncrowded the Republican channels to office and profit. It was\\nmine to battle and to sacrifice, it was for others to wear the\\nlaurels so dearly Avon. There are conflicts in which may be\\nachieved higher honors and more enduring fame, than by gain-\\ning the titles of place, and they may be won and worn in per-", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "29\\npetual freshness by the humble as well as by the great. And\\nthere are titles, too, -which may be won unworthily and Avorn\\nin shame, -whose fearful distinction is equally enduring. So\\nfar as Republicanism has justly conferred its honors, I have\\nrejoiced. When it has been bowed in consuming shame by\\nperfidious traffic in its important trusts, I have been wounded\\nwith my cause; but I was never of the competitors who\\ntriumphed or fell in the often bitter strife for personal advance-\\nment. For this cause I have given all the ardor of youth and\\nall the vigor of manhood, and when its complete triumph was\\nassured, after more than a decade of exacting effort, I retired,\\nbroken in health and fortune, to give my labor to those whose\\nclaims upon every citizen can be second only to the claims of\\nhis country.\\nAs an humble member of society, my political views are of\\nlittle moment; but when claiming the suffrages of an intelli-\\ngent people, it is their right and duty to know in what manner\\nthey may be represented. The citizen may be singular in his\\nviews on questions affecting the public, but the Senator or\\nRepresentative can disobey the convictions of his constituents\\nonly with dishonor to himself.\\nIf chosen to represent you in the Senate, I would cheerfully\\nand faithfully obey the wishes of the Republican party of the\\ndistrict on every question affecting their honor, their faith,\\ntheir preferences and their just interests. Leaving, therefore,\\nall questions of national and general moment within the\\nRepublican organization to the people to be reflected by their\\nrepresentatives, as action may be demanded, I turn to the vital\\nquestions which have made broad and irreconcilable issues\\nbetween two Republican candidates for Senator.\\nWhat are those issues? Let us look them in the face. Let\\nus judge them by the painful past and the perplexing present.\\nThey are not new to any tax-payer; they are not unknown to\\nany patriot; they cannot be ignored by any upright citizen.\\nThey affect the Republican party, because it is the party of\\npower and the parent of existing error in our municipal admin-\\nistration. It is the party of progress, of enlightened govern-", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "so\\ntnent, and its main hope of success is in deserving the confi-\\ndence of a virtuous people. If it is made the abode, or the\\nauthor, or the apologist of palpable wrong, it may for a brief\\ntime prefer forbearance to the severe ordeal of severing itself\\nfrom those who defy public sentiment and public propriety in\\nits name; but it must soon tear the festering cancer out by the\\nroots, or it must die. It has forborne long too long, as is\\nconfessed, in our city and State. It has allowed the dragon\\nteeth to be sown by bad men, and is now appalled by the great\\nharvest of oppressive taxes, of increasing debt, of dishonored\\ncredit, of irresponsible trusts controlling millions of public\\nmoney, and of well-compensated officers exacting, with the\\nright of the burglar, hundreds of thousands of dollars\\nfrom the public under the very shadows of our temples of\\njustice. Public wrongs ever grow in power until they pass the\\npoint of tolerance, and then they ever fall convulsively. The\\nbattle is always unequal between the contending powers of\\nvirtue and vice. The wrong-doers are never supreme in num-\\nbers in civilized communities, but they are too often supreme\\nin power. They will struggle at every step, while the better\\ncitizen retires in disgust or despair. Power is their one article\\nof faith, plunder the one incentive of their every effort. With\\npower, they have threats for the weak, theft for the venal,\\nprotection for the rounder, oppression for resentment, and\\nflattery for fools. But such power always turns unconsciously\\nupon itself. As the public forbears, it grows more and more\\ninsolent, daring and defiant, and gradually effaces the last\\nsemblance of respect for public opinion, exposes its long-mailed\\nbreast to the public scorn, and falls without worshippers. So\\nTammany fell in New York the proudest, strongest and most\\nskillful of public robbers and its richly pensioned dependents\\nheap obloquy upon its ruins. New York has redeemed herself,\\nand just in time to escape the terrible maelstrom of municipal\\nbankruptcy. Boston made reform a successful issue before\\nthe wound was vital, and Pittsburg has but recently swept over\\nher petty imitators of Tammany a tempest of popular repro-\\nbation. Philadelphia stands alone and exceptional in the", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "31\\ngeneral redemption of our great cities, and she is now raising\\nher strong arm to crush the bands that have mocked her people\\nand brought reproach upon her good name.\\nBut I need not recite the well-known catalogue of public\\nwrongs.\\nLet us look at the vital, practical questions you are to\\ndecide. Whence have come these wrongs Where are the\\nremedies I answer that special legislation, cunningly con-\\nceived by designing men, so as to conceal the real purposes, is\\nthe great fountain of the profligacy, misrule and corruption\\nwhich obtain in our city and the parent wrong of all, to-day,\\nis what is commonly known as the registry law. It Avas the\\nlast hope of those who dare not appeal to an honest people for\\napproval. It, too, had virtue personated as its hand-maid.\\nHad its authors declared the truth, that it was framed with\\nanxious, exhaustive care to defraud the people and defy their\\nballots, it would have been without honest supporters in the\\nLegislature or in Philadelphia. But it was labeled as the\\nenemy of repeaters and ballot stuffing, and with the battle-cry\\nof honest elections, every safeguard for honest voters was ruth-\\nlessly swept away. I here denounce it as a monstrous ini-\\nquity, and I do not hesitate to declare that no just man, with\\nan intelligent understanding of its provisions and operations,\\ncan offer even an apology for it, much less assume to defend it.\\nIn the inflamed partisan feeling that naturally lingered after\\nthe great struggle of the war and for its logical results, even\\nfair men were misled to excuse the law, as it was supposed to\\ngive only the ordinary advantages of power to the party of\\npower. But it was soon found to have been intended not merely\\nto guard against Democratic wrongs, but to elect, or have\\ndeclared as elected, men wanting in fitness and character in the\\nRepublican party and now the ring slates of candidates are\\nopenly avowed as much as a year before the people have even\\na pretended voice in the matter, and public opinion and per-\\nsonal and political merit are ignored as matters not to be\\nconsidered in the apportionment of oflBces of the greatest mo-\\nment to the public. Men live from year to year by extortions", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "32\\nmade from candidates in the final division of lucrative posi-\\ntions, and tliose who gain them in turn extort from the public,\\nutterly regardless of the restraints of the law. When tlie peo-\\nple protest, and the press puts in an earnest plea for public\\ndecency in the dividing of the revenues of the people, the\\nleaders scoif at the admonition, and point in triumph to the\\nregistry law as their certain safety.\\nNeed I point to the men on past tickets who would not have\\nbeen thought of for the offices they now fill but for the regis-\\ntry law? Who of this audience does not know that the deep-\\nest and most dangerous wounds the Republican party of Phila-\\ndelphia has ever received were inflicted by men who were em-\\nboldened to do so by this unjust law, and Avho would to-day be\\nthe nominee of the Republican Conference for Senator, but\\nfor the rule and the power wielded by the authors and defend-\\ners of this law I cannot say who it would have been.\\nCertainly it would not have been me, for under ordinary cir-\\ncumstances I should not have consented to become a candidate\\nand certainly it would not have been Colonel Gray. If the\\nwhole machinery of elections was not now in the hands of men\\nwho feel that they can disregard public opinion with impunity,\\ndo you believe for a moment that it would have required five\\nhundred hired roughs, half as many policemen, a varied assort-\\nment of rings, and a bountiful flow of money and whisky to have\\nmade a Republican nominee\\nAnd would any man have been seriously considered as a\\ncandidate who was certain to provoke open Republican revolt,\\nand the condemnation of almost the entire press of the city\\nI have nothing unkind to say of the character or fitness of the\\ngentleman who captured the Republican Conference, and calls\\nhimself the regular candidate. It is with the causes which\\ncreated the candidate, and with the necessary identity of the\\ncandidate with those causes I have to deal, and being so irre-\\nvocably identified with these seething cauldrons of public dis-\\norder and public infamy, he must stand or fall with the issues\\nsuch a debauched system of nominations would make. If it\\nwas believed that he would vote to modify the registry law", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "33\\nso as to give equal restraints to both parties, as common jus-\\ntice demands, he wouhl be at once denounced by the very ele-\\nments that forced his nomination, and he would be driven from\\nthe field. lie appealed to this system and these elements to\\ngive him a nomination, and to them is he bound bj every con-\\nsideration of gratitude and sympathy and if he shall even pro-\\nmise reform, he must either deceive the men who nominated him\\nfor his and their purposes, or the people who have resented his\\nnomination. The common honor that should make him true\\nto his kindred fellows must make him the advocate of the reg-\\nistry law. Under its provisions the politicians who have bound\\nthe Republican organization of Piiiladelphia hand and foot,\\nhave made the registration of the voters rejecting whom they\\nplease, adding whom they please, voting whom they please,\\nand counting what they please.\\nRepublican courts are denied the right to revise the action of\\nthese irresponsible political agents, even when holding in their\\nhamls the dearest rights of citizens, and it is a notorious fact\\nthat there are to-day on the registry of this city thousands of\\nfictitious names, placed there solely for the accommodation of\\nprofessional repeaters, who add perjury when necessary to the\\naccomplishment of voting early and often. In many localities\\nan attempt to vote by an honest voter is a sheer waste of time\\nand labor, and only entails peril for nought. Under the regis-\\ntry law the Democrats or Reformers have no voice in making\\nelection officers. The shameful mockery of justice is presented\\nof Republican managers selecting Democratic judges and inspec-\\ntors, and in many instances men are chosen entirely with\\nrecraid to their willingness to admit fraudulent votes, or make\\nfalse returns for the men who dare not trust the honest suf-\\nfrages of Philadelphia. It is because these elements of power\\nare in the hands of men who nominated a candidate for Sena-\\ntor, that such a nomination was made; and while it is well\\nknown that a majority of the legal voters of the district will\\nnot sustain the nominee, it is meant to declare him elected, if\\nhuman ingenuity is equal to the task of perpetrating frauds", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "34\\nof sufficient magnitude to make a certificate of election possi-\\nble.\\nI have been told more than once by the ring leaders since I\\nbecame a candidate, that it was folly to make this contest; that\\nit matters not how the people vote, I have not a chance to be\\ndeclared elected. In the insolence of long unrestrained power\\nmen seem to boast, without a blush, that they mean to pay no\\nrespect to the votes cast, but will count them as they wish, and\\nvote whom they wish. I have answered all such, that it is\\ntime some one dared to accept the challenge of those who\\nregard elections as mere forms to enable them to practice their\\nexpertness in frauds upon the elective franchise, and I decided\\nto obey the call made upon me, and to make the issue directly\\nto the intelligent and patriotic people of the district. Having\\naccepted this responsibility, I here give notice to those who\\nexpect to be the heroes of fraud, that they shall not win by\\nfraud that fraud shall not be unnoticed or unpunished that\\nwith a bold people aroused to a keen appreciation of their\\nrio-hts, crime will cower and seek to hide before them, and will\\nfind no place of safety. If there shall be frauds perpetrated\\nnow, as is clearly possible and very probable, with the disposi-\\ntion avowed and easy facilities afi orded, let no mousing plun-\\nderer of the ballot or hero of the repeaters presume that if\\nthey can win now the war will end. The war against perjury,\\nand ballot-stuffing, and false returns, and false registrations\\nhas just commenced. It is and must be a war of destruction\\na battle unto death and if they consider my defeat a supreme\\nnecessity, as they openly declare, let them exhaust themselves\\nin their efforts to carry this election. I give them notice that\\nno common measure of fraud will answer I will remind them\\nthat the greater they can make their frauds now, the more\\nthey will aid us in hastening their utter overthrow. I can\\nconceive it possible for false voting and false returns to declare\\nme defeated I can conceive it probable that, if so defeated,\\nthere may be fewer criminals at large to debauch the next\\nelection but I cannot conceive it possible for an honest, earn-\\nest people to grapple Avith fraud and not speedily overthrow it", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "35\\nand hurl upon its authors the terrible retribution of popular\\nhate and outraged laws.\\nThere is a simple remedy for this blistering blot upon our\\nbody politic in a just modification of the Registry law. It is\\nnot to be denied that frauds have usually, more or less, char-\\nacterized party rule in this and other cities, under the direc-\\ntion of both parties; but it must stand confessed that the most\\ningenious and exquisite perfection of election frauds has been\\nattained under the present Registry law in Philadelphia. It\\nmust be essentially and justly modified. A proper law of the\\nkind is a necessity, but it must restrain fraud, not invite\\nit it must put in the power of each party the selection of its\\nown officers equal control over the votes when they are to be\\ncounted and returned, and future murders and disorder should\\nbe prevented by requiring the result to be declared under the\\nprotection and direction of the court. Return judges would\\nnot then come bristling with pistols and knives hired roughs\\nwould not attempt to destroy the returns false certificates\\nwould not be issued to give a prima facia right to oflices upon\\nflimsy pretexts cognizance could be taken at once of palpa-\\nble wrong, and all papers relating to returns could be brought\\nbefore a proper tribunal for proper adjudication. The man\\nwho objects to modifications of the law substantially as I have\\nindicated, does not mean to be honest, and dare not be just,\\nThey have been advocated at one time or another, by every\\nRepublican journal in Philadelphia. All of them, without an\\nexception, have been compelled to protest against the manage-\\nment of the party under the law. In the Legislature last win-\\nter, Mr. Elliott, now Speaker of the House, Mr. Johnston and\\nMr. Miller, all above reproach in their legislative careers, pub-\\nlicly declared themselves in favor of a modification of the law\\nbut the rings ruled with the majority, a caucus was called, and\\nupon the plea of those who could not be honestly elected, that\\na just registry would defeat the Republican party, the fair men\\nof the delegation were gagged, and compelled to vote as the\\nballot-stuffers dictated. To the credit of Mr. Miller be it\\nsaid, that he obeyed his conscience and disregarded the caucus,", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "36\\nand he will be honored for it. While I should obey the decision\\nof the Republican organization, if a Senator, on all proper\\nquestions of party policy or candidates, I would pay no\\nrespect to a caucus that required me to maintain a law so\\nflagrantly unjust as is (his one, and I would not obey a caucus\\non questions looking to the defeat of the various municipal\\nreforms demanded by the interests of the people.\\nJust election laws and just representation are the corner-\\nstones of successful free government. Without them our\\nboasted Government of the people, by the people, and for\\nthe people is essentially a failure. When the ballot-box is\\ncorrupted, the whole theory of popular rule is subverted, and\\nwhen just representation is denied by unnatural and unequal\\nlaws to those who for the time happen to be in the minority, the\\nwholesome restraints of minorities are destroyed, and all parties\\nare taught that the most sacred principles on which our fathers\\nfounded our Government can be disregarded with impunity. The\\ngenius of popular liberty is assailed by every assault that is\\nmade by power upon the free and effectual expression of the\\nwhole people, and confidence in, and respect for our Govern-\\nment, are necessarily impaired. A government, whose safety\\nand success depend wholly upon the people, cannot be de-\\ngraded to the violence of extreme partisan rule without sowing\\nthe seeds of decay and death. If one party corrupts the ballot\\nand denies just representation and power in our State and\\nNational councils to the other, the certain mutations of politi-\\ncal success invites retaliation upon those who have wielded\\npower unwisely, and there is danger of perpetual wrong of\\nsteadily poisoning the very fountain of our sovereignty, and\\nof paralyzing the nobler efforts of patriotic and just men. If\\nI cannot be made a legislator by votes honestly cast and\\ncounted, the position of the private citizen shall be the one of\\nmy choice; and if there are those in the district who object to\\nthe most effectual restraints upon election frauds, or to just\\nrepresentation, they should not vote for me. My observations\\nof the last few years have profoundly impressed me with the\\nimportance of the amplest protection to the rights of minori-", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "37\\ntio5 for, exempt as they are from the temptations of power,\\ntheir restraints are most salutary indeed, most essential to\\nthe purity and safety of our institutions.\\nAs we are just on the threshold of a constitutional conven-\\ntion, I would not propose to legislate in behalf of minority\\nrepresentation by cumulative voting but I would insist in the\\npreliminary legislation for a convention, that there shall be\\nsubmitted to the people, as a separate proposition, such a\\nchange in our fundamental law as will guarantee the just\\nrestraints of minorities in all our departments of representative\\npower. Thus far we liave solved every problem growing out\\nof a free government of vast domain and of conflicting tastes,\\nconvictions, and interests and as avc have passed in safety\\nevery peril that beset us, the world has wondered and gro^Mi\\nbetter and wiser because of our succoss. The liberal tenden-\\ncies of the governments of the Old World to-day are the legiti-\\nmate fruits of successful free institutions in the New World.\\nWhen the sore trial of fraternal war, as exhausting anl\\nsanguinary as it was causeless, came upon us, the hopes of\\ndespotism were inspired afresh but as we emerged from the\\nflame and tempest of battle with regenerated liberty antl\\njustice, and our patriotism chastened by the terrible crucible\\nof sacrifice, the whole world was taught that liberal progress\\nwas its destiny. We have met and vanquished the declared\\nenemies of free government, and we have now but to preserve\\nits integrity by maintaining the well defined checks and\\nbalances which vindicate the crowning wisdom of the foundeis\\nof the Republic, and the safety, the growth, the perfection of\\nfree government will be assured for ourselves and for our\\nposterity.\\nThere arc few citizens of Philadelphia who will not be\\nstartled Avhen they come to look squarely at the rapid strides of\\nirresponsible power in our municipal afiairs. Our system of\\nspecial legislation is the easy channel by which the raiment of\\nthe people has been parted by banded speculators. They did\\nnot avow their purpose, nor did they shock the public sensi-\\nbilities by wresting the power of the people from them in one,", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "38\\nor even a dozen efforts. Had tliey done so, there Tvould have\\nbeen revolt, and the rings would have been overthrown. But\\ningeniously drawn special laws, with equally ingenious argu-\\nments to support them, proposing some wise and acceptable\\nobject, have from time to time been enacted, and as the people\\nslept they were shorn of their locks. Look around Philadel-\\nphia. How are its great powers wielded How is the great\\nproportion of its revenues expended Who selects its most\\nimportant agents? And what restraints are or can be exer-\\ncised by the people to protect themselves against growing taxes\\nand debt? Look at our chief departments, wielding almost\\nthe whole political and financial power of the city government,\\nand answer for yourselves whether the tax-payer has any pro-\\ntection against improvidence or fraud. Does any sane man\\nsuppose for a moment that the entire absence of popular or\\nofficial restraints upon these organizations is a series of acci-\\ndents in framing the laws By no means. They were each\\nin turn, as popular forbearance would allow, deliberately\\ndrawn to divest the organizations of every possible restraint,\\nand every attempt of the people to enforce accountability has\\nbeen resisted by the combined power of most of these trusts.\\nTo-day the tax-payers are without remedy, unless the Legisla-\\nture will interpose its supreme power. Even the legislative\\npower of the city is finally ignored in public expenditures of\\ngreat magnitude, and enormous taxes may be imposed and\\ngathered without the formality of an ordinance. Your Councils\\nand Maj or are presumed to be able to shield you from exces-\\nsive taxation, but the continued tolerance of irresponsible\\ntrusts has invited bolder measures, and now, if the courts obey\\nthe intent and meaning of the laws, taxes may be levied and\\ntheir collection enforced by mandamus for public improve-\\nments, and the people and their local government are voiceless\\nand powerless to prevent it, or even to enforce that measure\\nof accountability that is essential alike to public confidence and\\nofficial vindication. I do not assume, and do not believe, that\\nall the men who have accepted such positions in Philadelphia\\nare dishonest; but I do assume that honest purposes have not", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "30\\nusually dictated such legislation, and that honest men have\\nnot as a rule sought to have such powers conferred, and it is\\nsadly true that the ruling element of most of these trusts\\nmainly desire personal aggrandizement, and the sources of\\npolitical power necessary to enable them to defy the people in\\nany struggle for their overthrow. Our valuation of property\\nfor taxable purposes is the highest of any city in the Union in\\nproportion to its market price, and our taxes are to-day the\\nhighest imposed upon any people for municipal purposes.\\nTrue, large sums were expended for war purposes but the\\nsurrounding counties did the same, and have paid their in-\\ndebtedness without oppressive taxation. If our city credit\\nwas preserved and our debt gradually reduced, as it should\\nbe, and as our laws evidently demand, with the improvements\\nin progress that are essential to the comfort and prosperity of\\nthe city, there would be but little cause for complaint. But\\nour public money has been used for speculative purposes until\\nstartling defalcations aroused the people and Councils to\\naction. Our city warrants are dishonored at the Treasury to\\nthe extent of millions, and our debt is growing by millions\\nfrom year to year. It is clear to any intelligent citizen that a\\nlarge proportion of our taxes is worse than wasted, and the\\nmoney thus plundered from the people is employed at every\\nelection to increase the power of the plunderers and defy the\\nprotests of the tax-payers.\\nI submit that it becomes not only the people, but their rep-\\nresentatives in the Legislature, to inquire where the millions\\nof wasted or stolen resources are absorbed. When we look\\nfor profligacy or fraud to avert it, we find but few channels\\nthrough which large amounts of public money are expended,\\nwithin the reach of either the people or the laws, and the tax-\\npayers turn from the unequal contest in despair.\\nThat all the trusts of Philadelphia should be brought under\\nthe immediate cognizance of the people, and that every possible\\nmeans should be within the reacli of the tax-payers to enforce\\nthe fullest exposition and accountability, are not only pro-\\npositions that under all circumstances would be just, but they", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "40\\nare, under existing circumstances, a supreme necessity. If\\nthis -were done, as it must be done, sooner or later, t];c faith-\\nless citizen would not seek to fill these places, for the chief\\nprofit would be the approval of an upright people; our neces-\\nsary improvements Avould be made promptly and economically\\nour people would not be humilitated by the disgraceful con-\\nflicts of competing confederated rings for public jobs; our public\\ndebt and our taxes would be diminished, and the headqunrters\\nof these organizations would not be, as they are, as a rule, to-\\nday, the centres of political management to defeat, by repeat-\\ning, ballot-box stuffing, and false returns, the election of legis-\\nlators pledged to proper checks upon all public expenditures.\\nEqually disgraceful and oppressive to our city are our offices\\nrelating to estates, records, and public justice. Our courts\\nare confessedly pure, and in all respects most reputable, but\\nunder their very shadow, although not under their control, from\\nhalf a million to a million dollars a year are literally extorted\\nfrom the people. It falls so generally upon the community that\\nbut few feel provoked to the point of resisting a power so\\narmed for resentment. If the officials who thus plunder the\\npublic would pocket the ill-gotten gains and the evil there end,\\nthe most alarming consequences of this blot upon our public\\nofficers would not be felt. Instead of being merely individual and\\nlawless oppression of those who have business to transact, it\\nhas become a complete and most formidable system, that\\nstrengthens itself by constant appeals to the cupidity of the\\nhundreds of desperate politicians who are promised the succes-\\nsions or a division of the illegal profits. The system becomes\\na controlling element in the primary direction of the dominant\\nparty, and, with its thousand unseen sinews of power, and its\\ninnumerable streams of debauchery, it is ever potent in political\\nprimaries, and, with the Registry law, is omnipotent in declar-\\ning the results of our election. Until our Registry law is\\nmade to conform to the demands of justice; our servants\\nbrought to proper accountability our Row offices salaried, and\\nilleo-al charjres made impossible; wholesome restraints placed\\nupon the taxing power of the. city, and the scores of needless", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "41\\noffices created solely for the benefit of Ring politicians entirely\\nabolished, it \u00e2\u0096\u00a0will be vain to hope for substantial ref )rm. It\\nwill be promised no\\\\Y, in grateful generalities, as it has been\\npromised in the past, and it will ever be promised in the future,\\nand as did one of olden time promise to deliver great posses-\\nsions he did not and could not own but until there is an\\nutter overthrow of the Avhole system of corrupt power and its\\nadvocates, Philadelphia must suffer fresh oppression and dis-\\ngrace from year to year.\\nI have long advocated the limitation of the power of the\\nLegislature to general laws. Five years ago I publicly ui-ged\\na constitutional convention as the only means of effecting indis-\\npensable reforms in our legislation. In an elaborate article\\npublished by me on the 23d of January, 1867, in the Cham-\\nbersburg Repository, I said\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Reform the Legislature by the election of upright men,\\nrespond all who, with the affectation of integrity, Avish corrup-\\ntion to maintain its sway. We answer it cannot be done. It\\nhas been tried, time and again, and it has signally failed. AVe\\nhave seen, and served in, Reform Legislatures, and the only\\nperceptible difference was the increased license to debauchery\\nassumed by the reformers because of their supposed standing\\nat home. It is idle to attempt reform by any such process.\\nBut few who have the stern integrity for such an effort will\\nundertake the thankless task, and supple reformers, who are\\ndemoralized by the very hope of contact with peculation, are\\never ready to proclaim their oAvn virtue to the people, and\\nbetray them by a double fraud.\\nThere is one simple, practical, effectual remedy: and if the\\npeople move in earnest they can enforce it. The reform must\\nbe radical it must be fundamental. A Constitutional con-\\nvention, and that only, can reach the terrible disease, and it is\\nattainable at any time the Legislature shall submit the ques-\\ntion of a convention to popular decision. It should be\\ndemanded by petitions, by delegations, by mass meetings, by\\nthe manly utterances of an unshackled press, until even the", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "42\\ncorruptionists themselves shall bow to the thunder of their\\nmasters. Let them demand a convention to incorporate in\\ntheir organic law provisions substantially as follows:\\n1. That the Senate shall consist of one hundred members,\\nto be chosen by single districts.\\n2. That the House of Representatives shall consist of four\\nhundred members, each to be elected in a single district.\\n3. That all legislation relating to corporation interests shall\\nbe by general laws, and that no special charter or corporate\\nprivileges whatev6r shall be granted but by the courts.\\n4. That there shall be no special appropriation of money\\nfrom the treasury to claims except upon a judicial finding.\\n5. That the members of the Legislature shall be paid five\\ndollars per day, for the period of sixty days; and be pro-\\nhibited from appropriating to themselves any additional sum\\nfor protracted sessions, or for extra or adjourned sessions, be-\\nyond sixty days in the year.\\n6. That no subordinate ofiicers shall be appointed in either\\nbranch, or receive any compensation for services, unless a bill\\nshall have been passed by both branches creating the office\\nand defining its duties.\\n7. That no bill shall pass either branch without receiving\\na majority of the whole vote on a call of the yeas and nays.\\nI stood then almost alone in the movement, and I appealed\\nin vain to my leading Republican associates to give the high\\nsanction of the party to the measure. Why it was opposed I\\nneed not here discuss, but the character of the men selected to\\nlec^islate for our great State was the chief impediment to its\\nadoption. Again, on the 5th of August, A. D. 1870, I pub-\\nlished in the Inquirer^ of this city, a letter over my own\\nsio-nature, in which I earnestly urged a Convention, to enable\\nthe people to check the evils of special legislation by funda-\\nmental prohibition. In that letter I said\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Every means short of fundamental limitation of the powers\\nof the Legislature have been tried ineflfectually to redeem our", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "43\\nState from the stain and peril of corrupt enactments, and all\\nintelligent and honest men now confess that the only remedy\\nfor this hideous and growing cancer upon the body politic is in\\na convention to revise the Constitution of the State.\\nTlic reforms most needed, which can be attained only by\\na convention, are:\\nThe increase of the number of legislators. In\\nall States where there are large legislative bodies corruption\\nhas never gained the ascendancy. Most of the New England\\nStates forcibly illustrate this fact.\\nLegislative powers should be restricted to general laws.-\\nAll private remedies should be in the courts, and all appropria-\\ntions by private bills prohibited.\\nAll legislators elect should be required, in qualifying, to\\nbe sworn that they have not, directly or indirectly, had or\\npromised anything of value to influence votes to elect them,\\nand tliat they have not received, and will not receive, anything\\nof value in consideration of any official act.\\nThe State Treasurer should be elected by the people, and\\nthe public funds placed beyond the reach of private specula-\\ntion.\\nVote for no man for the Legislature, however nominated,\\nwho will not pledge himself to favor a convention, and vote for\\nno man, however nominated, or however pledged, whose tried\\nintegrity is not an ample guarantee of his fidelity as a repre-\\nsentative. Such action on the part of the people will give us\\na convention, and the convention is the last hope of reform.\\nIn the sum.mer of 1871 I had frequent consultations and\\ncorrespondence with prominent men of both parties on the\\nsubject, and before the meeting of the Legislature spent several\\ndays with our late honored and lamented Senator, Mr. Connell,\\nin perfecting a bill to be presented to the Senate by him. He\\nwas faithful in the great eflTort for State reform. In order to\\nmeet different views in the Legislature, Ave each drew a com-\\nplete bill, essentially alike on vital points, but differing in\\ndetails, and both were published in the public journals, and", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "44\\nread in place at Harrisburg. These bills were intended to secure\\nan early convention, and not to deceive the people by profess-\\ning to favor reform and persistently postponing it. They\\nprovided for the election of delegates last spring, at the same\\ntime the people should vote for or against a convention, for it\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0was well known that the vote would be overwhelmingly in its\\nfavor. Senator Connell made a manly struggle for such a\\nbill, by which, had it been adopted, a constitutional convention\\nwould have met last September, and we would now be about to\\nadopt its reforms. But he was overruled, and the demands of\\nthe people were met by the mockery of submitting the naked\\nquestion of a convention to them last October. Two more\\nyears of special legislation were thus secured by those who\\nhoped to profit thereby. Reform will be postponed this year\\non the plea that it is inexpedient to vote upon amendmerits to\\nthe Constitution in the heat of a Presidential contest and\\nwhen that pretext shall have served its purpose, the great\\ninterests involved in special legislation can readily frame some\\nnew excuse, if a willing Legislature is at hand. The general\\nsecurity and prosperity of all interests, corporate and indi-\\nvidual, and the harmony of capital and labor clearly demand\\nthe limitation of our legislation to general laws, equally avail-\\nable for all, and the denial of special privileges to any. While\\nprivileges are special, and within the power of the Legislature\\nto confer, there must be grave abuses and wide-spread distrust\\nand antagonism between our various elements of industry and\\nenergy.\\nCitizens of Philadelphia! I have accepted this contest con-\\nscious of its responsibilities, and of the unequal nature of a\\nconflict between the people and confederated bodies of men\\nwith bad laws and sources of corrupt and corrupting power at\\ntheir command. But Tammany, the queen of municipal\\nharlots, has fallen, and fallen without hope; and in Philadel-\\nphia her awkward but willing imitators are about to make their\\nmost desperate rally. In their last convulsive throes of death\\nthey will do much to deepen the stains with which they have\\nblotted the good name of our city, but the end is nigh at hand.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "45\\nThat a large majority of the legal votes cast on Tuesday next\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2will be in favor of the measures I have advocated no one\\ndoubts; that fraud will be nerved to gigantic effort to defeat\\nthe expression of the people is equally undoubted; but we\\ngreet the dawning day of reform, as the aroused virtue of the\\npeople gleams in hopeful rays through the darkness that has\\novershadowed us, and it must soon break in its noon-tide\\nsplendor. Let the banners of the people stream from every\\nbattlement, and from every faithful citizen let the slogan come:\\nOffice-holders to the rear tax-payers to the front. [The\\nspeech was frequently interrupted by applause.]\\nGERMANTOWN SPEECH\\n(DELIVERED THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 25.)\\nColonel McClure reviewed the registry law with the same\\nbold and incisive criticism that characterized his Morton Hall\\naddress, and pointed out with distinctness and merited denun-\\nciation, the defects and abuses of the law, and its employment\\nas an instrument to disfranchise the honest voters of the city.\\nHe asked, why should our election laws be exceptional? That\\npeculiar stringency may be necessary in the provisions of a\\nlaw applicable to great cities, may be true; but if so, there is\\ngreat necessity for peculiar restraints upon those who may for\\nthe time be in control of our elections. If frauds are so rife\\nin our city under ordinary election laws, we should not merely\\nrestrain one party and give the other party the power to make\\nour elections a mockery and a fraud.\\nIt is confessed by the leaders of the rings which now so\\nmadly rule our city, that if the Registry law is so modified\\nas to restrain fraud equally in all parties, their rule is ended.\\nHence this desperate conflict. If they are hedged about with\\nhonest election laws, their partition of offices and plunder made\\nfor the future would be broken up, and they would not dare to", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "46\\npresent their favorites to the people for popular approval.\\nOur public trusts, so far as they are banded with the violent\\nand defiant organizations of the citj, would be brought to\\nstrict accountability, and the use of our revenues would be zeal-\\nously scanned by faithful accounting officers elected by the\\ntax-payers. In short, the destruction of the unjust features\\nof the Registry law is the destruction of the rule of disorder\\nand corruption in our midst, and the restoration of the people\\nto supreme power over their own aifairs.\\nAlready the men opposed to the movement for reform stand\\nself-convicted of wrong, and in their terror of the condemnation\\nof the people, they have hastened to make an appearance of\\ndeference to outraged public sentiment. Observe that two\\ndays ago, just when the struggle was inaugurated, the ring\\nappealed to the Legislature to arrest the swelling tide of\\npopular revolt by professing to modify the registry law.; I say\\nprofessing to modify it, for it is not intended to make honest\\nelection laws while it is possible to prevent it. Fearing to\\ncome before the people to defend this law in a contest where it\\nwas certain to be assailed with all the power of earnestness\\nand truth, they come with gifts to appease the wrath of those\\nthey have so long betrayed. Note the discussion on the Registry\\nlaw in the Senate on Tuesday last. Not a Republican voice\\nwas raised to declare it just all, all admitted its glaring defects,\\nand confessed the necessity of its modification so as to restore\\nsome measure of restraint to the minority. Note the fact that\\nthe Republican Senator from Philadelphia, (Mr. Davis,) has-\\ntened to excuse, but not to justify the law, and that the Senator\\nfrom Indiana, (General White,) an aspirant for Gubernatorial\\nhonors, seconded the admissions of the city Senator, and there was\\nnot one Republican so bold as to say that it should stand in all\\nits present deformities. The bill was passed finally, only three\\nvotes against it, with most essential and Avholesome modifica-\\ntions, although not all that justice demands.\\nI do not charge that Senators are in any way parties to a\\ncontemplated fraud upon the people of this city touching the\\nRegistry law, but I do say that this movement has been hastened", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "47\\nby trembling politicians of this city, who mean to profess to\\nmodify the law, but mean also that no actual modification shall\\nbe made. Already we see the ring politicians confessing the\\ngrowing poAver of popular opinion, and they feel that they must\\npropitiate the people, or be defeated in the contest and if\\ndefeated in this strunrgle, thev are overthrown.\\nI charge that this movement now hastened in the Legislature\\nis a deliberate fraud upon the people. These are harsh words,\\nbut the occasion calls for them. Notwithstanding the action\\nof the Senate, the Registry law will not be modified this session\\nif Colonel Gray is chosen, or successfully counted in, as\\nSenator. The House will not pass it, with the Republicans\\nbound by a caucus, and that caucus to be guided by a majority\\nof the Republican delegation from Philadelphia. The Demo-\\ncrats offered the Republicans the prompt and entire organiza-\\ntion of the Senate the first day of the session, if they would\\nassent to the modifications of the law which I have advocated\\nand it was refused. If they have changed their mind and now\\nintend to give us honest election laws, why do they not pass\\nthrough both branches of the Legislature at once, the amend-\\nments demanded If they were to do so, they would remove\\na large measure of the causes which have made Republicans\\nrevolt in this Senatorial contest. It would probably make\\nmany less anxious for my election, for one of thechief fountains\\nof corrupt power would belong to the past; but they will not,\\ndare not do it, for it would be the act of a suicide. Ichallencre\\nthe delegation from Philadelphia to prove me incorrect in this\\nprediction, for I should be glad to acknowledge that I was in\\nerror, and glad, also, to have such rich and early fruits of the\\nefi orts for reform. If I shall be chosen to the Senate, or\\nrather if I shall not be violently defrauded out of an election,\\nthe Registry law will then be made a just law, with equal privi-\\nleges and restraints conceded to both parties, for the reason\\nthat no man who votes against such amendments can withstand\\nthe united power of an aroused people. Wrong is ever defiant\\nuntil it is discomfitted, and then it forcibly illustrates the\\nfact that cowardice is an inherent element of crime. When", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "48\\nthe tax-payers shall have once triumphed over these confederated\\nand uascrupulous powers in Philadelphia, the rings will\\nsurren er, and the rounder s occupation Avill be gone.\\nColonel McClure then discussed the gradual assaults made\\nupon the power of the people by special legislation, creating\\nirresponsible trusts. They have grown in number and privileges\\nuntil nearly the whole expenditures of the city are made by\\nmen without accountability to the people or to the laws, and\\ntaxes may now be wrung from the tax-payers without even the\\nformality of an ordinance. lie declared in favor of such\\nlegislation as would bring our public trusts within the searching\\nscrutiny of the people, and make them accept the fullest\\naccountability. He also discussed the row offices, and\\npronounce 1 the extortions practiced upon the people as intol-\\nerable, and the whole system by which they are administered,\\nas entirely subversive of personal and political integrity. The\\nremedy he declared to be the enactment of a law fixing\\nliberal salaries for performing the duties, imposing severe\\npenalties, including removal from office, for extortion and the\\nappropriation of certain revenues in the city treasury.\\nBut, said Colonel McClure, it is charged that I am distracting\\nthe Republican party. I had hoped to meet Col. Gray face to\\nface before you, to discuss this, and other questions raised in\\nthe contest. Knowing that he is a public speaker of some\\npretension, I courteously asked him to join me, and let the\\npeople judge between us. He made the first speech that was\\nmade in the canvass before the conference of policemen and\\ndelegates that nominated him, and I am free to say that it was\\na better speech than I could have made certainly abetter one\\nthan I could have made before such an audience. [Laughter.]\\nI mailed a letter to him, and lest it might miscarry, I published\\nit in the daily papers. Since then I have not met or heard\\nfrom Colonel Gray. Perhaps he is out of town, [laughter,]\\nwhere Philadelphia newspapers are not to be found, and his\\naddress may not be known to his friends. Or it ma} be that\\nhe is busy extending his individual hospitality to a number of\\ndistinguished strangers, who are now visiting our city. I mean", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "49\\nthe eminent and expert captains of repeaters, who have been\\nimported from New York and Baltimore to spend a few days\\nwith us. [Laughter and applause.] They are here, or have\\nbeen here, in close consultation with kindred spirits from every\\npart of the city, and as they have not been invited to a reception\\nin Independence Hall, or to meet the Corn Exchange, or the\\nUnion League, it was incumbent on some one to extend them\\nwelcome and hospitality. They did not call on me, [shouts of\\nlauo-hter,] or I should have seen that they were provided with\\nappropriate city accommodations. But they did call on Colonel\\nGray, or his lieutenants, and have made arrangements to bring\\na number of their friends to visit us very early next week,\\nwhen I propose to relieve Colonel Gray by taking eminently\\nproper care of them. [Laughter.]\\nOf course Colonel Gray may have been busy in the exercise\\nof this hospitality, and I think it due to him to offer the best\\nexcuse I can for his failure to be on the stand with me to-night.\\n[Laughter and applause.] I know that if he were here he\\nwould resent the allegations of inconsiderate friends that I am\\n.not as faithful a Kepublican as himself. He knows that I have\\nbeen called into the field as a Republican and by Republicans,\\nwhile he was made a candidate by a motley mixture of Fourth\\n.Ward pet lambs, banded bouncers and rounders, a regiment of\\npolicemen and a few delegates, some of whom had been chosen\\nafter a fashion at primary elections. [Laughter.] Then\\nColonel Gray would not allow such injustice to be done me, for\\nthe very good reason that he holds to the largest liberty and\\nfreedom in politics. He has tried almost every phase of poli-\\ntical independence, and he knows how it is himself.\\n[Laughter.] I battled against Democracy when he was a\\nDemocrat I battled against President Johnson when he was a\\nJohnson man, [laughter;] and I battled for Judge Kelley when\\nhe begged the Democrats to take him as their candidate for\\nCongress against Judge Kelley. [Shouts of laughter and\\napplause.] Now do not understand me as criticising Colonel\\nGray s political record, [laughter,] for I desire to vindicate his\\npolitical and individual independence. [Shouts of laughter.]\\n4", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "50\\nHe had a perfect right to be a Democrat when Democracy was\\nsuccessful, and he had a perfect right to cease to be a Demo-\\ncrat when Democracy ceased to be successful. [Laughter.] I\\nhave examined the Constitution and laws of our State on this\\nquestion, and 1 do not hesitate to declare that Colonel Gray\\nwas exercising no more than his constitutional and inalienable\\nrights in always supporting a winning party. [Laughter.]\\nAnd if President Johnson had old clothes to distribute, where\\nis the law, statutory or fundamental, that prohibits him from\\ndealing in soiled political garments, such as President Johnson\\ndispensed? His right to do so cannot be questioned, and who\\nknows, besides, but that the purest and most self-sacrificing\\npatriotism may have made him look with favor upon Johnson?\\nSomebody had to fill the ofiices and accept the responsibilities\\nof Johnson s patronage, or the Government would have been\\nstopped. [Laughter.] Its machinery would have become dis-\\njointed and the Government of the people might have perished\\nfrom the earth. [Laughter.] If he was actuated by high and\\nholy convictions of duty in supporting President Johnson, as I\\nam bound to assume he did, let us accord him the credit due\\nthe patriot for doing so. That he got no office from the acci-\\ndental President was not his fault; therefore he is not to blame.\\n[Shouts of laughter.] The country did not need him, and the\\nrepublic was again ungrateful; but so it has been with Clay\\nand Webster. [Laughter.] When popular reprobation placed\\nthe clammy seal of death upon Johnsonism, Colonel Gray\\nfollowed the scriptural injunction to Let the dead bury the\\ndead. [Shouts of laughter.] When he appealed, by letter,\\naddressed to certain Democrats, to become a Johnson-Demo-\\ncratic-Republican-My-Policy candidate for Congress against\\nJudge Kelley in 1866, the Spartan band of Thermopylae did\\nnot display more heroism. [Laughter.] He could not have\\ndreamed of an election, for that would have been idiotic. It\\nwas a monument of his unflinching political independence.\\nThat the Democrats would not accept him as their candidate\\nonly shows in what sinuous and thorny paths he trod to vindi-\\ncate the constitutional right of the citizen to off er to run for", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "51\\nany office, whether anybody wants him to run or not. [Shouts\\nof laughter.] If the Democrats had accepted his offer, and he\\nhad run against Ju lge Kelley, and had been elected, who\\ncan portray what might have been the destiny of the country\\nJudge Kelley would now probably be running a peanut stand,\\n[laughter,] and our statesmanship would be a profession. But\\nthat intended record of unfledged greatness is void and voice-\\nless, but the political independence of Col. Gray is untarnished.\\nNor did he confine his practical teachings or untrammeled\\npolitical thought to any one community. He was migratory\\nin his habitations, as he was in his political convictions. When\\nthe people of the Second District would not send him to the\\nSenate, but defeated him after an exhausting contest, why\\nshould he stay with them? The whole world was his theatre\\nof action and he entered the Fourth District as an itinerant\\npolitical missionary, ready to labor and sacrifice in any public\\noffice that might be thrust upon him. [Laughter,] He has\\nalready reluctantly accepted from a more reluctant people a\\nseat in Councils, and would now serve in the Senate, but for\\nthe simple fact that he won t be elected. [Laughter and cheers.]\\nColonel Gray not being on the stand to vindicate himself, 1\\nhave said so much in defence of his manly changes of opinions\\nand actions. Although I mostly diff ered from him in the inde-\\npendent variations of his political line of action, and opposed\\nJohnson, and always sustained the policy and candidates of\\nthe Republican party, I feel confident that he would vindicate\\nme, if he were speaking, with the same fidelity I have shown\\nin defending him. So far from complaining that I am running\\nfor the Senate, he would say that he always supported what\\nparty he preferred; that he always run, or tried to run, for\\nevery office he desired; and that he is glad I am running for\\nSenator, as it will prevent a vacancy in the important ^Council\\nchamber of the city. [Laughter and applause.] Already his\\nnomination, if it may be so called, has caused one vacancy in\\nthe Building Commission, and must confusion be flung into all\\nthe departments of the city because of a senatorial election?\\nThe unsophisticated Hill, who blundered over Kneass on to", "height": "3233", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "52\\nColonel Gray for Senator, has been blundered back over Gray\\ninto the vacancy in the Commission; and as John Price\\nWetherill, a name deservedly honored in Philadelphia, fell out\\nof the line, Mr. Walker, Chairman of the Finance Committee\\nin Councils, fell in as naturally as tail from tadpole leaves\\nfrog. [Laughter.] Mr. Hill, having had thrust upon him, by\\na most thoughtful Legislature, the onerous duty of collecting\\ndelinquent taxes, with but the pitiful compensation of $60,000\\na year, takes two dubious offices to get a Senator who will pro-\\ntect them both. [Laughter.] There is a fable of the dog that\\ndropped the meat in the stream by his effort to add the shadow\\nto the meat, and there Avill be a striking illustration of its\\nwisdom not long hence, when the Commissioner, Collector and\\nChairman of Finance find that they have each made a dash\\nfor two offices and lost the substance in their greedy grasp for\\nthe shadows of an irresponsible trust. [Laughter and applause.]\\nCitizens of Germantown, no community in the Fourth Dis-\\ntrict better understands the vital issues at stake in the contest\\nthan does this one. You must decide whether you shall have\\neconomy and accountability in public expenditures; whether\\nthe most lucrative offices of the city shall be perpetuated as\\ngreat engines of extortion and political corruption; whether\\nyour votes shall be potential in elections, or you shall be made\\nvoiceless and powerless by election frauds; whether reputable\\ncitizens shall be eligible to office, or all places prostituted to\\nRings and ballot-stuff ers, and whether the crushing taxes and\\ndebt and the financial dishonor of Philadelphia be averted.\\nEven here fraud will be attempted. Forewarned, forearmed!\\nLook well to every precinct; watch zealously every robber of\\nyour franchise; guard untiringly every avenue for the repeater\\nand the rounder, and that integrity rules in your election\\nboards, and all will be well. [Protracted applause.]\\nI warn you, fellow-citizens, that the friends of Colonel Gray\\nopenly avow their purpose to carry this election by fraud. I\\ndo not generalize or speak vaguely. I charge that they have\\nemployed, and are now employing, gangs of repeaters, and\\nsystematically attempting to debauch election officers, and", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "53\\nmean, if they dare, to defy the well-known verdict of the peo-\\nple on Tuesday next. I warn Mayor Stokley, and the citizens\\nof Philadelphia, that the Head Centre of this organized fraud\\nis in the Mayor s office, in the person of Mr. McCuUoch, his\\nchief clerk. [Sensation.] That he has been almost daily,\\ndirectly or indirectly, in consultation with notorious repeaters,\\nand is not only cognizant of, but is a party to, the contem-\\nplated frauds. I assume that Mayor Stokley is ignorant of\\nthis to-day; to-morrow he cannot be ignorant of it, and he can\\narrest it with a word if he will. In your own Twenty-second\\nWard, one of the chief engineers of this deliberate assault\\nupon the purity of the ballot-box may be seen in M. C. Hong,\\nwhose daily business now is to aid in perfecting gangs of\\nrepeaters and devising plans to defeat the well-known purpose\\nof the people to overthrow this disgraceful domination on\\nTuesday next. Watch him, for he is in your midst, and your\\nvotes will be miscounted or overborne by repeaters, if it is\\npossible to do so. I have not made these charges hastily. The\\nchief manipulator of the Diamond-Watt fraud has been brought\\nhere, and his services are engaged for the contest, and the fact\\nis known to Mr. McCulloch, to whom I refer the Mayor for\\nparticulars. I have with much labor watched and shadowed\\nthese desperadoes from the beginning of the contest, and their\\nplans have not escaped me. I give them this notice to stay\\ntheir stained and violent hands, and I give the authorities this\\nnotice of the fountains of these frauds. If they are still per-\\nsisted in and perpetrated, the mark and doom of the felon shall\\nbe theirs. [Protracted applause.] Ours is the cause of every\\nhonest citizen. Crime has clearly defined its purposes, and its\\nchief criminals are well known. They cannot they shall not\\ntriumph. [Applause and cheers.]", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "54\\nMANAYUNK SPEECH.\\n(DELIVERED FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 26.)\\nThe President introduced Col. McClure as the next Senator\\nfrom the Fourth District. [Prolonged applause.] The Colonel\\nstepped forward, and in a speech of over an hour s length,\\nhandled the subject of Reform ablj. He was effectively severe\\nupon the repeaters and ballot-box stuffers, and promised to\\nread a list of them at the meeting in Friendship Hall, Nine-\\nteenth Ward, this evening. As in Germantown, his allusions\\nto prominent parties were especially relished. Herewith we\\nappend\\nCOL. mcclure s speech:\\nColonel McClure, after discussing the Registry Law, the\\nirresponsible trusts, the extortions of the row offices, proceeded\\nto refer to the operations of the rings of the city. He said\\nthat the bands of desperate politicians who are plundering the\\ncity, have absolute control of our local legislation, as well as\\nof the various channels of power in the city. When they\\nwant a law passed to conceal their frauds, or open up new\\nchannels for plunder, they can command the services of a\\nmajority of our legislators. Hence the shameful special legis-\\nlation that has been pursued from time to time to strengthen\\ntheir power.\\nOne of the boldest of these special laws was passed last\\nwinter, and approved May 25th. It is entitled An Act rela-\\ntive to the advertisement of claims, et cetera, in the City of\\nPhiladelphia. Observe its title, particularly the et cetera.\\nThe first section innocently repeals a former act. The second\\nsection brings in the et cetera. [Laughter.] It provides that\\nthe chairman of the joint Committee of Finance in Councils\\nshall appoint two persons to audit the books of the Receiver of", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "55\\nTaxes, and of the Collector of Delinquent Taxes, or to have\\nthem audited for the years 1870- 7l and 72. By this ingeni-\\nously drawn enactment, all revision of the books and accounts\\nof the chief financial oflBeers of the city, and all direct account-\\nability to the people as to just laws, are swept away at one\\ndash of the Rings. Now let us look how the act operates.\\nAtr. Walker is chairman of Finance, who appoints the men\\nto audit the collection of the entire revenues of Philadelphia.\\nHe is Mr. Beatty s solicitor, and Hill and Walker go into the\\nBuilding Commission in pairs. [Laughter.] Mr. Walker,\\nsolicitor to the Receiver of Taxes, and his fellow-companion in\\nthe public building arrangement with Mr. Hill, Collector of\\nDelinquent Taxes, is the only power between the tax-payers\\nand those who receive and handle the millions of money\\nannually paid by the people to interpose any protection or\\nenforce any accountability. Could a prettier or easier nest be\\nmade for the officials named? You know that your taxes are\\nplundered, but you cannot find how it is done. Why? At\\nfirst the men who handle your revenues were restrained by\\naccountability, and they were limited in their plunder to the\\namounts they could safely conceal from ordinary scrutiny.\\nNow they have been emboldened to collect your money under\\nspecial laws, to disburse your money under special laws, and\\nto audit their own accounts under special laws.\\nBut still they are not content. They now impose the\\nhighest taxes on the people paid for municipal purposes by\\nany city in the Union, and it is part of their system to dishonor\\nthe credit of the city. They bring disgrace upon the good\\nname of our municipality so that they may speculate upon it,\\nand the tax-payers are shamed from day to day by the warrants\\nof the city being hawked about at a discount, when they have\\npaid more than enough into the hands of officials to maintain\\nthe public credit at all times. All these evils are part of a\\ncollossal system of fraud that has been reared in our midst by\\nspecial legislation, and unless the whole system and its authors\\nand advocates are overthrown, you must either arrest all the\\nneeded public improvements or accept municipal bankruptcy.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "56\\nInstead of proposing to retrench and make economical and\\nhonest use of the revenues, they are crying for more. They\\nwant to get up new jobs for new Rings, or for enlarging the\\nnumbers or plunder of the old ones; and as all the property\\nordinarily regarded as assessable for public revenues is so\\nloaded by the regular tax levy, ami the special tax just\\napproved by the Mayor for the Building Commission, that\\nanother feather would break the camel s back, they have gone\\nin search of new sources of taxation. Every horse, used\\nchiefly for pleasure, is now to be taxed $10; hack horses, $5;\\ncart and dray horses, $3, and all other horses, $2. It is to be\\nappropriated to the improvement of Broad street, and, of\\ncourse, it is to be done by a special authority from the Legis-\\nlature, and the money is to be expended, and the accounts\\naudited by the Rings of the city. By reference to the call\\nfor a meeting to-morrow at the Board of Trade rooms, by a\\nvery large number of the leading firms and citizens of Phila-\\ndelphia, it will be seen that the people are aroused and pro-\\ntesting, and I believe that they will succeed in defeating the\\nmeasure. But why have the people of Philadelphia to scan\\nthe Legislative proceedings with anxious care from day to day,\\nto see what of their rights are threatened by their own legis-\\nlators? and why have they to neglect their business and meet\\nin mass from time to time to shield themselves from their own\\npublic servants? Is it not time that the character of your\\nSenators be changed? If so, you can hope to do it only when\\nthe domination of rings and rounders is overthrown in Phila-\\ndelphia. [Applause.]\\nI have, in a speech delivered last night in Germantown,\\nmade specific charges against men holding important official\\npositions. I declared that I was fully advised of the plans\\narranged to defeat my election by fraud. I declared that Mr.\\nMcCulloch, chief clerk of Mayor Stokley, was the head centre\\nof the organized band to corrupt election officers, and to\\nemploy gangs of repeaters to defy the will of the people on", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "57\\nTuesday next. I declared, also, that Marshall C. Hong, a\\ndeputy sheriff, was one of the chief lieutenants in this disgrace-\\nful and lawless work. I know well what I said, and why I\\nsaid it. I know that what I have said is true, and Mayor\\nStokley cannot be blameless if this gigantic wrong is consum-\\nmated. Yesterday and to-day the same band met and went\\non with the business of preparing lists of fictitious names from\\nthe registry for repeaters, and they will be ready for delivery\\nto-morrow. I know all the persons who are engaged in this\\nunblushing assaiflt upon the honest expression of the people of\\nthe Fourth District. I have the names of the chiefs of a number\\nof the gangs employed to personate the fictitious names, and I\\nwill present them all to the District Attorney of Philadelphia\\nto-morrow, and through him to the Mayor of the city, and all\\nwill soon understand that this crime can be perpetrated only\\nat fearful peril to every wrong-doer. I am pained to say that\\nthe list of the men who went yesterday and to-day to perfect\\nthis engine of fraud, contains names which would startle the\\npublic men who have been charged with the highest responsi-\\nbilities relating to the peace and honor of the city. I will to-\\nmorrow give them an opportunity to learn that I have made\\nno idle boast of information as to their operations; for when\\nthe record is put before them, reflecting back to them their\\nown infamy, they will understand that I have not relied upon\\nstreet gossip or vague suspicions. I know the men all of the\\nmen who have combined to declare Col. Gray elected by\\nfraud, and so docs Col. Gray know them, and this is the last\\nday that their names, their operations, their contracts, their\\nchief marshals of gangs, shall be withheld from the public.\\nTo-morrow Barton H. Jenks, chairman of the Republican\\nReform Committee, will publicly offer a reward of $50 for the\\narrest and conviction of every repeater, and $500 for the\\narrest and conviction of every election officer w^io knowingly\\nreceives illegal votes or falsifies the returns. The names of\\nthe gangs will be made known in the locality where they are\\nto operate, and they cannot escape the vigilance of the people.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "58\\nI will give all these desperadoes, principals and agents, a fair\\nopportunity to withdraw from this contest and if they refuse\\nto do so, then the consequences be on themselves, for they\\nshall not escape. They confess that they can have Col. Gray\\ndeclared elected only by fraud. Let them dare to execute it.\\n[Prolonged applause.]\\nFRANKFORD SPEECH.\\n(DELIVERED SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 27.)\\nColonel McClure reviewed the Registry law, the various\\nirresponsible trusts of Philadelphia, the abuses of the Row\\noffices, and the necessity of making them all salaried offices,\\nand demanded that special legislation should be arrested by\\nthe cominor Constitutional Convention. He then reviewed\\nColonel Gray s card, and said I have seen, only in the public\\njournals, a letter addressed to me by Colonel Gray, in answer\\nto the courteous note I sent him on the 19th instant, asking\\nhim to meet me in joint discussion of the issues involved in\\nthe contest. Being both confessedly Republicans, there are\\nno questions of national moment to be considered or decided,\\nand the issues being entirely local, familiar and interesting to\\nall classes of our people, I desired that they should hear us\\nboth, and judge between us. It would seem that Colonel Gray\\nis a slow letter writer. [Laughter.]\\nTen days after the date of my note will be election day, and\\nit required him seven of these to frame a letter in reply. I\\nwill do him the justice to say that he is certainly the author of\\nhis letter but I must, at the same time, do like justice to\\nsome other unknown person, by saying that the author of the\\nletter was not the author of the speech recited by Colonel Gray\\nbefore the pretended conference that nominated him. [Laugh-", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "59\\nter.] The same man did not write both, unless Philip appealed\\nfrom himself drunk to Philip sober. [Laughter.]\\nThe speech would indicate clearly that at that time the wolf\\nwas ahead of the dog in this race but the letter confesses in\\nevery line that the dog has got ahead of the wolf, [laughter,]\\nand that he is bringing the Reform movement into the ring\\ncamp as the mountaineer brought the grizzly bear he running\\nfor dear life and the bear after him. [Laughter and applause.]\\nIn the very opening of the contest I fully relieved him of all\\ndelicacy for my feelings, and if there is aught in my record,\\nand in my life, that the people should know, why has he not\\ncome forward manfully, in the presence of the people and\\nmyself, and informed them\\nIf I am unworthy of public trust, you should know it and he\\nshould declare it, for I have opened the way for him to do so.\\nInstead of meeting tiae, or in any way presenting the issues\\nbefore the people, he skulked around with ballot-stuifers,\\nrepeaters and rounders, from day to day, to perpetrate frauds\\nupon the people of the district, and finally answers by a long\\nletter of cowardly inuendoes and pitiful quibbles. I say that\\nhe proposed, by letter, to run as a Democratic Johnson\\ncandidate for Congress in 1866, against our acknowledged\\nchampion of the protective policy. Judge Kelley, [applause,]\\nand he does not venture to meet the charge. He does manage\\nto get in a feeble denial, but I will with great pleasure and\\npromptness take Colonel Gray, or any committee of his friends,\\nto the gentleman to whom he wrote the letter, voluntarily\\noffering to run anainst Judge Kellev in 1866. As nobody in\\nparticular wanted him to run but himself, [laughter,] and as\\nhe had no police organization to crowd the Democrats and\\nJohnson men into a corner, under the direction of maces and\\nstars, to compel them to accept him as a candidate, he decided\\nto withdraw. [Laughter.] And as Johnsonism soon showed\\nsigns of decline and fall, he prudently concluded that\\nit wasn t his funeral, and he departed the Johnson ranks\\nunregretted. [Laughter.]", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "60\\nThus he proved, as he has stated in his letter, that he has\\nalways been the warm friend and supporter of Judge\\nKelley. The Judge may like that sort of friendship, and, if so,\\nI have no right to complain but it is not the kind of support\\nI would want to carry an election, I have several times been\\nelected by the people, but I do not remember that I ever\\ncounted a man as my warm friend and supporter who ran\\nagainst me himself, or who didn t run only because nobody\\nfavored him but himself. [Laughter.] But it seems to be\\nColonel Gray s idea of a warm friend and supporter, for it\\nis the style of support that the majority of the Republicans\\nare giving him for Senator that is, they are- going for the\\nother fellow. [Shouts of laughter.]\\nIf I am a stranger in the district, he is stranger still, for I was a\\nresident of it long before he vainly importuned the Republicans\\nof the Second district to send him to the \u00c2\u00a7enate. [Laughter.]\\nI do not know when he got into the district, but I do know that\\nthree years ago he made a desperate effort to defeat Mr.\\nHenszey in our neighboring senatorial district. Finding that\\nhe could most gratify the Republicans of that district by\\nleaving it, he shook the dust from off his feet there, and landed\\nin our midst, a full-feathered candidate for anything from the\\nstart. [Laughter.]\\nBut this is by-play. Why is he not here Why is he\\nequivocal or silent on the questions which have stirred the\\nwhole press and people of Philadelphia? Why does he not\\ncome before you and declare me unfit for public trust, instead\\nof publishing vague insinuations Why was your Board of\\nTrade Rooms crowded to-day with merchants, manufacturers\\nand business men of Philadelphia? It was because the\\ncrippled energies of our city are threatened with still greater\\nthrusts from the rings, and so every man, of whatever party,\\ndeclared it. While I was attending the meeting. Col. Gray\\nwas closeted with Mr. McCulloch, chief clerk of the Mayor, to\\nperfect a system of frauds to defy the expression of the people", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "61\\non Tuesday next. Driven from their ordinary halints, they\\nhad gone to confer in some more secluded place but there\\nwere vigilant eyes upon them everywhere. [Laughter.]\\nTheir plans for fraudulent voting were most gigantic. They\\nmeant one week ago to make Gray s majority 10,000. Then\\nthey defied, they jeered, they insulted every man who ven-\\ntured to declare for municipal regeneration. They had their\\nprecincts spotted, their gangs engaged, their prices arranged,\\ntheir lists of fictitious names printed, and all was to go merry\\nas a marriage bell. [Laughter.] But their was a chiel amang\\nthem, and a storm came upon them. They hurled the sup-\\nposed Jonahs overboard, but instead of being swallowed by the\\nwhale, they swallowed the whale. [Laughter.] Wherever they\\nhave congregated there were wierd shadows like the ghost of\\nBanquo, that would not down, and to-day their names and asso-\\nciations are as well known to the Mayor, to the Sheriff and to\\nthe District Attorney as they are to the rounders themselves.\\nAs the tempest thickened around them they fell from 10,000\\nto 5,000, and then to 4,000, and then to 2,000 and now to\\nanything or nothing. [Applause.] This morning Col. Gray\\nwas on the point of withdrawing from the contest, for all who\\ndo not wish to be a party to crime advised him of his inevita-\\nble defeat, and even his pals in the game, with trembling\\nvoice, declared their plans impossible of execution with safety.\\n[Applause.] The sentiment of the better class of Republicans\\nwas unmistakable that he should retire, allow the Republican\\norganization to accept the Republican Reform candidate, and\\nthus do justice to the Republican party. But to surrender\\nwould have been a confession of guilt, and his banded crimi-\\nnals demanded his continuance.\\nI gave public notice in a speech last night that I had infor-\\nmation of all the startling plans to compass my defeat by\\nfraud that to-day I would lay them before the District Attor-\\nney, and that I would give them fair notice to withdraw from\\nthis fearful public wrong. I called upon the District Attorney", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "62\\nto-day, prepared with affidavit, if necessary, to bring the whole\\ngang, high and low, within the grasp of the law the moment\\nthey should attempt to execute fraud. The leaders were seen\\nin person by the District Attorney, and they hoisted the Avhite\\nflag. [Prolonged applause.] But pirates, who are even more\\nto be respected than the slimy burglar of the ballot, often hoist\\nstrange flags to deceive the unwary, and I place little faith in\\nthe professions of these men to desist.\\nLater in the evening, some of them met under the leadership\\nof a well known politician who picks up the drippings of the\\npublic offices, but the leaders did not venture to put in an ap-\\npearance. [Applause.] If they can deceive you into the\\nbelief that the election is to be an honest one, and thus throw\\nyou off your guard, they will put new leaders at the head of\\nthese gangs, and poll thousands of illegal votes. In the\\nTwenty-third Ward, the precinct where I now stand, the Sixth,\\nis the one they will attempt to control by fraud. [Sensation.]\\nThey cannot, dare not do it, if you will guard your ballot-box\\nwith vicfilance.\\nWhen I presented formal complaint to the District Attorney,\\nand they were called to account, they did not deny their guilt,\\nbut answered that my friends two of whom were named\\nmeant to perpetrate frauds. When the allegation was brought\\nto me I at once asked the District Attorney to vindicate me\\nand my cause by the promptest measures, to make frauds im-\\npossible on either side. [Applause.] If any men off er to cast\\nillegal votes for me, arrest them, and the chairman of the Re-\\npublican Reform Committee, Colonel Barton H. Jenks, will\\npay a reward of $50 a head for information that will lead to\\ntheir conviction. [Prolonged applause.] We do not propose\\nto stop frauds upon one side and let them be practiced on the\\nother side. Our committee is prepared to pay the reward\\nnamed for the conviction of any illegal voter, no matter for\\nwhom he votes, [applause,] and the District Attorney is\\npledged by every consideration of justice, public duty and", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "63\\npersonal honor, to vindicate the laws by swift punishment upon\\nall offenders. The following is his letter, addressed to me on\\nthe subject\\nPhiladelphia, January 27, 1872.\\nHon. a. K. McClure:\\nDear Sir: In reply to yours of to-day, I have to say that\\nI have received like complaints from the friends of Col. Gray,\\ncharging that frauds are contemplated against him at the\\nelection to be held next Tuesday.\\nI say to you as I say to them that no such lawless actions\\ncan be tolerated, and no person should expect to receive any\\nprotection or sanction from me. I will prosecute with the\\nutmost rigor any offender who shall violate the election laws,\\nno matter in whose interests such lawless acts may be per-\\nformed. Yours truly,\\nWm. B. Mann, District Attorney.\\n[The letter was greeted with rounds of applause.] As the\\nleading conspirators are pledged to desist from their contem-\\nplated frauds, I have been content to leave their names and\\nplans with the District Attorney for the present. He holds the\\nnames of men who originated it and who can stop it if they\\nwill. They cannot persist in it without detection, for even if\\nthey should resume their operations at midnight of Monday,\\nthey would be known to the authorities before the sunlight of\\nTuesday shall break the morning darkness. [Applause.]\\nThink you that rounders and repeaters are useful only for\\nthe perpetration of frauds? When fraud is perilous, the\\nrounder may shadow the rounders, [laughter,] and Greek may\\nmeet Greek in this delightful holiday of fraud. [Laughter.]\\nIf the repeaters and conspirators have made me SAvallow a rat,\\nI know of no remedy ^t to swallow a cat. [Laughter and\\napplause.]", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "64\\nI want you to understand that I am not in any sense an\\nornamental candidate for Senator. [Applause.] 1 have to\\nmake a desperate struggle against a most formidable combina-\\ntion of most desperate men, and they would laugh at my\\nspeeches, exposing them, if it was merely to be a war of words.\\nIt is a war unto death a war of extermination, [applause,]\\nand the experienced experts who have been by my side in the\\nstruorcrle to reach the fountain of fraud, through its own sinu-\\nous and polluted streams, have not been armed alone with\\nmoral suasion. You would not appease the tigress, defending\\nher Avhelps, with tracts on the atonement, nor would you con-\\nvert the rounder by Carey s admirable essays on Political\\nEconomy. [Laughter.] Let them, if they dare, perpetrate\\nthis fraud, and the reckoning will be prompt, complete,\\nrelentless. [Prolonged applause.]", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "65\\nNINETEENTH WARD SPEECH.\\n(DELIVERED SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 27.)\\nColonel McClure spoke for nearly an hour and a half,\\nreviewing the local issues of the contest. He said this contest\\nhas no political significance whatever. The district being\\noverwhelmingly Republican, both the candidates are con-\\nfessedly Republican, so that neither Republicans nor Democrats\\nare embarrassed in voting for their own endangered local\\ninterests. If the district was Democratic, it would be the duty\\nof the people to support a Reform Democrat, as did the Re-\\npublicans of New York in throwing off the intolerable yoke of\\nTammany. [Applause.]\\nThe Republican and Democrat who desire reform can make\\ncommon cause in this conflict for the redemption of our city.\\nIt does not in any measure involve our National and State\\nadministrations, and no true friend of either will involve them in\\na struggle of the people that is solely for the honor, safety and\\nprosperity of our city nor can any folly of superserviceable\\nfriends make me faithless, in or out of the Senate, to the just\\nconvictions or preferences of my Republican associates. It\\nis a contest with monstrous fra.ud, so confident of its power,\\nthat until now it has felt safe in its disgraceful work.\\nHere, in the Nineteenth ward, and in the adjoining Twen-\\ntieth, is the chief theatre designed for the operations of repeaters\\non Tuesday next, [Several voices near the crowded door, It s\\nnot so; sensation and some confusion.] I repeat it, citizens\\nof the Nineteenth ward, here is the chief battle-ground selected\\nby the conspirators, who mean, if they dare, to overthrow your\\nhonest verdict in the coming election. I speak advisedly. I\\n5", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "66\\nknow every precinct in which the work was planned. [Ap-\\nplause.] The men who have come to treat elections as a mere\\nmockery of the people, have publicly boasted in the streets\\nthat they could buy Democrats in the Nineteenth ward like\\nsheep in the shambles, and that there are election officers here,\\nand elsewhere, who will give a dishonest return for a considera-\\ntion. I doubt not that political loafers have bargained with\\nColonel Gray and his managers to deliver your votes, but I\\nknow that there will be a failure in the delivery for want of\\ntitle. [Applause.]\\nA few thieves will cheat a few rogues in the deal, and the\\npeople of the Nineteenth ward, of both parties, will vote\\nhonestly and independently for the man of their choice. [Ap-\\nplause.] They have cheated in this ward before. [Sensation.]\\nI hold in my hand a copy made this day from the official\\nrecords of the court, showing that last fall, 999 votes were\\ndeliberately taken from the vote of the Democratic candidate for\\nSenator, to make Mr. Connell s majority in the district appear\\nto be 7300 instead of 6300. Neither Connell, nor any friend\\nof Connell, had a hand in it but desperate men had made\\ndesperate bets upon the majority, and they cheated you out of\\n999 votes, on the return, to steal the wagers they had staked.\\n[Applause.] If any man doubts it I will go with him to the\\nrecords and returns and prove the statement beyond the possi-\\nbility of contradiction. Mr. Connell had thus returned over\\n2300 majority in this ward, and as he was then at the point of\\ndeath he had no opportunity to vindicate his good name by\\nshowing that he had but 1300, as he would have done promptly\\nhad he lived. [Applause.] As there was no interest felt in\\nthe contest, Mr. Connell being conceded his election by a\\nlarge majority, the wrong was never looked into, and now it is\\nproposed to add from 1000 to 2000 illegal votes to Col. Gray s\\nvote in this ward, if the repeaters can get their work done, or\\nif election officers can be corrupted.\\nThe purity of the ballot is a matter of most vital interest to\\nevery citizen, and I now call upon every honest man of the\\nNineteenth ward to awake to the fact that his dearest rights", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "67\\nwill be invaded and defied on Tuesday if the ingenuity of\\nvillainy can compass it. But if you will man your polls at\\nevery precinct with faithful, resolute men, prepared to battle\\ndeterminedly for the honest expression of your people, crime\\nwill hide from you and leave you masters of the field. Let\\nthere be committees of Republicans, Reformers, Democrats,\\nand of citizens indiscriminately, to scrutinize every voter, and\\nnote with scrupulous care the announcement of the hourly\\nvote. Then you can judge with reasonable accuracy whether\\nthe vote announced each hour is correct. If a false return is\\ndeclared, start a dozen or twenty men after the voters of that\\nparticular hour, who are known or supposed to have voted for\\nme, and if more are found than have been counted, let them\\nmake afiidavit of the fact and demand an honest count in the\\nface of a warrant of arrest. [Prolonged applause.]\\nWe are not just now playing marbles with wrong-doers.\\n[Laughter and applause.] We have grappled with them in\\ndesperate, deadly conflict. While the conspirators against the\\npurity of the ballot are bombarded at long range with fierce\\nspeeches, resolutions, editorials and mass meetings, they have\\nno fears. Such things do for honest thinking men, but they\\nsend nobody to the penitentiary. [Laughter.] This is a\\nhand to hand struggle, face to face, man to man, heart to\\nheart, and the victor and vanquished will well realize the\\nmomentous issues of the conflict. [Applause.] In the hands\\nof the legal authorities are the names of the conspirators, their\\nplans, their localities of operation, and their calculations.\\nThey have pledged themselves to desist, but as fraud only can\\nwin for our opponent, they must resort to fraud or retreat from\\nthe field with their candidate before Tuesday. Whenever it\\nshall be ascertained beyond a question that fraud cannot be\\nsuccessfully employed, that hour Col. Gray will give up the\\ncontest, for his success by legal votes has not been hoped for\\nsince the contest opened. He was on the point of declining\\nthis morning, when they discovered that their conspiracy was\\ndetected; and if at any time they resolve in good faith to\\nabandon fraud, they will abandon the fight. [Applause.]", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "6S\\nBut remember that wrong is sleepless that it deceives the\\nhonest into confidence and then deals its blows by stealth, and\\nthat your only safety is in the utmost watchfulness. Col.\\nForney s Press, the only Gray organ of any political charac-\\nter and circulation in the city, confesses this morning that the\\nRepublican revolt of the best elements of the party against\\nthe King candidate, is overwhelming and fatal, and calls for\\nthe Republicans and Reformers to unite on a new man, or\\nmyself. He but reflects the unmistakable sentiment of all the\\nbetter elements of both parties, and if that warning is disre-\\ngarded, a fearful responsibility must be assumed by those who\\ncling so madly to ring dominion within the Republican party.\\n[Applause.] Col. Forney truly says that Reform is the faith of\\nthe great mass of Republicans, and that my success can\\nendanger no honest purpose or preference of the party, for my\\nrecord is boldly made up. It will bring just laws for all par-\\nties, and it will be a declaration for economy and account-\\nability in our public departments, and these can contravene no\\nhonest political conviction or aim. [Applause.]\\nWhile I believe that the vote of the people will be so over-\\nwhelming that fraud cannot overcome it, the lesson must be\\ntaught that there is a power in an aroused people, and in their\\nlaws, that is stronger than fraud. If the pestilence threatens\\nyour family, you do not wait for your neighbor to shield you\\nand yours. You draw about them the holy circle of your pro-\\ntection, and ceaseless vigils guard your homes. But here\\ncomes a worse than moral pestilence. It saps the vitals of\\nyour government, corrupts your liberties, plunders your sub-\\nstance, and loads you with oppression. It is an assault upon\\nthe interests and honor of every individual citizen, and it\\nchallenges him to the front to give battle to the foe of public\\norder and public safety. [Applause.] Let each citizen of the\\nNineteenth Ward feel that it is his duty to guard the ballot\\nfrom the assaults of the repeater and the false return. The\\nproper officers of the law are advised and prepared to sustain\\nyou, and Colonel Barton H. Jenks, Chairman of the Repub-", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "69\\nlican Reform Committee, has just issued a proclamation that\\nshows how earnest we are in this war upon ballot-stuflBng, out-\\nside or inside. Here is his proclamation:\\n[C?- REWARD!\\nELECTION FRAUDS!\\nHEAD-QUARTERS REPUBLICAN REFORM COMMITTEE,\\nNo. 144 South Sixth Stkeet, Philadelphia.\\nA reward of $50 will be paid to any person giving information tha*\\nwill secure the detection and conviction of any person guilty of fraud\\nupon the election by illegal voting on Tuesday next.\\n$500 REWARD!\\nA reward of $500 will be paid to any person furnishing information\\nwhich will secure the detection and conviction of any Election Officer\\nwho shall be guilty of any frauds, by fraudulent votes, false counts or\\nfalse returns of votes to be cast on Tuesday next.\\nBy order of Committee,\\nBARTON H. JENKS, Chairman.\\n[The proclamation was received with hearty applause.]\\nThink not that this is the contest of the capitalist or mer-\\nchant, or manufacturer. It is the cause of every man, but\\nespecially is it the cause of the laboring man. Give me wealth\\nand I can live under any government. It may make bad\\nlaws, but I can evade their chief burdens. The manufacturer\\ncan stop and save his capital the hum of his spindles, and the\\nrude music of his forges and shops may be silenced, but he\\ncan live, or seek the thousand channels ever open to money.\\nBut upon the laborer falls the crudest wrongs of bad govern-\\nment. Excessive taxes swell his rents, and his every neces-\\nsary of life, and when business is paralyzed, it is the laborer", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "70\\nttat wants for bread. 1 heard the merchants and manufac-\\nturers speak earnest words to-day at the Board of Trade Rooms,\\non the reckless policy of taxation enforced by the rings of\\nPhiladelphia. They declared that they could not compete\\nwith other cities in manufacturing and trade if the tax mea-\\nsures now contemplated were adopted. If they cannot, upon\\nwhom must the blow fall\\nThe manufacturer and merchant may be exposed to loss in\\nclosing business, in seeking new places where the burdens of\\nbad government may be escaped, but the laborers of Philadel-\\nphia would have the channels of industry lessened and their\\nown competition with each other increased. I do not theorize\\non this point. I know by the saddest experience the effect of\\nbad laws upon the laborer. I first visited Philadelphia twenty-\\nfive years ago as a journeyman mechanic in search of employ-\\nment. [Applause.] Our protective policy had just been\\ndestroyed and our industry crippled. Manufacturers were\\nstopped, or on half work, simply saving their capital for better\\ndays and better laws, while thousands of us sought in vain,\\nfrom place to place, the privilege to toil. I learned then that\\nhowever heavy may be the blow dealt to capital by unwise\\nlaws, the sorest calamity fell upon the laborer; and that govern-\\nment that does not look to the thrift of its industry is faith-\\nless to its greatest fountain of wealth. [Applause.] Under\\nour free institutions our labor is the supreme source of our\\ngreatness. It has brought the countless wealth of our mines\\nto swell our commerce, quicken and diversify our energies,\\nand swell our riches. It has made every fruitful field, every\\nlovely home, every flower that blossoms, and all our innumer-\\nable monuments of beauty and bounty. It has reared every\\nschool-house and pointed the spire of every church to heaven.\\nWhen it is prosperous our country is prosperous when it is\\nparalyzed, every element of trade shares the calamity.\\nIt is, therefore, the first duty of every government to pro-\\ntect it by just laws and shield it from the oppression of corrupt\\nrulers. And the laborer, of all others, has the most interest\\nin faithful government, both local and general. You may not", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "71\\ngather wealth about you, but oui free institutions unstained by\\nwrong and unimpaired by corruption, make the noblest patrimony\\nthe citizen can leave to his children. [Applause.] Its schools,\\nits free religion, its social eminence, its highest trusts and\\nhonors, are open alike to all. They are the common inherit-\\nance of the children of the lowly and the great, and merit is\\nour only known badge of nobility. [Applause.] Think not\\nthat this contest for good government is not yours. Fraud\\nspares no condition in its sweep of dishonor, and all classes of\\nevery faith are summoned to the conflict. It cannot fail unless\\nvirtue and vigilance are lost to the people of Philadelphia.\\n[Protracted applause.]\\nTWENTIETH WARD SPEECH.\\n(delivered MONDAY evening, JANUARY 29.)\\nCol. McClure addressed the audience as follows\\nHe reviewed the Registry law, the irresponsible trusts, the\\nRow offices, and other municipal abuses most pointedly, and\\ndeclared boldly for honest election laws for all parties the\\nstrictest accountabilitv to all trusts and other channels of\\npublic expenditure, the abolition of the fee system in the Row\\noffices, and restrictions upon the taxing powers of the authori-\\nties. He then turned his attention to the agencies combined\\nto defeat reform in Philadelphia.\\nI shall, he said, speak plainly. The times demand it, and\\nthose who have invoked lawless and unfair means to make an\\napparent triumph for Ring and Rounder dominion in Philadel-\\nphia must accept the thrusts they have provoked. Mr. Walker,\\nchairman of the joint Finance Committee of the Councils,\\ncomes to the rescue, and Mr. Hancock, City Controller,\\nwaves his plume in defence of their threatened citadel of plun-\\nder. I charged that by a most startling specimen of special", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "72\\nlegislation, the accounts of the officers who collect and handle\\nthe entire revenues of Philadelphia are practically audited and\\nsettled by themselves, and all accountability is at an end\\nunder the law.\\nMr. Walker, the gentleman who is not only authorized by\\nthis law, but actually directed to select the auditors to settle\\nthe accounts of the Receiver of Taxes and of the Collector of\\nDelinquent Taxes, is the Solicitor of the Receiver, and the\\nchum in the Building Commission with the Collector. To this\\nMr. Walker does not put in a denial, but he says he has not\\nappointed the auditors, but has left it for the Controller, as\\nbefore, and the Controller so testifies. Then Mr. Walker has\\ndisobeyed the law, and so has the Controller. Do you suppose\\nfor a moment that the law was an accident Do you dream that\\nsomebody forced it upon Messrs. Walker, Beatty and Hill\\nwithout their knowledge? Can it be doubted that this law\\nemanated from the three officials who have, by its extraor-\\ndinary provisions, made themselves the only checks upon them-\\nselves in collecting and paying out your millions of taxes\\nannually Could such a law have been passed in the interest\\nof official integrity or must it not have come from some well\\nconcealed fountain of wrong\\nI ask the tax-payers to look at the act as published in the\\npamphlet laws for 1871, page 1156, entitled An Act Relat-\\ning to the Advertising of Claims, etc., in the City of Philadel-\\nphia. When you have seen it and considered its hidden\\npowers, you will not wonder that horses and mules and sales of\\nbusiness men must be taxed, if Ring rule is sustained in our\\ncity. [Applause.] The officers in question do not pretend to\\ndeny what I have said, but they plead that they disregard the\\nlaw, thus confessing that they are ashamed to attempt a vindi-\\ncation of their own work. [Applause.] It is the most promis-\\ning growth of Tweed and Tammany that has cropped out in\\nour special legislation, and is but the capstone of the monu-\\nment of special enactments framed and passed to make plun-\\ndering a profession in Philadelphia. First they open all possi-\\nble avenues to absorb public revenues without responsibility to", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "73\\nthe community, and then they make it legal for them to audit\\nand settle their own accounts. When the repeal of this law\\nshall be proposed in the Legislature, as it will be, within a\\nweek [applause,] there will not be a man from Philadelphia\\nso shameless as to vote against it. [Prolonged applause.]\\nFellow-citizens, the defiant and solid ranks of the repeaters\\nand rounders have been broken in this contest. [Applause.]\\nIt has been a terrible, an exhausting struggle, but it involves\\neverything to all classes. If vigilance and determination shall\\nbe exercised by the people to-morrow, the rout will be com-\\nplete, and hundreds of cut-throats and thieves will find\\ntheir occupation gone in Philadelphia. [Prolonged applause.]\\nNever was a more systematic and gigantic fraud systematized\\nand prepared for execution but they could not escape the\\nwatchfulness of faithful men who were with them everywhere.\\n[Applause.]\\nAt first they met boldly in important public ofiices. When\\nthey found that they w^ere detected they scattered to difi erent\\nhaunts throughout the city. Finding that they had no escape\\nthere, they sub-divided and congregated in fragmentary bands;\\nbut, behold there too were the inevitable shadows that reflected\\nthem and their actions back to me. [Applause.] They dis-\\ncarded several as giving them away or blowing, but hit\\nthe wrong man the first time, and afterwards always hit the\\nright man just where they had missed him before. [Laughter\\nand applause.] Yesterday a few of them met, but the leaders\\nwere generally absent, and to-day they Avere wandering like\\nlost sheep, seeking some unguarded channel for their frauds.\\nThey have more than once decided not to attempt to repeat,\\nand as often some of the more daring have renewed the con-\\nspiracy.\\nThey have everything in readiness for the work, but whether\\nthey dare venture to make the attack is the vexed problem.\\nThey have their window-books prepared for the so-called regu-\\nlar Republican window-men in the precincts selected for\\nrepeaters, with the entire list of voters as usual, and the 7iames\\nto he voted on hy rejieaters are ticked on those books. They", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "74\\nhave been seen and examined, and I ask some honest man to\\nglance at the window-book of the ring-window man, when\\nsuspicious voters appear in the Nineteenth, the Twentieth and\\nTwenty-fifth wards especially. They may try repeaters in\\nsome other places, but tliis ward, and the Twentieth and\\nTwenty-fifth, will be the theatre of the rounders war upon the\\nintegrity of the ballot, if they shall venture on the perilous\\ntask. AVhen the repeater comes, the window-man will not\\nrecognize him in any way; but when he calls a name that is\\nticked off on the list to be appropriated to gentry of that\\ncloth, a sign will be given to the proper election officers, and\\nthe vote will go in. Many of them are to have tickets appear-\\ning to be mine, to deceive the honest men who may be watching\\nthe poll.\\nAt four o clock this afternoon they had not decided upon\\ntheir line of action. I believe that most of the leaders have\\ndeemed discretion the better part of valor. Larry Ball, from\\nNew York, who figured in the Watt-Diamond fraud, and who\\nwas to be one of the star actors in this interesting company to\\nentertain the voters and tax-payers of Philadelphia, has not\\nappeared at rehearsal for a few days [laughter and applause;]\\nand Gus. Heckler, another star actor, who had won honors in\\norganizing both repeaters and perjury for the Watt-Diamond\\ncase, has been here, but after several rehearsals, he threw up\\nhis engagement and left the performance to the stock actors of\\nthe Philadelphia establishment. [Laughter and applause.]\\nAnd the chiefs of the stock actors have been dropping out,\\nbut it is by no means certain that the show will not go on after\\na fashion, to-morrow. I will know in the morning, before they\\ncan have one hundred fraudulent votes polled, and if they open\\nthe show at the polls in the early part of the day, the perform-\\nance will close in the station-houses and prisons of the city.\\n[Prolonged applause.]\\nWhen trouble came upon the conspirators, they have been\\nperplexed as to what they should play. At first it was to have\\nbeen the well known farce of voting early and often, [laughter,]\\nbut when they discovered that rounders would probably shadow", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "75\\nrounders, [laughter,] and that the law would shadow all of\\nthem, they resolved that they would resort to false counts,\\ninstead of fraudulent voting.\\nAll of this day the most vigorous efforts have been made to\\ndebauch election officers, and they are now boasting that majori-\\nties will be returned in this and the adjoining ward, which\\ncould not be given on any fair count of the votes polled. In\\nshort, they have been attempting to tamper with a number of\\nelection officers, and that is now their chief reliance for the\\nsuccess of the ring candidate. They tried it in various portions\\nof the district, in one instance in my own ward, the Twenty-\\nseventh. They hope to have a false count in the Sixth precinct\\nof my ward, but they will be jolly when they get it, [laughter,]\\nand some men will not be so jolly if they attempt to give it.\\n[Laughter and applause.] There will be brave and true men,\\nof all parties, not only in the Sixth precinct of the Twenty-\\nseventh ward, but in every precinct where they have attempted\\nto debauch the return, and no man will perpetrate the double\\ncrime of perjury and fraud without meeting with the swiftest\\npunishment. [Applause.] I will not only expose the frauds\\nbefore the Senate, but the people will test, and most searchingly\\ntest the integrity of all our officers connected with the adminis-\\ntration of justice, and I feel assured that the laws will be\\npromptly and thoroughly vindicated. [Applause.]\\nThe last refuge of the rings is the shelter they hoped to find\\nunder the banner of Republicanism and the Administration.\\nThe Republican State Committee has spoken by resolution.\\nIt of course was dictated by the demand of the Philadelphia\\nportion of the committee, who felt that they could not carry\\ntheir candidate on his merits. Most of them had gone to\\nWashington, and professed to have Republicanism in their\\nkeeping, and demanded the positive support of the Adminis-\\ntration in all their operations. Who are these gentlemen who\\nassume to control the State Committee and attempt to poison\\nthe confidence of the Administration in men whose Republi-\\ncanism is proven by years of labor and sacrifice, and not by\\noffice-hunting [Applause.]", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "76\\nLet me give you the names of the men who speak for the\\nRepublicans of the city, the men who actually attended the\\nState Committee, and passed the resolution in favor of Gray\\nCharles A. Porter, ex-Deputy Sheriff, ex-U. S. Assistant\\nAssessor, and member of the Legislature; [laughter;] John\\nHouseman, Recorder of Deeds J. C. Kelch, ex-Receiver of\\nTaxes, and Gray delegate; R. C. Tittermary, bank assessor,\\nand handy in elections [laughter;] H. H. Bingham, Post-\\nmaster; W. R. Leeds, Sheriif; Ezra Lukens, U. S. Assistant\\nTreasurer s clerk Thos. H. Kemble, non-ofificeholder; Joseph\\nC. Hancock, City Controller; John A. Loughridge, Prothono-\\ntary of Common Pleas; H. Crawford Miller, occupation not\\nknown to me Joseph A. Bonham, Row Solicitor and candidate\\nA. C. Roberts, Trustee of Gas Works; James McManes,\\nTrustee of Gas Works, and Park Commissioner; Gideon Clark,\\nex-Master Warden, and William B. Elliott, U. S. Assessor.\\nThis is the entire list of the men who attended and copipelled\\nthe State Committee to declare for Gray. [Laughter and\\napplause.]\\nAs like begets like, how could such a committee of men,\\nmade up almost wholly of ring-masters and their dependents,\\ndo else than declare for the rings and rounders in this contest?\\n[Applause.] Where on that committee are the Republican\\npeople of Philadelphia represented Who could speak for the\\nfifty thousand faithful Republicans of the city, who follow\\nRepublicanism from conviction, and not for office Who spoke\\nfor them in Washington, and in the State Committee? Who\\nof them could say that Republican success depends upon\\nRepublican purity? [Prolonged applause.] I feel honored\\nin this contest, that such a committee does not favor my election.\\n[Applause.]\\nBut the crowning shame of the rings is their effort to-day to\\nflino; the name of President Grant into the contest. It is as\\nunjust to the President as it is to the oppressed people of\\nPhiladelphia, and to me, and they were too wise in their despera-\\ntion to invoke the power of the Administration until it was\\ntoo late to be thoroughly exposed. My views on all political", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "77\\nsubjects were well understood from the first day I entered the\\nbattle. I declared that a Senator could not disregard the\\nwishes of his people on any question affecting their principles,\\npreferences on candidates, without dishonor, [prolonged\\napplause,] and I could not fail to recognize the prevailing\\nsentiment in the Fourth district in favor of the renomination\\nof President Grant; [applause;] and recognizing it, I would\\nfaithfully obey it. [Prolonged applause.] If I could not do\\nso, I could not have accepted the standard in this contest.\\nMy position has been fully vindicated by the two leading\\ndaily papers in this city which advocate Grant s renomination.\\nI refer to the Press and Bulletin. To-day the letter-carriers\\nhave been -circulating, outside of the Post Office, an article\\nfrom the North American opposing my election, and involving\\nthe Presidency, to shield the Rings. There are those who\\nmake haste to the throne, but they are not those who sustain\\nthe throne when it is rocked by the tempest of popular trial,\\n[applause,] and no one can better appreciate this fact than the\\nPresident of the United States. [Prolonged applause.]\\nA nomination made by violence and fraud, without any\\npretence of an honest expression of the Republican voters,\\nmade in the midst of hundreds of policemen and a regiment of\\ndesperadoes, is labelled Republican. It had no mixed pater-\\nnity it was all fraud. I hold in my hand one of the many\\nfraudulent certificates prepared for Gray delegates for the\\nSeventh division of the Twenty-eighth ward. It was manu-\\nfactured in the Second precinct of the Second ward, and they\\nwere furnished at $12 each, Avith reasonable discount for\\nwholesale orders. [Laughter and applause.] It has all the\\nsolemnity of form it commences, we, the undersigned\\nRepublican citizens, etc. [Laughter and applause.] Like the\\nmembers of the Republican State Committee of this city, they\\nclaim to represent the sovereignty of the party. [Laughter.]\\nWhen the two tailors of Tooley street, London, prefaced\\ntheir resolution with, We, the people of England, [laughter,]\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6See Appendix for article in full.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "78\\nthey had some semblance of right for their claim, for they were\\nof the people of England but these strikers who were to make\\na Republican candidate for Senator by unblushing fraud, not\\nonly do not live in the district, but do not belong to the Republi-\\ncan party at all. [Laughter.] And yet the rings and rounders,\\nin their last extremity, would hurl upon the President this\\ncrushing load of their infamy It is the mousing owl, in the\\nhour of danger, mounting the eagle to soar to safety, but it\\ncannot be done. [Applause.] It is a libel upon the President\\nto charge him with the defense of these wrongs to involve\\nhim in a purely local contest that can have but one significance\\nthe triumph or defeat of corruption and maladministration in\\nPhiladelphia. [Prolonged applause.]\\nCitizens of Philadelphia, the argument in this conflict is\\nended. I have performed my duty, however imperfectly, with\\nfidelity. I was called upon to accept a position I do no^\\ndesire, and to accept a struggle that was not inviting. It is\\nthe first time the dominion of most formidable organizations,\\nwhich control almost the entire power and revenue of the city,\\nhas been brought to the very verge of destruction. [Applause.]\\nFor the first time in years, long-emboldened fraud in elections\\nhas been made to halt and tremble for its own safety.\\n[Applause.] Whether the destruction shall be complete, and\\nwhether the halt of the repeaters and perjured election officers\\nshall be a parley or an overthrow, your votes and energies to-\\nmorrow must decide.\\nIf the voters of the district who sincerely desire honest\\nelection laws, accountability and economy in all public depart-\\nments, the disgraceful plundering of our Row offices arrested,\\nand the powers of the people over their own affairs restored to\\nthem, shall make common cause to-morrow, our triumph will\\nbe measured by thousands. [Applause.] But if the people\\nfail to do their whole duty, and fraud is allowed to run riot,\\nas it intends, if it dare, Philadelphia will remand herself from\\nthe very portal of safety back to corruption, oppression and\\ndishonor. With you I leave the issue, and with the honest\\nverdict of the people I shall be content. [Prolonged applause.]", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "79\\nHORTICULTURAL HALL SPEECH.\\nAt a mass meeting held pursuant to a call of the Reform\\nAssociation* the week following the election, Mr. McClure\\nspoke as follows:\\nGreat contests with great crimes are often unequal for a\\nseason. Individuals or even organizations may be overborne\\nby organized and emboldened wrong doers, but in all civilized\\ncommunities, when the people rise in their majesty, banded\\ncorruptionists dissolve in confusion and shame. [Applause.]\\nTammany was the boldest, and for a time the most omnipotent,\\nof public robbers. It had party, it had offices, it had bound-\\n*TAX-PAYERS TO THE FRONT I\\nHEADQUARTERS. NO. 711 SANSOM STREET.\\nTHE CITIZENS MUNICIPAL REFORM ASSOCIATION invites the tax-payers\\nand voters of Philadelphia to assemble in mass meeting at HORTICULTURAL\\nHALL, on WEDNESDAY, Feb. 7, at 7 P. M., to express the indignation of the\\ncommunity at the would-be masters of Philadelphia, who COMMIT FRAUDS at the\\nballot-box in order to perpetuate the power which enables them to commit FRAUDS\\nin OFFICE. Let the CORRUPT RINGS which govern our politics understand that\\nat last the People are Aroused. Let those who PACK CONVENTIONS learn that\\ntheir reign is over. Teach the office holders that their wages are paid for honest work\\nand not for CHEATING and BULLYING at elections. Tell your representatives in\\nCouncils that they are not elected to secure their own interests at the expense of the\\ncity; that you are tired of paying taxes for which you get little or no return; that\\nyou will have retrenchment and honesty, rigid accountability, and efficient public\\nservice. Tell your representatives in the Legislature that they must pass laws that\\nwill prevent election frauds, and abolish the exorbitant fee system which plunders\\nthe many for the benefit of the few. Tell all the political hacks that the day of\\nRetribution is at hand, when the people shall rise in their might and put an end to\\nthe corruption and plunder which are overloading the rich and crushing the poor.\\nCome, all honest tax-payers, and declare to the office-holders that they are the ser-\\nvants and not the masters of the people.\\nHon. BENJ. HARRIS BREWSTER,\\nHon. E. JOY MORRIS,\\naon. RICHARD VAUX,\\nHon. A. K. McCLURE,\\nHon. JOHN PRICE WETHERILL,\\nDr. WILLIAM ELDER,\\nAnd other distinguished speakers, to be announced hereafter, will address the meeting.\\nR. RUNDLE SMITH,\\nPresident of the Aaaociation.\\nHENRY C. LEA,\\nChairman Executive Committee.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "80\\nless revenues, it had men eminent in social position and culture,\\nit had courts, it had jurors all were its undisputed soui ces of\\npower but it has fallen, and without worshippers. [Applause.]\\nIt defied the press, it mocked the law, it flung its stolen trea-\\nsures before the world, and the weak bowed, the venal shared,\\nand the good trembled; but at last the people rose in their\\nmight the sovereign power of the land came as the willing,\\nearnest handmaid of the insulted laws, and New York was\\nredeemed. [Applause.]\\nThere are times when the people must assert their power for\\nthe public safety. Such action is in no sense revolutionary.\\nIt is within the law, it is of the law, and its success is by the\\nlaw. It is but the infusion of fresh life, from the fountain of\\nall power, into the diseased and paralyzed body politic, and it\\nquickens and purifies the community. We have honest courts.\\nWhat more can we say? We had notice but yesterday that it is\\nvain to attempt the prosecution of the gravest ofi ences. The\\ndenial is hissed back upon the people from the inquest of the\\ncity [sensation] charged with inquiring for the people whether\\ncrime is in our midst. Think not that Avith one failure the\\nconflict will end. [Applause.] New York was thus defied,\\nand the courts were the allies of packed juries; but soon the\\njury of the people came, each man with his duty written in the\\nliving flame of popular indignation, and Justice again held her\\nscales before accuser and accused. Soitwillbehere. [Applause.]\\nThe more the course of justice is obstructed the more speedy\\nand terrible will be the retributive wave when the barriers of\\ncrime are broken, and the wider and cleaner will be its sweep.\\nInvesticration into fraud is the most vexatious of tasks in our\\ncity. To procure the examination of records in the custody\\nof ofl cers of the courts has required repeated orders from\\njudges, and finally notice in open court of summary punish-\\nment; and when the work was reached the sealed records\\nwanted had been opened. Whether it was done in the interest\\nof justice you can well judge.\\nWith nearly the whole revenues of the city disbursed with-\\nout just accountability; with honest election laws denied us;", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "81\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2with our important offices prostituted to mere instruments of\\noppression with taxes and debt yearly increasing, and even\\nthe very channels of justice palsied by the pollution of despe-\\nrate power, this great meeting is well explained and its duties\\nwell defined. It is the spontaneous revolt of the tax-payers\\nand honest citizens who to-night erect the severe crucible for\\nthe redemption of our crushed municipality. It will be well\\nfor those in official trust who can pass the ordeal unscathed.\\nIt will not be well for those who have drawn the sword of\\norganized wrong, for they will perish by the pitiless sword of\\nthe people. [Applause.]\\nLet us to the battle Mere resolutions never won one. The\\nheaviest battalions win the conflicts of men, when they are\\nwell directed. Banners may float and drills may extort admi-\\nration, and general orders and congratulations may please the\\nfancy, but it is in the hand-to-hand struggle that the weake\u00c2\u00bb\\ngive up the field. The people are ripe for this battle, but they\\ncannot enter into its details in mass. They want to be wisely\\nand courageously represented, and they will give their needed\\naid. Men who will be bold, skillful and vigilant must take the\\nhelm. They must be sleepless as crime itself; they must be as\\nsagacious as the foe; they must mine and countermine, plot\\nand counterplot, until the breach is made in the solid battle-\\nments of public wrong, and then the assault must be swift and\\nrelentless. [Applause.]\\nThere can be no parley in this war. It is broader and deeper,\\nhigher and holier in its issues than individuals or personal\\nambition. Men may weary or falter, but only to be forgotten,\\nas an aroused community marches on over them to its just\\ndestiny. [Applause.]\\nWhen the great Reform movement shall have selected its\\nproper tribunal to meet from day to day, to go to the very\\nfountain of official and individual frauds; when bold, skillful,\\nindefatigable men draw the sword in the [name of the people,\\nprepared to fight it out on this line, [applause,] keep their\\nown counsels and strike without fear, favor, or affection, the\\ntestimony is ready for them. [Sensation.]\\n6", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "82\\nI repeat, the testimony is ready for them, and it will show\\nofficial and individual movements to perpetrate wrongs and\\ndefeat justice, even in its own sanctuary, that will appal the\\ncitizens of Philadelphia. It has not gone to the Grand Jury\\nfor the best of reasons, which are well-known to this meeting.\\nIt will, however, go to a Grand Jury in the fullness of time,\\nand it will then and there receive the sober attention the grave\\nproofs will demand. [Applause.]\\nTo this work, to its grand consummation, let each pledge to\\nthe other his life, his fortune, and his honor, and the blessings\\nof the living and the grateful approval of those who come after\\nus, will tell that we have not lived and struggled in vain.\\nj[Applause.]\\nI would say more, but I am not able, and I can only bid you\\nGod speed in the noble work. [Prolonged applause.]", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "83\\nRETURNS OF THE ELECTION.\\nThe returns of the election gave Mr. Gray 891 majority, as\\nfollows\\n1871.\\nConnell, R. Wartman, D.\\n19th Ward,\\n4,260\\n1,902\\n20th Ward,\\n3,538\\n2,364\\n21st Ward,\\n1,629\\n904\\n22d AYard,\\n2,622\\n1,440\\n23d Ward,\\n2,322\\n1,452\\n24th Ward,\\n2,374\\n1,897\\n25th Ward,\\n1,525\\n1,753\\n27th Ward,\\n1,421\\n907\\n28th Ward,\\n1,168\\n899\\n20,859\\n13,518\\n13,518\\nConnell smaj. 7,341\\n1872.\\nGray, R.\\nMcClure, Ref. R\\n2,573\\n1,730\\n2,230\\n1.450\\n836\\n1,246\\n1,793\\n1,403\\n1,142\\n1,403\\n1,195\\n1,404\\n1,125\\n1,125\\n646\\n1,037\\n772\\n623\\n12,312\\n11,421\\n11,421\\ns maj. 891\\nCOL. GRAY CONGRATULATES HIMSELF.\\nOn the morning after the election the Philadelphia Inquirer\\nprinted as a verbatim report the following speech of Mr. Gray\\nthe evening of the election\\nMy friends, what has become of the hero of Chambersburg?\\nWe have achieved to-day a great victory we have fought the\\ngreatest battle since the dark days of the great rebellion, when\\nthe Republic was in danger. The great Republican party has\\ntriumphed. [Voice from the crowd Good enough, we want\\nto hear about the figures. We have met the disloyal ones\\nin our ranks and have beaten them. The Chambersburg hero,\\nduring the war, fled from the rebels; he has now returned to\\nhis first love, the rebels, again.\\nMy friends, I owe to you much. I am grateful to you for this\\nsuccess. You have not done this for me but for your country.\\nThe nation have been saved by you. You have sustained the", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "84\\ngreat Gen. Grant. You have sustained Gen. Cameron. You\\nhave defeated not only one who have proved himself disloyal,\\nbut you have defeated men disloyal to your party disap-\\npointed men who have turned about in your own ranks to fight\\nyou.\\nI have went before the people on the platform of the great\\nRepublican party, and I mean to stand by the principles of\\nthat party. We have fought not only the hero of Chambers-\\nburg, the Reformers and the Democrats, but also the corrupt\\npress of Philadelphia, with a few honorable exceptions.\\nOn the morning after the election Mr. McClure published\\nthe following card, denouncing the election as controlled by\\nfraud, and corruptly returned against him. His card was as\\nfollows\\nTO THE CITIZENS OF THE FOURTH SENATORIAL\\nDISTRICT.\\nThe rings, repeaters and corrupt election officers surpassed\\ntheir or^Jinary achievements yesterday, and Mr. Gray is\\ncounted as elecied Senator by 900 majority.\\nA clear majority of the legal votes cast in every ward,\\nexcepting, perhaps, the Twenty-second, was cast for me, as I\\nshall be fully prepared to prove before the proper tribunal.\\nThe police crowded the polls in localities where repeaters\\nwere to operate, and rounders, in the interest of the ring\\ncandidate, were protected by the police while policemen from\\nother portions of the city, in citizen s dress, participated in\\nthe violence by which peaceable citizens were driven from the\\npolls, and the polls given over to desperadoes.\\nWindow-men, ticket-men,- outside watchers selected by the\\ncitizens and active voters, were arrested without cause upon\\nthe slightest disorder created by the ballot stuflfers and in\\nmany precincts lawlessness reigned with the sanction and aid", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "85\\nof the officers charged with the protection of the citizens and\\nthe preservation of the public peace.\\nIn several instances the ballot boxes were broken up\\nviolently, and the election ended, because the majority of the\\nvotes cast were in favor of the Reform candidate.\\nGangs of repeaters, under the command of notorious leaders\\noutside of the district, swarmed over the Nineteenth, Twentieth\\nand Twenty-fifth wards, and citizens who dared to challenge\\nthem were insulted or assaulted by roughs, and arrested by\\nthe police, to remove all restraint upon illegal votes.\\nVarious election officers were absent, by arrangement, in the\\nmorning, and their places filled with the persons previously\\nselected by the conspirators to receive the illegal votes.\\nThe votes cast were often miscounted, and when the hourly\\nvote was announced and faithful window-men challenged the\\ncount, they were assaulted, their books and lists destroyed and\\nthe challengers driven from the polls. In numerous instances\\nI will show by the testimony of voters that double the number\\nof votes were cast for me in these particular hours than were\\ndeclared by the officers.\\nHundreds of legal voters were refused the right to vote\\nbecause they were not on the registry, in the face of the\\njudicial decision that all legally qualified citizens could vote\\nat a special election without reference to the registry.\\nI ask the honest portion of the return judges to be vigilant\\nand faithful to-morrow, and see that fresh frauds are not\\nadded to the wrongs by which I have been deprived of at least\\n2,000 majority over Mr. Gray.\\nI call upon all good citizens to unite with me in an earnest\\neffort to vindicate the purity of the ballot, by the prompt\\nexposure and punishment of these unblushing frauds.\\nAll who witnessed the lawlessness of the police, the violence\\nof rounders, the voting of repeaters, the arrest of honest and\\npeaceable citizens without cause other than to facilitate fraud,\\nand the declaration of false returns from hour to hour, will aid\\nthe effort by giving names and data at once to the undersigned,\\nat 144 South Sixth street.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "86\\nI am authorized to say that the rewards offered by Colonel\\nJenks before the election, for information that will lead to the\\narrest and conviction of illegal voters, and the arrest and\\nconviction of election officers who falsified returns and\\nknowingly received illegal votes, will be promptly paid.\\nI propose to pursue these frauds to the very fountain, and\\nthe perpetrators of them, high and low, shall not escape the\\npunishment due to their crimes.\\nA. K. McCLURE.\\nJanuary 30, 1872.\\nThe Republican Reform Committee followed with the sub-\\njoined address:\\nHEADQUARTERS\\nREPUBLICAN REFORM COMMITTEE,\\n144 SOUTH SIXTH STREET,\\nPhiladelphia, Feb. 1, 1872.\\nMOST STARTLING FRAUDS.\\nInformation has already been received to warrant the\\nCommittee in assumino; that the most unblushing frauds were\\nperpetrated to insure the election of Mr. Gray, amounting in\\nthe aggregate to several thousand votes.\\nIt is intended to investigate these frauds most thoroughly,\\nand we call upon every good citizen to furnish us all the\\ninformation he can obtain relative to violence and frauds of\\nevery kind.\\nThe rewards announced by this Committee before the\\nelection, viz. $50 for evidence that will lead to the conviction\\nof every illegal voter, and $500 for information that will lead to\\nthe conviction of any election officer who has falsified the\\nreturns, will be promptly paid.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "87\\nCitizens of Philadelphia, this is a contest for your property,\\njour safety and your honor, and it demands the co-operation\\nof every honest man.\\nBy order of the Committee,\\nBARTON H. JENKS,\\nChairman.\\nJ. H. T. Jackson,\\nSecretary.\\nThe Democratic City Committee also published the follow-\\ning:\\nHEADQUARTERS\\nDEMOCRATIC EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE,\\nNo. 619 WALNUT STREET,\\nPhiladelphia, Feb. 1, 1872.\\nTO THE DEMOCRATIC VOTERS OF THE FOURTH\\nSENATORIAL DISTRICT.\\nAny information concerning the fraudulent acts of electicn\\nofficers, or others, at the late special election for Senator in\\nthe Fourth district, should be at once communicated to me at\\nthe above address, with a view to the immediate prosecution of\\nthe offenders.\\nISAAC LEECH,\\nChairman.\\nRobert C. Howell,\\nSecretary.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "88\\nTHE STRUGGLE FOR A COMMITTEE.\\nOn the 8th of February, the petition of citizens of the\\nFourth Senatorial district was presented to the Senate, contest-\\ning Mr. Gray s right to the seat. Owing to an obviously acci-\\ndental omission in the law providing for contested elections, in\\nthe Legislature, the petition was referred to the Judiciary\\nCommittee, to consider the question of jurisdiction, and to report\\nby bill or otherwise. The Committee consisted of Messrs.\\nWhite, Fitch and Mumma, Republicans, and Messrs. Wallace\\nand Davis, Democrats. Messrs. Strang and Warfel, Republi-\\ncans, and Purman and Buckalew, Democrats, were added to\\nthe Committee by resolutions of the Senate for the special\\nconsideration of the petition and the law. The question of the\\nsufficiency of the then existing law was discussed before the full\\ncommittee, by Hon. Louis W. Hall, for the petitioner, and by\\nHon. Amos Briggs for Mr. Gray Mr. Briggs having first\\nfiled the following plea to the jurisdiction of the body under\\nthe law\\nAnd now, February 9, 1872, the said Henry W. Gray, by\\nhis counsel and attorney, suggests and alleges that the Honor-\\nable Senate has no jurisdiction or warrant of law to adjudge\\nthe matters and things in the petition of the said Alexan-\\nder K. McClure, proposed to be presented, contesting the right\\nof the said Henry W. Gray to his seat in the Senate.\\nAmos Bkiggs, attorney for H. W. Gray.\\nThree reports were made by the committee. The Republican\\nmembers agreed on a report declaring the law inadequate to\\nallow the petition to be received, and a committee drawn, and\\nthe Democratic members reported, declaring the law as ample,\\nbut Mr. Purman gave his special reasons for agreeing in his con-\\nclusions with his Democratic colleagues. The whole issue was\\nas to a strict or liberal construction of the Act of 2d of July,\\n1839, which provides that no petition contesting a seat, shall\\nbe acted upon by the Legislature, unless the same be presented\\nTfithin ten days after the organization of the Legislature next", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "89\\nsucceeding the election. As the election, in this case, was not\\nheld until thirty days after the Legislature was organized, a\\nliteral compliance with the foregoing provision was impossible.\\nThe courts, in like cases, have held that the presentation of the\\npetition ten days after the result was declared, was a full com-\\npliance with the act, but the majority of the Judiciary Com-\\nmittee of the Senate were wiser than the law, and insisted that\\nthe petition could not be received without a special act to cover\\nthe case. A bill was reported by the majority of the same\\ncommittee, providing for the election of a committee to try\\nthe case by the Senate, which would have made the tribunal\\nto sit judicially upon a contested election case the mere crea-\\nture of a party caucus. Several motions made, from day to\\nday, to proceed to draw a committee under the then exist-\\ning law, were voted down by a strict party vote the Demo-\\ncrats voting for a committee and the Republicans, including\\nMr. Gray, against it. The bill reported by the Judiciary\\nCommittee was also lost by a tie vote, being a strict party\\nvote. A simple bill, extending the time for drawing a com-\\nmittee for five days (under the act of 39 it had to be drawn\\nin five days after the presentation of the petition) passed the\\nSenate unanimously, but it was amended in the House. The\\nfirst amendment offered was the bill reported by the Judiciary\\nCommittee of the Senate, but it was lost by 8 votes. Another\\namendment was then offered, providing for the election of six of\\nthe seven members of the committee by the Senate, each Senator\\nto vote for but three, and the seventh man to be chosen from\\nthirteen names of Senators, practically to be selected by the\\nSpeaker, and the claimants to strike alternately until but one\\nshould remain. This amendment was carried by a small\\nmajority, but the Senate refused to concur. Committees of con-\\nference were then appointed the Senate committee with\\ninstructions to accept Senator Billingfelt s bill as a special act\\nfor this case. The House committee refused to agree with the\\nSenate Committee at the first meeting; but Mr. Billingfelt,\\nhaving given notice that he would move his bill by resolution\\nin the Senate, to select a committee in the exercise of the", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "90\\nsupreme right of the Senate to judge of the qualifications of\\nits own members, the House committee yielded, and the Bil-\\nlingfelt bill became law to afford a remedy for this case only.*\\nIt practically authorized each party in the Senate to select\\nthree members of the committee, and the names of the remain-\\ning Senators, exfifipting the Speaker and the sitting member,\\nwere placed in a box, on folded slips, shaken up and thirteen\\ndrawn therefrom, whose names were written down as drawn\\nby the clerk. The claimants then struck alternately from the\\nlist until but one name remained, and the person whose name\\nremained was the seventh member of the committee. Under\\nthis bill the Democrats elected Messrs. Buckalew, Davis and\\nDill, the Republicans elected Messrs. White, Fitch andMumma,\\nand Senator Brodhead, Democrat, was made the seventh mem-\\nber the other twelve names drawn having been stricken by\\nthe claimants. A committee was thus finally secured on the\\n21st of February, after two weeks of delay in the legislature.\\nIt is organized and constituted as follows:\\nThe following letter was addressed to the Republican caucus on the subject:\\nHarrisbueg. Feb. 15, 1872.\\nTo Hon. G. B. Delamater, Chairman of Republican Senatorial Caucus.\\nDear Sir AW efforts to secure supplemental legislation to the act of 1839, relat-\\ning to contested elections, have failed. In order that there may be no reason for\\nfurther delay on the ground that an unfair committee may be drawn under the\\ne-xisting laws of chance, I propose, if the sitting member will assent, practically and\\ncompletely, in point of fact, to have a committee selected informally in accordance\\nwith the provisions of Mr. Billingfelfs bill, for which every Republican Senator\\nvoted, and have it subsequently drawn in form in open Senate, under the provisions\\nof the law of 1839, since it seems impossible to modify that law. I propose to have\\nthe committee first informally selected, in accordance with the provisions of -Mr. Bil\\nlingfelt s bill, and upon the drawing in open Senate, to place the right to challenge and\\nstrike names in the hands of any two Senators, to be named by the respective parties,\\nwith the distinct understanding that they shall so challenge and strike the names of\\nthe Senators as to produce the selection of the committee informally agreed upon\\nbefore the drawing.\\nThe inherent right of the Senate to judge the qualifications of its own members is\\nabove all law, and the Constitution is mandatory as to the duty. I have therefore\\nproposed what would practically attain justice, and at the same time avoid incon-\\nBistency on the part of any Senator.\\nVery truly, yours,\\nA. K. McCLURE.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "91\\nCharles R. Buckalew, of Columbia, Chairman,\\nJ. Depuy Davis, of Berks,\\nA. H. Dill, of Union,\\nA. G. Brodhead, Jr., of Carbon,\\nHarry White, of Indiana,\\nLafayette Fitch, of Susquehanna,\\nDavid Mumma, of Dauphin.\\nWhen the names were about to be put in the box to draw\\nthe thirteen, Mr, Hall, counsel for the petitioners,, challenged\\nSenator Delamater for cause. The following report is taken\\nfrom the \u00e2\u0096\u00a0Legislative Record.\\nMr. Louis W. Hall, counsel for Mr. McClure, raised the\\npoint that the name of Mr. Delamater (Rep.) should not go\\nin the box, as he was paired with Mr. Knight, (Dem.,) who\\nwas still absent sick.\\nMr. Delamater explained that he did not regard himself\\nas paired with that Senator, having terminated the pair.* He\\nwould gladly be excused from the responsibility of being drawn\\non this committee, even if his pair were still in force. He did\\nnot regard this a party matter.\\nAfter some further discussion, in which Mr. Billingfelt\\n(Rep.) thought Mr. Delamater s name should go in the box,\\nthe Speaker ruled that the law provides that all names shall\\ngo into a box except the Speaker and sitting member.\\nMr. Delamater s name was placed in the box, there being\\ntwenty-two names therein.\\nThe following thirteen were then drawn by the Clerk:\\nMessrs. Dechert, Dem. Wallace, Dem. Brodhead, Dem.\\nMcSherry, Dem.; Weakley, Rep. Crawford, Dem.; Anderson,\\nMr. McCIure addressed a letter, on the 5th of March, to Senator Knight, proposing\\nto him the following interrogatories\\nDid you regard yourself as paired with Senator Delameter when the McClure-Gray\\nCommittee was drawn? Had you been in the Senate, and Mr. Delameter absent and\\nsick, would you, under the circumstancesihave voted or allowed your name to go into\\nthe box?\\nOn the 8th of March, Senator Knight answered as follows\\nI most assuredly did [regard myself as paired with Senator Delameter,] and had\\nI been in the Senate, and Mr. Delameter at home sick,. I would have refused to vote,\\nor to allow my name to be placed in the box.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "92\\nRep. Billingfelt, Rep, Humphreys, Rep. Strang, Rep.\\nAllen, Rep. Nagle, Dem. Randall, Dem. Republicans, 6\\nDemocrats, 7. The parties to the contest then retired to strike\\noff alternately till but one name should remain.\\nSenator Findlay was also absent, and reported himself as\\npaired with Senator Brooke. Mr. Brooke, however, denied that\\nhe was paired, and allowed his name to go into the box. When\\nMr. Findlay returned, Mr. Brooke acknowledged his error, and\\nmade the following explanation, which is also taken from the\\nLegislative Record.\\nMr. Brooke rose to make an explanation concerning the\\nSenate, the Senator from Cumberland, the Senator from\\nSomerset, and more especially himself. The practice of this\\nbody and of the other House from his earliest recollection, had\\nbeen to allow members to absent themselves when sick or for\\nother proper cause, when they deemed it necessary, by what is\\nknown as pairing. When we first exercised this privilege,\\ntwenty-eight years ago, the custom then required a notice to\\nbe left with the Clerk of the time and character of the pair,\\nwhich was a good rule, and if in force now, he should not\\nappear with this explanation. It was generally known that\\nduring the last two weeks he had been but little in his seat,\\nowing to his suftering with the prevailing sickness, and he\\ndesired to say now that at no time during that period was he\\nin a condition to be in this Chamber without being under the\\ninfluence of stimulants; and he would further state that he had\\nno doubt in his mind now that he was paired with the Senator\\nfrom Somerset, (Mr. Findlay,) and that, in violation of that\\npair, he answered to his name and permitted it to go into the\\nurn on Wednesday last. Now, when the body was in a com-\\nparatively healthy coadition, and the mind composed, it was\\na most imperative duty that he should make a statement of\\nwhat had transpired, so far as he could recollect. On\\nWednesday, the 14th, he left his chamber scarcely able to get\\nto his room. As he passed out, feeling that he would not be\\nable to be here in the after; oon, he asked the Senator from\\nSomerset (Mr. Findlay) to pair with him, which he readily", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "93\\nagreed to. On the next morning, the Speaker, hearing of his\\nsickness, visited him, and inquired if he was paired, to whom\\nhe represented this fact, and in the evening the Speaker\\ninformed him that Mr. Findlay had consented to continue the\\npair for that day, but objected to its continuance for any longer\\ntime. Subsequently he met the Senator from Cumberland,\\n(Mr. Weakley,) and through him continued the pair. Of this\\nhe (Mr. Brooke) had no doubt, and yet he answered to his\\nname. The inquiry was, why did he do that which, if know-\\ningly and wilfully done, would consign him to the contempt of\\nall honest and honorable men His answer was, that at the\\ntime he so answered, he was utterly unconcious that he was so\\npaired. In confirmation of this, he would state that when he\\ncame into this body, on Wednesday last, and begun to apply\\nhimself to preparing his calendar, he found that he had no\\nrecollection of anything that had transpired during the last\\nweek. He could not tell what bills had passed, what he\\nhad read in place, nor the condition of anything intrusted\\nto his charge; he applied to the members of the House\\nfrom this District, and especially to Mr. Harvey, to\\nassist him, and he had even to apologize to the clerks in the\\ntranscribing room for his frequent interruptions as he would\\nanswer at the Great Day, he protested that he was entirely\\ninnocent of any wrong motives or intentions.\\nMr. Weakley confirmed the statement of Mr. Brooke as to\\nhis condition and the facts in the case. Col. McClure had\\ncalled his attention to the fact that Mr. Brooke was paired\\nwith Mr. Findlay. He had written the latter a note, telling him\\nthat the pair was complete, When Mr. Brooke answered to\\nhis name, he called on him in surprise, informing him of the\\npair, but Mr. Brooke answered that the pair was terminated.\\nMr. Rutan also confirmed these statements. He had been\\nin Mr. Brooke s room and knew his condition at the time.\\nMr. Wallace said that while he was not satisfied with the\\ncondition of the Senator, (Mr. Brooke,) he was perfectly satis-\\nfied with the frank and honorable explanation. He was sorry\\nfor the gentleman s unfortunate illness. It was a matter of", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "94\\nhonor between gentlemen, -vvliicli was now properly explained,\\nin the usual frank and honest manner of the Senator from\\nD -law are.\\nMr. Graham was satisfied that Mr. Brooke s mind was com-\\npletely confused at the time, owing to his severe illness, or he\\nwould have informed him (Mr. Graham) of the permanency of\\nthe pair when in his room.\\nMr. White corroborated the statements made, and exonerated\\nMr. Brooke from blame, as well as Mr. Findlay, who, under\\nthe circumstances, was not in his seat. This much was due to\\nboth gentlemen, whose course had been criticised in the public\\npress.\\nCOL. GRAY CALLS FOR INVESTIGATION.\\nA few days after the drawing of the committee, Mr. Gray\\npublished the following card\\nTo the People of the Fourth Senatorial District.\\nI have been returned as the duly elected Senator for this\\ndistrict. Certain citizens, in the exercise of their legal rights,\\nallege that the return of my election is false, and that Mr.\\nMcClure is elected in my stead. The grounds alleged in the\\npetition contesting my right to a seat in the Senate, are various\\nfrauds by the election officers, and the deposit of votes for me\\nby persons unauthorized to cast them. Seven Senators of great\\nintelligence and highest respectability have been selected by\\nthe Senate to try these allegations.\\nIn order to insure a thorough investigation, may I invoke\\nthe aid of all persons who are possessed of knowledge or infor-\\nmation of frauds of any character in reference to said election,\\nwithout regard to whom it affects, as I wish it to be understood\\nthat I heartily join in the strictest scrutiny for the detection\\nof the frauds, were they committed as alleged.\\nAnd I further say, the moment it shall be made apparent\\nthat my election was procured by fraud I will voluntarily retire", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "95\\nfrom the office. But having been returned, I apprehend that\\nall will agree that it is my duty to retain the position till it\\nshall be proven that another has a better title to it. Moreover,\\nby so doing I may greatly aid in disclosing the frauds if aiy\\n\\\\^ere committed.\\nI say this because it has been suggested to me to resign, and\\nnot to go through the form of resisting the effort to oust me,\\nas I may regard it as a moral certainty that, the majority of\\nthe committee being composed of Democratic Senators, they\\nwill report against me, in order to destroy the Republican\\nmajority of the Senate, and in support of such belief, refer to\\nthe action of the Democratic Senators last year, in retaining\\nSenator Dechert and refusing a hearing to the petitioners con-\\ntesting his right to a seat in the Senate.\\nWhether such a suggestion be true or not the result only\\nwill verify.\\nThat my position has been one of great discomfort I think\\nall candid persons will admit, in view of the persistent personal\\nattacks that have been made upon me by several of the city\\npress, from the moment of my nomination. And I cannot but\\nfeel that great injustice and permanent wrong have been done\\nme in the estimation of those to whom I am personally\\nunknown.\\nIn this connection, I cannot refrain from saying that in my\\njudgment the office of an independent and high-toned press is\\nto justly and candidly criticise the merits and demerits of those\\nwho are candidates for popular suffrage. Such is due to the\\npublic whom it seeks to instruct, and cannot be unfair even to\\nthe objects of its criticism. But the moment it passes beyond\\nthis point it ceases to be respectful and sinks to the level of\\npersonality, and becomes instead an engine of mischief, as\\nwell to the candidate as to the public, by its perverted teach-\\nings.\\nIn view of these attacks, I maybe pardoned for saying that,\\nin my social and business intercourse, I have always com-\\nmanded general respect, and in this hour of trial I reflect with\\ngreat satisfaction and pride that in those circles no one has", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "96\\nventured an attempt to impeach my h\u00c2\u00bbnor or question mj fair-\\nness. Nor can I banish the thought that, if men who command\\nthe respect and confidence of those who best know them in the\\nprivate pursuits of life, are to become targets for abuse and\\ncaricature the moment they consent to be candidates for popu-\\nlar favor, the time is not distant when worthy men will refuse\\nto fill public positions, and those places be left entirely to the\\ndaring and unscrupulous.\\nI was the candidate of the Republican party, and it is\\nalleged that my election was procured by fraudulent votes.\\nSimilar charges have been preferred against that party at every\\nelection for the last several years. And now that a committee\\nof intelligent and honorable Senators have been commissioned\\nin my case to investigate alleged frauds committed under the\\nauspices of the Republican party, let that investigation be\\nsearching and thorough, so that if said allegation shall be proven\\nto be true, the wrong can be remedied by giving the seat to\\nhim who is entitled to it and the responsibility put where it\\nbelongs and if they be untrue, the blotch which such allega-\\ntions cast upon the fair fame of the party may be erased and\\nits good name made more honorable by their disapproval.\\nAnd to this end I invite the co-operation of all good citizens\\nof this district. HENRY W. GRAY.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "97\\nTHE FRAUDULENT RETURN BY PRECINCTS.\\nNINETEENTH\\nPrect.\\n1\\n8\\n9\\nMajority..\\nSi.tth prec\\nGray.\\n9i\\n91\\nSt\\n158\\n13S\\n63\\n14o\\n111\\nMcClure.\\n82\\n67\\n65\\n54\\n67\\n102\\n47\\n54\\nPreet.\\n10\\n11\\n12\\n13\\n14\\n15\\n16\\n17\\n18\\n\u00c2\u00abray.\\n105\\n205\\n1(19\\n137\\n86\\n55\\n61\\n92\\n98\\nWARD.\\nMcClure.\\n82\\n107\\n70\\n93\\n55\\n125\\n47\\n74\\nPreet.\\n19\\n20\\n21\\n22\\n23\\n24\\n25\\nGray.\\n86\\n191\\n181\\n109\\n67\\n69\\n86\\nPr\\n1\\no\\n3\\n4\\n5.\\n6\\nect.\\nuet missing.\\nMcClnre\\nTotal 2.573\\n843\\nGray\\n117\\nVSi\\n88\\n194\\n172\\n153\\n137\\n66\\n79\\n68\\n47\\nTWENTIETH\\nPrect. Gray-\\n213\\n103\\n79\\n129\\n113\\n164\\nPrect.\\n1\\nGr iy.\\ni)7\\n34\\n103\\n116\\nMcClure.\\n147\\n171\\n112\\n103\\nWARD.\\nMcClure.\\n70\\n73\\n119\\n84\\n134\\n140\\nTWENTY-FIRST WARD.\\nPrect. Gray. McClure-\\n5 82 129\\n9.\\n10.,\\n11.,\\n12..\\nPrect.\\n13\\n14\\n15\\nTotal\\nMajority\\nGray.\\n190\\n158\\n211\\n2,2.30\\n780\\nMcClure.\\n62\\n35\\n120\\n77\\n84\\n72\\n45\\n1,730\\nMcClurc-\\n146\\n91\\n108\\n1,450\\nPrect.\\n9\\n10\\nGray.\\n88\\n32\\nMcClure-\\n69\\n52\\n98 218\\n74 91\\ni 142 154 Total 836 1,246\\nMajority 41D\\nTWENTY-SECOND WARD.\\nPrect.\\n1\\nGray.\\n701\\n115\\n235\\n164\\n254\\nMcClure.\\n98\\n120\\n126\\n111\\n114\\nPrect. Gray\\n6 188\\n7 108\\n8 135\\n9 144\\n10 93\\nTWENTY-THIRD\\nPrect.\\n1\\n2\\nPrect-\\n1\\nGray.\\n34\\n59\\n84\\n133\\n92\\nGray.\\n50\\n66\\n71\\n103\\n102\\nMcClure.\\n106\\n120\\n116\\n95\\n111\\nPrect.\\n6\\n7\\n8\\n9\\n10\\nGray.\\n122\\n113\\n9\\n55\\n183\\nMcClure.\\n1.52\\n110\\n134\\n190\\n91\\nWARD\\nMcClure\\n153\\n77\\n86\\n107\\n203\\nPrect.\\n11\\n12\\nGray.\\n129\\n125\\nTotal 1,793\\nMajority, 390\\nPrect.\\n11\\n12\\nGray.\\n113\\n64\\nMcClure.\\n96\\n89\\n1,403\\nMcClure.\\n103\\n126\\nTotal 1,142\\n1,403\\nMajority, 261\\nTWENTY-FOURTH WARD.\\nMcClure.\\n1,58\\n195\\n136\\n145\\n98\\nPrect.\\n6\\n7\\n8\\n9\\n10.\\nGray.\\n69\\n116\\n88\\n48\\nMcClure.\\n64\\n47\\n100\\n47\\n112\\nPrect.\\n11\\n12\\n13\\n14\\nGray.\\n92\\n1.32\\n25\\n96\\nMcClure.\\n94\\n132\\n76\\n92\\nTotal.. 1,195 \u00e2\u0080\u009e._\\nMajority 209\\nTWENTY-FIFTH WARD.\\nMcClure. Prect. Gray. McClure. Prect. Gray\\n76 4 95 296 7 187\\n86 ,5 134 58 8 106\\n3 113 222 6 215 205\\nTotal 1,125\\nTWENTY-SEVENTH WARD.\\nPrect.\\n1\\nGray,\\n167\\n108\\n113\\n1,404\\nMcClnro.\\n139\\n50\\n1,125\\nPrect.\\n1\\nPrect.\\n1\\n2\\ni.\\n4\\nGray.\\n54\\n108\\n73\\n77\\nGray.\\n108\\n87\\n105\\n75\\nMcClure.\\n208\\n75\\n116\\n231\\nPrect\\n5\\n6\\n7\\n8\\nGray.\\n40\\n78\\n32\\n93\\nMcClure-\\n97\\n98\\n90\\n71\\nPrect.\\n9\\nGray.\\n97\\nTotal 646\\nMajority 391\\nMcClure.\\n51\\n1,037\\nTWENTY-EIGHTH WARD.\\nMcClure-\\n74\\nC6\\n33\\n40\\nPrect.\\n5\\n6\\n7\\nGray.\\n58\\n92\\n41\\n90\\nMcClure- Prect.\\n29\\n72\\n109\\n145\\nTotal\\nMajority.\\nGray,\\n106\\n772\\n149\\nMcCIure-\\n50", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "98\\nRECAPITULA.TION OF VOTE.\\nThe following is a recapitulation of the vote as returned,\\nand also as corrected bj the Senate Committee:\\nVOTE\\nRETURNED.\\nVOTE\\nCORRECTED.\\nWards-\\nGhat.\\nMcClure.\\nGray.\\nMcClure\\n19\\n2,573\\n1,730\\n2,079\\n1, 594\\n20\\n2,230\\n1,450\\n1,323\\n1,037\\n21\\n836\\n1,246\\n836\\n1,246\\n22\\n1,793\\n1,403\\n1,304\\n1,163\\n23\\n1,142\\n1,403\\n1,142\\n1,403\\n24\\n1,195\\n1,404\\n1,195\\n1,404\\n25\\n1,125\\n1,125\\n1,125\\n1,125\\n27\\n646\\n1,037\\n646\\n1,037\\n28\\n772\\n623\\n772\\n623\\n12,312 11,421 10,422 10,632\\nGray s maj., 891 McClure s maj., 210", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "99\\nTHE TESTIMONY.\\nNINETEENTH AVARD TAVENTIETH DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 191 McClure, 35, Of the voters\\nwhose names were returned as having voted, 93 testified that\\nthey voted for McClure, and 12 names of citizens were voted\\non bj repeaters.\\nNINETEENTH WARD EIGHTH DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 145; McClure, 47. 67 testified that\\nthey voted for McClure, and 25 citizens names were voted on\\nby repeaters.\\nNINETEENTH WARD FOURTH DIVISION.\\nVote returned.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gvaj, 158 McClure, 54. The eight o clock\\nreturn gave McClure 7 votes, and 12 citizens who voted during\\nthat hour, and were so marked on the list, testified that they\\nvoted for McClure, and the names of 11 citizens were voted on\\nby repeaters.\\nTWENTIETH WARD FOURTH DIVISION.\\nVote returned.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gray, 194; McClure, 79. Ill citizens\\ntestified that they voted for McClure, and the names of 22\\ncitizens wer^ voted on by repeaters.\\nTWENTIETH WARD SEVENTH DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 2J3; McClure, 70. 85 citizens tes-\\ntified that they voted for McClurp, and the names of 13 citi-\\nzens were voted on by repeaters.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "100\\nTWENTIETH WARD FIFTEENTH DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 211; McClure, 108. The names of\\nIT citizens were voted on by repeaters, and 135 testified that\\nthey voted for McClure.\\nTWENTIETH AYARD FIRST DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 117; McClure, 88. The names of\\n7 citizens were voted on by repeaters. The nine o clock return\\ngave McClure 11 votes, and 15 citizens testified that they voted\\nfor him during that hour; eleven o clock return, 4 for McClure,\\ntestimony gave him 5 five o clock return, 3 for McClure,\\ntestimony gave him 4; six o clock return, 8 for McClure,\\ntestimony gave him 10.\\nTWENTIETH WARD FIFTH DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 172; McClure, 68. The names of\\n4 citizens were voted on by repeaters. The three o clock\\nreturn gave McClure 2, testimony gave him 4; four o clock\\nreturn gave him 5, testimony gave him 14; six o clock return\\ngave him 6, testimony gave him 12.\\nTWENTY-SECOND WARD THIRD DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 235; McClure, 126. Eight o clock\\nreturn gave McClure 9, testimony gave him 13; one o clock\\nreturn gave him 15, testimony gave him 20.\\nTWENTY-SECOND WARD FIFTH DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 254; jMcClure, 114. The one o clock\\nreturn gave McClure 12, testimony gave him 17; five o clock\\nreturn gave him 5, testimony gave him 6.\\nNINETEENTH WARD THIRD DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 85; McClure, 55. The names of 16\\ncitizens were voted on by repeaters. The ten o clock return\\ngave McClure 4 votes 5 citizens testified that they voted for\\nhim.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "101\\nTWENTY-FIFTH WARD FIFTH DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 134; McClure, 58. The names of\\n6 citizens were voted on by repeaters. The twelve o clock\\nreturn gave McClure 4 5 citizens testified that they voted for\\nhim.\\nNINETEENTH WARD TWENTY-SECOND DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 109; McClure, 79. The names of\\n4 citizens were voted on by repeaters, and the eight o clock\\nreturn gave McClure only 3 votes, when 4 had been cast for\\nhim.\\nTWENTY-SECOND WARD ?IXTH DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 188; McClure, 152. The ten o clock\\nreturn gave McClure but 10 votes,- when 13 had been cast for\\nhim.\\nNINETEENTH WARD TWENTY-FIFTH DIVISION.\\nVote returned. Gray, 86; McClure, 45. 4 votes were cast\\nfor McClure during the 10 o clock hour, and but 1 returned.\\nNINETEENTH WARD FIFTH DIVISION.\\nThe names of 6 citizens were voted on by repeaters.\\nNINETEENTH WARD TENTH DIVISION.\\nThe names of 7 citizens were voted on by repeaters.\\nThe general testimony as to the control of the election proved\\nthat the City, State and Federal officers, and the police force,\\nwere the chief sources of the frauds. Officials ineligible as elec-\\ntion officers acted as olficers, and made false returns, headed by\\nprotected and paid repeaters, and the police, as a rule, arrested\\nhonest citizens who attempted to defeat fraud. A number of\\nthem repeated themselves, and squads of them were at the\\npolls in citizens dress to obstruct McClure votes, and aid in\\nexecuting the various frauds planned in official circles.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "102\\nkj\\nMB. McCLURE ADMITTED.\\nOn the 27th of March Mr. Buckalew, Chairman of the\\nSelect Committee to trj the case, presented the following pre-\\nliminary report:\\nThe Committee selected to try the matter of the petition contesting\\nthe election of Henry W. Gray, as Senator from the Fourth District,\\nmalvc report:\\nThat having heard the parties in the case, and taken testimony upon\\nthe jjoints in controversy between them, the Committee have this day\\nadopted the following resolution as their judgment and determination\\nin tlie case\\nBesolved, That the return of Henry W. Gray, as Senator from the\\nFourth Senatorial District, is false and fraudulent, and that at the\\nspecial election in said District, on the 30th day of January last,\\nAlexander K. McClure did receive a majority of the legal votes cast\\ntherein, and is entitled to his seat in the Senate to fill the vacancy\\noccasioned by the death of Hon. George Connell, late Senator elect\\nfrom said District.\\nC. R. Buckalew,\\nJ. D. Davis,\\nA. H. Dill,\\nA. G. Brodhead, Jr.\\nMr. Buckalew stated that a more extended report would\\nbe made at another time-\\nMr. McClure was then sworn as Senator from the Fourth\\nDistrict, in place of Mr. Gray.\\nSubsequently, an elaborate report was made by the Senators\\nwho had signed the preliminary report; and a minority report,\\nsigned by Senators White, Mumma and Fitch, was also pre-\\nsented, dissenting from the conclusions of the majority.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "OPEimTG ARGUMENT FOR CONTESTANT.\\nBY HENRY S. HAGERT.\\nMr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee:\\nThe duty has been assigned to me of opening the argument in this case\\non behalf of the contestant; and while I should have preferred that some\\none of my colleagues, who are better fitted for that task, had undertaken\\nit, yet as I am always ready to discharge any professional duty which\\nmay devolve upon me,\u00c2\u00bbI cheerfully accept the position which the very\\nnattering pieference of my client and my associates has assigned to me.\\nI do this with less reluctance because I am conscious, from the care and\\nattention which this committee have heretofore bestowed upon this case,\\nthat my labors will be considerably lightened, and that I shall be required\\nto pay less attention to the details of the evidence than under other circum-\\nstances the necessities of the case might seem to require.\\nI have for a long time entertained the opinion that a case which is well\\ntried, is generally lost or won when the evidence is closed and if this\\nview be correct as regards ordinary proceedings before ordinary tribunals,\\nI think I can with safety predicate it, of a body composed as this is, of\\ngentlemen of intelligence and legal learning, and with large experience in\\nthe trial of questions of this character.\\nI do not propose, gentlemen, to weary you with a minute examination\\nof the testimony. I assume that it is fresh in your lecoUections. and I\\npropose simply in the outset to glance at the general features of the con-\\ntest out of which this case arose; and next, to take up the testimony a^\\napplicable to the several divisions which are assailed in the petition, and\\nto endeavor to satisfy your minds as to the disposition which should be\\nmade of those divisions, and finally to compute the result.\\nThis is an important proceeding. It is important, not so much with\\nreference to the particular individual who is to held a seat in this chamber\\nin the future, but because this is the first instance in which an opportu-\\nnity has been offered to expose to a body so respectable as a committee of\\nthe Senate of Pennsylvania, a system of frauds v^hich has grown up in", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "104\\nthe City of Philadelphia uuder the operation of the Registry Law of 1869,\\nand which threatens eventually to destroy the entire freedom of elections.\\nPrior to the date of that Act, there were occasional complaints of fraudu-\\nlent practices at the elections held in that city yet as these frauds were\\ngenerally committed in the interests of both political parties, they neutral-\\nized each other, and the result was that in a majority of instances the\\nhonest vote got its own. The previous legislation of the Commonwealth\\nhad been mamly directed, from time to time, to altering and amending the\\nelection laws so as to cure existing defects, and to secure, as far as was\\npossible, a free and unbiassed expression of opinion by the citizens at the\\npolls. Among other measures there had been introduced the system of\\nhourly returns, which is peculiar to the City of Philadelphia, and it had\\nbeen provided that the returns from the several election divisions should\\nbe made to the ward conventions on the morning succeeding the election,\\nby the judges and inspectors of each division, so that both political parties\\nshould be represented in those conventions, and that no opportunity should\\nbe aftbrded for falsifying or fabricating returns in the course of their trans-\\nmission from the poll to the place of ward meeting. By the Act of April\\n22d, 1858, this salutary check was removed, and the precinct returns were\\nentrusted to the care of the judge of the division alone, who, being uuder\\nno supervision, could tamper with the returns as the mterest or necessities\\nof his party might dictate; and thus a door was opened to frauds, of which\\nbad men of both parties have not scrupled to avail themselves.\\nAfter this came other changes in the law not less pernicious, and finally\\nthe crowning act of the series, the Registry Law of 18G9.\\nThat law, professedly framed and passed (as all legislation on this\\nquestion should be framed and passed) in the interest of honest and fair\\nelections, was designed and calculated for the sole purpose of perpetuat-\\ning the control of politics in the City of Philadelphia in the hands of the\\nmen then in power and to effect that object it was, I think, as well-devised\\na scheme as it was possible for human ingenuity to conceive.\\nLet us for a few moments examine the operation of this act, for it lies\\nat the foundation of the frauds which have been disclosed in this investi-\\ngation, and we shall then be better able to comprehend how those frauds\\nwere contrived and consummated.\\nBefore the passage of the Registry Act, every man whose name\\nappeared upon the assessors list was joHma /aeie entitltd to a vote. If\\na doubt existed as to his right, he might be challenged at the polls, when\\nhis right would be determined in pubHc by sworn triers of both parties,\\nupon proof under oath; and this open and public challenge and trial,\\nwhile it wronged no legal voter, secured us in a great measure from false\\npersonations and fraudulent voting. The Registry Act took away this\\nright of challenge and this open trial, upon the most important point of\\nall, the question of residence; and made the canvassers lists, prepared in", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": ",105\\nsecret by a political majority of the canvassers in each division, the sole\\nand exclusive test of residence, from which tliere was no appeal, and to\\nwhich no exception could be taken. Under the old law, the citizen whose\\nname had been omitted from the assessors list, whether by accident or\\ndesign, could go to the polls upon election da}^ produce his neighbors and\\nfriends, arid through them establish his right to a vote. Under the Eegis-\\ntry Law no such provision exists to guard the citizen against the ignorance,\\ncarelessness or oppression of the division canvassers. If his name is not\\nfound upon the canvassers list, he is practically disfranchised. He ceases\\nto have a right to vote. The exercise of his right depends upon the fact of\\nhis name appearing on the list.\\nUnde] the old lavv the lists were prepared by the assessors of the differ-\\nent wai-ds. These officers, two in number for each ward, represented the\\ntwo political parties, and acted as a check upon each other in the prepa-\\nration of the lists, excluding doubtful cases, and preventing the introduc-\\ntion of fictitious names. If by accident the names of legal voters had been\\nomitted, they were added at an extra session of the assessors, or the citizen\\ncould establish his right at the polls. Under this system reasonable and\\ntolerable accuracj was secured in the voting lists, but when the Registry\\nLaw came to be adopted, a new mode of assessment was provided, and\\nthere were selected in each division three canvassers, to whom the duty\\nwas assigned of preparing the voting lists.\\nThe office of assessor, under the old law, had been a permanent office\\nwith a reasonable annual salary, and the assessors elected under the\\nlaw were generally men of respectabdity and standing, well acquainted\\nwith the residents of their several wards. Under the Registry Act, the\\ncanvassers, occupied only for a few days in the canvass of their several divi-\\nsions, and receiving only a few dollars of compensation, have no interest in\\nmaking a careful and correct canvass, and are not always competent so to\\ndo. They are three in number for each election division, two in each\\ndivision being of the political majority of the Board of Aldermen, by\\nwhom they are appointed, and the third representing the political minority.\\nIt is the fact ttiat the choice of these canvassers has been taken f.om\\nthe people and entrusted to the Board of Aldermen of the City of Philadel-\\nphia, which lies at the root of the evil effects of this law, because it has\\nthereby ensured that the majority of these canvassers in every divisioa\\nshall be of the same political party. At the time this law was passed, and\\never since, nearly two-thir-ds of the Board have belonged to the one political\\nparty; and hence, when they came to select the division canvassers, as\\neach alderman had the right to vote for two men, two of the three can-\\nvassers in each division came to be of the same political faith as the\\nmajority of the Board.\\nWith division canvassers so selected and constituted, it was an inevitable\\nresult that no man s name could get upon the lists unless he met with the", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "106\\napprobation of a majority of the canvassers of his division. If he vrasof the\\nsame party as the majority canvassers, no difficulty vras interposed. If he\\nwas not, objections were started, which ended in his rejection or if his\\nname was placed upon the list, it was subsequently stridden oflF, it might be\\nwithout hearing or notice. For although the Registry Law provides that\\nnames are to be stricken off only upon notice and proof, it has failed to\\nspecify the length or kind of notice, and this omission the shrewd politi-\\ncians of the dominant party have not been slow to avail themselves of.\\nBy a pre-arranged plan, notices piepared beforehand have been sent to the\\nresidences of citizens, in the various divisions of the city, within a few\\nhours of the closing of the lists, and at a time when the citizens were\\nabsent at thiir places of business, notifying them to appear forthwilh, or\\nbe stricken from the lists, and before the notice has reached the hands of\\nthe citizen, his name has been stricken off, and his right to vote taken\\naway. How valuable an auxiliaiy this is to party success will be evident,\\nif you reflect that there are 380 election divisions in the City of Philadel-\\nphia, and that the rejection of only ten names from each division list is a\\npractical gain of 3,800 votes to the party controlling the lists.\\nThese are a few of the evils which have resulted from the operation of\\nthe Registry Law, so far as they are connected with the action of the can-\\nvassers. One would suppose that a political party which had secured so\\npowerful an mstrument for the perpetuation of its supremacy, would be\\ncontent with the advantages to be gained from this source, since, in closely\\ncontested elections, they would be decisive of the result but in this lowest\\ndepth there is a lower deep, and the injustice and partiality of this law\\npenetrates even into the polls, and taints the men who are to be selected to\\nconduct the election.\\nYou have heard something, in the course of this proceeding, of the mode\\nin which the election oflBcers are chosen. You have seen with what fidelity\\nthe Act of Assembly has been i-egarded by the appointing Board for while\\nthe law intended that the minority on that Board should have the selection\\nof their own election officers, that right has been persistently denied to\\nthem by the majority. You have seen the spectacle of the minority nomi-\\nnating good men men of intelligence, and enjoying the confidence of their\\nparty only to have their choice disregarded, and to find themselves\\ndeprived of any voice in the appointments The majority of the Board of\\nAldermen have steadily arrogated to themselves the right to choose officers\\nto represent the minoiity as well as the majority, and whom have thej^\\nselected\\nYou have had before you in the course of this investigation two wit-\\nnesses produced here on the part of the respondent, both of whoin voted\\nfor Mr. Gray, and one of them for Mr. Stokley both of them Republicans\\nin politics and both of these men had been selected by the Board of Alder,\\nmen as Democrats, to represent the minority as officers of election.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "107\\nYou have had the evidence of the three aldermen who appeared before\\nthe Committee\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Aid. Dougherty, Aid. Delaney and Aid. Helm, who have\\ntold you that the appointments made as representing the Democratic party\\nhave been of men who were not Democrats in principle; men who had\\nnot the confidence of the party, and who could not be trusted and who\\nwere incompetent and otherwise disqualified Those of us who know the\\nhistory of these selections in the City of Philadelphia, know that the halt\\nand the blind, the old and the infirm, and men unable to read and write\\nhave been selected to lepresent the Democratic party inside the polls, while\\nthe Republican party has been represented by its shrewdest, most acute,\\nmost intelligent, and often by its most unscrupulous men.\\nSuch, gentlemen, is the condition of things in Philadelphia under the\\nRegistry Law when the day of election arrives, but the mischief does not\\nend here for when the polls close other perils to the purity and fairness\\nof the election present themselves, and to which allusion has already been\\nmade.\\nI refer to the frauds which are practised in the alteration of the returns,\\nand the production of false and fabricated returns at the meetings of the\\nReturn Judges. These frauds are matters of judicial history in the City\\nof Philadelphia. In the case of John H. Brill, who was tried and con-\\nvicted for an election fraud, and subsequently pardoned by the Governor\\nof the Commonwealth, it was shown that Brill, being Judge of an election\\nin the Sixteenth Ward, in OctobeJ 1870, produced at the meeting of the\\nWard Judges a fraudulent and fabricated return, and not the return which\\nhad been entrusted to him at the closing of the polls. T happened to be\\nengaged professionally in that case, and am familiar with the fiicts of it,\\nand the evidence there disclosed the fact that in a division where the\\nRepublican party had a majority of about 40 on a portion of the ticket,\\nand the Democrats a similar majority on another portion of the ticket, and\\nwhere there had been on the day of the election a great deal of cutting of\\ntickets, the return handed in by the Return Judge showed a uniform vote\\nfor every man on the Republican ticket of 230, and for every man on the\\nDemocratic ticket of 46 votes and this case does not stand alone. This\\nmischief results from the fact that these returns are entrusted to a single\\nindividual, upon whose dishonesty there is practically no check. The\\nJudges of the other divisions of the Ward may know nothing outside of\\nthe return for their own divisions, and cannot tell whether the return pro-\\nduced from another division be true or false; and when the Ward return is\\nmade up to be carried to the Board of Return Judges for the whole city,\\nit is, in like manner, liable to be tampered with. So bold, indeed, have\\nthey become from a long course of immunity from punishment that returns\\nhave been brought in to the Board of Return Judges from the different\\nWards, differing 500 or 600 votes from the returns as filed by the same\\nofiicers in the office of the Court of Common Pleas and that for no other", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "108\\nreason, than that the friends of one of the candidates had bets upon his\\nmajority, and the vote has been altered in order to save their bets.\\nIt is under such a system of election laws as this that the election for\\nSenator from the Fourth District was conducted, and it is important that\\nyou should know and understand it, in order that you may the better\\nperceive how this system was used, abused and prostituted in the interest\\nof Col. Gray at that election.\\nLet us glance for a moment at the condition of things in the City of\\nPhiladelphia shortly prior to the election. We, who live there, know,\\nalthough it is not here in evidence before you, that there was a pretty\\nwarm contest for the senatorial nomination in the Republican party. We\\nknow that in the convention which nominated Col. Gray, such a state of\\nthings existed as was discreditable to any political party. The room in\\nwhich the convention was held, and its approaches, were taken possession\\nof by the police force of the City of Philadelphia; and here it is that we\\nfirst see the interference of that force in behalf of the sitting member. A\\nlieutenant of police with a body of men occupied the stairs leading to the room\\nin which the convention sat. They questioned delegates, and exercised a\\nsupervision over persons claiming seats in the convention. Inside of the\\nroom the officers of the convention were protected by a high, solid barri-\\ncade built across the room, in order that their books and papers should be\\nsecure from seizure, and from behind this barricade the questions were\\nput to the meeting and the vote taken. That was the inception of this\\nbusiness, and in its inception we find the police force, the Post Office, the\\nCustom House, the Navy Yard, and the officers of the city, State and gen-\\neral government warmly interested in behalf of Mr. Gray, the sitting\\nmember.\\nCol. Gray was nominated by that body. Such a state of things had\\nexisted in the convention as excited the indignation of the respectable\\nportion of the Republican party in the City of Philadelphia. They were\\nnot satisfied that tlieir nominations should be made by these men and in\\nthis way and consequently they looked about for a candidate who should\\nrepresent them, and finally settled upon our friend, Col. McClure, who\\nreceived at their hands an independent Republican nomination. The\\nDemocratic party made no nomination, as the district had been largely\\nRepublican. They not only made no nomination, but as the evidence\\ndisclosed to you, they made no contribution for election purposes. They\\nhad nobody to assess if they had wanted to assess anybody. There is\\nnot, so far as I remember, at this time a single Democratic officer in the\\nCity of Philadelphia. The canvass, so far as Col. McClure was concerned,\\nhad to be, and was, carried on almost solely with his own means. It is\\nimportant that the committee should bear this in mind, when they come\\nto consider the use which has been made of money in this election.\\nThe canvass was a short one, and occupied but a few days. Prior to", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "109\\nthe election the friends of Col. Gray were earnest in their efforts to secure\\nhis success and they have never ceased, up to this moment, their efforts\\nin his behalf. They are here now in this chamber, as they were present\\nduring the examination, active and vigilant in his support. Tbis is not\\nCol. Gray s fight. It has never been his tight. It is their fight. It is\\nthe fight of the men in office under the city, State and general government.\\nIt is their fight for life against the new popular movement which looks to\\nthe purification of parties and the freedom of elections.\\nThe day of election arrived, and the contest whicli was confined to a single\\nsenatorial district, which concerned an office possessing no power or pat-\\nronage, became at once a matter of general interest to the professional\\npoliticians. The police force, and the departments of the city and of the\\ngeneral government, were heavily assessed the row officers were assessed\\nand Col. Gray himself was called on to contribute a sum nearly equal to\\nthe whole salary of his office. There was raised for the purposes of the\\ncampaign, Mr. Hong tells you, from the police force and city departments\\nand from Mr. Gray, the sura of $3,400. This does not inchide the row\\noffices, or the district attorney s office, or the private contributions of the\\nfriends of Col. Gray but adding these assessments and contributions to\\nthe qB3,400 mentioned by Mr. Hong, and the aggregate could not have\\nbeen less than $5,000 or $6,000, and probably did not fall short of $8,000\\nor S9,000.\\nHow was this large sum of money expended Mr. Hong tells you that\\n$100 went to the wards, which as there are nine wards in the district,\\nwould absorb $900 and that $10 went to each of the divisions, which\\nmakes $1,140 more, making together the sum of $2 040 of this money,\\nwhich may have been consumed in the honest and legitimate expenses of\\nthe election. What became of the balance, whatever it may be, it is for\\nthis committee to consider when they come to examine the question of the\\nemployment of professional repeaters at this election. This matter of\\ncontributions is important in two lights. First, as showing the interest\\nwhich these different departments and the officials took in this elect on:\\nand secondly, in showing the means in their hands to operate, as we con-\\ntend they did operate, to defeat Col. McClure.\\nThe thing which most prominently strikes our view is the active inter-\\nposition and intervention of the police force of the city on behalf of Col.\\nGray. We find, from the testimony, that a very singular scene was\\nenacted on the evening preceding the election. We find that on that even-\\ning his Honor, the Mayor of the city, attended the ball of the Hartranft\\nClub of the Tenth Ward and in his testimony before the committee he\\nstated, that certain friends of Col. Gray, whose names he does not know,\\ndesired him to allow the police force to be sent into certain divisions of the\\nTwenty.fifth Ward in citizens dress. His Honor tells us that he at first\\ndisapproved of it, and gives as a reason for preferring to send them in uni-", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "110\\nform, that he thought it would discourage the one side and encourage the\\nother. Which side his Honor preferred to discourage and which to encou-\\nrage, I leave to the astuteness of the gentlemen of this committee to discover.\\nBut the police were on the ground not only in uniform for that purpose\\nthey were there also in citizens dress for the same purpose, as the testi-\\nmony abundantly shows.\\nThen comes the next and most singular scene in this connection. His\\nHonor goes home at one o clock in the morning, and at his house he finds\\na member of the Democratic City Executive Committee, whose name, also,\\nhe does not give us, who hands him a McClure or Democratic ticket. I\\nwish his Honor had been able to furnish us with the name of that member\\nof the Democratic City Executive Committee who carried that ticket to\\nMr. Stokley. All of us in Philadelphia know the value attached to the\\nsafe keeping of the tickets prior to election day, lest they fall into the\\nhands of political adversaries, who imitate the headings and impose spuri-\\nous tickets upon voters at the polls. Furnished with this ticket, his\\nHonor returns at one o clock in the morning to the ball room, and hands\\nthat ticket to the friends of Col. Gray. There could have been only one\\nuse made of such a ticket procured at such a time and in such a manner,\\nand the evidence in this case shows that tickets similar to Col. McClure s,\\nwith Gray stickers pasted upon them, were electioneered as McClure\\ntickets on the day of election.\\nBut the police, Mr. Chairman, did not obey the directions of his Honor,\\nthe Mayor, if he refused them permission to go to the polls in citizens\\ndress; for the evidence in this case shows you that policeman John Ward,\\nex-prize-tighter, and other officers from the Fifth Ward, went into the fourth\\ndivision of the Twenty-fifth Ward by directions received from Capt. Clark\\non the previous afternoon, in citizens dress and Lieut. Smith took with\\nhim into the second division of the Twenty-seventh Ward a sergeant and\\nfive men in citizens dress to do police duty; while all over this fourth\\ndistrict, on the 30th of January, we fli.d the police in great numbers, some\\nof them in uniform and some in citizens dress.\\nLet us for one moment see the part they played in this transaction.\\nWere they at the polls simply to preserve the peace? Were they at the\\npolls merely to protect honest voters? No! You find them inside the\\npolls acting as election officers in violation of law. You find them outside\\nof the polls interfering with voters. You find them dragging voters out\\nof the line, who were entitled to be there, and thrusting men into the line\\nwho had no right to be there. You find them bringing up men who are\\nproven to be repeaters, and vouching for them. You find them arresting\\ncitizens upon idle and fruitless charges, taking them to the station houses,\\nlocking them up, and keeping them locked up until the polls closed, because\\nthey were active in bringing out the Democratic voters of their divisions.\\nYou find them keeping voters away from the polls who came there to cast", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "Ill\\ntheir honest ballots. You find them as judges and inspectors of election,\\naltering votes and substituting ballots, and you find them everywhere on\\nthat day doing everything they ought not to do, and doing nothing that\\nthey ought to do. I say this, because the evidence in this case fully sus\u00c2\u00bb\\ntains me. You see men from the reserve force, and men from the lower\\nWards, posted and planted all over this District, and you see nowhere any\\nindication that there was any violence or disturbance, or difficulty appre-\\nhended on that day. On the contrary, it was a peaceful and quiet election,\\nat which only a small vote was polled, less than one-half the ordinaiy vote\\nof the District, and if ever there was an occasioH where the interference\\nof the police force was unnecessary it was on the 30lh of January last.\\nBut it is not alone the police force who are seen to be active. You see\\nthe other departments of the City of Philadelphia taking part in this\\nelection. You see Mr. Martin, of the Water Department, threatening an\\nelection officer. You see Mr. HoUick, of the Gas Department, leadmg a\\ngang of repeaters. You see Riley and Souders, of the Custom House, and\\nMcManus, of the Paid Fire Department, similarly employed. You find\\nanother of the Paid Fire Department turned repeater and voting. You\\nfind Mr. Fields, of the Register of Wills office, voting on another man s\\nname. You find Mr. Bunn, the Register of Wills, taking an illegal voter\\nto the pol!s to vote, and you find that vote rejected. You find Mr. Ash,\\nof the Highway Department, leading a band of repeaters. You find Aid.\\nSmith and Mr. Geisel, of the Post Office, trying to bribe an election offi-\\ncer in their division. You find Mr. Titterinary, of the Auditms Depart-\\nment, paying his repeaters in the neighborhood of Tenth and G rard ave-\\nnue. You find the Collector of Delinquent Taxes, on the testimony of\\nMr. Gray himself, implicated to procure witnesses from the City of New\\nYork to give evidence in this contest. You find Conner, of the Sheriff s\\nOfiBce, engaged also in the business of repeating. You find Aid Lutz from\\nthe First Ward, transformed for the time into Dr. Luiz, and similarly en-\\ngaged. You find Mr. Sauerman, the Recorder of Deeds Clerk, vouching for\\nrepeaters. You find the {commissioner of Highways, Mr. Rittenhouse, occu-\\npied during the whole of that day, in furnishing names on which repeat-\\ners voted, and giving them Gray tickets. You find Deputy Coroner Sees\\nprocuring tax receipts for men to vote on. You find ^NIcDade, of the Fire\\nDeoartment, voting on the name of Anderson. Yuu find Geisel, of the\\nPost Office, engaged in the substitution of tickets. You find Didier and\\nBenson, of the Navy Yard, acting as Judge and Inspector of election.\\nYou find Estling. of the Gas Office, acting as an election officer, paying\\nrepeaters and trying to bribe the window book man to stay away from\\nthe polls. You find Mr. Taylor, the Sealer of Weights and Measures,\\nacting as judge of election. You find Mr. Lybrand, of the Post Office,\\nintimidating voters. You find Mr. Atkinson, of the Navy Yard, acting\\ninside as election jfficer, and Mr. Hackett, of the Post Office, giving tickets", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "112\\nand residences to be voted on. You find Mr. Jenkins, of the Post Office,\\nelectioneering McClure tickets with Gray s name pasted over them, in order\\nthat simple-minded voters may be misled. You find the same man vouch-\\ning for Policeman Arnold while voting on another man s name. You find\\nKochersperger, of the United States Appraisers Department, and Adair,\\nGarrison, Jacoby and Dean, of the Navy Yard, acting as inspectors of\\nelection, and finally you find Gilbert, of the Navy Yard, rounding and\\ncompleting this wretched history, by endeavoring to buy a gentleman con-\\nnected with the Press to give a one-sided and unfair statement of the testi-\\nmony in this cause. All through this election, you see the men who are\\nat the bottom of this contest. It is not Col. Gray, it is the Post Office,\\nthe Custom House, the Navy Yard, the Police Department, the Register\\nof Wills, the Recorder of Deeds, and the Sheriff s Offices who are in this\\ncontest. It is their fight, and not Col. Gray s fight.\\nNow, it is shown, in addition to this active intervention and interference\\nby these difierent officers, that all during the day, wherever a poll was\\nopened in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Wards, and in the other wards\\nlying to the east of the River Schuylkill, there wcre^rganized gangs of re-\\npeaters in numbers of from 2 up to 10 or 12, led, some of them, by the men\\nI have named, and others of them acting independently, busily going from\\npoll to poll, and depositing their votes for one of these candidates for\\nwhich of the candidates I will show you by an examination of the figures\\nin this case, and by the evidence of Mr. Fletcher and others, who saw them\\nvote Met lure tickets with a Gray sticker pasted over Col. McClure s\\nname.\\nIt is a singular thing in this case, and 1 want this Committee to bear it\\nin mind, that while the contestant has challenged contradiction from the\\nmen whom I have named, and who are here charged with complicity in\\nthese frauds, our opponents have not had the courage to produce them\\nupon the stand to deny the truth of these charges. With all these men\\nright at their beck, with some of them in the very I oom where this Com-\\nmittee was in session, they have not ventured to call upon them to deny\\nthe justice of these accusations.\\nAnd who were the witnesses called by us to establish these facts They\\nwere not police officers, custom house employees or post office officials\\ninterested ia the contest, but hard fisted, industrious and sober citizens\\nmen who came bef \u00c2\u00bbre you with the sweat of labor upon their brow and\\nthe soil of their day s work upon their hands the owners of little proper-\\nties in their several divisions, who had voted or attempted to vote, and\\nhad seen these frauds committed, and their most sacred rights struck\\ndown by paid bands of ruffians and repeaters and to contradict these wit-\\nnesses they have not dared to introduce even the unreliable and rickety\\ntestimony of the men who were engaged in these nefarious transactions.\\nLet us next glance at what occurred inside of the polls. T have shown", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "1 1\\nyou how the election officers were selected. I have shown you the machi-\\nnery which was used inside and outside of the polls, and with such machi-\\nnery what else was to have been expected but just such a state of things\\nas has been proven in this case. You haye had evidence here that old and\\nwell-known citizens were refused the right to vote. You have had evi-\\ndence that the votes of men were received who were not legal voters in the\\ndivision, without examination, without inquiry, against protest and chal-\\nlenge, and without legal proof of qualification, in direct violation of\\nevery provision of the election law. You may search all these voting lists,\\nand you will not find upon one-half of them the name of any man put\\ndown as vouched for, although challenges were Irequent on the part of\\nCol. McClure s friends. But that is not all. Not content with receiving\\nthe votes of men not entitled to vote, and rejecting the votes of men who\\nwere entitled, you hsive seen by undoubted evidence in this case that after\\nthe ballots had been put into the window they were changed that other\\nballots were slipped from the coat sleeves and vest pockets of the election\\nofficers, and Gray tickets substituted for the McClure tickets which had\\nbeen deposited by the voters that in one case when Sergeant Humphrey,\\nacting as Judge, was detected in the act of changing a ticket and was\\ncharged by the citizen with so doing, he ran outside, knocked down the\\ncitizen, and put him in the custody of three officers, who dragged him from\\nthe polls. You have seen also that tickets have been changed or with-\\ndiawn alter they were deposited in the box; and all of these frauds, with-\\nout exception, are shown to have been committed against our client. Col.\\nMcCIure, snd in the interest of his opponent.\\nSuch is the scope and cfftct of the testimony which you have heard but\\nthe case of Col McClure does not rest simply on the evidence of witnesses.\\nIf it did, there might aiise questions of the credibility of witnesses, and\\nyou might have to weigh and sift the testimony to get at the truth. But\\nthere is that in this case which is conclusive of the case. There is that\\nin this ca.se that never was in any other case which has been tried under\\nthe election laws of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and which dis-\\ntinguishes it from all other cases and that is, that this petition charges\\nthat wliicli never was charged in any other petition, and the evidence dis-\\ncloses that which never was discioyed in any similar investigation, namely,\\nthat the election officers were guilty of changing, fabricating and falsifying\\nthe returns. Take the Dechert petition, which follows all the preceding\\npetitions heard before this or the other house. The Dechert petition em-\\nbraced merely what you will find in our petition under the letter G, and\\nno more. It charged simply that there were illegal votes received; that\\nvotes were received on the eames of persons who did not live in the\\ndivision that the election was conducted irregularly by the omission to\\nmark the letter V opposite the names of voters, by the omission to enter the\\nname of the voucher, and to designate the voters on age. But if you", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "114\\nexamine the present petition, you will find that it alleges that returns were\\nchanged and substituted that tickets were changed and substituted after\\nthey were put in the ballot boxes that a false and fraudulent return of\\nthe vore polled was made to the Board of Return Judges. These allega-\\ntions distinguish this from any other case that has been heretofore tried,\\nand these facts are also proved in this case. They are proved iu all of the\\nfifteen contested divisions, as you will find by reference to the analysis of\\nthe testimony which we have made for the guidance of the committee.\\nThe proof of these charges is found in the records made and kept by the\\nvery men who were guilty of the frauds. It does not depend upon the\\nuncertain testimony of other witnesses, but it is shown in a manner which\\ncan admit of no explanation or contradiction. We produced before you\\nthe hourly returns and the list of voters in each division. The hourly\\nreturns, you will bear in mind, and the list of voters correspond in the\\nm\u00c2\u00abn so far as the aggregate vote is concerned. Wherever a voter was\\ncalled as a witness before you, we gave you the number at which he stood\\nupon that list of voters, and we turned to the registry and showed, you\\nthat he was marked as voting, and the hour also at which he voted for the\\nelection officers, by putting his name and number on the list, and by writ-\\ning the letter V opposite the vote, have said that he vottd in his division\\nat a particular hour on that day.\\nNow if you compare the names of the citizens who were proved to have\\nvoted with the houi ly returns, you will ste precisely when each man voted.\\nFor instance, take any one of these divisions, and j^ou will find that at\\neight o clock in the morning there were, say, twenty votes polled, and at\\nnine o clock in the morning there were forty votes polled. Now the citizen\\nwhose number on the voting list is btlow twenty, voted before eight o clock\\nm the morning, or during the first hour, because the first hour s vote was\\nmade up at eight o clock. The citizen wtiose name comes between twenty\\nand forty, voted in the second hour, or between eight and nine o clock,\\nbecause the vote was made up again at nine o clock; and all, therefore,\\nthat you have to do, is to take the figures on the hourly return, the list of\\nvoters and the names of voters proven, and you will see precisely at what\\nhour those voters deposited their ballots on that day. By compaiing the\\nlist of voters with the hourly return, you will find that in every one of\\nthese fifteen divisions the officers of election have altered or falsified the\\nreturns.\\nNow that element never has entered into any case which has been\\nhitherto presented before either body of the Legislature. I know what\\nhave been the questions which have been raised in other cases\\nquestions as to the right to throw out divisions\u00e2\u0080\u0094 questions as to the\\ndisfranchisement of voters. 1 know what has been the action of the\\nSenate in these matters heretofore. I know how some of the gentlemen\\non this committee have expressed themselves with refei-ence to these", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "115\\nque,-;tions on previous occasions. I know that some of them have enter-\\ntained one view and some another, I know that in the Dechert case and\\nin the Watt-Diamond case, different opinions were expressed on this point.\\nBut this case stands by itstif, and does not require the rejection of divisions\\nin order to arrive at a just result.\\nAs a question of evidence, however, we contend that it will be the duty\\nof this committee to reject the returns from some of these divisions. Our\\nview of the law is this that Col Gray holds his seat here by virtue of\\ncertain returns which entered into and were coutited in the general return,\\nand which are the evidence upon which his certificate of election was based.\\nWe show to you by the testimony in this case that the returns for fifteen\\nof these divisions are tainted with falsehood, are fraudulent and worthless\\nas pieces of evidence. It is as if this were an action of ejectment, and the\\nparties to this contest were the pai ties to that proceeding. A deed is pro-\\nduced, which it is shown by the evidence has been fraudulently altered.\\nWhat is the value of it as a piece of evidence The court instructs the\\njury, if you btlieve the paper has been falsely altered, you will reject it\\nas evidence of title. That is all we ask you to do, to reject as evidence\\nof title an altered and fraudulent return upon which that title is based,\\nand to let the fact be established by other and reliable evidence.\\nNow we have shown you here, and it has been the burden of our case\\nto satisfy you, that into this return by virtue of wtiich Col. Gray holds\\nhis seat, there entered certain fraudulent returns frcm fifteen divisions,\\nwhich returns are to be rejected and when n-jected, the onus is thrown\\nupon our friends on the other side to show the true vote of those divisions,\\nif they desire to have them counted. That they have undertaken to do.\\nIt is a singular fact, which cannot have escaped the observation of the\\ncommittee, that while Col. Gray filed here an elaborate answer, in which\\nhe alleges frauds to an alarming extent in the remaining divisions of this\\ndistrict, he has not offered a siogle particle of evidence to impeach any of\\nthose divisions except the sixth division of the Nineteenth Ward, which\\ndivision was rot counted or included in the general return. All the labor\\nbestowed upon that answer went for nothing, and he has contented him-\\nself with merely denying the truth of the petition, and with alleging irregu-\\nlarities in certain divisions not for the purpose of getting these divisions\\ncounted out, but for the purpose of getting the sixth division of the Nine-\\nteenth Ward counted in.\\nHaving thus hurriedly reviewed the testimony, as it bears generally upon\\nthe events of the thirtieth of January, I propose now to examine the evi-\\ndence as it applies to the several contested divisions, and to show how the\\ncontestant s case afiects these divisions.\\nAnd first, I begin with the twentieth division of the Nineteenth Ward.\\nSenator Buckalbw\u00e2\u0080\u0094 I do not understand you that you ask us to reject\\nthe poll", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "116\\nMr. Hagert\u00e2\u0080\u0094 No, sir. I simply ask you to reject the returns as items\\nof evidence in those divisions where the returns are shown to be fraudu\\nlent. Our argument is that the testimony has so impaired and tainted\\nthe returns for these divisions, that you will be bound to reject them as\\nevidence, and to seek for proof elsewhere of the true state of the poll in\\nthose divisions.\\nBeginning with the twentieth division of the Nineteenth Ward, which is\\nthe first of the divisions assailed by us, we find that the hourly return for that\\ndivision gives Col. Gray 191, and Col. McClure 35 votes. We produced\\nbefore you citizens of this division to the number of 93, who proved that\\nthey voted for Col. McClure, and we confirmed and corioborated their\\nproof in each instance by the list of voters, showing their names upon the\\nlist, and the hour at which they voted. We fuither corroborated it by the\\nregistry list, showing the letter V marked opposite their names, indicating\\nthat they had voted. It is clear, from the evidence, that Col. McCIure was\\ndefrauded out of at least 58 votes in the return for this division, being the\\ndifterence between the 93 votes proven by us and the 35 returned as cast for\\nhim. How many more votes were cast for Col. McClure, and not counted,\\nneither you nor I can know at this d.iy. Voters have died, or left the\\ndivision, or ceased to have any niterest in the election, and cannot now be\\nproduced to show what further frauds were there practistd upon Col.\\nMcClure.\\nBut let us go a little further in our examination of this division. If\\nyou take the testimony and the list of voters, and compare these with the\\nhourly return, you will find that in the first hour Col. McClure was\\nreturned 4 votes, and he proved 7 in the second 3, and he pioved 4; in\\nthe third hour 6, and he proved 10 then 5, and he proved 12 the follow-\\ning hour 1, and he proved 2 the next hour 11, and he proved 17 next 2,\\nand he proved 4: the following hour 3, and he proved 17 the next hour\\nnone, and he proved 3 the next none, and he proved 4 and the last hour\\nthey gave him credit for none, and he proved 14 votes polled for him.\\nThat is the state of the return, and it shows tbat during eYnry hour that\\nthe poll was opened the election officers deliberately falsified the returns.\\nIn addition to this, we have shown you by the testimony in the case that\\nthere were 12 personations of citizens of the division by fraudulent voters,\\nall of whose votes were received and counted in the return, and I want to\\ncall your attention to these personations with special reference to one\\nmatter, and that is this. It is in evidence here that repeaters voted in\\nknots and gangs. Now, if you examine the numbers which these false\\npersonations bear on the list of voters, you will see that they follow almost\\nconsecutively thus, No. 147 on the list of voters is John Donnelly No. 149\\nis Henry Smith No. 150 is Wm. F. Bodder No. 151 is Henry Thorn No.\\n155 is John H. Bacon, showing that these 5 men got into the line of voters\\nin a body, and one after the other fraudulently voted corroborating", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "117\\nthe contestant s witnesses, who testified that the men voted in that way,\\nand showing that these were not isolated cases of fraudulent voting, which\\nmight and do occur in all elections, but the result of concert and collusion.\\nThere is another thing which it is important to notice. I have said to\\nyou that the figures will also sho^v for whom these men voted. Take the\\ncase of these same 5 men who voted between No. 147 and No. 155. By an\\nexamination of the hourly return you will find that votes 147 to 155 were\\ncast between the hours of 2 and 3 in the afternoon, because the 2 o clock\\ncount ceased at No. 139, and the 3 o clock count ceased at No. 167. By\\nthe return Col. McCluiegets credit for only 3 votes in that hour, while\\nthe evidence shows that there were 5 personations wiihin that hour,\\nLookmg to the return alone, that clears his skirts of two of these false\\npersonations, and transfers them to Col. Gray s credit. But 17 legal voters\\ncame before the Committee, and testified that they voted for Col McClure\\nwithin that hour, thus establishing the fact that the 3 votes for which\\nhe received credit were legal votes, and fixing the stigma of these 5 illegal\\nvotes conclusively upon the other side. If you follow this course of com-\\nparison of the fraudulent votes with the hourly returns, through the 15\\ndivisions which we have assailed, you will find the same thing to be true\\nof all of them, and that in every hour in which we were able to prove our\\nvote, and in which personations took place, those personations were in\\nfavor of Col. Gray and against Col. McClure.\\nI shall not go over in detail the other testimony in regard to the 20th\\ndivision of the Nineteenth Ward. That is the divi.^ion you will remember\\nwhere Policeman Arnold voted on the name of Podesta, and where tickets\\nwere given out with Col. Gray s name pasted over Col. McC lure s.\\nWe come next to the 8th division of the Nineteenth Ward. You will find\\nthat in the return from that division that Col. Gray got 14^ and Col. McClure\\n47 votes, while Col McClure was able to produce before this ommittee\\nC7 men who had voted for him in the division. For the first hour he was\\nreturned 9 votes, and he proved 9 for the second hour 1, and he proved\\n2 for the third hour 8, and he provtd 8 for the fourth hour 2, and he\\nproduced 1 for the next hour 11. and he proved 15\u00e2\u0080\u0094 then 4, and he proved\\n6; for the nest hour none at all, and he proved 12. So bold had these\\nmen become under official encouragement and protection, late in the\\nday, that although 12 votes had gone into the box for Col. McClure, they\\nfailed to count or return a single vote in his favor. In the following hour\\n3 votes were returned, and 4 proved in the next 3 returned, and 4 proved,\\nand in the la.st hour G votes were returned, and 6 are proved.\\nWe come now to the personations in this division, which were 25 in\\nnumber, and I desire specially to call your attention to 10 names which\\nwere voted on between 4 and 6, P. M., and which are on the list of voters\\nNos. 171, 180, 182, 183, 185, 186, 190, 192, 194 and 195. With scarcely\\na single honest voter interposed, these 10 men went up to the polls in a", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "118\\ncompact body, and personated citizens of the division without objection\\nor interference from the police, and their votes were received and counted\\nby a Sergeant of Police, acting as judge of the election. During the two\\nhours in which these fraudulent votes were polled. Col. McClure was\\nreturned as receiving 9 votes, and he produced before you 10 citizens who\\nproved their votes, thus establishing beyond question that the 10 fraudu-\\nlent votes polled during those hours were part of the 29 votes returned as\\npolled for Col. Gray.\\nIn that division you have the testimony of Messrs. Dougherty, Kissel-\\nbach and Carter, that the three Democratic election officers, at a particular\\nhour in the day, took McClure tickets and voted in the presence of the\\nRepublican election officers, and that 9 other citizens cast their votes for\\nCol. McClure during the same hour; yet when the box was opened and\\nthe tickets counted, there were no McClure tickets found in the box and\\nwhen the minority officers complained that they had been cheated out of\\ntheir votes, th ir Republican colleagues informed them we are going to\\nrun this thing ourselves, and refused to count the votes. It is in this\\ndivision that a citizen, Mr. Rudolph Phy, was driven from the polls by\\nSergeant Humphreys, the judge of the election, and his ticket changed for\\na Gray ticket by that officer.\\nThe next division is the fourth division of the Twentieth Ward. There\\n194 votes were returned for Col. Gray, and 79 for Col. McClure. The\\nnumber of votes proven by us to have been cast for Col. McClure was 111.\\nIn the first hour he was returned 12, and he proved 13; in the next hour\\n6, and he proved 10; then 6 again, and he proved 8; then 2, and he\\nproved 8; then 4, and he pioved 7; then 20, and he proved 23; then 6,\\nand he proved 10 then 5, and he proved 11 then 5, and he proved 5\\nthen 5, and he pio^ved 8, and the last hour 8, and he proved 8. There\\nwere 22 citizens proved to have been personated by fraudulent voters.\\nNos. 12, 14 and 15 on the list were personati(U)s Nos. 50, 65, 68, 69, 72\\nand 74 were also personations Nos. 165, 169, 170, 174, 177, 180 and 181\\nvoted in a body, and were personations, and in the last hour was No. 254.\\nTake the 5 personations prior to 10 in the morning, and you will see to\\nwhom they belong. During that hour McClure had 6 votes returned for\\nhim, and he proved 8; so that he has proved, by the production of the\\nvoters themselves, that the 6 votes given to him were honest votes, and,\\ntherefore, that the 5 fraudulent votes cast during that hour are included\\namong the 18 returned for Mr. Gray. Between 1 and 2 o clock there were\\n7 personations 6 votes were returned for Col McClure, and 10 citizens\\nwere produced who voted for him during that hour, showing that these 7\\nfraudulent votes were also counted in the votes recorded for Col. Gray.\\nThe general testimony as to this division is that of Mr. Jordan, the\\nwmdow-book man, who saw repeaters vote, and challenged them of Mr.\\nRump, who saw these repeaters vote, and challenged them, and had his", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "119\\nchallenges disregarded, and when he desired the police to arrest them was\\nmtt with a refiisnl so to do; of Geo. Smith, who saw the gang of\\nrepeateiv, headed by HoUock, engaged iu voting of Bernaid Martin, who\\nsaw the same gang; of Mi Fletcher, who testifies to seeing them and\\ntalking with them, and that they told him they were receiving one dollar\\na vote for their services, and that Tittermary paid them and who further\\ntestifies to seeing these same persons in the bar room at the Elephant\\nClub Repulilican head-quarters, on Girard avenue, and also to seeing Mr.\\nGray there in company with some gentlemen of Mr. Shane, who lived in\\nthat division fb sixteen years, and who was ordered from the polls by\\nrepeaters and of Mr. Fisher and Mr. Tobin, who saw McGkire tickets,\\nwhi-h had been voted and not counted, concealed in the lining of the\\nRepublican return inspector s hat.\\nThe next division is the seventh division of the Twentieth Ward, where\\n213 votes were returned for Col. Gray, and 70 for Col McClure, and where\\nCol. McClure has proven 85 votes to have been polled for him. In the\\nhourly return for the first hour he was given 11 votes, and he proved 12 for\\nthe next hour 8, and he proved 10 then 4, and he proved 7 then 5, and he\\nproved 4 tlien 6, and he proved D then 5, and he proved 3 then 5, an(}\\nhe proved 10 then 3, and he proved 7 then G, and he proved II, and so\\non. Here, also, if you follow the same process with reference to the\\nvotes of repeaters, Nos. 270, 271, 272 and 277 will be found to have all\\nvoted together. They, together with No. 255, voted between 5 and 6\\no clock in the evening. As to the general evidence in this case, this is\\nthe division where Mr. Justice and Mr. Clifton proved that the repeaters\\nwere challenged, and that no regard was paid to the challenges, and\\nno v( ucher required by the election ofiicers. Mr. Justice, who had the\\nwindow book, was assaulted and his book taken from him, after the\\nRepublican return inspector had attempted to bribe him to get him\\naway from the polls, in order that these frauds might go on unchallenged.\\nIn the fifteenth division of the Twentieth Ward, 211 vvites were returned\\nfor Mr. Gray and 108 for Col. INIcClure and we have proved 135 votes to\\nhave been polled for Col. McCiuie. In the first hoia- he was returned 17,\\nand we proved 22 in the second hour he was returned 17, and we proved\\n21 then 5, and we proved 6 then 10, and we proved 9 then 2 were re-\\nturned, and 6 were proved then 11, and 17 were proved tlien 7, and 8\\nwere proved then 5, and 17 were proved and so on throughout the day.\\nThe personations proved in this division were 17. Nos. 114, 117 and\\n120 voted together. Nos. 127, 128 and 130 voted together, Nos. 238.\\n241, 242, 245 and 252 voted together. If you adopt the same ciniise in\\nreference to these personations, and examine the several hours in which\\nthey vot^d and in which the votes for Col. McClure were proved, you\\nwill fit:d that during those hours Col. McClure has proved all the honest\\nFote for which he received credit in the return, and has thus thr 5wu the", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "120\\nburden of the dishonest vote upon the other side. I am reminded by my\\ncolleague, Mr. Cassidy, that this is one of the divisions where Tim. Riley,\\na Custom House official, figured at the head of a gang of repeaters, and\\nvoted under the name of David Colcher where policeman Haines held the\\nwindow-book in citizen s dress; where Mr. Phreaner, a well-known citi-\\nzen, had his vote illegally refused where another citize i, Mr. Cullen, was\\nknocked down by a policeman for challenging a repeater; where William\\nShort was blackjacked by policeman Standback; and where several wit-\\nnesses swore to the presence of repeaters and to a general disregard of\\nchallenges by the election oflBcers.\\nUp to this point, in our case, we have produced voters in the several\\ndivisions for all the hours during which the polls were open. It was\\nimpossible, in the limited time which this committee had to sit, to pursue\\nthis course with all the contested divisions, and it was not necessary so to\\ndo. It is not necessary, in order to satisfy you that a return is unreliable,\\nthat we should show you that falsehood entered into eveiy hour of that\\nreturn. If I show you that a witness has sworn falsely in anyone material\\npoint, his whole testimony is thereby discredited. False in one thing,\\nfalse in all. If I show you in any division that for two or three hours,\\no -or a single hour, the sworn election officer s have falsified the return, it\\nis as much impeached as if I traced the fraud and falsehood through every\\nhour. In the remaining divisions we have confined ourselves to impeach-\\ning the returns for particular hours, by showing a fraudulent letur n of\\nthe vote cast in these hours, accompanied by other testimony bearing upon\\nthe general fraudulent conduct of the officer s in theSe divisions.\\nThus, in the fuuith division of the Twentieth Ward we discredited four\\nof the hourly returns. At nine o clock the election officers returned 11\\nvotes as polled for Col. McClure, and we proved 15; at eleven o clock\\nthey gave us 4, and we proved 5 and in the last two hours we r-eceived\\non the return credit respectively for 3, and we proved 4; and for 8, and\\nwe proved 10. The return of the division was 117 votes for Mr. Gray\\nand 88 for Col. McClure and we t-howed 7 personations in that division.\\nThis is the division in which Mr, Fields, of the Register of Wills office,\\npersonated Mr. Porch, and here again Riley figures as a leader of repeaters.\\nMr, George Evans, a respectable druggist, whose stor-e is opposite to\\nthe polls, noticed gangs of repeater s at the polls, and saw them assault\\nMr. Howell, the McClure window-book man. At this puli Frank Fisher\\nwas assaulted, the xMcClure tickets taken from him when he went to\\nvote, and a Gray ticket handed to him. Mr. Charles Hand and Mr.\\nFriend were refused their right to vote, because repeaters had voted on\\ntheir names and the police left the poll when the repeaters came tipon\\nthe ground. The order in whicii repeaters voted will be found by reference\\nto Nos. 37 38, 39, 40, 42, 86 and 88 upon the list of votei-s.\\nIn tije fifth division of the Twentieth Ward, thi ee hours are impeached.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "121\\nIn one Col. McClure received credit for 2 votes, and he proved 4. Tn the\\nsecond he received 5 votes, and he proved 14, and on the last hour of the\\nday 6 were returned, and 12 were proved. Among the personations we\\nfind Nos. 158, 163 and 106, all within the same hour; in t^le hour fiom\\n2 to 3 o clock, in which we have proven 4 votes polled for Col. McClure,\\nonly 2 were returned, showing that the fraudulent vote is to be credited\\nto Col. Gray. In this division there is the general testimony of Mr. Amos\\nRobbins, who saw the gang of repeaters vote, and dared- not challenge\\nthem, fearing personal injury, and of Mr. Brady, who also saw tliem vote.\\nIn the thud division of the Twenty-second Ward, we impeach two\\nhours. In the first hour of the day, w^e were returned as having received\\n9 votes, and have proved 13, and at 1 o clock 15 were returned, and 20\\nhave been piovtd. This is the division where Mr. Buzby saw the Repub-\\nlican inspector take his ticket out of the box; where the police took\\ncharge of the poll, inside and outside, and wheie Mr. Didier, an employee\\nin the Navy Yard, was the judge of the election, and a policeman named\\nStafibrd was inspector. And in this connection I desiie to call your\\nattention to the fact that no man holding any office or employment, either\\nunder the general. State government, or city government, or in any o* the\\ndepartments, is legally qualified to sit as an election ofldc.r, in the Lty\\nof Philadelphia, under the act of 1839, (Pamphlet laws 519, sect on 17,)\\nand that this wise provision of the law was violated by the Board of\\nAldermen in many of the appointments made of election officers for these\\ndivisions.\\nIn the fifth division of the Twenty-second Ward, we impeached two\\nof the hourly returns, one in which 12 votes were returned for Col.\\nMcClure, and 17 were proved, and the other in which 5 were returned\\nand 6 were proved. In this division Mr. Merter, the clerk of the election,\\nfound the ballot-box stuffed between the hours of twelve and one, and 5\\nmore tickets in the box than theie were names of voters on the list, and\\ncalled the attention of the election officers to the fact.\\nIn the fourth division of the Nineteenth Ward, the hour before 8 A. M.\\nis impeached, 7 votes having been returned, while 12 voters have been\\nproduced by us, who proved that they voted during that hour; and in\\naddition, one witness, called by the respondent, testified that he voted\\nfor Col. McClure, making 13 in all. In that division we have proof of 11\\nrepeaters who p ^rsonated citizens. We have the testimony of Edwaid\\nBuckley, who saw a gang of repeaters in charge of McDonough, and who saw\\na policeman change his hat and coat, and vote under the name of Reuben\\nGrubb. In this division the Republican judge of the election received\\nthe vote of a repeater who voted on the name of Richard Oiton, although\\nthe judge was personally acquainted with Orton and challenges were\\nentirely disregarded. Mr. Geo. Graff, the Democratic window inspector,\\nchallenged the votes of repeaters, and was informed by the judge that it", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "122\\nwas not necessary for them to produce vouchers, and the sons of Mr.\\nGrjiif, hfiving been first assaulted by repeaters whose votes they had\\nchallenged, and the window book taken from them, were dragged to the\\nstation house l)y police officers Mr. Taylor challenged repeaters, and was\\ntold by the judge that vouchers were not required at a senatorial election.\\nJohn ITentz, who held the McClure window book, saw fraudulent count-\\ning inside, and called attention to it, when Martin, a paster and folder in\\nthe House of Representatives, threatened him with personal violence if\\nhe said anything more about it; and Mr. llentz was assaulted and his\\nwindow book taken from him. George Bradly saw a repeater vote on the\\nname of Robert Weir, who is No. 18G on the list of voters, and called on\\na policeman to arrest the fraudulent voter, whereupon the officer attempted\\nto arrest Mr. Bradly. and let the repeater go.\\nIn the third division of the Nineteenth Ward, the hour before 10\\no clock, is attacked 4 votes being returned for Col. McClure, and 5\\nhaving been proved. In the same division we have shown 16 personations,\\nNos. .54, 57. 59, 61, 62 and 69 having voted in that order; Nos. 85 and\\n86 voting together, and Nos. 92 and 95 115, 116 and 117 and 126 and\\n128 voting in line togtther.\\nWe have the testimony of Mr. Holloway, an inspector, that a gang of\\nrepeaters attempted to vote; that one of them rtached into the window\\nand tore out a portion of the book containing the list of voters, and when\\nMr. Holloway went outside to get back his book, he was beaten with\\nblackjacks. Citizens having a legal right to vote did so, he said, at the\\nrisk of their lives. Mr. Warren, the window-book man, saw a gang of\\ntwenty-five repeaters vote, and his life was threatened if he challenged\\nvoters. No attention was paid to challenges, but the judge said, put\\nthe vote in.\\nIn the fifth division of the Twenty-fifth Ward we were returned 4 votes\\nfor the ten o clock hour, aid have pioved 5, and we have shown 6 person-\\nations. In th:;t division we have the testimony of Mr. McQuade, a clerk\\nof the election, wLo saw repeaters vote on the names of citizens. The\\njudge of the election and the inspector were policemen, who disregarded\\nchallei]g .s or dropped tickets in the box before votes could be challenged.\\nPoliceman Arnold was seen to vote; and peisons in the interest of Col.\\nMcClure could not electioneer without being intimidated. Mr. Herman\\nDieck, a well-known and highly respected gentleman connected with the\\npress, testified that he saw police officers John Ward and Stotzcnberg\\nengaged in a fight in the neighborhood of the polls, and that both of them\\nwere cut and bloody, and that they were surrounded by a number of\\npolicemen. Waid, when put upon the stand, undertook to swear that\\nhe had not been in any fight on that day or in that division but I will\\nput the testimony of Mr. Herman Dieck alongside of that of any man in", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "123\\nthe Common wealth for veracity, ami the statement of Ward is entirely\\nuncorroborated.\\nIn the twenty-second division of the Nineteenth Ward, the hour before\\neight o clock is impeached by us, 4 votes havirg been proved for Col-\\nMcClure. and only 3 rtturntd. Four repeaters are proved to have voted\\nin this division. Nos. 91 and 93 voting together, ai-d also Nos. 179 and\\n180. We have the evidence of Geo. Rankin, an inspector, that he ac-\\ncused the ofBceis of counting the votes fraudu entlv, and got no satisfac-\\ntion; and a clerk, Thos. Quinn, protested against the count wben four\\nvotts had betn polled for Col. McCluie, and only two counted by the\\nofficers.\\nIn the sixth division of the Twenty-second Ward, 13 votes were proved\\nin one hour, and only 10 i-eturned.\\nIn the twenty-fifth division of the Nineteenth Ward, 4 votes were\\nproved in the filth hour, and 3 returr.ed. AJr. McQuillan saw repeaters\\nvoting, and one of them actually gave Mr. McQuillan s own house as his\\nplace of residence, notwithstanding w^hich the vote was received and\\ncounted for Mr. Gray, while legal votes for Col. McClure were refused.\\nThere are a number of other divisions as to which testimony has been\\nproduced by us, not for the purpose of invalidating the return, but for\\nthe purpose of strengthening the general argument as it applies to the\\ndifferent divisions which I have enumerated This is simply cumulative\\nevidence to corroborate the previous testimony, and to sustain the theory\\nof the contestant that the election was conducted upon a general and pre-\\nconcerted scheme of fraud. In the fifth division of the Nineteenth Ward,\\nwe have shown }ou that a gang of repeaters voted on names taken from\\nthe window book, and that Martin, a policeman, voted in the name of\\nHenry t urrcy. In the ninth division of the Nintteenth Ward, we proved\\nrepeating and false personation. In the tenth division of the Nine-\\nteenth Waid, we also showed a number of false personations: a gang of\\nrepeaters there stole the window book, and intimidated those outside from\\nchallenging. In the eleventh division of the Nineteenth Ward, we proved\\nfraudulent voting by officials and others that Riitenhouse, a Commissioner\\nof Highways, gave slips containing names to fraudulent voters, and that\\na return inspector attempted to drive the Democratic canvasser from the\\npolls. In the twelfth of tlie Nineteenth Ward, the thirteenth of the Nine-\\nteenth, and the sixteenth of the Nineteenth, we proved similar facts. In\\nthe seventeenth division of the Nineteenth Ward, we proved votes by\\nrepeaters one voting on the name of a dead man, and three voting from\\none place of residence, Nos. 71, 72 and 73 on the list of voters. In the\\nthird division of the Twentieth Ward, we have proof that repeaters\\nvoted, and that a young man who challenged them was first blackjacked\\nbv them, and t len cairitd off to the station house by the police. In this\\ndivision, Nos. 38, 39, 42, 44 and 47 all voted together on personations", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "124\\nwithin an hour, when the return gives Col. McClure 8 votes. These 8\\nvotes were produced by us, showing that thedishonest vote was not charge-\\nable to our account. In the sixth division of the Twentieth Ward, the\\nelection officers refused legal McClure votes. In the twelfth division of\\nthe Twentieth Ward, repeaters voted under Hollock, of the Gas Office,\\nand Ellinger, of the Third Ward, was with them. The tenth division of the\\nTwentieth Ward was also visited by repeaters, and we have proved false\\npersonations in that division. Mr. Smith followed the gangs under the\\nleadership of Riley and Hollock and Souder, of the Cudtom House, and\\nsaw them vote there; and when their votes were challenged by the Demo-\\ncratic window-book man, they blackjacked him and left him insensible\\nupon the pavement. There, too, another window-book man, Mr. Miller,\\nwas blackjacked, policeman No. 128 looking on, and refusing to make\\narrests, although called upon by citizens so to do. In the thirteenth\\ndivision of the Twentieth Ward, which was under the supei vision of Mr.\\nSchotield, who stood all day manfully at his post in the face of insult,\\nabuse and threats of personal violence, we see a gang of repeaters, under\\nthe lead of Fields, of the Register of Wills Office, go to the polls and vote,\\nand policeman Campbell assist to bring them into line, while resijectable\\nmen, like the Rev. Mr. Henson, are driven from the window. Hyre\\npoliceman Staudback wanted to fight McClure men, and knocked down\\nMr. Iliggins and Mr Swissler, citizens of the division, whde Mr. Thomas\\nMcConnell, another resident of the division, was knocked down and stabbed\\nby one of a gang of repeaters. McConnell and Gowen, the committie will\\nremember, followed these repeaters from other divisions into the thirteenth\\ndivision of the Twentieth W^ard, and when McConnell challenged tlieir\\nvotes, one of the gang drew a knife and stabbed him in the arm, where-\\nupon police officer Marjoram, who had been actii g as Republican window-\\nbook man, arrested McConnefi and took him to the station house, and\\nhad him held to bail, the silting magistrate refusing to bind over the\\nrepeater for illegal voting. At thi poll Mr. Foster, a well-known citizen,\\nwas grossly insulted because he voted for Col. McClure. In the fourteenth\\ndivision of the Twentieth Ward, the same state of things is shown to\\nhave existed.\\nAs to the fouith, sixth and seventh divisions of the Twenty-fifth\\nWard, and the tenth divi-ion of the Twenty-second Ward, we have\\nsimilar testimony, accompanied with proof of i .discriminate arrests of\\nDemocratic citizens, who were locked up in the station house u^itil the\\npolls closed, and then discharged without any complaint being preferred\\nagainst them. In the tenth division of the Twei.ty-second Ward, Mr.\\nBnggs, the window inspector, saw the judge of the election take t ckets\\nout of the box aid substitute otheis which he produced from his vest\\npockety and was ordeied by the Republican judge to leave the window,", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "125\\nwhere he was lawfully acting as window inspector. Mr. Stadtlman also\\nsaw the tickets changed.\\nIn the second division of the Twentieth Ward, Mr. Ramsey saw a gang\\nof repeaters knock down a McClure man, and called on the pclice to arrest\\nthe repeaters, and they refused. In the fiist division of the Twenty-sevenlh\\nWard, a crowd of roucders belonging to the Fire Department, aided\\nby the police, assaulted voters, dragged them from the line, and interfered\\nwith the election. Mr. Ennis, who lemonstrated. was threatened. Ser-\\ngeant Rogeis, of the police, behaved in a disor derly manner at the polls.\\nJob Pugh, a respectable citizen of the district, testified to seeing the\\nLieutenant and Seigeant Sayers, and a number of policemen at the polls\\ninterfering with voters, and taking them from the line.\\nIn the fourteenth division of the Nineteenth Ward, Geo. W. Lukens,\\na Democratic election officer, was oflfered a bribe of $50 by David Mar-\\ntin, a paster and folder of the House of Eepresentatives, to allow a clerk\\nof his choosing to go inside to cheat for Col. Gray; and in the twenty-\\nfirst division of the Nineteenth Ward it was testified that Peter Non-\\ngesser, the Democratic judge, and Edward Jordan, the Democratic return\\ninspector, were tempted with bribes of $25 by Alderman Smith, to allow\\nMr. Geisel, of the Post Office, to have control of the poll, and that Geisel\\nattempted to cheat when inside of the poll.\\nWhat, I ask, does all this mass of testimony establish? W^hat does\\nall this fraud and violence, all this false peri^onation and organized re-\\npeating, all this official protection on the one side, and interference and\\nintimidation on the other, tend to prove? Does it not establish conclu-\\nsively what was alleged in our petition, that at this election, by concert\\nand agreement, [if ever concert and agreement can be shown by subse-\\nquent acts,] systematized fraud was practiced against Col. McClure in\\neach of the divisions assailed in the petition? Whether these frauds\\nextended to other divisions I do not know, but it can fairly be presumed\\nthat such was the case. I have no reason to believe that they were con-\\nfined to those divisions, but our friends did not think it prudent to open\\nthe contest in other divisions. If they had done so, I think we could\\nhave shown that the same state of things existed throughout the district.\\nNow what is the result of all this evidence? Where does it lead you?\\nIf I have satisfied you, or rather if the figures have satisfied you nay\\nmore, if the election officers, by their own figures, have satisfied you\\n(because that is what it comes to that is the heart and kernel of this\\ncase;) if the election officers, by the hourly returns and the lists of voters\\nwhich they have furnished, have satisfied you that fraud and falsehood\\nentered into those returns, and if I have convinced you, as a legal pro-\\nposition, that these returns are, by reason of the fraud which entered\\ninto them, rendered worthless as evidence, and are therefore to be dis-\\nregarded, where then do we stand? Strike out those false and fraudu-", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "126\\nlent returns, and Col. McClure s majority in the remaining divisions\\nwill be 423.\\nWhat is the answer to all this on the part of Col. Gray? How has\\nhe attempted to meet these damaging and disgraceful disclosures? Our\\nfriends on the other side, seeing that it was the purpose of the contestant\\nto discredit the returns, and conscious that those returns would not stand\\nthe scrutiny of the committee, have undertaken to prove the vote cast\\nfor Mr. Gray, and for this purpose have produced voters from nine of\\nthe fifteen divisions assailed by us, who have testified before you that\\nthey voted for Mr. Gray. Some of them, upon cross-examination, were\\nfound not to have paid taxes; others were uncertain as to what ticket\\nthey voted and others still were shown to have been disqualified to\\nvote. But in the summary which I have made of the figures in this\\ncase, and which I shall furnish to the committee, I have disregarded\\nthese objections. It is not necessary that I should go into an examina-\\ntion of the legality of these votes. The number of voters discredited\\nwas comparatively small on either side, and so evenly balanced that we\\nmay take the votes proven by the contestant and respondent to be the\\nhonest legal vote for all the purposes of this case. Of the effect which\\nthe committee is to give to the votes thus proved, I shall speak hereafter.\\nThe next branch of the respondent s testimony relates to the sixth\\ndivision of the Nineteenth Ward, which had not been counted in the\\ngeneral return for either candidate, and they have shown that at a certain\\nhour of the day, somewhere between two and three o clock, the poll in\\nthat division was broken up, and the election papers lost or destroyed\\nand to supply the place of this proof, they undertook to prove the entire\\nvote of the division. They failed, however, in this, and hence we offered\\nno evidence except the registry list of this division, by which it appeared\\nthat the whole number of votes in that division was between 500 and\\n600, while the vote proved by respondent did not amount to more than\\none-third of the whole vote cast. They went further, and undertook to\\nshow not only what vote had been polled, but what would have been\\nthe result had the poll been kept open. That was a question, the com-\\npetency of which has been reserved by this committee for future deter-\\nmination.\\nSenator Buckalew\u00e2\u0080\u0094 I do not understand that to be the proposition\\nof the respondent s counsel.\\nMr. Hagert I understand that Mr. Briggs means to contend before\\nthe committee, that every man who voted at that poll, or who was de-\\nbarred from voting becatise the poll was broken up, is entitled to have\\nhis vote counted, and the committee is to find out from the evidence\\nwhat the vote would have been had these witnesses not been deprived\\nof the opportunity of voting.\\nNow I don t suppose that proposition can be entertained for a moment;", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "127\\nbut whether it be tenable or not, it cannot affect the result of this case\\nif I ani right in my calculations upon the figures.\\nThe next thing that respondent s counsel attempted to do, was to\\nrebut a portion of the testimony which we had produced as to the fourth\\ndivision of the Twenty-fifth Ward, and which formed a part of our\\ngeneral and cumulative evidence. You will remember that we called\\nAlderman McMullin, to show that there had been interference, by the\\npalice force, with legal voters in that division. You will recollect that\\nwhen the Mayor spoke of the meeting which occurred the night before\\nthe election, he specified the fourth of the Twenty-fifth and the sixth\\nof the Twenty-fifth as two divisions to which particular attention was\\nto be paid, at the request of the friends of Col. Gray. The fourth\\ndivision of the Twenty-fifth Ward has always been a strongly Demo-\\ncratic precinct. Mr. Fletcher s testimony showed that Mr. Fox s\\nmajority in 1868 was 430. At the election of 1870, which was the first\\nheld under the Registry Act, the vote for sheriff was 55 Republican to\\n376 Democratic; a Democratic majority of 321. The present return\\nincreased that vote of 55 to 96 for Gray, and reduced the Democratic\\nvote of 376 to 220 for McClure, showing the measure and result of the\\ninterference of the uniformed and ununiformed police at that poll.\\nSenator Buckalew The division gave Mr. Connell 86 and Wartman\\n419.\\nMr. Hageet At the election of 1870 there were row officers to elect,\\nand a full party vote was polled; and 1 want to call your attention to\\nthis fact, that on the thirtieth of January last the Democratic vote had\\nfallen off considerably from the election of 1870, while the Republican\\nvote was nearly double that of 1870, so that all pretence of fraudulent\\nvotes having been polled for Col. McClure is dispelled by this compari-\\nson, while the great increase in the vote returned for his opponent does\\nconfirm and corroborate the statement of Aid. McMullin, that Republi-\\ncan roughs and repeaters were floating around through the ward, and that\\nDemocratic voters were intimidated and driven from the polls by police\\nofficers and others. John Ward, who had been discharged from a for-\\nmer police force for having been concerned in a prize fight, was one of\\nthe men selected for this business of intimidation, because, in the\\nwords of Captain Clark, he was a man fitted for rough work; and\\nbetween ten and twelve o clock over a dozen additional officers were sent\\nto that election poll, although there was no disturbance whatever until\\na late hour in the day, when a dispute occurred at the window with a\\nDemocratic citizen of the division named Farrell, whom the police\\narrested and took away, when they were followed by some of the people\\nof the neighborhood. The only arrest made by the police for illegal\\nvoting in that division, was the arrest of a man named O Donnell, who\\nlived in the division, and while intoxicated attempted to vote twice at", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "128\\nthe poll where he was known to everybody: and no others were arrested\\non that day except active Democrats of the division who were electioneer-\\ning Col. McClure s ticket, and who were locked up in the station house\\nuntil the polls closed. The station houses in Philadelphia, it is well\\nknown, are little else than prisons for voters from the time the polls\\nopen until they close, when there is a general jail delivery and universal\\namnesty proclaimed all around.\\nThe sixth division of the Twenty-fifth Ward, which is the other divi-\\nsion which claimed his Honor s special attention on the night preceding\\nthe election, was passed over by my friend, Mr. Briggs, without any\\nnotice. He did not attack either the fourth division or the sixth divi-\\nsion of the Twenty-fifth Ward for illegal conduct inside of the poll.\\nHe did not attempt to show that Col. Gray was entitled to more votes\\nthan were returned for him in those divisions, but he confined himself\\nto attempting to rebut our general evidence as to the conduct of the\\npolice force. This silence on the part of our opponents is a significant\\ncommentary upon the motives and purposes which it is alleged induced\\nthe police authorities to give such special attention to those two\\ndivisions.\\nThe next thing which attracts our notice in reviewing the evidence\\nin this case is the singular spectacle to which we were treated by\\nour friends on the other side, when they produced before the com-\\nmittee the elegant gentlemen who figured under the several names\\nof Gopher Bill, Stuttering Jimmy, the Flying Dutchman, and the\\nEducated Hog. I do not mean to accuse Col. Gray, or to implicate\\nhim in any way in the odium which necessarily attaches to the\\nintroduction of this class of witnesses into his case. He took the\\nearliest opportunity, when he got upon the stand, to say that he was\\nvery sorry that these men had been called, and explained that he was\\nabsent from the city at the time, and had no part in their introduction.\\nI have no doubt of this statement whatever. It is in harmony with\\nmuch that has been apparent here during the course of these pro-\\nceedings. This is not his case. He has had little to do with it. During\\nthe greater part of the time it has been in progress, he has been absent\\nin Harrisburg. He rarely appeared before this committee, and then\\nonly for a short time. He had little to do with the selection of the\\nwitnesses, and I doubt if his counsel, Mr. Briggs, had any more for the\\ncounsel was as much surprised by the testimony of these professional\\nexperts as as anybody else. No, it is not Mr. Gray who is to be held\\nresponsible for this supreme act of folly and wickedness, but those\\nofficials who advised and dii ected the proceedings on the part of the\\nrespondent from the second story chamber of the Little Brown Jug,\\nand whose active management is seen in every part of this case.\\nMr. Chairman, I shall not insult the common sense of this committee", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "129\\nby any lengthened examination of the testimony of these witnesses, but\\nshall content myself with simply referring to one or two instanc s in\\nwhich their folsehood is apparent. William Douglass, one of thes;e\\nwitnesses, testified that he went into the fifteenth division of the Twen-\\ntieth Ward, and there met a man named Dugan, and that he saw Dugan\\ngive McClure tickets to four ex-jwlice officers, and that these four men\\nvoted for Col. McClure, in that division, between the hours of ten and\\ntwelve o clock. Now if you will examine the vote cast and returned in\\nthat precinct, you will see that Col. McClure has proved his vote for\\nthose hours by the production of the honest voters whose names appear\\nupon the voting list, and therefore no fraudulent vote could have been\\npolled for him. The witness further says that he went to Eleventh and\\nGirard avenue, and there saw Lynch voting men between the hours\\nof four and five. Apply the same test, and you will find that Col.\\nMcClure proved his honest vote during those hours in excess of the\\nnumber returned for him; so that either the witness is perjured, or the\\nconclusion is inevitable, namely, that the votes which he says were\\npolled, were cast in the interest of the other side.\\nGopher Bill and a man named Echternacht come next upon the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2stand, and swear that, in company with Dutchman, they went into the\\nFourth Senatorial District and voted with Lynch s party for Col.\\nMcClure but when Dutchman is called he denies all that. His conscience\\nis a little tender. He swears that there is no truth in the statement that\\nthey went up there to vote for Col. McClure, but he does say that Ser-\\ngeant Lynch offered him $10 to come before the Committee and swear\\nto such a state of facts as has been testified to by the other witnesses.\\nImmediately on the heels of this witness comes Boone, another of the\\nparty, who denies that he voted at all, although the other witnesses had\\npositively sworn that they saw him vote. After that comes Lynch him-\\nself, the head and front of this offending, who denies having received\\nany money from anybody, and flatly contradicts his associates, Echter-\\nnacht, Stuttering Jimmy and Gopher Bill, and swears that he had not\\nseen Dutchman from the autumn of 1872 until the morning that he\\ncame before the Committee to testify, on which day Lynch admits that\\nhe saw him in a saloon upon Eleventh street. More than this, he saj S\\nthat for several days previous to his examination he had visited the\\nhouse kept by Mr. Glenn, on Swanwick street, and had there met Mr.\\nTittermary and others, who, it has been shown in this case, had money\\nto use for election purposes. Mr. Lynch, it will be remembered, had\\nearly evinced his interest in the success of the Republican ticket by\\nattending upon the Gray nominating convention whil-e it was in session.\\nThis brief and necessarily hasty and imperfect summary covers most\\nof the testimony in this case. I do not intend to refer to Col. Gray s\\ntestimony you will recollect it nor to the testimonv of Gilbert, from\\ny", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "130\\nthe Navy Yard, who is, no doubt, known by reputation to some of the\\nmembers of this Committee nor to the few scattering witnesses which\\nremain on either side. Neither do I think it worth while to pay any\\nattention to the statements of the witness Briggs, who was called on the\\npart of tlie respondent, because he was so completely demolished\\nby my friend, Mr. Cassidy, on the cross-examination, that it is hardly\\nworth while to waste time upon him. Summed up in a few words his\\nstory amounts to this, that he got some money in a strange house, from\\nsome one he didn t know, and that he used a portion of it to pay for\\nelectioneering Col. McOlure s ticket, [which was a perfectly honest use to\\nmake of it,] and the balance, or so much of it as didn t go into his own\\njjocket, was spent in indiscriminately treating men of both parties upon\\nelection day. The value to be set upon Mr. Briggs testimony I submit\\nis not sufficient to justify any further comment.\\nNow, this is the whole of the respondent s case, so far as the general\\ntestimony is concerned. The learned counsel have not attempted to\\nsustain any of the numerous charges contained in their answer as to the\\nremaining election divisions. They have contented themselves simply\\nwith showing their vote in 9 of the 15 divisions assailed by us.\\nWhat, then, is to be the effect of this testimony? That is the practi-\\ncal question. Assuming that I have satisfied you that the returns, as to\\nthese 15 divisions, are false and unreliable as a piece of evidence, and\\nas such are to be utterly disregarded, how is the testimony which you\\nhave heard as to the votes cast for the two candidates in the assailed\\ndivisions to be treated? That is the next and final point of inquiry.\\nThere are two views to take of this part of the case each of which\\nmay possibly commend itself to the Committee, and I therefore feel\\nit incumbent on me to state them for your consideration. Col. Gray s\\ncounsel has shown in 10 of the assailed divisions 479 votes cast for his\\nclient, and 5 votes cast for Col. McClure. I include in this count, as I\\nhave already stated to you, all suspected or doubtful votes. But this\\ndoes not cover the whole of the legal votes cast in those divisions for\\neither candidate.\\nSenator Dill. Does that include the sixth division of the Nineteenth\\nWard?\\nMr. Hagert. No, sir. I treat of that apart from the others. I\\nspeak now of the 15 divisions which are assailed by us. Let us take, for\\nexample, the twentieth division of the Nineteenth Ward. ]\\\\Ir. Briggs\\nhas there shown 62 votes cast for Col. Gray. Now, if you will examine\\nthe list of voters, you will find that in the twentieth division of the\\nNineteenth Ward there were in all 226 votes polled; referring to our\\ntestimony you will find that 12 of these votes are shown to be persona-\\ntions, and deducting the 12 from the 226, you have left 214 honest votes\\nas polled on that day. Is it enough for Mr. Briggs to say, I have shoAvn", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "131\\n62 votes cast for Mr. Gray, aud therefore I am to have 62 majority in\\nthat division? Is that the way the Committee are to consider it? I\\ntliink not. It is the duty of this Committee, under the law, to find who\\nreceived the greatest number of legal votes at the election of January\\nOth. On th.e other hand, are you satisfied from the 62 votes proved by\\nMr. Briggs that that is Mr. Gray s proportion of the 212 honest votes\\ncast in this division? If so, then to whom belong the remainder of the\\n212 votes polled? I submit, as a legal and logical conclusion, that the\\nvotes which he has not shown to have been cast for Col. Gray are to be\\ncounted for Col. McClure. T think it is a fair inference if our friends\\non the other side have undertaken to show their vote and have proved\\nbut 62 votes, that the remainder are to be credited to us. If you\\nadopt this view of the case,4he result in figures will be as follows. Col.\\nGray has proved in the contested divisions 479 votes, aud deducting\\nthese 479 votes from the whole number of honest votes shown to have\\nbeen cast in those divisions, it will leave Col. McClure s majority in\\nthose divisions 1,323, which, added to 423, his majority in the remaining\\nuncontested divisions, will make his total majority 1,746.\\nThere is another view of this testimony Avhich the Committee may\\nprefer to adopt, and which I think is better calculated to do justice to\\nthe honest vote of the divisions; and that is, to give credit to all the\\nvotes proved on either side in these 15 divisions. As the result of this\\nmode of treating the testimony, the Committee will give effect to that\\nwhich you find to be the true vote of those divisions, so far as the evi-\\ndence in this case discloses it, and by adding these to the vote of the\\nremaining divisions you will arrive at what is the true aggregate vote\\nfor both candidates. Applying this rule, we find that the respondent\\nhas proven 479 votes to have been cast for him in these contested divi-\\nsions, while Col. McClure has proven in the same divisions 659 votes to\\nhave been cast for him; giving him, upon the votes proved in the con-\\ntested divisions, a majority of 180 votes. Adding the majority thus\\nproved to the majority returned for him in the uncontested divisions 423,\\nand the total majority for Col. McClure is 603.\\nThat majority can only be afl ected, and that in an immaterial degree,\\nby the proof of votes in the sixth division of the Nineteenth Ward, if\\nthe committee, upon reflection, should conclude to give effect to those\\nvotes. Col. Gray claiuis 98 votes in that division, and has shown 48\\npolled for Col. McClure. making Col. Gray s majority in the division\\n50, and reducing Col. McClure s general majority from 603 to 553.\\nThat, gentlemen, is the conclusion to which I think the law and the\\nevidence in tiiis case must lead this Committee. Of the mode by which\\nthat conclusion is reached, I think no man can reasonably complain.\\nIn the treatment and application of the facts and figures, it is equally\\nfair to both sides. It disfranchises no man whose vote has been shown", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "132\\nhere. It gives full effect to every legal vote wliicli has been proven.\\nIt is not obnoxious to the reproach that it seeks to cast out divisions. 1\\nIt does not reject polls; it retains them, by giving credit for every\\nhonest vote which is proved to have been cast for either candidate.\\nMy client does not desire, and I would not consent to ask, the mem-\\nbers of this Committee to do so great a violence to the opinions which\\nsome of them have heretofore expressed upon this question, and which\\nare known to be shared by the political associates of those gentlemen,\\nas would be involved in the rejection of entire polls, and the disfran-\\nchisement of whole bodies of legal voters. Such a proceeding would\\nbe even more destructive of the purity and freedom of elections than\\nthe frauds of which we complain, because perpetrated under the color of\\nlaw. Happily, as I stated in the outset of my remarks, the necessities\\nof the contestant s case require no such sacrifice of principle. By a j\\nmajority of the honest voters of the Fourth District he was elected to\\na seat in the body of which you are members, and only by an honest\\ncount of that vote does he seek to establish his right to that seat.\\nYou, gentlemen, have an important duty to perform in this case, and\\nyour way is clear to do it. It is not merely to do justice to Col. j\\nMcClure, but al.so, in so doing, to hold up to public indignation and\\ncensure the frauds and disorders whicli characterized the late Senatorial\\nelection, and the combinations and influences which contrived and\\ndirected those frauds. We have shown to you such a state of things\\nexisting in Philadelphia as was never before presented to any court or\\ncommittee of the Legislature, We have shown you a case made out\\nbeyond question or cavil; a case in which, if your decision should be\\nthat Col. McClure is entitled to his seat, you will have done simple jus-\\ntice to him; but you will have done more than that, for you will have\\nset the stamp of your reprobation upon that system of fraud, corrup-\\ntion, bribery and violence which has grown up in the City of Philadel-\\nphia under the Registry Act of 1869.\\nI", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "ARGUMEITT FOE RESPOSTDEHT.\\nBY AMOS BRIGGS.\\nMr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee\\nWe all ought to enter upon the discharge of this duty with the determi-\\nnation to get at the facts of the case, and to do ample justice to all parties,\\nwithout regard to which one of the parties to the contest it may affect.\\nMuch has been said by Mr. Ilagert which is outside of the issue, and\\nmuch has been said that is not at all supported by the evidence. By re-\\nferring to the petition, we get at a single glance the issue that is made up\\nby the pleadings. The averment on the very first page is that they seek\\nto set aside the election as returned, because they charge the return to be\\nfalse and the election undue. Now these are the only two considerations\\nto which we ought to direct our attention. We have nothing to do with\\nthe Registry Law, and we have nothing to do with the Board of Aldermen.\\nThey are official acts and official bodies, sanctioned by all of the solenin-\\nnities that attended any enactment that has ever passed. Is the return\\nfalse? If it is, set it aside. Has the election been undue? If so, declare\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0A vacancy. Now these are the only questions. One must be elected,\\nunless a tie has occurred, or the result is in such a maze of confusion as\\nto be utterly incapable of being deciphered, in which event a new election\\nwill have to be declared.\\nNow, my friend Mr. Hagert began by an attack upon the Registry Law.\\nLet me suppose, for the sake of the argument, that all his strictures and\\ncriticisms made upon the Registry Law are well founded, how can he\\nalter it, or you Is it not the law of the land, and are you not bound to\\nregard it as such until it shall be modified or repealed by proper legis-\\nlation lie conceives that it does injustice to the Democratic party.\\nVery well, concede for the sake of the argument that it does. That is a\\nvery excellent reason why some one should take action upon it upon the\\nfloor of this Senate or the House of Representatives, and convince the\\nSenate or the House that it needs amendment or requires repeal. How\\ncan you sit in judgment in regard to your own legislation Was this law\\npassed by fraudulent expedients That is not pretended. It is presumed", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "134\\nto be for the time being the perfection of legislative wisdom. So far as\\nthis law is concerned, it is utterly out of the question. I conceived at\\nonce the purpose Mr. Ilagert had in view by referring to the Registry Law,\\nwhich was to show you what facilities were oflE ered to dishonest men for\\nthe purpose of concocting schemes of fraud and carrying them into exe-\\ncution. That was his object, but has he not a remedy to prevent just the\\nconsummation of such a result? Does not the Registry Law contain a\\nprovision whereby, if improper men are foisted upon the minority by the\\naction of the majority, they may review that action Can he not, upon\\na petition of any five citizens, go into the Court of Common Pleas, and\\noccupy the time of the Court in reviewing that which has been improperly\\ndone? The remedy provided in the Registry Law is presumed to give him\\nall the redress he needs, and if he cannot get it there, it is simply because\\nthe law has put its fiat upon his right, which binds alike him and you.\\nAm I not right in this view of the question And if I am, what has the\\nRegistiy Law, gentlemen of the committee, to do with this case?\\nPermit me to read from the 25th Section of the law, as at present\\nexisting, that the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas for the County\\nof Philadelphia, shall have power to revise all appointments of election\\ncanvassers and election officers, made by the Board of Aldermen for any\\nelection division, on petition of five reputable householders. Has Mr.\\nHagert, in his criticism or review of this law, shown you or alleged that\\nhe or any one in the interest of the minority or the Democratic party com-\\nplained to the Court of improper appointments? Here is the remedy. It\\nis pointed out in the very act itself, and if he does not seek to avail him-\\nself of its provisions, he is estopped by his own acts.\\nAgain, complaint is made with reference to the action of the Board of\\nAldermen under this Registry Law. Have they any discretion with\\nregard to the discharge of their duty? Are they not bound by the oaths\\nthey have taken and the obligations of their office to act, and to act as\\ntheir best judgment dictates? Have they the discretion, and may they\\nfail to discharge the duty If they do so, I ask you if a writ of manda-\\nmus would not require every one of them to come up to the full discharge\\nof his duty? These are views which present themselves to me, and I\\nsubmit them to you with the belief that they dispel entirely the theory\\nMr. Hagert seeks to set up, and I thinlv they cannot be gainsayed. U the\\nBoard of Aldermen, under the provisions of the Registry Law, have a\\nduty imposed ujjon them which requires them to act, then their action is\\nnot any infringement of the right of the elector, but a simple performance\\nof the duty required by law, which, if not performed, would be a derelic-\\ntion of duty.\\nAgain, Mr. Hagert makes a wholesale attack upon the men appointed\\nunder the Registry Law. They were inefficient and unreliable, unworthy\\nof respect, and incapable in point of intelligence of discharging their dulj", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "135\\n1 have already shown you where the remedy is to meet such a contingency\\nas that. It is either here by repealing the law, or it is in our courts of\\njustice upon a petition duly presented and as I have before said with\\nregard to this, I can only say in repetition, that if these alternatives do\\nnot give a remedy, it is the fault of the Legislature or of a majority of the\\npeople.\\nYou, sitting here as judicial officers, can only enforce the law, and not\\nreform or modify it. What have you, gentlemen of the committee, to do\\nwith the convention which nominated Mr. Gray? That is a part and\\nparcel of party machinery, and it is not essential under the law of the\\nCommonwealth. Mr. Gray, like Mr. McClure, could have been nominated\\nwithout any party at all, or without any convention at all. He might\\nhave been nominated at his own solicitation by announcing himself as a\\ncandidate, or at the solicitation, as was Col. McClure, of a few friends,\\ninviting him themselves to be a candidate. What have you to do with\\nthe convention which nominated Mr. Gray and yet it occupied consi-\\nderable space in the line of Mr. Ilagert s argument. He said that that\\nconvention was disgraceful, and great violence prevailed during its sittings\\nand that Lieut. Axe was there for the purpose of taking possession of the\\nentrance and preserving order. Gentleman, that thing has been harped\\nand heralded through this Commonwealth long enough, and I am only\\nhappy that he has made allusion to it here, that I have an opportunity to\\nstamp it with what it deserves that it is untrue in point of fact. A more\\nquiet, peaceful convention than that which nominated Col. Gray, never\\nsat in the Citv of Philadelphia. Those of you, gentlemen, who take your\\ninformation from the journals and newspapers with regard to it, get\\n.simply your information fi-om the impulses and the warped judgments of\\nmen, and not the truths. There was some determination on the part of\\nthe fi-iends of Mr. Kneass to procure his nomination, it is true. Certain\\nmen from the lower part of the city went there foi- the puipose of forcing\\nhis nomination, whether the convention desired it or not. Lieut. Axe, as\\nhe should, taking time by the forelock, kept back these people, who came\\nfi-om other localities to inteifere where they had no rights, and preserved\\norder. Not a blow was struck, not a harsh word was said. Every man\\nwho hod a right to cast his vote gave it, and it resulted in the nomination\\nof Mr. Gray. Let this calumny about this convention cease. Let justice\\nbe done by the dissemination of the truth in regard to it.\\nAgain, Mr. Hagert makes an attack upon the police department, upon\\nthe National administration, as far as the City of Philadelphia is concerned,\\nand upon the local administration of Philadelphia, He says they contri-\\nbuted money. He seems to imply, and in fact says, that Col. Gray re-\\nceived assistance to a large amount by reason of these taxations or\\nassessments. I ask, how a man reaching the age of discretion and the age\\nof experience that Mr, Hagert has, will stand up in this Senate Cliamber,", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "136\\nbefore this Committee, and announce as a startling fact that, upon the\\ninauguration of campaigns, ofiBcials are taxed for the purpose of defraying\\nthe expenses incidental to the prosecution of a campaign? Is there a man\\nupon this Committee that was not taxed during the last election, during\\nhis own candidacy, to raise money for the purpose of prosecuting that\\ncampaign Ts there a man upon this Committee that did not respond to\\nthe assessment that was imposed upon him I do not believe that there is\\none of you that can say you have not been taxed, an^i some of you, I\\nhave no doubt, were taxed to a larger extent than you desn-ed to be.\\nYet by stringent party requirements when you accept the nomination\\nfor an office, you have to pay your tax. I speak of this only because\\nMr. Hagert has gone outside of the line of the argument. He has been\\nan officer hitnself, and I have no doubt that he has been the victim of\\nthis taxation. I do not use the word victim in any offensive sense, be-\\ncause it is utterly impossible to carry on arad put in operation the party\\nmachinery except by resort to such expedients as this. It is well we\\nhave parties. It is well we have powerful organizations, the one to\\nwatch the other. It is well we have men to contribute tiiese amounts of\\nmoney for the purpose of carrying on party organizations, in order tnat\\nthe proper equilibrium may be kept up. But, then, what does this insinua-\\ntion, this allusion to taxation on the part of several administrations, local,\\nState and general, in the City of Philadelphia, to do with this contest? It\\nis an unpardonable sin for the police force to contribute anything, as if\\nthe police force m the City of Philadelphia had never been taxed before.\\nWhy, if I were to go outside of the argument and say that under the\\nadministration of Mayor Fox men were taxed for party purposes, I could\\nshow that men were not taxed one dollar a head, but taxed a whole month s\\nsalary, and I would but speak the truth, because men were then taxed to\\nsuch an extent that they could not paj it. Does it follow because that\\nwas done under Mayor Fox s administration, that it was done to carry out\\na nefarious purpose, to cheat the elector out of his vote? No, sir. It was\\nto keep in operatio;i the party machinery. Wherever they proved assess-\\nments of money from the different departments during the last campaign,\\nthey simply prove that means were furnished fjr the legitimate purposes\\nof prosecuting the contest. VYhat are the police to do on election day\\nA great clamor is raised that money was contributed for the purpose of\\ncheating the electors, for the purpose of enabling repeaters, bad, wicked\\nmen, to come from other districts into this district, to affect this election.\\nGentlemen, is this true? You have heard all the testimonj^. It no\\ndoubt happened, as it always happens in a city like Pliiladelphia, that there\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0was cheatmg by bad men, but when it comes to be narrowed down by the\\ngentlemen who have heard this testimony from beginning to end, it evapo-\\nrates into thin air, and is not seen to any great extent. You heard the\\ntestimony on both sides. You know there are two sides to this question.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "137\\nCol. Gray is the favored one in regard to the funds collected on his side.\\nCol. McClui-e, says my friend Mr. Hagert, with his own money and that\\nfurnished by a few fi-iends, prosecutes it on his side. That is averred,\\nand I do not complain of it. But remember, there is a possibility of Col.\\nMcCIure having one friend more powerful than the City of Philadelphia\\ncombined, and if I had his one friend 1 would ask no other. I do not\\ncomplain of that. Tt is fair; for by the legitimate use of money, meetings\\ncan be held and addresses can be made wherebj the electors may be con-\\nvinced, and if by reason of these expedients he obtain an advantage over\\n!Mr. Gray won t say undue advantage, but an advantage that is so\\nmuch to his account. I have nothing to say. So long as the field is open\\nand the contest a fair one, the opportunities are equal. Let him who has\\nthe advantage in point of organization succeed. I think it was Mr. Jeffer-\\nson who said in one of his messages, I think the first. That error may be\\nsafely tolerated as long as reason may be left free to combat it.\\nSenator Buckalew. I believe Mr. Jefferson said it, but he borrowed\\nit from Milton.\\nMr. Briggs.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 So with regard to these gentlemen. Col. McClure and Col.\\nGray. They and their friends have a right to go before the people and\\nbroach what error they please. It may be tolerated as long as reason\\non the other side is left free to combat it. I do not compbiin of Col.\\nMcClare, nor do I think that Col. Gray is to be complained of in regard\\nto this.\\nWell, he complains of the police. I will come to that presently I will\\nadvert to it briefly now. He complains of the police taking an active part\\nin behalf of Col. Gray. Well, policemen of Philadelphia have some rights\\nas well as you have rights, as well as I have rights. Policemen, simply\\nbecause they are such, because of their office, it becomes their duty to pro-\\ntect the citizens and protect the poll. Nevertheless they do not lose their\\ncitizenship. They have the right to vote, and have the same interest in\\nthe candidates as when they were not policemen. Simply becau^;e a man\\nis a policeman and a member of a party oi ganization, it does not follow that\\nhe loses all his interest in that party organization. Circumspection is re-\\nquired of him that he does not use the power of his authority to defeat a\\nfree expression of the popular will.\\nI will say a word in regard to these policemen when I get upon the\\nevidence. I am sweeping away now simply what I consider irrelevant\\nmatter which should not have been introduced into the case at all.\\nAgain he says, it is not Col. Gray s fight, but it is the fight of Col. Gray s\\nfriends. Gentlemen, it is Col. Gray s fight and the friends of Col. Gray.\\nIt does not matter whose flgfit it is. That is not the i.ssue. Tt is not the\\nquestion whether it is Col. McClure s fight, or Col. Gray s fight, or the\\nfight of the friends of Col. Gray. The question is, has Col. McClure or\\nCol. Gray been elected by the majority of the electors But I will meet", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "138\\nthis side issue, that it is not the fight of Col. Gray. Who else, pray tell\\nme, has fought it It has been insinuated here to-day, it has been insinu-\\nated with a persistence rarely witnessed during the whole of our defence,\\nthat Col. Gray was not working it up, and Col. Gray s friends wore. Is\\nthat a crime? Is that a reason why Col. Gray should lose his seat if he\\nwas elected If his friends cotne to the rescue, is it not commendable\\nrather than ceasurable does it not show that he has friends who are\\nentitled to his regard and respect Not Col. Gray s fight Whose\\nfight is it? They tried, in their cross-examination of Mr. Gray on the last\\nday of the examination, to show that it was Mr. Hill s tight, Mr. Titter-\\nmary s tight, the fight of the officers in the Row offices, and they signally\\nfailed. Permit me to say, in justice to these gentlemen, that had they done\\nless than they did, they would have been derelict to that duty which was\\ndue to hira as a standard bearer and an officer of the party to which they\\nare attached. Nothing dishonorable was done by either of these gentle-\\nmen, and permit me to say, if surprises occurred during any of these in-\\nvestigations that went on in the City of Philadelphia, it was not by the\\naction of Mr. Tittermary or Mr. Hill. They are as free frem them as I\\nam, and I stand here and make this declaration in order that justice may\\nbe done them. The question was very adroitly put by Mr. McClure to\\nMr. Gray, When you refused to pay them money to bring men f;om New\\nYork to swear that they had repeated for me, did they not abandon your\\ncase? You remember my objection. I object to that, Col. McClure,\\nbecause that implies that Col. Gray has already testified that they did\\nbring them here. Whereupon Col. McClure then said, I will modify\\nmy question, and you remember how he changed it. I mention this,\\nbecause it is a crying outrage that when half a do/.en reporters sat around\\nthat table and listened to those words, they should so report it, and\\nscatter it broadcast throughoat the nation as to reflect on Mr. H:ll and Mr.\\nTittermary. Mr. Gray did not say that they stated that for $8,000 they\\ncould get testimony to overcome whatever might be produced by Col.\\nMcClure. He stated that when it was suggested to him that the expense\\nof carrying on such a contest would be great, the question was spoken of\\nas involving a large sum of money, but no special amount was named, and\\nit was not named in connection with buying men to give false testimony.\\nThat was what he said, and it was said in your hearing and it will not\\ndo, gentlemen, to try and get up a wrangle between Mr. Gray and his\\nparty friends. That is none of your concern nor is it any of my concern,\\nexcept as they charge this improper conduct on our side.\\nWithout going into the details of this irrelevant matter, which it seems\\nto me ought never to have been drawn in here, let us come directly to the\\nevidence bearing upon the issue, and permit me to say that I shall not go\\ninto the details of that evidence. That is utterly impossible. You know\\nit is impossible, because of the great labor that was imposed upon me. I", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "139\\nhave not had time to read the proofs of the testimony as presented, and I\\nbelieve you have not. I was put under the spur, without relaxation or rest,\\nfrom the time T began until my time expired, as I said to you before\\nwhereas Col. McClure was required to labor for four days in succession,\\nhe was then allowed a respite for three days, including Sunday, whereby\\nhe might marshal his forces and gather together his scattered hosts; no\\nsuch privilege was allowed me. I do not complain of it, because I always\\nobey oi-ders and respect directions when given by those in authority.\\nBut the question in this case is, is this return false, is this election\\nundue? Mr. Hagert has taken up two theories, one that you will reject\\nthe divisions in toto, and the other that you will reject the returns. Ex-\\nactly where the distinction is, I am not able to perceive in view of the\\nlogic that he uses. If he means to reject the return, which is simply the\\ncertificate by virtue of which Col. Gray has obtained his seat, then that\\nremits us back tj where the vote was the hour before the certificate was\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2iven. If it means that\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and it must mean that or mean what he con-\\ntends for in his other proposition, namely, the proposition to reject the\\nentire vote\u00e2\u0080\u0094 then you have nothing to do but to count the votes and throw\\nout such as were illegal.\\nNow, have you got that power\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the power to reject divisions? You\\nhave almost, I was going to say, omnipotent power. Certainly it is beyond\\nany review. You may throw out divisions to such an extent as to over-\\ncome the majority of Col. Gray and give the seat to Col. McClure. If you\\ndo, it must be considered, as far as the vote is concerned, the perfection of\\nyour judgments. Have you that power You have Is it right that you\\nshall so exercise it under the oath you have taken and under the obliga-\\ntions that rest upon you in the line of your duties? Can you, conscien-\\ntiously, gentlemen, in the discharge of that duty, say you have discharged\\nit, when, because in the cases he has adverted to, during the hourly\\nreturns an officer has returned Col. McClure 4 votes when he has received\\n6, you wipe out of existence an entire poll, and disfranchise all honest\\nvoters, because of the misconduct or fraud of an officer because of the\\nnegligence or eri-or, or want of proper knowledge, on the part of an officer\\nto discharge his duty, will you, under such circumstances as that, set aside\\nthe whole poll Does he not in this case give you the true rule of ascer-\\ntainment, whereby you can count the votes? Does he not do that in the\\nvery tabular statement he has presented? I have not seen it, but it is\\ngotten up with fair accuracy I have no doubt. Does it not enable you to\\ndetermine how many votes are legal and how many illegal, and is not that\\nthe true test? Why, because a few dishonest votes get into a poll in this\\ngreat centre of population, when we are excited by the most wide-spread\\npopular feeling, when we have many of the worst elements that exist in\\nany community, are you, because a few illegal and fraudulent votes gej\\n^nto a poll put there by bad and designing men, going to vitiate the whole poll", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "140\\nand deprive us of the privilege of producing the legal vote with a view to\\nprove what it was Away with such nonsense and absurdity Tell me\\nnot that it will be sustained for a single instant by an intelligent conunittee I\\nTell me not that it will be sanctioned by an enlightened public sentiment\\nWhat, give to me eight days to count aad prove the vote of 24,000\\nelectors, for that is the vote that was cast in this district, and then tell\\nme, because he has impeached it to a certain exigent, say one-tenth, or any\\nfigure, that he may stop there and cast upon me the burden of proving my\\nlegal votes! The task is impossible, and I know that none of you will\\nthink of imposing such a duty upon me. It cannot be done. Take up\\nthat return, a certified copy of which I put upon your desk this morning,\\nof the October election, in virtue of the request you made of me, and\\nwhich Mr. Cassidy and I agreed should be put there. I obtained it from\\nthe Prothonotary s office, and have no doubt of its correctness, although\\nI do not know it is taken from the transcript, which is in the office.\\nTake up the figures, which are there mentioned, and then ask yourselves,\\nis it possible for either party, is it possible for Col. McClure in the five\\ndays, for which he asked and which you gave hira, to prove his votes; is\\nit possible for me to prove in five days the vote of Col. Gray? It is\\nutterly impossible, and therefore it is improbable that you should take that\\nas the basis of calculation, upon which to reach a result in your conclusion.\\nIt would take three months to do it under the protracted process of\\nexamination, under the tardy manner of bringing witnesses before you,\\nwhose business require them to attend to their duties, instead of obeying\\nsubpcenas, and the assistants of the Sergeant-at-Arms would have to be\\nmultiplied indefinitely, for the purpose of bringing them in. I have referred\\nto this simply to show you the fallacy of such a view, and, if fallacious,\\nyou must abandon it, and take up the only true theory that can be adopted.\\nIs it a false return; has the election been undue? These words consti-\\ntute the case, and we cannot escape from them. If the return is false,\\nwherein is it false? Is it not to be presumed that the return is correct?\\nIs it not to be presumed that men acting under oath acted correctly,\\nacted honestly, acted intelligently in the discharge of their duty, or are\\nyou to suppose that the return is erroneous, that it is false, and cast the\\nburden of proof upon me of proving that it is not? Is it not the correct\\nprinciple that fraud is not to be presumed but proved and, when proved,\\nit vitiates the advantage sought to be gained by the fraudulent actor?\\nNow, understand me. Mr. Hagert did not mean to claim, in the broad\\nsense in which he uttered the expression, that because frauds had crept\\ninto the ballot-box, that, therefore, the whole vote shall be vitiated.\\nPermit me to say to you that such adoctiine cannot apply to a community\\nof interests, as must be conceded, where multitudes of people cast\\ntiieir votes, and threw them into a common receptacle, simply because he\\nor I were guilty of any improper or fraudulent expedient, it would only", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "141\\nvitiate the vote we cast. It would not ramify through any other channels\\nand corrupt the votes of any other electors. Is not that true doctrine, and\\ncan it be gainsayed Therefore, in my judgment, and I only want to\\npresent my views, in my judgment and in my view, tlie maxim or rule\\nthat fraud vitiates everything it touches must be restricted end confined\\nto the guilty actor in the fraud. It does not vitiate that with which it\\ncomes in contact. I will not take any other illustration than that which\\nhe has used. He takes a fraudulent deed. Suppose, while I am address-\\ning you, a burglar opens my fire-proof and takes out my deed, am I to be\\ninjured Suppose the notes or bonds I have there are mutilated, is my\\nright to recover upon them gone, because the evidence of my right to\\nrecover upon them is mutilated or destroyed by a man over whom I had no\\ncontrol Does that give an advantage to the other parties Certainly\\nnot! My deed that is erased, that is mutilated, is just as good for the\\npurpose of title, after the wrong-doer mutilated it as before he did it,\\nbecause I was not a parAy to the fraud so with regard to a vote. Now,\\nif these people, gentlemsn of the committee, went into that district with\\ntheir bands; supposing that they did, under the evidence, and packed the\\nballot boxes in certain divisions to a certain extent, under the legal pre-\\nsumption that I have adverted to, that fraud is not to be .presumed, or the\\nreturn rejected, until it is impeached, it becomes your duty, T respectfully\\nsubmit; to purge the poll. I have shown you that the process of purgation,\\nby counting the vote, is a physical impossibility that it cannot be done.\\nYou know that it cannot be done. :\\\\ly friend Mr. Hagcrt and my friend\\n]\\\\Ir. Cassidy know it cannot be done in the time that was given to either\\none or the other. They have sought to impeach certain divisions. They\\nknow that that could not be done in the time they have given\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that tht\\nvote could not be called out on their side, and they have made but a faint\\nattempt to call it out on their side. I exhausted every minute I had, and\\nwell nigh exhausted myself in the attempt to meet them.\\nThen the fraudulent vote, vitiating only the guilty act of the fraudulent\\nagent, does it not follow that the votes remaining are legal votes? Does\\nit not follow that he who avers fraud must prove it, and where the proof\\nstops the fraud stops? But he goes further, and he seeks to impeach the\\npoll by saying that the officers themselves acted improperly. What if\\nthey did Is that a reason, in a division where 500 ballots are cast,\\nwhere every ballot is legal and not one is illegal, because an officer refuses\\nto do his duty, or does it in a corrupt way, is that a reason why the 500\\nlegal voters shall be disfranchised Is it not a reason why the oflBcer\\nBhould be punished? Let the punishment follow the perpetrator of the\\nfraudulent act, but don t let the innocent and the guilty be punished\\nalike.\\nThat brings us down to the proposition\u00e2\u0080\u0094 I state it deliberately\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that\\nin no case, in my judgment, can a poll be set aside except where an", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "142\\nelection is not held at the place prescribed by law and at the time pre-\\nscribed by law. I will show you what I mean by this. Every elector\\nknows, by viitue of the law of the land, the day when an election shall\\nbe held, and the place where the election is to be held, and knowing that,\\nif he votes at another time, or at another place, it is his own voUmtary\\nact in thus erroneously offering his vote, and the fraud, if there be any, is\\ntraceable to him, and he is a party to the fraud, and therefore sutlers.\\nBut if he votes at the time specified by law, and at the place appointed\\nby law, and he acts in good faith, but the officer is guilty of not dis-\\ncharging his official duty, I ask you if that is a case where those instances\\ndisfranchise him I respectfully submit not.\\nThen what shall be done? If the act of an illegal vote by an illegal\\nvoter will not affect the poll, if the illegal act of the officer will not aU ect\\nthe vote, and the poll is not affected by the fraudulent action of the officer,\\nwhat does affect it It is affected, not because of the fraud of the officer,\\nbut because of the confusion because that whitrfi has been brought in\\ncannot be deciphered, and because of the impossibility of separating the\\nlegal from the illegal vote that you declare that the vote shall be rejected.\\nIt is entirely for a different reason, for a different consideration, entirely\\ndifferent, I respectfully submit to you. The poll cannot be set aside, or\\nthe return rejected in any event, unless it is incapable of being deciphered,\\nand the legal separated from the illegal vote. Can that be done in this\\ncase? Take up the paper that Mr. Hagert has read to you here, from\\nwhich he has made his comments, which covers all the divisions he has\\nreferred to, and does not that memorandum give you figures from wliich\\nyou can make your calculations, and deduce the actual vote by deducting\\nthat aggregate to which they claim to be entitled That leaves Col. Gray\\nelected by 600 or 700 majority. That theory they ignore. They aban-\\ndoned that theory at an early stage of their investigations. They started\\nout with it, but abandoned it, because they knew it would be impossible\\nto prove votes enough to defeat Mr. Gray, and they then resorted to the\\nproposition, which is becoming entirely too popular, of throwing out\\nentire divisions, and disregarding them.\\nWith regard to that, I have taken up the divisions where, according to\\nthe vote that Col. McClure has proved fraud existed, and I, for the pur-\\npose of the argument, will have to assume that the testimony is correct,\\nalthough it is very uncertain, because we had two elections for Senator\\nwithin three months, and by reason of that I have no doubt many men on\\nboth sides stated that they had voted at the January election, when they\\nhad actually only voted at the October election. But we must take the\\ntestimony exactly as we have it. I have, in this little table that I pre-\\npared, taken the divisions wherein he has proved his vote in excess of the\\ncredit given him in the return. That shows a reason for correction. It\\nshows that the return should be corrected, supposing the testimony to", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "113\\nbe true; but does it follow that because Col. McClure has proven that the\\nvote has been uuduly returned, to a certain extent, that therefore the poll\\nis fraudulent to every other extent. That is the proposition con-\\ntended for by my friends on the other side. I take the lirst one as it\\nappears upon the specifications of their petition. Take the 8th division\\nof the 19th ward. Gray is returned as having received 145 votes, and\\nMcClure as receiving 47. In that division Mr. McClure proves 55, a gain\\nof 8. Now, since the burden of p -oof rests upon him of proving fraud,\\nhe is bound to prove the fraud to the fullest extent. If he can show that\\nhe is credited with 8 votes less than he should be credited with, then com-\\nmon justice requires that you should take that from Mr. Gray and give it\\nto him, making a diflference of 16 votes in Col. Gray s majority in that\\ndivision. Now, understand me, taking the proof as we have the proof,\\nbecause I shall insist upon it, that personations cannot be counted except\\nas it is proved that they voted for one or the other of the two candidates.\\nCol. McClure, having proved that he received 8 votes in addition to what\\nthe return credited him with, is entitled to have the return corrected to\\nthat extent. If he has received 8 votes more than those for which he is\\ncredited, they fall to him as a legal consequence, and the reverse proposi-\\ntion, that the 8 should be taken from the 145 with which Mr. Gray is\\ncredited, is correct. When that is dene it will make Col. McClure s vote\\n55, and Mr. Gray s vote 137. Run this process through the 8th divisioji\\nof the 19th ward, the 20th division of the 19th ward, the 4th, 7th and\\n15th divisions of the 20th ward, and they aflect the result just 204.\\nThere are but five divisions out of all the contestant has assailed in his\\npetition wherein he has proven votes in excess of those allowed him in the\\nreturn. The eighth division of the 19th ward gives him 47, and he proves\\n55, which, as I said before, is a gain of 8 to Col. McClure, and should be\\nalso deducted from the credit given to Col. Gray. In the 20th division of\\nthe 19th ward he gets 35, and proves 77, a gain of 42, and a corresponding\\nloss to Col. Gray of 42. In the 4th division of the 20th ward he is credited\\nwith 79, and proves 105, a gain of 26, with a like loss to Mr. Gray. In\\nthe 15th division of the 20th ward he is credited with 108, and proves 126,\\na gain of 18, with a like loss to Mr. Gray. The gam to Col. McClure is\\nthere 102 the loss to Mr. Gray is 102. The two footed up make a differ-\\nence of 204 votes.\\nSenator Mumma. How many, did you say, in the 19th division of the\\n20th ward\\nMr. Briggs. 77.\\nMr. Cassidt. 93.\\nMr. Brisgs.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 He is asking me, Mr. Cassidy. It is all very well fur you\\nto answer.\\nSenator Mumma.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The other side claim 93 which is correct?\\nMr. BaiGGS. The diSerence between my friends and myself arises from", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "144\\na difference of analysis. I am now on the proof of the votes. I am not\\nregarding the personations, or those who voted and were afterward shown\\nnot to have been entitled to vote by reason of non-payment of taxes and\\nwhen we dismiss these, there is very little difference between Mr. Cassidy\\nand myself; there may be a trifling difference.\\nThese five divisions in these two wards are the only divisions in which the\\ncontestant has proved that he received votes in excess of the return given\\nhim. If, then, according to my princijjle of purgation, he should receive\\ncredit for the amount that he has proven, and the difference between what\\nhe is credited with, and the vote that he has proved should be deducted\\nfrom Mr. Gray s return, that will make a difference of 204. Col. Gray\\nreceiving 12,312 votes, his corrected return, deducting the 102, would re-\\nduce it to 12,210 votes. Col. McClure receiving 11,421 votes, by adding\\nhis gain of 102, makes his corrected return 11,524 votes. Deducting the\\namount returned for Col. McCiure from the reduced and corrected return\\nof Col. Gray, leaves a balance in favor of Col. Gray of G87 votes.\\nNow, my analysis or process of purgation is thus far complete in all of\\nthese five divisions, but it is maintained on the other side that we must\\nnot stop there. Why not? Do tiiey prove the number of votes with\\nwhich they are credited in any other division If they do Bot reach the\\ncredit tiiat the return gives them, then they cannot impeach the return for\\nwant of miscount, but they have got to impeach it because of misconduct\\non the part of officers or some interference on the part of the citizenship\\noutside whereby the poll was not free and open, and the voter could not,\\nwithout disturbance, exercise the franchise of a freeman. It must come\\nto that. If the poll was a free and open one, if the officers were guilty of\\nno confusion whereby the vote could not be ascertained or deciphered,\\nthen there is no reason why we should go beyond the figures that I have\\njust given you. Certainl} Mr. McClure is entitled to the count that he\\nhas proven under every process of calculation but that is not enough to\\ngive him his seat, and hence his counsel contend that thej* must go farther\\nand attack other divisions for general purposes, because the officers tam-\\npered with the ballot. Very well. If they did tamper with it, that is\\ncause for critical investigation. That is reason why we should apply the\\nseverest analytical test to these divisions, and decipher if we can the legal\\nfrom the illegal vote, and ascertain the extent of the tampered vote. I\\ncannot go, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, into the detail of this subject,\\nbecause I have not the data before me but I will accomplish the same\\nthing to a better extent, in a more effective way, by speaking in general\\nterms, leavmg you to fix the detail. Now, I have not read testimony, and\\nI shall read but very little. In regard to every division that they have\\nassailed, with the exception of possibly two or three, we have mot il\\nsquarely by proof. You, gentlemen, are cognizant of the fact that much\\nrebutting testimony was given, and it is not necessary, as far as you are", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "145\\nconcerned, to recapitulate. Much has been said outside, and my friend\\nMr. Hagert has certainly, to a considerable extent, pandered to the popu-\\nlar sentiment by talking responsive to it in going outside of the real issue\\nin the case, and so far as strangers are concerned, it doubtless seems like\\na very unfair and a very harsh thing on the part of the friends of Col\\nGray that this conduct should be perpetrated in a city claiming considera-\\ntion for refinement, intelligence and respectability as Philadelphia does.\\nNow, gentlemen of the committee, that they did prove in this contest that\\nthe police arrested parties at the poll is true, but I put the question to\\nyou in the first place, is it not to be presumed that an officer in the dis-\\ncharge of duty does that which the obligation of his position requires him\\nto do If he does not, it is the duty of the aggrieved party to call him to\\nan account. Now I go to the general testimony, and notvyithstanding\\nthese multiplied instances of police interference, we have got the startling\\nconclusion before us that notwithstanding the fact that they are counted\\nby hundreds, according to the testimony, not a solitary complaint has ever\\nbeen lodged at police head-quarters against any policeman. Not one police-\\nman has ever been called to account by an arrest or a charge for assault\\nand battery. Not one word has ever been raised against them, and I refer\\nto that fact in corroboration of the positive testimony of these gentlemen\\nthemselves, and the number of witnesses that I called disproving that\\nwhich was alleged in their testimony, in other words, rebutting that which\\nthe contestant offered. It is a circumstance, and a potent one, that if I\\nam assailed and I rest quietly under it when a contest arises between me\\nand my assailant as to who was the aggressor, whether he or I began the\\nfracas, it is a very potent circumstance that a man who felt himself\\naggrieved had taken no steps to right the wrong or to obtain redress.\\nThen you have, as against this positive testimony, witnesses without\\nnumber that the polls were not disturbed that the police interfered only\\nwhen drunken men got into line, or pushed sober men out who were in the\\nline approaching the polls, and that, in every instance, they interfered for\\ncause. That is the testimony, gentlemen, I have upon these books, and\\nwhich you have heard. You will, doubtless, refer to it, and if 1 overstate\\nthe case you will discount the statement, and take your own knowledge as\\nderived from the analysis of the testimony but I, in passing in general\\nreview over this testimony, must say it seems to me we have rebutted in\\nevery case, with the exception of one or two divisions. Then, what was\\nthe duty of the police? To stand idly by, and see a man crazed with\\nwhiskey interfere with sober men desiring to vote peaceably and orderly\\nI do not mean to say that a man who indulges in that temporarily, to such\\nan extent as to unfit hfm for the ordinary observance of propriety for the\\ntime being, must be taken into custody but if the police did that they\\nwere acting pursuant to the legal requirements, and it is no violation of\\nlaw, and it is no interference with the freedom of the election. It is said\\n10", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "146\\nwith regard to these other divisions that partisans, repeaters and bad men\\ngenerally interfered. Very well. Didn t I meet this by producing wit-\\nness after witness, meeting them at every step, clearing up the allegations\\nin regard to every poll with the exception of two or three? Did not I bring\\nthe witnesses before you were not they sworn, and did not you hear their\\nstory? That there should be misconception, that men will color their\\nstatements by their prejudices and view things from a difi erent stand-\\npoint, is to be expected but when you have heard all the testimony, pro\\nand con, it is not expected that you will give credence to the one side to\\nthe entire exclusion ,of the other side. We have many circumstances\\nhere of men, doubtless in the best faith in the world, swearing to their\\nbelief and their knowledge, yet at the same time it was as erroneous as\\nfalsehood itself was shown to be. Let me instance the young man whom\\nj\\\\Ir. Uhadwick testified to in regard to being a repeater. He became very\\nmuch excited on the stand. He felt his manhood was tainted, and to use\\nhis own language it had gone all over the Commonwealth by the agency\\nof the city papers. He tells you that he was at the polls all day, that\\nevery man knew him, that Mr. Chadwick knew him, and notwithstanding\\nthat he was called a repeater. 1 put the question to him whether he\\nvoted otherwise than in that division that day, and he said he did not.\\nMr. Hagert said there was a mistake. I said to him, you owe it to this\\nyoung gentleman to make a public disclaimer, for it is a feai-ful thing to\\nbe branded in a community as a repeater and Mr. Hagert rose at once,\\nlike a gentleman, as he is, and said there was a mistake there, and he was\\nmost happy to rectify it. In the great press of time we could not stop to\\ncorrect mistakes. Hundreds of them came to me, and I said, we are\\nafter votes votes are what I am counting, and only questions that touch\\nthe public interest can claun my attention now, for every minute I give\\nyou will lead to ten minutes cross-examination, and that reduces my time\\nit is taken out of the time allotted to me. Therefore permit me to say,\\nthat with the exception of two or three divisions we met the allegations\\nset up against us. Therefore I ask you when the testimony comes\\nbefore you, that you will analyze it thoroughly, analyze it as it can only\\nbe done with a pen in the hand, and as it cannot be done here. I cannot\\ntake up nearly 700 pages of printed testimony spread out upon that book\\nand analyze it properly within the compass of two hours. I can only\\nallude to it in a general way.\\nThese divisions were attacked on the ground that repeaters interfered.\\nThat is a serious charge. It startles you who come from the country. I\\nwas reared in the country, and I know what a peaceful poll is. I was\\nraised in the countiy, and yet in that quiet Quaker neighborhood, about\\nfour or live o clock in the afternoon, we had a great many drunken men\\nthere. But that does not make any difference. If a man is drunk, you\\ndiscount him instantly. You people may regard it as startling that in the", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "147\\nCity of Philadelphia repeating prevails to so great an extent. It is start-\\nling from a standpoint of right. But it should be taken into consideration\\nthat our population is from 700,000 to 800,000, that we have 120,000\\nvoters and 8,000 rum shops in the City of Philadelphia, vrith a floating\\npopulation of 40,000 to 50.000 men, women and boys living in, and eking\\nout their subsistence from these places of low resort. They are ephemeral\\nin their abodes, passing from place to place from day to day, subsisting as\\nbest they can, victims of this demagogue and of that, and yet under the\\nfree and easy manner of our elections they have the elective franchise in\\ncommon with the highest dignitary of the Commonwealth. Is it surprising,\\nthen, in view of these dens of infamy, that bad men exist there and owing\\ntheir subsistence to the uncertain chances of the hour? is it surprising that\\non election day, when every vote counts, designing men shall take these\\nelements and use them for whatever purpose may be most advantageous to\\nthem Are we of the republican faith to be held responsible because a\\nfew unscrupulous men, having neither the fear of God nor of man before\\ntheir eyes, are we to be held responsible for their doing when we cannot\\ncontrol them Simply because a few unscrupulous men get their votes\\nillegally into the ballot box, are we, the legal voters, to be tabooed\\nLet me say just at this point, and I put it at this committee, and I do\\nit with great respect and with great earnestness, much is expected of you,\\ninfinitely more than can be expected of the class of men of whom I have\\nbeen speaking. If these de.signing demagogues and unscrupulous villains\\ntaint the ballot to a given extent, it is your duty to purge it to that extent\\ninstead of adopting the damnable heresy enunciated here by Mr. Hagert\\nthis morning of throwing out whole divisions, and thereby, by your adju-\\ndication, finish the bad work by taking it up where they left it off. Is it\\nright, because ten men pollute a ballot, that therefore you shall thi ow out\\na poll consisting of one hundred men I speak deferentially and respect-\\nfully, and I agree with his Honor, Judge Thompson, in his view upon that\\npoint, and just here 1 will read it. I congratulate him upon it, Mr. Chair-\\nman. I like him as a man, I admire him as a judge. He is my friend in\\nthe social relation, and he commands my admiration in his judicial position,\\nand speaking of him as a lawyer and as a judge in this public way, it gives\\nme pleasure to say it is not only my duty as a lawyer to endorse him be-\\ncause he is one of the supreme arbiters, but it is my pleasure to endorse\\nhim becau.se it is my honest sentiment. In his decision in the election case\\nof 1868 he laid down the doctrine which, although one of minority, was\\nnot sustained upon the point on which he put it, but I am happy to say it\\nhas since worked into the unanimous opinion of the court. It was regarded\\nas a di.ssenting opinion, two out of five dissenting, but the point upon which\\nhe dissented was not even gainsayed by the majority of the court. Since\\nthat, in the case of Chad wick vs. Melvin p. 251 Brightly s Sel Election Cases,\\nit was decided in March term, 1871, Chief Justice Thompson delivering the", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "148\\nopinion, takes occasion to review what he said in his dissent in the election\\ncases of 1868. The doctrine, said he, of striking out an entire division\\nwas held by the Common Pleas in that case. That is a reference to a\\ndecision in 1859 by Judge Taylor, in Cambria county, to the same effect.\\nIn my opinion, this ought never to be done where a legal election as to\\ntime and place is held. Although fraudulent votes shall have been re-\\nceived, the remedy in such a case is to purge the poll by striking out the\\nfraudulent votes if possible.\\nHere is a decision\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not the dictum of a judge, but the decision of the\\nSupreme Court of the Commonwealth, the unanimous judgment of that\\nCourt, it being delivered by the Chief Justice. Apropos of what I have\\njust said, you will pardon me for adverting to a judgment of your own\\nbody, one which you are probably more familiar with than I am, and as\\nfamiliar, at all events, because three of you gentlemen joined in the report.\\nI allude to the report in the Dechert case. Tt is directly in accordance\\nwith the view expressed by his Honor, Judge Thompson.\\nIn the majority report, you meet that question in these very words:\\nBut there is an expressed desire or demand in these specifications that\\nthe returns of the six divisions assailed shall be wholly disallowed, and\\nstruck from the general return of the Senatorial district. Just what Mr.\\nHagert, in his alternatives that he presented to you this morning, asked\\nyou to do. It is to me a terrible doctrine. It is invoking the judicial\\nauthority at one stroke of the pen to annul an election, rather than go\\nthrough the process of purging the poll by separating the legal from the\\nillegal vote. I speak with warmth in regard to it, because I am satisfied\\nthat whether done by legislative committee or by a judge, the day is not\\nfar distant when it will produce revolution. The citizen will not stand\\nidly by and sefe his rights frittered away by the bias or partisanship of one\\nman.\\nThis would be in contempt of both law and justice, and cannot be\\ndone by any tribunal in which a conscientious regard for duty shall pre-\\nvail. I say amen to all that. The man or the tribunal who does that,\\nwhether he be Republican or Democrat, pays no respect to the law of the\\nland. It is my honest living sentiment, and I utter it with warmth, that\\nno honorable man that is fully familiar with all the circumstances that\\nmake up a case, ought to take a seat obtained under such circumstances.\\nSenator Dill. Do I understand you to endorse the report in the\\nDechert case\\nMr. Briggs. I endorse what you say as to striking out polls. I have\\nnever examined the rest of the report so fully as to warrant me to say I\\nendorse all your proceedings.\\nSenator Dill. The difference between this Committee and a Court is,\\nthat a Court has common law powers and this tribunal has not.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "149\\nMr. Briggs. Yes, sir. That is the difference, as you state it, between\\nthis tribunal and a Court.\\nUnder the pressure of party passion and of party interest, such free-\\nhanded treatment of the votes of the people may have been indulged in, in\\nsome recent instances, by subordinate courts and by legislative bodies.\\nI am glad that those of you that wrote that had the nerve to say it, (and\\nI say this, gentlemen, when some of the beneficiaries under the decisions\\nthat you criticise belong to my own political party.) that no man can\\nafford to sacrifice a principle that may work permanent injury and injus-\\ntice, because of temporary or momentary triumph.\\nBut they are to be mentioned only to be condemned. I give that my\\nheartiest approval. I am condemning it just as emphatically and just as\\nearnestly, as you perceive, as I can condemn it. They are among the\\nmost flagrant invasions of popular right which have characterized a time\\nof war and the early years of returning peace, and furnish precedent only\\nfor times which shall be at once lawless and unjust. Good votes given at\\na lawful election, must be held sacred from the meddlesome hand of com-\\nmittee or judge. They must not be sacrificed because bad votes are to be\\nstruck from the returns. They are to be carefully preserved and guarded\\nfrom all molestation, even when inquisition is made for fraud, as consti-\\ntuting the very breath of life to the free institutions under which we live.\\nI want to know how man, with his imperfections, could improve the force\\nof expression and the powerful argument that are given in this passage I\\nhave just read, and yet Mr. Hagert stands up here and asks you, in one of\\nhis alternatives pi esented, to do just that thing.\\nI pass on. You refer to a case in Brewster s Report, and you refer to\\nan opinion of Chief Justice Thompson. I will read that. The opinion\\nof the Chief .Justice of this State upon this question, which was concurred\\nin by Judge Sharswood, appears in 2 Brewster s Rep., p. 108. He says:\\nThe argument that the legal voters of a district may be disfranchised by\\nthe base conduct of election oificers, or because frauds have been com-\\nmitted by illegal voters without the slightest fault of the former, is the\\nposition of the contestants. x maintain that there is\\nnothing which will justify the striking out of entire divisions, but an\\ninability to decipher the returns, or by showing that not a single legal\\nvote was polled, or that no election was legally held. If anything short\\nof this is to have the effect, the right of every elector is at the mercy of\\nthe election officers. Such a right is no right\u00e2\u0080\u0094 is worth nothing. What\\ncan be more strong what can be more expressive or more logical Am I\\nto be disfranchised simply because my neighbor, crazed with rum or demo-\\nralized with villany, illegally gains an advantage in point of numbers? Is\\nthe whole poll to be thrown out simply because he and one or two others\\ncheat? Punish one or two persons by inflicting disfranchisement upon\\nthe whole mass of honest voters? Yet Mr. Hagert s proposition comes to", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "150\\nthat, and I pronounce it as damnable legal heresy and nothing else. I do\\nnot say this so emphatically out of any disrespect for INIr. Hagert, for he\\nis one of the most amiable men at the Philadelphia bar, and my warm\\npersonal friend, as is his colleague, Mr. Cassidy, also.\\nThis regulation of law is of no doubtful import in its bearing upon\\nthe present question. It indicates distinctly the duty of the committee\\nto ascertain which candidate had the greatest number of legal votes, and\\nby inevitable implication forbids their rejection of legal votes in reporting\\nthat any candidate is entitled to his seat. And it also provides, that where\\nan election is invalid from any cause, they shall so report, and a new\\nelection shall be directed. Under this law, therefore, all pretence for\\nrejecting an entire poll, at which any good votes have been given, and\\nthereby changing the general result, and fixing the right of a candidate to\\nhis seat, is wholly excluded. This dangerous and odious power of counting\\nmen in or counting them out of their seats in the legislature, by the rejec-\\ntion of returns of district elections, held in due form of law, and al which\\nlegal votes were polled, has therefore no foundation in the laws of this\\nCommonwealth, any more than in the general pnnciples of justice.\\nNow, what do you mean, gentlemen You say, by the rejection of\\nreturns of district elections, held in due form of law. The words mean\\nsomething or they mean nothing, and the subtle refinement that is exhibited\\nhere to-day of the difference between a return and a poll seems to me to\\nhave been introduced as a sort of back door for somebody to step out of\\nto get rid of the decision in tne Dechert case. This is the last judicial\\ndecision on this question, and I stand by it because it is the last, and,\\npermit me to say, it is the best that has yet been given. I won t do\\ninjustice to my sense of justice simply for the purpose of pandering to\\nparty requirement, although I know it is a favorite doctrine, or has been,\\nby judicial and legislative action on the part of the party to which I\\nbelong to overslaugh the multitude rather than undergo the work of\\npurging the poll of a few illegal votes.\\nSo much for your majority report. The minority afterward made a\\nreport in which they pronounced some strictures upon the majority report,\\nand to which a rejoinder was appended. I read from the rejoinder to the\\nreply, the answer to the minority report\\nThe committee, in their former report, stated some of the grounds of\\nauthority and reason upon which they denied the authority of any court\\nor committee to sport with the votes of the people honestly given, and to\\nreject them (and thus to change the results of elections,) in cases where\\nelection officers had misbehaved themselves, or some bad votes had been\\ngiven along with good ones, and they need not now repeat what was then\\nsaid by them. I like that word sport. It is an expressive one. It\\nis, indeed, sporting with a most solemn privilege the franchise that has,\\nunder our government, been vouchsafed to the citizen. By it the whole", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "151\\nsafety of the system is perpetuated. Without it the government would\\ncollapse. It is a high duty, this privilege of voting. When a citizen\\nexercises it, he exercises the highest franchise that a freeman possesses,\\nand he who pollutes it, perpetrates treason to his government.\\nIt is their firm conviction that the laws do not authorize, and that\\npublic opinion will never sanction, the repudiation of honest and lawful\\nvotes from election returns for any reason except one of absolute neces-\\nsity. That is my sentiment, and all I ask you to invoke here is the\\napplication of that doctrine. I have given you the last decision of the\\nSupreme Court of the Commonwealth, pronounced in March, 1871, Chad-\\nwick vs. Melvin, in Brightley s Sel. Election Cases, p. 251, and what I ask is\\nthe application of that doctrine. I have given you the last decision of the\\nSupreme Court, and I have given you what is more here, the last decision\\nof this very Senate, and the last is the best, and it is the law of the land\\nuntil it is overruled. If this be law, what becomes of this heresy of Mr.\\nHagert s about striking out returns What becomes of this refinement\\nof his, the difference between a poll and a return What is a poll A\\nvote. What is a return A certificate of a vote. Suppose a return be\\nwrong, what do you Why you are remitted at once to the count again.\\nIf you take it you must take the poll; for the poll is only the vote, and\\nthe return is only the statement of the vote and if you take the one you\\ntake the other. It is a distinction without a difference. I give you the\\nlaw which governs the case, which must govern your case, let your judg-\\nment be what it will. Possibly you may give the seat to one or the other\\nof these gentlemen. That is a finality; but there is a power that is even\\nabove you that is one which controls you by results that will work out\\ntheir own cure\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and that is popular sentiment. What is being done now\\nwith regard to the registry law in the City of Philadelphia; a law that\\nis the subject and has been the subject of bitter criticism ever since\\nits passage? What is the result? All men, having regard for common\\nfairness, say that common even-handed justice to the minority requires\\nthat their rights should be recognized, and that party that held every-\\nthing within its grasp, and ruled it as with a rod of iron, is now trembling\\nbecause popular sentiment pronounces some of its actions to be unworthy:\\nand that same popular sentiment will come down upon any court or any\\ncommittee that does violence to good reason.\\nI am in favor of a registry law, but let us have no change which does\\nviolence to any, but only such as will protect all. I believe you are\\ngradually, step by step, reaching that result.\\nNow, so much for the process of purgation. My plan is, as I have\\nstated it, purge, strike out. I say to you, that Mr. Hagert, in his analysis\\nthat he gave you this morning, designates exactly the legal votes according\\nto that analysis, and he furnishes you with an accurate means of ascer-\\ntaining exactly the legal number of votes. When he furnishes you with", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "152\\nthe analysis for the purpose of demolishing that theory, he furnishes you\\nwith the means of deciphering the return, and therefore demolishes his\\nown.\\nThen I apprehend that polls won t go out. Oh, well, stop I will just\\nlop off that return. I will blot it out. I won t regard that return at all.\\nVery well. Suppose there is no return. If you regard it as no return,\\nwhat can you do Open these boxes and count the votes. You have\\ndone that, and you say that some of the votes in there are fraudulent.\\nProve the fraud for the law presumes the officers did their duty, and the\\nfraud is not to be carried one step beyond the proof. Fraud is never to\\nbe presumed, but proved, and because of the difficulty in proving it, every\\nlatitude is given, and every avenue which sheds light upon it is open to\\nthe inquirer to show the fraud, and when inquiry fails, you must take the\\nresult, whatever it may be.\\nNowhere has he proven fraud in these divisions not assailed specifically.\\nThat is for the purpose of getting you to throw out a suflBcient number\\nof returns of polls to allow Mr. McClure to be elected. You cannot elect\\nhim unless you throw out seven or eight. Understand me, you have got\\nto throw out seven or eight divisions before Mr. McClure can get his seat,\\nand triumph over the majority that has been given for Mr. Gray. Under\\nmy process, Mr. Gray will be elected by upwards of 600, and then I\\ndeduct every vote that my friends have proved to be illegal, and I retain\\nthe balance, because they are not affected or tainted by suspicion of fraud.\\nI argued before dinner my conception of the law with regard to an election\\nofficer. I will just repeat it. His fraud may render himself liable to\\npunishment. If he fixes things so that you cannot decipher, you may\\nreject the poll, not because of his fraud, but because of your inability to\\ndecipher. It may not be tainted with fraud at all. It may be a result\\nflowing from an innocent action of the officer. It is precisely the same\\nas if a four-year old child were to get hold of the tickets and empty them\\ninto a bag with the unvoted tickets. It is not a fraud which justifies you\\nin rejecting the poll. It is your inability to decipher the return. There-\\nfore I say to you. that under no circumstances can you reject a poll. I\\nrespectfully submit\u00e2\u0080\u0094 argumentary only: I do not mean to be imperious\\nor domineering that, under no circumstances, can you reject a poll\\nbecause of the fraud of the officer, or the fraud of a voter. This theory\\nset up by Mr. Hagert, that fraud vitiates everything it touches, is so on a\\ngeneral principle. It is so as to the deed he spoke of. If I alter\\nmy deed with reference to the boundaries in question, that affects\\nme because I am the guilty actor. But where there is a community\\nof interest, such as is the case with votes all collected into a single box,\\nthe action of one bad man cannot affect any other members of the com-\\nmunity. Therefore the doctrine must be to restrain the action to the illegal\\nactor; throw his vote out and nobody s else. It is not Col. McClure or", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "153\\nCol. Gray. They are only the parties to this contest. It is every voter\\nin the Fourth Senatorial district of Pennsylvania. These men are of small\\naccount in the law, except as p\\\\iblic interest regards them as public agents.\\nBut the great principle of law is to obey the majoiity, and not to give the\\nseat to Col. McClure because he, by the process of confusion, or of superior\\norgHnization, happens to throw a little more confusion over it, and there-\\nfore gives a little more trouble to analyze. Confine the investigation to\\nthe analysis. Sift, search, prove, disprove, reject, separate the true from\\nthe untrue, and declare the true.\\nWhat is to be done with these personations Mr. Hagert says they\\nare to be charged to you. Now, then, I will bejust as argumentative on this\\npoint as on any other. Where a person illegally votes for a given candi-\\ndate, and that can be ascertained, of course that is to be charged against\\nthe man for whom the vote was cast. But where you do not know how a\\nperson cast his vote, it has got to be deducted from the poll. I read again\\nfrom the same book in McDaniel s case, page 249, the syllabus is page\\n238, To reject an illegal vote it must appear for whom it was polled. It\\ncannot be taken from the majority. And in the body of the opinion the\\nsame ground is recited where an individual did not know for whom he\\nvoted. Here was a case that depended on one vote. How was that case\\nto be decided because it was not known how the man voted Why his\\nvote was deducted, not from the vote of a candidate, but from the poll,\\nand that left the man in his seat. That doctrine was carried out still further,\\nand I will read again with your permission. In purging the poll, illegal\\nvotes are to be deducted from the entire vote, and not from the majority,\\npage 558, Gibbons vs. Shepperd.\\nMr. Hagert presents no other alternative, no other theory to you. I\\ncannot conceive of any contingency in which the application of this theory\\ncan be presented, except where a poll is so mixed and confused that it is\\nutterly impossible for you to count it, and then you will have to throw it\\nout as, for example, where a four year old child totters into the room,\\nseizes the tickets lying in the room and empties them into the ballot box.\\nThere you cannot decide; there the poll will have to go out. But when\\nthe process of purgation is used, by either showing the legal vote or by\\nproving the illegal vote, then you have got the right means of ascertaining\\nthe justice of the case. Mr. Hagert says reject the poll, or says reject the\\nreturn, which, as I have already shown you, is a distinction without a\\ndifference, and remit us to the privilege of counting our votes. Well now,\\ngentlemen, I ask you to look at the ridiculous nonsense and absurdity of\\nthat thing. It cannot be done in the fourth senatorial district during the\\nwhole term. Count the vote, and he says we have counted it in some\\ndivisions, and counted as high up as twenty; if that is not the whole vote,\\nlet Mr. Biiggs show it by bringing up every other voter. That is turn-\\ning things around with a vengeance. I stand upon the return. It is", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "154\\nmine. You impeach and the labor is on you, and when your labor ceases\\n1 will rebut it; but until you do I will stand upon the presumption the\\nlaw gives me. I speak as a lawyer to law/ers.\\nHe has proved in the loth division of the 20th ward, 126. He is credited\\nwith 108. 211 were given for Mr. Gray. That and 108 are 319. Out of\\n319 he proves 108, and he says I have received every vote in the district,\\nunless Mr. Briggs proves that the balance of them are cast for some one\\nelse. Can that be maintained? Is it tenable in reason? Does it find\\nlodgment in the judgment of any sensible man Does it not convince you\\nand every rational man that it proves simply that so many votes out of a\\nnumber of voters were cast for that man, and does not prove or imply that\\nvotes were not cast for another man You remit us back to the process\\nof proving the balance of the votas, what then? Col. McClure said he\\nwanted five days. I told you I could not meet the demand upon me in\\nthe eight days given me. T told you I could not do it. Why, you know I\\nhave not proved them. You know it as well as if you had counted every\\nvote in the district. Y et the limitation is put down upon me on that\\ntheoi y, that they had limited me as to time, and when the stroke of the\\nclock strikes the hour we will shut down the time, knowing that one-half\\nof the vote is not in, leaving it to the wisdom of the Senators of the Com-\\nmonwealth to see that justice is done. Justice has not been done! Can\\nyou resolve yourselves back to the citizenship that is in you, and say to\\nyour neighbors, justice is done? Can you say it, when out of the 20,000\\nvotes in this district, 2,000 are proven? That is Mr. Hagert s justice,\\nand such justice would strike at the basis of our institutions and turn into\\ndisorder and revolution the order which we respect. You throw out the\\npolls to the extent to elect McClure without giving me time to count the\\nvote, and you work a greater injustice than do the men who tamper with\\nthe ballot box of one we expect nothing, of honorable Senators we expect\\nmore.\\nThat virtually ends the argument, except reading an extract from the\\ntestimony. Mr. Hagert, for some purpose not relative to the issue, has\\nread some of the testimony. Repeaters! Why we have them in abund-\\nance. There is not a jot of difference between a democrat and a republican\\nrepeater. They would sap the very foundations of our government and\\ndestroy the fabric of our free institutions without hesitation. Who is a\\nrepeater He is not a democrat or a republican. He is a repeater, a\\nscoundrel of the deepest dye who should be hung to the nearest lamp post,\\nfor a man who thus strikes at the institutions of our country is infinitely\\nmore of a scoundrel than a man who risks his own life while taking that\\nof his fellow man. The one does it by stealth and runs no risk, or if he\\ngoes to prison for it, his character is such that the incarceration does not\\ntaint him. There is no difference between a repeater on one side and a\\nrepeater on the other. They are simply repeaters, nothing else.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "o\\n155\\nI will read j-ou, in rebuttal of the attacks made by Mr. Hagert, a few-\\ninstances of testimony. I said I had met everything in rebuttal except one\\nor two divisions, and I would have met them if I had time. Mr. Cassidy\\nwill say that you have not done it, but you know just as well as you know\\nyou draw the free air of heaven that you shut down the limit of time and\\nprevented me from doing it.\\nOn pages 412 and 413 of this printed testimony is the evidence of Wm.\\nDouglass\\nI was stationed in that district to look up the suspicious places of\\nlager beer dealers. I was on Tenth street, by the Tenth and Eleventh\\nstreet depot. I saw a man that I came across in the lager beer saloon,\\nand this man met four ex-police officers, which I recognized as being in\\nthe Seventeenth District and the Second District. I do not know the\\ngentlemen s names, but I have seen them there in that district. This man\\nthat ran over to them was Dugan. I saw him give evidence against Tim\\nRiley in Alderman Colgan s office. He gave them tickets. They says to\\nhim, We want McUlure tickets; and he .gave them to them, and says,\\nNow is your time, and pushed them on the back, and says, Go up.\\nThinks 1, I will just see what they do, and I went up behind them. They\\ngot into line, and went through the I cgular routine. I did not see which\\nnames which voted on, because I paid no attention to the question of resi-\\ndence. They got in their votes and walked ofi and walked off down\\nTenth street. I walked down Tenth street after them. They went from\\nthere down, and, I believe, they went to their divisions. This Dugan is\\nthe man I recognized as giving them the tickets, and I mentioned it to him\\nin the Alderman s office when he swore against Tim Riley. Ilis testimony\\nwas that he was an inside officer, and I says, Are you an inside officer?\\nand he says, Part of the time I says, Part of the time I knew you\\ncould not have been inside, because I saw you give those men tickets, and\\nsend them up to vote.\\nQ. Where did these men, whom you saw get into line, live\\nA. In the First or Second Ward.\\nQ. You knew them?\\nA. Yes, sir. I do not know their names, but I could recognize them\\nif I saw them. I know they were in the Seventeenth District and the\\nSecond District, and that is the part of the town where I live.\\nQ. What did you see at Metzger s, at Eleventh and Girard avenue?\\nA. I saw a party of men from the First, Second and Fourth Wards.\\nQ. How many were there in that company?\\nA. I suppose eight or ten. They invited me to drink with them.\\nQ. Did they vote\\nA. I could not say whether they voted or not.\\nQ. Did they go to the polls", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "156\\nA. They went to the polls, and another man by the name of Carter\\nasked me to drink.\\nQ. Did Carter vote\\nA. I could not swear to that fact.\\nQ. Did you see him in the line going up\\nA. I saw him in the line.\\nQ. How near did he get to the windovr when you last saw him\\nA. Three or four were before him approaching the poll. When I took\\nmy eyes off him, he was still in the line, approaching the poll, with his\\nticket in his hand.\\nQ. Who were these men\\nA. They were familiar faces, but I could not speak their names.\\nQ. Had they been officers?\\nA. Yes, sir, to Mayor Fox, living down town. Carter pointed out a\\nman to me, named Sergeant Lynch.\\nQ. How many of these men were in this gang\\nA. I suppose eight or nine, as near as I could get at it.\\nQ. How many had voted\\nA. 1 suppose three or four. I don t think they were all in the line at\\nonce.\\nThat is not conti adicted. With all their flourish of trumpets, with all\\ntheir cry of shutting me off because they wanted to rebut, they did not con-\\ntradict it. You gave them the opportunity, and they accepted it, but went\\nno fuither. They had all their witnesses there, and they did not call them.\\nI know that some of their witnesses were there and they did not call them.\\nHenry C. Gladding, an officer on the Reserve Corps, also testified\\nI was in the Fourth Sanatorial District. I arrived in the Fourth Di-\\nvision of the Twenty-fifth Ward about half-past 11 o clock, and I stayed\\nthere until half-past 5.\\nQ. Describe what you saw there speak of it in your own way.\\nA. When I arrived there, I saw Alderman McMuUm. He had a party\\nof about fifteen or twenty. I know a great many of them. That was what\\ntook me up there. I knew a party was going up. Some of them belonged\\nin the Third and some in the Fourth Ward. Some stands at Third and\\nMonroe, and some stands at Fourth and Monroe. Robert Lister Smith\\nhad a gang of ten or fifteen. They belonged down town.\\nQ. To what political party did these people belong\\nA. To the Democratic party- I saw Johnny Ahern there. He drove\\nover there about 3 o clock in the afternoon. I don t know that he had a\\nparty. I saw Constable Cunningham and Alderman Collins, who had a\\nsmall squad there of about five or ten.\\nThe headquarters of Alderman McMullin was at a lager beer saloon.\\nHe had it full of his backers all day.\\nQ. To what party did these men belong?", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "157\\nA. To the Democratic party, or wherever they could get any money, I\\nsuppose. They were around the headquarters of Alderman McMullin all\\nday. He took a b\u00c2\u00abick room in a lager beer saloon, just above the polls.\\nBob Lister Smith and this Cunningham had their headquarters in the bar\\nroom. I noticed several times McMullin come out in a carriage, and the\\ncrowd would go somewhere else, into another saloon, and he get into his\\ncarriage and drive off. Shortly afterward there would ten, twenty, or\\nmaybe thirty men come past the Fourth Division and separate. We would\\nnot see them for about, I judge, ten or fifteen minutes, and the first thing\\nI would see would be Alderman McMullin come back in the carriage, and\\nhe would not be long back before the same crowd would come up. Bob\\nLister s party did the same thing. He would drive away in his carriage,\\nand the crowd would go away. When he came back, the crowd would\\ncome back.\\nBetween the hours of half-past 12 and 2 o clock, or half-past 2, some-\\nwhere there, the first disturbance took place there. There was a man had\\na little liquor in him. He had a Gray ticket. It was open, and there was\\na large, tall man, about my height, standing alongside of him as he came\\nup. There was talk and controversy about it, and he blackguarded him\\nfor voting for Gray, and he went up to put his ticket in. and he was\\nmashed in the mouth. I turned around to an officer and said, I want to\\nhave that man arrested, and I will appear against him. Two officers came\\nup in uniform, took hold of this chap, and when they took hold of him\\nthere was a rush made for the officers. I grabbed hold of him, and as I\\ndid this Mr. Ward grabbed hold of the same man, and when we got to the\\ncorner this man tripped Ward, and Ward fell under him. I held on to\\nhim, and a couple of other officers came, and we got him up. We took\\nhim up the street, and, going across the lot to the station-house, two or\\nthree parties attempted to take him away from us. There was some people\\nthere following us, and we took them in charge; and when we got to the\\nstation-house we found a blackjack on him.\\nThere was a disturbance there the whole time until this arrest was\\nmade but after this arrest was made it was quiet until half-past 5. Then\\nI called at the Sixth Division, and walked over to Alderman Devitt.\\nQ. Did you see any of these men in the line for voting\\nA. I seen one or two, but most of them stopped when they came there,\\nwhen they saw parties from down town who knew them. I saw ex-\\nsergeant Martin. I know him well, and worked in the Custom House\\nalong with him.\\nQ. Had Martin a gang with him?\\nA. He was hunting for the headquarters of Alderman McMullin.\\nI have read these for the purpose of showing you that the evidence is not\\nall on one side. Alderman McMullin, under my cross-examination, was\\nvery frank, and you will remember said that he got twenty men in line", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "158\\nfrom the wharf, and that the police officers made a charge upon them and\\ndrove them from the line, and that it cost him S200 out of his own pocket.\\nWhat was Alderman McMullin doing there? Electioneering. Is it\\nnot against the law of the State for me to go into your district and elec-\\ntioneer Is it not against the law of the Commonwealth for me to be there\\nelectioneering Never was public interest more concentrated in any con-\\ntest than it was in this. We had a State Senate tied, 16 to 16. The man\\nwho would get in would be the pivotal man, on whose vote turned all the\\nlegislation of the Commonwealth. This great interest influenced all of us\\nwho took an interest in the elective franchise to take a special interest in\\nthis election in the Fourth Senatorial District on the 30th of January last.\\nHence I do not complain of Mr. McMullin, or Lister, or Ahern going\\nthere. I complain of them because they went there for the purpose of\\ninterfering with the popular will. Again, look at the interest we had in\\nthe result of this election. You have the Constitutional Amendment Bill,\\nyou have the Congressional Apportionment Bill, and other vital matters\\nbefore your body for action, and we are on the eve of an election in this\\nCommonwealth for Congressmen. Governor, Justice of the Supreme Court,\\nand on the eve, as well, of a presidential election. Such a concentration\\nof public interest never has occurred before within the recollection of cer-\\ntainly any man in this Senate chamber at any one time. Hence the great\\nstruggle in the Fourth Senatorial District, and why the people have become\\nintensely excited and anxious with regard to this.\\nNow, whether one of the alternatives of Mr. Hagert will change the\\nresult or not, I am not prepared to answer. I doubt very much whether\\nMr. Gray will be unseated by his process of purgation that is, striking\\nout the poll, and counting the votes that have been proven by Mr. Gray\\nand by jNIr. McOlure, unless you strike out whole divisions. He asks you\\nsimply, if I understand him aright, that because during some of the hours\\nhe got a return for twelve votes where he ought to have had fifteen, there-\\nfore strike out the whole poll during the day That is an iron rule. If\\nsuch a process of striking out is to be applied, why not strike out the hour\\nin which Col. McClure received twelve and should have received fifteen,\\nand when Mr. Gray got eighteen The striking out of one hour won t do\\nmuch mischief, but if you let it infuse its virus forward and backward\\nduring the whole hours of the day it will do much mischief. I cannot\\nconceive that seven honorable Senators will work out injustice in judg-\\nment such as that that is, by striking out for one day a poll wherein\\nmischief was done during one hour. Do not disfranchise every man that\\nvoted dui ing the day, simply because three or four votes were taken in\\nat that poll in one hour that should not have been received.\\nMr. Hagert closed with an allusion to the importance of this case that\\nI heartily endorse. In conclusion, I cannot conceive of a higher or holier\\nduty ever committed to man than has been committed to you. The eyes", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "159\\nof the Commonwealth as well as of the nation are on you. This case has\\nbecome a subject of observation throughout the entire nation. It will\\nenter largely into the campaign that is about opening, as your report may\\nbe one way or the other. I hope and trust that no considerations of that\\nkind will influence you. It is an important case\u00e2\u0080\u0094 one of greater magni-\\ntude than has ever transpired in the State of Pennsylvania, except that\\none aUuded to the other evening by the chairman of the committee\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the\\nBuckshot War and I doubt, in view of the different periods in which the\\ncases occurred, whether it is not even greater than that. I shall commit\\nthis case to your hands. I have spoken to you my honest sentiment. I\\nsaid at the commencement of this case that I never stood up in public,\\nbefore a court or before a jury, and I will say it now before a committee,\\nand utter that which I do not believe. 1 may be mistaken, but that which\\nI say is my honest and my heartfelt opinions. I am very much obliged\\nfor the very kind attention with which you have listened to me, and the\\nmany courtesies I have received during the piogress of this trial. It is a\\nsource of gratification, that in the great and severe labor we have all\\npassed through, covering so long a period, that nothing has occurred to\\ndisturb the current of good feeling that has prevailed from the beginning\\nof the case. Gentlemen of the committee, I now commit the case, on ray\\npart, to your consideration.\\nSenator Mumma. There is one little point on which I would like to\\nhave your views. In order to constitute a legal election, it must be held\\nat the time and place designated by law, of course. I apprehend also by\\nofficers lawfully acting, at least by persons not legally disqualified. It has\\nbeen proven that some persons were oiBcers subject to the disqualifications\\nof law cited by Mr. Hagert, and I have no doubt he has correctly stated\\nthe law. Were these men so disqualified I would like to have your views\\non that point.\\nMr. Briggs.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 My theory is this. If a vote is pure, the channel through\\nwhich it passes will not aifect it. An officer de facto is an officer de jnre.\\nTake, for instance, the Mayor of our city or the Judge of one of our Courts.\\nIf he sits there and receives the vote, a simple illegality on his part will\\nnot taint the ballot, if he did his duty. Hence, I submitted to the fact\\neduced by my friend, Mr. Cassidy, in one of his cross-examinations. In\\none of the divisions the officers I showed were not sworn until 4 o clock\\nin the afternoon. That does not taint the ballot, because they were not\\nall properly sworn. There the testimony showed that their proceedings\\nduring the entire day were regular in other respects.\\nMr. Cassidy. They were legally elected and legally entitled. The\\nquestion of Senator Mumma is, were those sitting legally qualified\\nSenator Mumma. Could any set of men come there and hold an election\\nat the time and place designated by law, and make it legal, if otherwise\\nregular Do I understand you to go that far", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "160\\nMr. Briggs.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 T will go to that extent, that any man who sits in the\\nplace of an election officer, that discharges the duty of the official, that is\\nguilty of nothing but an act of omission, if he does not interfere or taint\\nthe ballot, it does not matter whether he possesses there the appointment\\nof law or interjects himself into the judgment seat. It does not make any\\ndiflFerence. The voter does not know that he is not an officer. The voter\\ngoes to the polls within the time and deposits his vote, and the man re-\\nceives it as if he was an officer, and he is an officer cle facto. Tliat very\\ncase was decided in one of these very cases which General White has re-\\nferred to.\\nMr. Cassidt. I would like to have that case now. There is no doubt\\nat all that there are decisions where a clerk, otherwise competent, or dis-\\nqualified by reason of non-residence, or by reason of holding, possibly,\\nsome not very material office, went on to discharge his duties and dis-\\ncharged them fairly, and that such an act in no way tainted with fraud\\ndid not vitiate that poll. But there is no decision in the State of Pennsyl-\\nvania, or anywhere else, that declares that persons not qualified to hold\\nan election, or rather persons prohibited by law from holding an election,\\ncan hold a legal election. On the contrary, from the time, in 1856, when\\nChief Justice Thompson decided the Mann-Oassidy case, to this day, there\\nhas been no exception to the general rule that police officers, custom house\\nofficers and government employees cannot hold a legal election. They are\\nnot qualified officers, and cannot be made so by any process unless they\\nutterly abandon their places, and cannot be made so then unless by honor-\\nable abandonment of their places.\\nSenator Mumma. There is another question I would like to understand,\\nwhether, if one or two would be thus disqualified, and the majority of\\nthem qualified officers, what effect would that have?\\nMr. Cassidt. I would say for myself that if one officer merely was\\nthere without being qualified, and the election itself was otherwise con-\\nducted regularly, that that mere irregularity ought not to vitiate that poll.\\nBut if that officer was judge, and another officer prohibited by law acted\\nas inspector, and another one prohibited by law acted as clerk, and I found\\nall their proceedings equivocal, covered all over with fraud, I should say\\nthat election ought to be vitiated.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "CLOSmS ARGUMEITT FOR COITTESTAITT.\\nBY LEWIS C. CASSIDY.\\nSenators\\nI have had the honor upon several occasions to appear in my profes-\\nsional capacity before a committee of the Legislature of this Common-\\nwealth, but in no case have I ever been so impressed with the importance\\nand dignity of the interests involved as in this. The people of the\\nFourth Senatorial District of this State, without regard to political\\ndifferences, are before you, demanding that you shall declare by your\\njudgment, that elections shall be free and equah This is a case resting\\nupon no doubtful evidence. It is based on no strained construction\\nof the law. We do not charge, you will notice, mere irregularities in\\nthe conduct of the election in the Fourth Senatorial District; we do\\nnot charge mere commissions of fraudulent acts but we charge that the\\nelection was conducted in pursuance of a conspiracy to commit a fraud,\\nand that the fraud culminated in giving the certificate to Henry W. Gray\\nthat the whole of this election in the Nineteenth Ward, in the Twentieth\\nWard, and in the Twenty-fifth Ward, was the result of a combination\\nto cheat Mr. McClure out of his certificate. That the whole election\\nwas one vast fraud, and this I think I can demonstrate as clearly as\\never a case was established in a court of justice.\\nI do not mean in the course of this argument to complain, as my\\nfriend, Mr. Briggs, would seem to think, that persons collected money\\nfor party purposes, and that an ordinary party organization was carried\\non here. Nothing of the sort. But I claim, and I call your attention\\nto the fact, that in a mere Senatorial election, in this single Senatorial\\nDistrict in the City of Philadelphia, in which no one was in any way\\ninterested, except the citizens of that district, the officials of the whole\\ncity were taxed to produce a fund for use in this district. The funds\\nordinarily procured for election purposes, as you all very well know,\\nare raised to pay for printing tickets, for advertising in the public\\n11", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "162\\npapers, for bill posters, and bands of music and public meetings, and\\nmatters of that sort. There was neither music, public meetings or any-\\nthing of that kind in this Senatorial fight. There was not a public\\nmeeting held in the Fourth Senatorial District at the expense of the\\nEepublican organization, or of those claiming to be friendly to Mr.\\nGray. Not one. There were no advertisements that would amount to\\nthe dignity of ordinary political appeals.\\nSuch being the case, I wait for the counsel on the other side to tell us\\nwhy at least ij^7,000 of money was put into that district by the friends of\\nhis client. My friend, Mr. Gray, repelled the idea of paying money to\\nthe persons in New York who were to come here and testify how\\nthey voted therefore it was not used for that purpose. It was not paid\\nto the election officers who conducted the election, for by law the City\\nof Philadelphia pays thein. It was not paid to the men who elec-\\ntioneered upon the other side, because they generally belonged to those\\nwho held public office, and they received their salaries for that day.\\nThere is but one way left to account for the use of this money, and that\\nis to pay the repeaters who, by the uncontradicted testimony before\\nyou, went into that district under the command of such leaders as\\nRiley, Hollick, Souder, Stevenson and scores of others, whose names\\nyou have heard, and went from precinct to precinct through the Nine-\\nteenth Ward, across to the Twentieth Ward, and back to the Twenty-\\nfifth Ward. That they were there is beyond any sort of doubt. Did\\nthese gentlemen, belonging to the organization oi professional repeaters,\\ndo this thing for the public good? Are they so enamored of my friend,\\nMr. Gray, that they did it from affection for him? No, gentlemen^\\nthey did it for a price, and part of this conspiracy was not only to\\nraise the money, but to pay them for this not only dirty but criminal\\nwork.\\nThat these repeaters were in that district, and doing this vile work,\\nour friends upon the other side have not denied. They pretend that\\nsome of them they do not even allege all of them that some of them\\nwere there in our interest, and they named the fifteenth precinct of\\nthe Twentieth Ward, and Mr. Briggs goes through the ceremony\\nof reading Mr. Douglass testimony to establish this view. The\\ntestimony of Douglass, if it makes for anything, tells terribly against\\nthe sitting member; for, if they were there, and voted in the fifteenth\\nprecinct of the Twentieth Ward, they must have voted for Mr. Gray,\\ninasmuch as we have produced before you every man who voted for\\nCol. McClure, and the names of these repeaters are not among them.\\nWe produced more persons who established the fact that they voted for\\nmy client than the election officers selected by our opponents returned,\\nAnd if Jno. Lynch, and Douglass and other repeaters were in that precinct,\\nand voted, the proof is overwhelming, and the logic of the transaction", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "163\\ninevitable, tliat they voted for Col. Gray. I have no doubt that these par-\\nties were there. I have noi the shadow of a doubt that they voted and\\nas we produced every man who voted for McClure, so that you saw him\\nand knew where he lived, and knew his business, and ascertained that he\\nwas a qualitied voter, and our opponents could have at onoe contradicted\\nit if there was any error, it cannot be said that Lynch and his friends\\nvoted for us, and if they did vote in that precinct, it was in pursuance,\\nand part and parcel of the arrangement started by the organization that\\nraised the money, and used it in the Fourth District to corrupt and\\npollute the ballot-box.\\nIt was not sufficient, gentlemen, to procure repeaters, and bring them\\nto the polls to vote, it was necessary that the election officers of some\\nat least of the precincts should be made to receive and count these\\nvotes. The election officers had been named before the October election,\\nand therefore the men who were to conduct the election of January\\n30th were well known. Those who had distinguished themselves as adepts\\nin manipulating election returns, and holding elections in October, had\\nreceived their reward, and hence it is that many of the officers of this\\nelection are found on the police, in the Navy Yard, Custom House and\\nother places of public employment. What the corruption fund did not\\naccomplish, power and place did. Notwithstanding the Act of 1839\\nexpressly prohibited persons holding these places from holding posi-\\ntions as election officers, in pursuance of the conspiracy referred to by\\nme, they remained inside as election officers, and carried on this farce\\ncalled an election, and consummated the crime by unduly returning the\\nsitting member.\\nIn ail the divisions where these repeaters are seen, I ask your atten-\\ntion to the fact, that the election officers, or a majority of them, are the\\npolitical or personal friends of the returned Senator, and I also invite\\nyour attention to the fact that repeaters are found in no precinct lohere\\nCol. Me Olure s friends are in the majorlti/ in the election board. Is not\\nthat a pregnant fact in all this case? Our opp jnents would have you\\nbelieve that in the fifteenth precinct of the Twentieth Ward, where the\\nreturns show 103 majority for Mr. Gray, that the friends of Col. McClure\\ncould go there to repeat, with police officer Haines, in citizen s clothes,\\nwith the window book, ononesideof the window, and officer Stamback,\\nwith his blackjack, on the other, and a Custom House official presiding\\ninside, and this in the face, also, of the fact that the officers swore that\\nthey knew almost everybody in the precinct. To state these proposi-\\ntions seems to me to answer them, and to put the whole matter at rest.\\nBut the parties who were concerned in this conspiracy were not con-\\ntent with this general inside management of the election. They went\\nfurther. Police officers thronged this district\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not those of this police\\ndistrict. No, sir! But those sent from other districts, from the extreme", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "164\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0southern end of the City of Philadelphia, in citizens clothes, to\\ndo what? To preserve the public peace? No! They were actively\\nengaged, as testified by all parties, in electioneering, and no way in\\nacting as officers, but solely as partisans, and instead of preserving the\\npeace, actively engaged in disorder and violence.\\nAnd here let me call your attention to the fact that this election,\\nbeing a special election, and not subject to the control of the Eegistry\\nLaw, the Act of 1839 provided who should keep the polls clear; that if\\nthere be any excitement about the polls, the judge of the election, or\\nthe election officers, shall call upon the constables of the ward to clear\\nthe poll, and the constable is the officer appointed by law to be in\\nattendance, and there are enough constables in a ward to do that. The\\npolice, as police, have nothing to do with it. On the contrary, there is\\na decision of our local court on the subject of these very police officers\\nthat requires them to stay, as police officers, at least sixty feet from the\\npoll any attempt upon their part to come nearer to it, to interfere with\\nit in any way, has been solemnly decided in our county to be a very grave\\nmisdemeanor. Yet these officers, in violation of that decision, and of the\\nspirit of the law, that requires law officers to be in the neighborhood,\\nperhaps, but to in no way interfere with the right to a fair election, these\\npeople were not preserving the peace, but obstructing the poll, intimidating\\nhonest voters, protecting the repeater, and arresting the citizen. Why\\nthe quietest of these police officers undertook to manage the outside\\nof the polls in divisions where they were entire strangers. You\\nremember the case of the precinct in the Twenty-seventh Ward, where\\nLieutenant Smith, from the Sixth Ward, several miles distant, without\\nexhibiting the slightest authority, and without being called upon by\\nanybody, removed a young citizen of the division from the line of voters.\\nAnd again, one of his officers gets into a scuffle with a citizen of the\\ndivision, almost at the window of the poll, and strikes him, in such\\nplain violation of law that when they arrested the citizen. Sergeant\\nSayres, as I remember the testimony, upon being appealed to by Mr.\\nEuuis, a resident of the neighborhood, discharged the man, being unable\\nto find cause for his detention.\\nAll through the day you have the testimony of similar conduct by\\npolicemen. You see officer Arnold voting up town in the name of\\nPodesta. You see officer Stambach, who, when citizens came to vote\\nand asked for a ticket for McClure, saw them assailed with black-\\njacks without interfering to protect them. All over the district you\\nsee the police active, not in preserving order, but in electioneering\\nand wherever a difficulty is made, the citizen who is knocked down is\\ntaken to the station house, and the blackguard who strikes him per-\\nmitted to go free; and that is called, in the City of Philadelphia, a free-\\nman s right to exercise the elective franchise untrammeled and undis-", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "165\\nturbed. I do not go over this testimony, from precinct to precinct, to\\npoint out these things to you, but I say that in all these precincts there\\nis the fullest evidence to show that the police officers were active par-\\nticipants in all the disgraceful proceedings at that election that those\\nwho were appointed, in the City of Philadelphia, to protect our lives\\nand our liberties, were prominent as the law-breakers of that day.\\nThe men who conducted this election were selected under the Eegistry\\nLaw. You can readily see how this conspiracy could have been carried\\nout when you remember that feet, because in selecting the officers to\\nrepresent the minority, whether that was called upon this occasion the\\nDemocratic party, or those friendly to Col. McClure, or by any other\\nname, those who were acting for the minority had not the confidence\\nof that minority, and were not selected by them or those in sympathy\\nwith them. They were selected, as were all the officers of this elec-\\ntion, by the political friends of the sitting Senator, some of them\\nhonest but ignorant of all knowledge as to their rights or duties,\\nand vianij of them clearly dishonest. Do you remember the election\\nofficer, the old gentleman who told you he had been living in the\\nprecinct for twenty odd years, and that he protested against many things\\nthat the majority officers did, and that they told him it was all right,\\nbut who looked out of the window and found the police and repeaters\\nknocking down his son and taking his window-book from him? Do\\nyou remember that this gentleman went to the station house and liber-\\nated this sou, only to find on his return to the polls that the police were\\ntaking another son to the station house, in order, of course, to keep the\\nfather away from the poll, so that, innocent as he was, and honest as he\\nshowed himself to be, he would be away from there and the poll would\\nbe absolutely in the hands of those who were friendly to Col. Gray, and\\nin the absence of any one to represent Col. McClure, the papers and\\nthe ballots could be manipulated to suit them? An arrangement, set\\nup, to use a cant phrase, to induce the minority officers to leave the\\ninside and let the majority manage as they pleased. This was the sys-\\ntem adopted to manage a poll where the minority officers were dull\\nbut honest.\\nAmong the many remarkable features of the election is that of the\\nsixth precinct of the Nineteenth Ward. The testimony shows that\\nwhile four men of one political party were inside, five men quietly\\nwalked in and took out tlie ballot-box, and the ballots and all the pa-\\npers, and destroyed them; it was the quietest riot you ever heard of.\\nThere was no blow struck; there was no lock broken; there was no pane\\nof glass fractured there was no force used or angry word uttered. The\\nofficers inside were friends of Mr. Gray, and the poll itself was within half\\na square of a station house, filled with police officers, organized, as the", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "]f)6\\ntestimony in the case abundantly proves, and ready for any work against\\nCol. McClure. Can this committee, under this state of affairs, have any\\ndoubt as to who really did this deed? Can there be a doubt that it was\\ndone by the friends of the sitting member, and directed in further pur-\\nsuance of that conspiracy to cheat Col. McClure, to which 1 have already\\nreferred, and upon which I have commented? It was part of tlie ar-\\nrangement to pretend that the ofBcers were overcome that the ballot\\nbox was broken up and all the evidences of election were destroyed, so\\nthat they could come before an investigating committee and call a score\\nof people unknown to the committee, and ask them, who did you vote\\nfor on that day? and so make a poll for them greater than they could\\nmake out for themselves at the regular place and at the regular election.\\nAnd to do more. If there was to be a contest in this case, that they\\nmight have a set-off against the numerous evidences of corruption which\\nthey knew would be exposed. Four men, armed with the authority of\\nthe law to resist wrong-doers, within half a square of a police station\\nhouse, to sit quietly by and allow five unarmed men to walk in and take\\naway their boxes! No, it is not likely, and our friend, Mr. Briggs, does\\nnot know the Nineteenth Ward managers if he thinks it possible. He\\ndoes not know the gangs that have become famous in this locality.\\nThey have figured in various scenes that I have professional knowiedge\\nof, and they are not men to allow such a procedure while they look\\nquietly on. They have distinguished themselves in various grades of\\ncrime in our city, from that which was tainted with blood to that which\\ncorrupts the ballot-box.\\nTliis is a contest between the honest, law-abiding people of the dis-\\ntrict and the corrupt, disorderly and disgraceful organization of rings\\nin the City of Philadelphia, that have made it secondary to New York\\na by-word through the country. It is an effort upon the part of the\\nRepublican decent people and the Democratic decent people, like to\\nthat in New York, to put down the rings of the City of Philadelphia,\\nwhether they be police, or gas, or water, or any other corrupt combina-\\ntion to cheat the people and no greater step has ever been taken toward\\naccomplishing the high purpose of relieving the people of this incubus\\nthat is upon them, and has been upon them for years, than was taken in\\nthe brave course adopted by Col. McClure in his almost single-handed\\nand gallant fight for the Senate. My friend, Mr. Briggs, in the course\\nof his speech, alluded to a power in Philadelphia greater than the city.\\nI do not exactly know to what or to whom he alludes, but I can tell\\nhim that in my experience brains and pluck against corruption and\\nknavery make the honest one a majority. That McClure had these\\nqualities none can deny, and none, I believe, when this contest is over,\\nwill more cordially agree with me in saying that he is entitled to the", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "167\\nunbounded confidence and respect of all decent men for exposing to the\\nJigat of day this most infamous conspiracy to cheat the people, than Col.\\nHenry W. Gray, the sitting member.\\nHave we shown that this conspiracy was conceived? Yes! And we\\nhave shown who was in the combination; and we have shown that its\\npurpose was to issue a certificate to a man who was not legally entitled\\nto it. We have shown that they conrsummated the conspiracy. Accord-\\ning to the views of my friend, Mr. Briggs, tliere is no remedy for this.\\nUnless I can show in person the number of fraudulent votes that will\\novercome Mr. Gray s forged and fraudulent certificate, I can do nothing.\\nIs the law so impotent as that? My friend, in support of this doctrine,\\nquotes the Dechert case, and appears in the certainly new role, to him,\\nof an advocate of that decision. I thought, as I heard him address this\\ncommittee, that I could see on the face of the Senator from Indiana,\\nastonishment that one pretending to hold his political views, should\\nadvocate the view of the Dechert case presented by Mr, Briggs. It\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0mounded strangely, I should think, to the ears of Republican Senators,\\ncoming from a gentleman I am sure we have been taught for many\\nyears to look upon as a leader of the Republican party in the City of\\nPhiladelphia, and with which party the Dechert case is certainly most\\nodious-\\nI trust I will be able to demonstrate that the law in the Dechert case\\nin no way conflicts with the position of the contestant, and in passing I\\ncongratulate my friend, Mr. Briggs, upon his position. I know of no\\ngreater evidence of the progress of political enlightenment than his\\nendorsement of that opinion. I congratulate him upon arriving at the\\nconclusion for the adoption of which I have been contending from the\\nmemorable case that you all know, in 1856, down to the present time.\\nThe very doctrine that my friend denounces here in such eloquent and\\nforcible terms, I felt the force of in the Mann and Cassidy case; for in\\nthat case, upon that very ground, the decision went against me in which\\nmy opponent succeeded in obtaining the office. I have, therefore, a\\npersonal as well as professional feeling against that doctrine. Before\\nproceeding to discuss the purely legal position of our case, I would like\\nto reply to many matters introduced by our opponents in the course of\\nthe argument, to attract attention from the main point of the case, and\\npartly to mystify the course of investigation.\\nAmong other things my friend, I think, stated that wherever we had\\njittacked a precinct, he had squarely met the issue and answered it.\\nWill he point to the page iu which can be found the testimony of Aid.\\nLutz, or, as I suppose I ought to call him in this case. Doctor Lutz? I\\nhave no recollection of hearing him examined; yet, if I remember the\\nlestimony correctly, Lutz, who was at the time of this election and is", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "168\\nnow an alderman in the lower part of the City of Philadelphia, upon\\nthe side my friend says he belongs to, the Eepublican side, was\\nfiguring conspicuously in the opposite portion of the town, the Fourth\\nSenatorial District, as the head of a band of repeaters in the. interest\\nof Col. Gray, and so anxious about his title that he was desirous\\nthat his friends should call him Doctor, Perhaps the recent Sena-\\ntorial investigations would induce that gentleman, if he had the\\nopportunity now, to ask his friends to call him Eeverend. It does\\nnot follow that because he was called a Doctor, it may mean a Doctor of\\nMedicine. It might very well mean a Doctor of Election Polh, which\\nprofession he was certainly engaged in. But Aid. Lutz was not the\\nonly gentleman who escaped the notice of my friend, Mr. Briggs. I\\ninvite his attention to quite a number of persons whom I would like to\\nhear from, or his explanation for not calling them.\\nIt would have been very satisfactory to hear from Albert Fields, who\\noccupies a position under the Eegister of Wills of Philadelphia.\\nThen there is that virtuous citizen, Joe. Ash, connected with the High-\\nway Department, and that very respectable gentleman, known in the\\ncriminal court as Dan Eedding. Also, Mr, Hollick, connected with the\\nCustom House or the Gas Works, who had charge of a band of repeaters.\\nThen Mr. Stotzenberg, a police officer, who thought his highest duty\\nthat day was to impress his responsibility upon the heads of people\\nwho differed with him by a blackjack. Then there is Mr. Stambach,\\nwhose occupation was in the same line of police duty, and Mr. Deputy\\nCoroner Sees. He was in attendance. I saw his very good-looking\\nface several times while this investigation was going on, and I thought\\nbefore it was finished, my friend would give me a chance of examin-\\ning how many, and by what authority he issued the tax receipts\\nhe gave in Miller s tavern that day. You will remember that he took\\na person, who had no tax receipt, into a public house, and when he\\ncame out he not only had a tax receipt, but a voucher, and voted.\\nAnd then will my friend tell me where he examined Alderman Smith.\\nThere was no difficulty about finding him. It is not John, but a well-\\nknown official, who is charged, directly upon oath, with attempting to\\ncorrupt the election officers. It was not only due to the case that this\\nwitness should be called, but it was due to the character of the minor\\njudiciary of Philadelphia. But the failure to call was wise. The\\ntruth would have been overwhelming and certain defeat.\\nAmong the names connected prominently with the fraud, there is one\\nwhich attracted some attention in the City of Philadelphia\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Mr. Eitten-\\nhouse, Assistant Commissioner of Highways. He was charged by a\\ncitizen, with detail of time and place, with attempting to corrupt the\\nballot-box. That gentleman was, all the time that you were sitting in", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "169\\nthe City of Philadelphia, a resident and official of that city, within two\\nsquares of your place of meeting. Why was not he called to contradict\\nthe assertion, made on oath, that he had corrupted the ballot-box? It\\nhas been stated by his friends openly in Philadelphia that this charge\\nwas false, yet there never was as grand a chance for a man to clear his\\nskirts of a dirty and damnable taint upon it, as there was when the\\noccasion offered of putting him on the witness stand, and letting him,\\nin the presence of Almighty God, state whether it was true or not. Am\\nI not authorized by this omission to state he knows that it is true. He\\nknows by the oaths of these men, charging him with that offence upon\\nthat day, that it is true, and to the discredit of our jury system, be it said,\\nhe is to-day unwhipped of justice.\\nGentlemen, you perceive by this that my friend is mistaken when he\\nundertakes to tell you that he has answered our case. No, my friend,\\nyou have answered none of it! You have answered none of it! Shack-\\nling as my friend and colleague, Mr. Hagert, said your defence was,\\nrickety and doubtful, you could have produced at least a portion\\nof the persons whose names and residences we have furnished you\\nas actively engaged in this fraud. You have neither brought them\\nforward nor offered an excuse for their non-appearance. They could\\ncontradict our assertion if it was not true, and they dare not commit\\nperjury. This failure to call known and obtainable witnesses is by\\nevery rule of evidence strongly corroborative of our case.\\nGentlemen, I call to your attention another matter which our\\nfriends on the other side will be unable to deny, and that is, that all\\nthrough this case the sitting member has not pretended to assail, upon\\nthe ground of fraud, a solitary precinct that gave Col. McClure a\\nmajority. I wait to be pointed to a solitary precinct in all that\\nSenatorial District that Col. McClure carried, that has been assailed\\nupon the ground of fraud. I would like you, on the other hand,\\nto jyoint me out a solitary precinct in the district that Col. Gray carried,\\nthat ive have not assailed tvith fraud. There is not a precinct in the\\ndistrict that Col. Gray carried, that we cannot point out evidence of\\nfraud. There is not a precinct in the district that Col. McClure car-\\nried, that you can put your finger upon anything wrong. These facts\\nought to settle this case. Even in the precinct where the officers were\\nnot sworn until four o clock in the afternoon, my friend does not pre-\\ntend that anything wrong was done, an illegal vote taken, or a mistake\\nin the count of a figure. In the Twenty-first Ward where, you may\\nremember, another one of these distinguished membei S of the minor\\njudiciary. Alderman somebody, I have forgotten his name, did not swear\\nall the parties, but where he only swore the judge, and told a blunder-\\ning officer to fill out the papers, and he did so, including the name of\\nthe alderman, thinking he had the right to sign that too. Even in that", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "170\\nelection division there is no mistake in the vote; there is no pretence\\nthat an illei^al vote was polled, or a fraud of any kind committed.\\nThe Twenty-third Ward is assailed in the answer, yet not a scintilla\\nof i^roof produced upon the subject; so that, after all, this fight narrows\\ndown to the Nineteenth and Twentieth Wards, and part of the Tweny-\\nfift i Ward, except a few precincts of the Twenty-seventh Ward, and all\\nof these are precincts where Col. Gray had a majority of the election offi-\\ncers. The real defence, gentlemen, is, however, presented in that part of\\nthe argument, there being none of any kind in the evidence, which asserts\\nthat you can-iot throw out entire polls, and that as you cannot throw out\\npolls, the sitting member is in no danger. Well, gentlemen, there are\\nsome of the members of this committee who, I think, will be driven by\\nthe stress of what they will recognize as authority, both senatorial\\nand judicial, to say that polls can be thrown out. From the day of\\nWeaver against Given, and the number of cases that Mr. Briggs is\\nfamiliar with, decided in the City of Philadelphia, down to the case of\\nWart and Diamond, which I had the honor to argue before a Senatorial\\nC(\u00c2\u00bbramittee, this doctrine has been held both by the courts and the\\nLegislature, and certainly a portion of the committee I have the honor\\nof addressing, would be driven to recognize these decisions as binding\\nauthority. I might, therefore, stand upon that doctrine upon the ground\\nthat, though personally I do not think it right, it is the law of the land\\nas settled by authority, and, therefore, binding my client, this committee\\nand all citizens; but I prefer to put this case upon what my mind drives\\nme to believe is the correct logical consequence of the position in which\\nthe evid Mce places this case. The citizen who claims his seat as Sena-\\ntor, furnishes as the evidence thereof his certificate of election it is as\\nvaluable and sacred as the paper title under which he claims his house,\\nand no more. If I show by competent evidence that the paper title under\\nwhich the sitting member holds his seat or his house, is a forgery, he has\\nno title at all. If I show by evidence that it was conceived in fraud and\\nborn in corruption, he has no title. It is as worthless a piece of pajier\\nas if it was entirely blank. Therefore, when I come to investigate his\\ntitle to his office, I look, not only to the certificate itself, but to the re-\\nturns on which it is based, and in order to examine the chain of title to\\nsee whether it is perfect, I must examine the returns made for the differ-\\nent polls. To do this understandingly, we must look first to the law\\nunder which the election was held, see what was required by that law\\nas to who should conduct the election, and how it should have been\\ncarried on. The election was held on the thirtieth of January last.\\nThe election law, known as the Eegistry Act, did not provide for the\\nmanner of conducting a sj)ecial election, and, therefore, this election\\nwas required to be held in accordance with the provisions of the Act of\\nAssembly of 1839. Although the Registry law provided for the", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "171\\nappointment, in a given way, of the officers to conduct all elections\\nwithin the year, it did not, in the case of a special election nccurring\\nduring that year, and not otherwise provided for, in any way dispense\\nwith the Act I have just quoted. This Act of Assemhiy, T beg to call\\nyour attention, prohibits police officers, and officers of either the State or\\ngeneral government, from serving as election officers, and of course no\\nappointment of the Board of Aldermen of such persons would entitle\\nthorn to act. Carrying in our minds this law, we find on a review of the\\ntestimony that a large majority of the officers conducting (his election\\nin the fifteen assailed precincts, were by law disqualified, and coukl hold\\nno election. They were to be treated precisely as if they were stran-\\ngers. If Senator Mumma, and Senator White and myself were to go up\\ni lto these precincts and hold an election, the returns made by us would\\nbe quite as valid as if held by these men; and I do not suppose it would\\nbe for one moment supposed that we, or other strangers or disqualified\\npersons, were competent to hold the election. The paper title is, there-\\nfure, !t the very outset of the investigation, found to be fatally defective;\\nbut I go a little further to show you how valueless this title is. In these\\nfifteen precincts, these intruders on the polls, did what they not only\\nhad no authority to do, hold the ])oll, but they held it, meaning under\\nthe color of law to cheat one of the parties to the contest, and that\\nall the papers they returned to the office upon which this certificate\\nissued ure false and fraudulent.\\nTo estal)lish this view, I take up the hourly return for the purpose of\\nshowing that, in the ivhole of thene. 15 precincts, m every one of them, there\\nwas gross fraud. I look at the hour of 1 1 o clock, and I find five votes re-\\nturned for Col. McClure and I produce before yon fifteen well-known citi-\\nzens who voted during that very hour for McClure, and state the fact to\\nyou under oath. I cannot very well understand how this could have\\nbeen a mistake, but it might have been. There might have been another\\nhour involved with this, or a man might have put a wrong figure down,\\nor put a figure in awrong place, or there might have been an error of\\ncalcuhition in which it might have been done, and I therefore take up\\nthe second hour in every case. In the second hour I find Col. ]\\\\IcClure\\nreturned an nothing, and I produce eleven citizens who voted for him in that\\nvry hour. I begin to doubt that this was an accident. I begin to\\nthink this must have been intentional. I begin to doubt the honesty of\\nthese officers, and I look/or a third tiour. In that hour I find two returned\\nfor Col. McClure, and I find and produce before the Committee eight who\\nvoted for Col. Mr.Clure in that very hour. Will the sitting Senator, in\\nthe face of this, argue to you that that was an houest election; that\\nthe men inside were doing their duty; that it was a mistake and not a\\nfraud? Oh, no! They know and feel that this fraud cannot be\\ndenied. Then, what is to be done? Why, they say, strike out the hour,", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "172\\nbut do not disfranchise the honest citizens who voted. Strike out the\\nhour! Would not that disfranchise the honest citizens who voted in\\nthat hour? Would not that be doing the very thing you have denounced\\nin such eloquent terms, stating that you must not disfranchise the\\nhonest, law-abiding citizen who had nothing to do with the fraud?\\nWhy, if you strike out the hour instead of the poll it may, perhaps, not\\nproduce the same result in figures, but it is the same thing in principle.\\nWhat else takes place in these precincts? We come now to look at\\nsome of the little things as Mr. Briggs would call them. The\\nelection officers are disqualified by law, and they have committed a\\nfraud in the hourly return. This would seem abundantly sufficient to\\nstamp the whole matter as undue and false, but they have done more.\\nThe Act of 1839, under which they held that election, says that every\\nman who comes to that poll to vote, whose name is not on the assessor s\\nlist, shall produce a voucher, who must be a qualified elector in that divi-\\nsion, who shall state tmdcr oath that he knows the man to be a qualified\\nelector in that division, and the election officers must write down on the\\nlist of voters the name of the voucher, so that if he has committed\\nperjury he can be found and punished for his perjury and I say that there\\nis not one case in all these assailed precincts where this laio ivas regarded.\\nThe law, too, states that where a citizen is challenged upon his right to\\nvote upon the ground of tax, he must produce his tax receipt, or where\\nhe cannot produce his receipt and has paid his tax within two years, he\\nmay be qualified to that, and that fact must be written opposite his\\nname. There is no instance of that. If he votes on age he must pro-\\nduce the evidence of that, and that fact must go down on the record\\nwith the name of the voter on age, so that we can go beyond the voting\\nlists and verify the vote cast on age if necessary.\\nI do not yet stop. Challenges were disregarded when made by a citi-\\nzen. In the language of ex- Alderman Sinex, who, until recently, was\\nanother distinguished member of the minor judiciary of the City of\\nPhiladelphia, and who presided at one of the polls of the Nineteenth\\nWard as the judge, and took the vote of a man who called himself Orton,\\nthe real Orton being a citizen who lived within two doors of this judge s\\nresidence, and whom he well knew, said, we don t have any challenges\\nat a Senatorial election, an assertion that, if not sound in law or morals,\\nhad, at least, the credit, so far as this election was concerned, of being\\ntrue. In some of the polls they were more prudent than Alderman\\nSinex, or wiser, if you will. They didn t announce the startling pro-\\nposition that there was no challenging in a Senatorial election, but\\nthey did not mind anybody who did challenge, or investigate any that\\nwas made.\\nAnd so I might go on and detail other matters; but as they will", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "173\\nreadily jiresent themselves to you, I content myself with pointing these\\nout, and averring that no item of the Act of 1839 ivas complied loith in\\nany one of these precincts, and that, therefore, as to the conduct inside\\nthe election polls, these returns were fraudulent and false, and not such\\nas you or any tribunal could build a certificate upon, or found a paper\\ntitle worth talking about. But what is to be said about it when I put\\nbefore you hosts of witnesses to prove the most glaring, impudent and\\noulrarjeous frauds, outside of and through the windows of every one\\nof these polls, ever perpetrated in a community. You, gentlemen,\\ndid not perhaps understand why we adojited a different course of\\nthings in some precincts. In the twentieth and the eighth divisions\\nof the Nineteenth Ward, and in certain other precincts, we went specifi-\\ncally through every hour of the day, and showed to you exactly the\\nstate of aftairs. You will remember, when you gave us permission to go\\non, our time before you was limited to a certain number of days, and I\\nthink you will give us the credit to say that when we were before you\\nwe were diligent in our work. There never was a day when we were\\nnot ready with a sufficient number of witnesses to occupy all the time\\nof the different sessions of the Committee. We early perceived that\\nthis contest would be made a battle of time, and if we took up each\\nof the 15 [precincts to go through them, hour by hour, as we did in\\nthese particular precincts, the time for the adjournment of the Senate\\nwould be at hand, and some of your terms would expire, and the\\nexamination would be still unfinished. Under that view of the case\\nwe adopted a different line. Having shown that certain precincts\\nwere corrupted, hour by hour, all the way through, by a certain\\ncharacter of fraud, that is, by repeating, by 2)ersonating, by neglect of the\\nelection officers to comply with the law, by having election officers who\\nwere not qualified inside, by police officers on the outside, by riotous and\\ntumultuous disturbances at the polls, we took up several hours in each\\nof the other precincts to show that the same general character of fraud\\nand disorder extended through them also. We said we will take up\\neach precinct and go through two or three hours in the day with each\\nprecinct, and if we can show to this Committee the same character of\\nfraud that we have so abundantly established in the other precincts, we\\nwill have the right to stand before them and say Gentlemen, of course,\\nif these other precincts were contaminated in the same way as those\\nwhich we have specifically reviewed, you can pay no respect to these\\nreturns. If you will follow that view, you will find in every one of these\\nprecincts, amounting to more than 15, that we have assailed the integrity\\nof all the polls by the same character of fraud that we have exposed in\\nthe eighth division of the Nineteenth Ward, and in the twentieth divi-\\nsion of the Nineteenth Ward, and that other evidence warrants the\\nbelief that it extended throughout the district.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "174\\nLet us instance the case oi repeating. You remember the Nineteenth\\nand the Twentieth Wards join. It is the easiest thing in the world tor\\na man to enter the Nineteenth Ward at one corner, vote at the first pre-\\ncinct, walk to the next precinct, follow to the next precinct, follow on\\nto tlie next, and so on through the Ward; cross to the Twentieth Ward\\nand then back, and up to the Twenty-fifth Ward, and repeat again, and\\nso on all around the circuit. These gangs of repeaters are seen with\\nthe same leaders that day going their rounds in all jsarts of these three\\nWards, and whertver we have Jound fraud and wrong at all, we have found\\nhe presence and track of this very set of men,\\nir, tueu, 1 have stiown you that these returns were made in the way I\\nhave pointed out to you, then upon what earthly principle, either of\\nlaw or justice, can you undertake to say that they are honest and true\\nreturns? If they are not, then you must within the Act of Assembly\\nconsider them false returns. If they are false returns, the certificate\\nbased upon them is false, and is not made according to law a return\\ncovered with fraud, and therefore not to have the validity of a true\\nreturn. What, then, is to be done? After we have produced the evi-\\ndence to show that your election was fraudulent, that the return is laise,\\nthat the items upon which it is made up are a mass of falsehood and not\\nentitled to credit, what is to be done? Why, if you, the sitting Sena-\\ntor, claim this seat, after showing this state of affairs, the burthen of\\nproof is put upon you, and you must show the honest vote by which you\\nclaim to hold this place. This course requires the sitting member simply\\nto call the honest men who voted for him, and show he was the man\\nwhom they desired to occupy the seat in the Senate. As Justice Thomp-\\nson not the Chief Justice, but the presiding judge in the Common\\nPleas, in the case of Mann and Cassidy said it is no hardship to require\\na man who claims a seat to show his perfect title. He must take the risk\\nof a good title, and he must show us he has a title in some other way,\\nwhen the usual one fails, and we will give him the right to show his\\nvote. That has been followed by Judge Allison since, in a distinct\\nrecognition of that doctrine. He differed from his colleagues in one of\\nthe cases, in which he said I am for sending this case back to the\\nExaminer. As we are going to throw this return out, I want the holder\\nof the certificate to have the right and opportunity to prove his vote.\\nSenator Buckalew. They were in favor of throwing the returns out?\\nMr. Cassidy.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 They went further. They, that is a majority of the\\njudges, were in favor of throwing the polls out, that is, disregarding\\nthe election, and he differed from them. Therefore, what the Com-\\nmittee could say to Col. Gray would be, now, as your paper title has\\nfailed, proceed with your testimony to show you have any title, Test\\nhim by that, and what has he done? The counsel for the sitting Sena-\\ntor aaw this pinch and did his best to meet it, and almost all the time", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "175\\noccupied by him has been in the effort to prove the actual vote of\\nCoi. Gray. Examined by the testimony on this subject, what becomes\\nof Col. Gray? Col. McClure would have at least 400 majority, but I\\ncontend that the paper title being out of the case, and as it appear.-, by\\nthe evidence that there were but two candidates before the people, that\\nwhere Col. Gray avers he received 100 votes, and he proves but 60,\\nand it is shown that the remaining forty votes were polled, thac the\\nremainder of the 100 votes polled must necessarily have been for his\\nonly opponent. Col. McClure. I trust I make myself understood about\\nthis matter: that if Col. Gray undertakes to prove his vote before this\\nCommittee, sitting as an election board, and if the Committee know\\nfrom the evidence before them that there were 150 votes registered and\\ncast in that precinct, and Col. Gray produced but 70, the balance of that\\nvote belongs to Col. McClure, the only other candidate. Is there any-\\nthing illogical or unfair in that proposition? The proof is before you\\nthat a given number of people voted. The list of voters, persons quali-\\nfied and entitled to vote, is in evidence before you. He has produced\\nin one precinct 60 for himself, and can produce no others; every other\\nvote cast in that precinct belongs to Alex. K. McClure, and is to be\\ncounted in making up that return for Alex. K. McClure, and that\\nwould make Col. McClure s majority in this district over 1,300 and\\nwhile any assertion of mine is, of course, to be taken not as evidence,\\nT have no more doubt that that is less than his lawful majority than T\\nhave that I am addressing you upon an investigation into the grossest\\nfraud ever perpetrated on the people.\\nMy friend, Mr. Briggs, thinks that it would be a very hard case that\\nbecause a few illegal votes were put into the poll by bad and designing\\nmen, and some few irregularities were found, that the poll should be\\nthrown out. But what does he call a few, and what are irregularities?\\nI have seen so many people hovering arotmd my friend during this\\ncase whose names are tainted with fraud, that I begin to fear possibly it\\nhad spread itself all over the neighborhood until even the pure and the\\nupright have become demoralized with its taint for without this I do\\nnot understand him. When you go into the 15 precincts, and you can\\nestablish that 300 fraudulent votes were put in the boxes, even in the\\nshort time allotted to us, I trust my friend won t do himself the injustice\\nof talking about a fe,vo illegal votes. I trust also, then, that when we\\npoint that out to him, and he finds that these votes were polled in pre-\\ncincts that were in the hands of police officers, custom house people,\\npost office people and navy yard officials, who did not regard their oaths\\nof office, some of whom did not even take the oath of office, he will\\nthink that these officers are included in his category of bad and design-\\ning men. I wish he had told us, especially in view of a matter wh.ch I\\nhave reason to believe will take place in a few hours, and \\\\vnxi.h would", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "176\\ngive his answer the sanction of judicial authority, exactly what he\\nwould do under such circumstances. How would he punish, if on the\\nbench, such bad and designing men, and, if he would not adopt our\\nremedy for this wrong, how would he punish the fraud when you can\\nfurnish the evidence of the amount but cannot furnish the evidence of\\nall the names? Is a poll like that, a return so false, forged and fraudu-\\nlent, to be considered as of the same sanctity as a return issued by honor-\\nable gentlemen like the Senators I now address? Why, if that is true,\\nw^hat becomes of character and reputation, and all that makes life dear\\nin a community? Is the act of a scoundrel, a vagabond and falsifier as\\ngood evidence to furnish title to office as the certificate of Senator\\nBuckalew or Mr. Briggs? Surely the law is not so impotent. The law\\ndoes not disgrace itself by any such proposition.\\nPersonations are to be stricken out from the total result, is the next\\nview of the sitting member; I do not dispute that proi^osition. Perso-\\nnations, where you are unable to identify them, where they are mere\\npersonations, of course, come from the total, as being votes illegally cast\\nthat you cannot take from either party, because you do not show for\\nwhom cast. But it is otherwise when I show, as in this case, that the\\nvote was cast for Col. Gray. In every precinct where I have proved a\\npersonation I have proved the vote of Col. McClure, produced the citi-\\nzen, that you might see him, let you know where he lived, and for whom\\nhe voted, and then I proved that these personations were not among\\nthem the persons who appeared before you, testified they voted for\\nMcClure, and in every instance we produced more votes for our side\\nthan were returned as polled; and as there was no other person to vote\\nfor, they must have gone to Col. Gray. Is there any mystery about\\nthis, because my friend has said this seriously as if there was? I trust\\nthere is none in the minds of the intelligent men I address; for if\\nthere are 7 votes only returned for Col. McClure in a given hour in anj\\none precinct, and these 7 gentlemen I now address live in that pre-\\ncinct, and they voted for Col. McClure in that given hour, and I call\\nthem and prove their votes, I prove their names and their residences;\\nand if in that very hour there are 10 other people who voted who had\\nno right to vote, it cannot be said truthfully that they voted for\\nMcClure.\\nWell, but if there is a little fraud here and a little fraud there, says\\nmy friend, it does not vitiate anything. Yes it does vitiate everything\\nit is connected with. The paper upon which the result depends is a\\nwhole. It is a certificate, and that certificate is based on a number of\\ncalculations. If that certificate, in any of its calculations, is false, the\\ncertificate itself is valueless. If that certificate is put down as repre-\\nsenting 150 votes, and I prove that 70 of them are false, how are you to\\ncount it at ail, because it cannot be argued that if I find 70 false that the", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "177\\nother 80 must be honest? On the contrary, I say that the presumption\\nis, that if 50 of them are false it taints all, and those who say the\\nbalance are honest must show it. The presumption of law in favor of\\nan election officer doing his duty exists so long only as I cease to attack\\nit. The papers returned are prima facie evidence of title it is true, but\\nif I attack the return, and, in my assault, destroy half on which it is\\nfounded, I take aioay from it its prima facie character, and that is exactly\\nwhat I have done in every one of the assailed divisions, and have, there-\\nfore, destroyed any value attaching to the return as prima facie valid.\\nWith this view of the law, the Dechert case is not only not against us,\\nbut authority in our behalf.\\nI put this case on the broad, substantial, just doctrine held in the\\nDechert case, that where a retur7i is false, it is no evidence of anything,\\nand therefore it is to be treated like a forged note, or a forged deed,\\nand of no value to the party holding a seat under it. He must prove\\nhis title to his seat in some other legal manner. He may prove it by\\nparole evidence. If he cannot prove it that is his misfortune, but it is\\nbut the position of any other person before the tribunals of the Com-\\nmonwealth.\\nI might continue this line of argument; but I am reminded that you\\nhave been wearied by hearing the counsel talk most of this day, and\\nnight approaching admonishes me that I must bring my address to an\\nend. There is much I might have said, and that I have not uttered,\\nbecause, as I am talking to intelligent men, Senators and law-makers of\\nthe Commonwealth, I can afford to take less time than I could before\\nother tribunals. I have gone over this case, doubtless, in a wearisome\\nway, and at more length than I meant to; but I trust I have shown\\nyou that this return is false and fraudulent. I might take up this A nali/sis,\\none, by the way, of the most useful and intelligent I ever saw, made by\\nmy friend and colleague, Mr. A. W. Fletcher, to whom we are all. In many\\nother matters in the case, largely indebted, and I could show you any-\\nwhere, just as I do now, by taking up the tenth division of the Twenty-\\nsecond Ward\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a division entirely out of the 15 precincts heretofore\\nreferred to\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and what do I find? I merely call your attention to one of\\nthe liftle things that shows the whole of the scheme of organization that\\nexisted all over that district that day. In this division John Briggs, a\\nwindow inspector, saw the judge of the election take tickets out of his\\nvest pocket and put them in the ballot-box, and take a corresponding\\nnumber out of the box, and the judge refused to allow Mr. Briggs to\\nremain at the window. This is the way they conducted the election. In\\nthis specimen of an honest precinct they did it by putting in votes that did\\nnot be o)ig in the box, and by taking out votes thai did, and this is only a\\nspecimen brick of how it was done in other parts of the district.\\n12", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "178\\nThe same thing was done in the thirteenth division of the Twentieth\\nWard. Or take the tenth division of the Twentieth Ward, which is\\nalso a division not included in the fifteen, to which I have mainly\\ndirected my attention. There George Smith followed gangs of\\nrepeaters, led by custom house officer Kiley, gas officer Hollick,\\nand custom house officer Souder; he saw them vote at that poll, and\\nwhen the window-book man challenged them, they blackjacked him and\\nleft him insensible on the pavement, and pursued their round of repeat-\\ning through the district unmolested. In that precinct, also, Mr. Chas.\\nH. Miller, the window-book man, was blackjacked, policemen assisting;\\nand Mr. DuHadway, a respectable citizen, who called on an officer to\\narrest the men who had beaten Mr. Miller, was insulted. Now, gentle-\\nmen, that is a locality, one of the most reputable, perhaps, in the City\\nof Philadelphia, so far as appearances are concerned, and in that precinct\\nwe had the advantage of the police, you perceive. Policemen, imme-\\ndiately upon a citizen undertaking to vote contrary to the police view,\\nput him through a sort of blackjack exercise, and left him wounded on\\nthe ground. That is another instance of the freedom of elections in this\\ndistrict. I think my friend s stereotyped question to all the witnesses\\nin this case was, whether the polls were not free to the voters. Certainly\\nthey were. There was not a man who wanted to vote for Oray, who did\\nnot get the chance to vote once, and two or three times if he ivanted to\\nbut the liberty ended there; the McClure man had no chance.\\nIn the third division of the Nineteenth Ward we have another speci-\\nmen of a free election. You remember a Mr. Wm. H. Holloway, who\\ntestified very intelligently, and who was the inspector of the election in\\nthis precinct, stated that a gang of repeaters came to vote, and one\\nreached his hand through the window and stole a portion of the books\\nMr. Holloway went outside to have him arrested, and was assaulted by\\npolicemen with blackjacks. Gentlemen, do you remember what saved\\nthat man s life that day? I trust you have not forgotten it, and lest\\nyou should, I will repeat it. This gentleman, who had lived in that\\nprecinct for twenty-odd years, had his book torn violently from him,\\nand while in the act of appealing to the police officers, was surrounded\\nby a gang of ruffians and beaten with blackjacks. Fortunately for him,\\nearly in the day, an alderman I think it was one of the Crawfords\\ncame in to see the election officers. He had a very handsome\\nsatin badge for Gray, and Mr. Holloway asked him for it and re-\\nceived it. He took it, and, without thinking any more about it, pinned it\\non the inside of his coat; but when he went outside to have those who\\nassailed him arrested, and in the scuffle his coat flew open and the Gray\\nbadge appeared, when his assailants declared, We have made a mistake,\\nthis is the wrong man and thus the Gray badge saved his life. This", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "179\\nis a little piece of the history of the way in which elections are conducted\\nin the City of Pliiladelphia generally, and a marked specimen of this\\nFourth District election. It is uncontradicted, and told by as reliable\\nand truthful a man as any in the Senate of Pennsylvania, and by one\\nwho was spared to tell us only by the mere accident I have alluded to.\\nDo you wonder that we get warm about these matters? Do you\\nwonder that the people are aroused to a degree that I tell you is danger-\\nous any longer to trifle with? I tell you a little more of this fraud, or a\\nhesitation now to assist in suppressing it, will arouse the people to\\ntake this matter in their own hands, and then woe be to the evil doer.\\nIf you fail to aid the people in their just demand for relief at your hands^\\nthe people in their might will themselves see that justice is done. If\\nthe judgment of the courts, senatorial and judicial, are to be merely\\ncarried out in the enforcement of political orders, and if to argue a case\\nbefore a committee means nothing but to ascertain its political com-\\nplexion, and if in going into a court in the County of Philadelphia, the\\njudgment of it depends upon the names of the judges and who they are,\\nI tell you the people that dethroned the corrupt administration of New\\nYork will relieve themselves in some way, not, perhaps, satisfactory to\\nthose who love justice according to law, but at least in a way that relieves\\nus from fraud and rascality. There is a way to entirely satisfy the peo-\\nple, and it is that the courts, still trusted by the people, shall give an honest\\nadjudication of the cases submitted to them, and decide them upon their\\nmerits. I need not remind you, gentlemen, that it has been said in the\\nolden time, and repeated over and over again, that justice finds its true\\nresting-place in the bosom of God, that judges of the law are His min-\\nisters, responsible in a higher degree for all they do than the mere\\ncitizen, for they are the custodians of their rights and liberties. I\\nappeal to you, gentlemen, therefore, remembering what responsibilities\\nare upon you, to see to it that in this case this cause is decided without\\nfear, favor or affection, according to the merits of the case and the law\\nof the land.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX\\n4-^\u00c2\u00bb^\u00c2\u00bb\\nTHE CATTO MEETING.*\\nColonel A. K. McClure was the first speaker, and lie spoke\\nas follows\\nThis is in no sense a partisan occasion. A common peril\\nhas called this vast assemblage together. Grave considerations\\nof the public peace and personal safety have compelled you to\\nmeet and deliberate. It is not the ruffian, the bully, the bur-\\nglar or the murderer that demands a positive and earnest\\nexpression of public opinion in behalf of public order. For\\nsuch the law is ample. Against such it can shield the citizen,\\nand vindicate its majesty by appropriate punishment.\\n[Applause.]\\nIt is our boast that ours is a government of law, but its\\ngreatest of laws is unwritten in the statute books. There are\\ncrimes of mighty magnitude before which courts and statutes\\nbow in helplessness. Offences thus supreme before the ordi-\\nnary tribunals, call forth the supreme remedy of the land the\\ngreat tribunal of enlightened public opinion. [Cheers.] It\\nis ever omnipotent. Whether it is as the hand-maid of the\\nstatutes and of the courts, or whether it is a law unto itself, it\\nis the solemn judgment of the last resort. [Applause.]\\nIt has made memorable its supremacy in every stage of our\\nprogressive civilization. At times it has left rude marks of\\nthe provocation that made its long forbearance a crime against\\nhumanity. In our early frontier settlements, and even in the\\nmidst of regulated communities at times, corrupt or powerless\\nOn the thirteenth of Ootober, 1871, a meeting was called, without distinction of\\nparty, to express the indignation of the community at the death of Prof. Catto, who\\nwas killed on election day. As the speech was much canvassed during the special\\nelection campaign, it is given from the report of the Evening Telegraph.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "182\\ntribunals have been chastened and strengthened by the sove-\\nreign attributes of public sentiment. In extreme cases defiant\\ncriminals have yielded summary atonement to this dread tribu-\\nnal, that wrote its inexorable decrees only on its terrible\\nmonuments of justice. In ordinary times, in organized and\\nwell-ordered communities, it is often aroused to assert its\\nmajesty, by the growing prevalence and power of unwritten\\ncrimes against the dearest prerogatives of our citizenship.\\n[Applause.] Its mission, under such circumstances, is within\\nthe law and of the law. [Applause.] It is not to seize the\\nmurderer or the ruffian and execute hasty punishment. With\\nthe creature, or the menial agent, who sends the death-bullet\\nhome to the heart, or drives the keen-edged steel to the vitals\\nof the unoffending citizen, this assemblage has nothing to do.\\nWe have pure and faithful judges, and I trust upright officers\\nand agents of the people in all the various departments of\\njustice, who must deal with such as the law declares to be\\ncriminals.\\nWe are called together to invoke the sovereign power of a\\ncivilized community against the criminals the law cannot know.\\n[Applause.] Many of them are probably guiltless of premedi-\\ntated wrong. Many others are as guilty before the Great\\nJudge of all the living as are the skulking assassins who have\\nstained their souls with the life-blood of their fellows. The\\nmen who hurried Catto, and Chase, and Gordon to untimely\\ngraves, and made a score of wounded in our midst, would have\\nbeen nerveless for the fiendi?h work had not some wide-spread,\\nsubtle moral miasma poisoned their hearts, maddened their brains,\\nand impelled them to lawlessness and murder. [Applause.]\\nWe are here to deal with the fountain whence comes this moral\\npestilence, [prolonged applause,] not with the petty streams\\nwhich bear its deadly currents to individuals. We are here to\\ndeal with principals, who teach and order violence and murder,\\nnot to decide upon the guilt and punishment of the unconscious\\nagents and willing dupes who reflect the cowardly malice of\\nothers in riot and bloodshed. [Applause.]", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "183\\nAnd who are responsible The murderers were not made\\nguilcy by the hope of gain. They had no personal feuds to\\nmake mortal enmity. They and their victims were to each\\nother strangers. No sense of personal wrong quickened the\\npassions and made a brother s death gratify individual resent-\\nment. They met in the discharge of the noblest of our civil\\nduties, and the peaceable, unoffending gave their blood and\\ntheir lives for their citizenship. [Prolonged applause.] Again\\n1 ask the grave question For this disorder, for these wounds,\\nfor these lives, who are responsible\\nLet me answer in all soberness, that the responsibility rests\\nnot solely no, not even mainly with the degraded mockeries\\nof our boasted citizenship, who are now trembling fugitives or\\nprisoners in the hands of the law. The author of these crimes\\nis the organized public sentiment that still teaches the oblite-\\nrated laws of caste, and appeals to the ignorance and passions\\nof the vicious to refuse by violence what our beneficent laws\\nconfer. [Sensation and protracted applause.] It is this\\ncrystallized public sentiment, fostered by prejudice and seized\\nas the potent weapon of the demagogue, that is the fountain\\nof this disorder and death. [Cheers and applause.] It steadily\\nvomits forth its insidious assaults agrainst the laws, against the\\npublic peace, and at times it comes in a deluge of destruction.\\n[Applause.] Its authors are not amenable to the laws. While\\nour laws give equal privileges to the opulent and to the lowly,\\nto the learned and unlearned, they also give to all freedom of\\nspeech and of conscience. But the citizen who deliberately\\nabuses his right to speak and to believe as his judgment\\napproves, and- sows the dragon-teeth of hate and prejudice\\namong his fellows, is responsible to his country and to his God\\nfor the crimes his teachings prompt in the ignorant and the\\ndepraved. [Applause.] Catto did not die because his mur-\\nderer was his natural enemy.\\nHe died because a poor, deluded wretch was taught that the\\nblack man has no rights the white man should respect. [Deaf-\\nening applause.]", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "184\\nIt is this unwritten crime, unpunishable by our laws, that\\ndemands the concerted action of an enlightened public senti-\\nment to dethrone and punish it. It calls every friend of law\\nand order to the front. [Applause.] Whatever his political\\npersuasion, or whatever may have been his views as to the\\nwisdom of enacting the laws we have, he is a foe of society and\\nof the honor and prosperity of our beautiful city, who hesitates\\nwhen called upon to reprobate and put to shame the lav/less\\nteachings, no matter whence they come. Disorder is ever a\\ncrime. It cannot be made exceptional. Nor can it be\\nbounded if tolerated. If it assails the black man to-day with\\nimpunity, it is invited to assail the white man to-morrow.\\n[Applause.] If it strikes down the lowly in one outbreak\\nwith safety, it will strike at the opulent when prejudice and\\npassion demand it. If it can rob of life it can rob of all else,\\nfor all else is less than life. If it can assault the Republican\\nor Democrat for voting or laboring peaceably in accordance\\nwith his convictions, it can assault the Catholic at his mass, or\\nthe Protestant at his altar, because he worships as his con-\\nscience bids him. It has no defenders amongst law-abiding\\npeople.\\nThe remedy, and the only remedy, for the wrong is the\\nexercise of the omnipotent power of the order-loving sentiment\\nof our people. [Cheers and applause.] It is cherished where\\nhonesty, or justice, or charity, or Christianity has a votary.\\n[Applause.] It is limited to no party lines or to no religious\\nbelief. It can enlist under its noble banner the great mass of\\nour people of every honest conviction and pursuit and it has\\nbut to organize its grand tribunal, and declar-e its just man-\\ndate, and it will be obeyed. [Prolonged applause.] While\\nthe courts consign the creatures and victims of this organized\\nfountain of disorder to merited punishment, let the supreme\\njudgment of the law-loving people compel each citizen to elect,\\nby his precept and example, between honor or shame, and\\npeace will come to the black man and to the white man, and it\\nwill come to stay. [Cheers arid applause.]", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "185\\nThere are times when the sacrifice of the life of a citizen\\ndoes not sink deeply into the national heart. Our brave men,\\nwhite and black, gave up thousands of lives to pi eserve and\\nregenerate our government of freedom, and the nation could\\nnot measure its single sacrifices. But there are times when\\nby the fewest and the humblest of lives, a great people may\\nreceive wounds which cannot heal. [Applause.] The dagger\\nor the bullet that prostrates the least of our fellows because he\\nexercises the sacred rights solemnly guaranteed alike to all,\\nwounds in a vital part our best inheritance and our children s\\nnoblest patrimony. [Applause.] To maintain the priceless\\nblessings of liberty and law we have given countless treasure.\\nLife and resources were deemed as but secondary to govern-\\nment. We had made the black man a slave. We disfran-\\nchised, oppressed and ostracised him. We interdicted his\\neducation by statute, made him a hopeless menial, and drove\\nhim without the pale of progress. We denied him the right to\\nprotect the honor of his own humble fireside, and made his\\nchildren the property of his oppressors. But in the fullness\\nof time he came up, through the tempest and flame of battle,\\nto the full stature of his manhood. [Prolonged applause.]\\nFrom the graves of the brave Northern and Southern soldiers\\nof every color and condition peace came at last, with justice\\nand equality before the law as hsr daring attributes, and the\\nnation accepted them as the brightest jewels in the crown of\\nvictory. [Cheers and applause.] It is solemnly affirmed in\\nour fundamental law that our proud citizenship knows no pre-\\nference of caste, condition or color. [Applause.] Just when\\nthe progress of civilization, expanding and liberalizing as it\\nprogressed, had encircled the globe in its flight, and was\\nsurging back from our Western shores upon the cradle of the\\nhuman race, the redeemed Republic of the New World\\nproclaimed to every nation of the earth that our liberty, our\\nlaws, and our citizenship are an ofifering to all mankind,\\nwhether bond or free. [Cheers and applause.] It is the\\npledge of this great government, and it is the personal pride\\nand safety of every citizen, however great or however lowly", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "186\\nand every violation of it aims with deadly purpose at the right*\\nof every individual. [Applause.]\\nWhy Catto, and Chase and Gordon were murdered, and\\nwhy many more were brutally wounded, is well known to every\\ncitizen in Philadelphia. They suifered death and wounds\\nbecause of their race. [Applause.] They were hated because\\nwe have wronged them they were killed or disabled because\\nof their misfortune and we owe it to the majesty of our laws,\\nto our own sense of justice, by which we must expect to be\\njudged hereafter, and above all we owe it to the oppressed and\\nhelpless, to throw the broad shield of the protecting power of\\nour government, and of a just people, over every class of our\\ncitizens. [Prolonged applause.] We have enfranchised this\\nlong oppressed race, as did our fathers in the earlier and purer\\ndays of the republic. [Applause.] They are granted the\\nblessings and made to assume all the responsibilities of our\\ncitizenship, and their nameless tombs on the hillsides and\\nplains of the South testify to the price they have given for\\nequal justice. [Applause.] How they shall discharge the\\nduties and privileges they have acquired it is for themselves\\nto determine within our laws. How they shall vote or speak,\\nor believe, or worship, is for their own free judgment to\\ndecide, and the sentiment that would deny them, or any other\\nclass of citizens, the full and free enjoyment of their rights, is\\nthe enemy of public peace and the author of disorder and\\ndeath. Let all patriotic citizens unite as one man to vindicate\\nthe laws in their full measure of justice and equality, so that\\ngovernment of the people, by the people, and for the people,\\nshall not perish from the earth! [Prolonged applause.]", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "FOR OR AGAINST GRANT?*\\nIt is not tlie habit of this journal to loosely express opinions\\nunwarranted by the facts and we recognize that the high\\nesteem in which we are held by the intelligent public is due to\\nthe constant care exercised in our discussion of public events.\\nIt is not a matter of surprise, therefore, that the charge made\\nby us against Colonel McClure that he was in direct antago-\\nnism to General Grant has created a grave disturbance in the\\nranks of those who were prepared to espouse his cause, but are\\nunwilling to join in any movement to be construed in opposi-\\ntion to the President. An effort has been made to counteract\\nthe effect of our assertion, by public announcement and private\\ncirculation of the statement that Colonel McClure is a Grant\\nman, and that the canvass cannot be considered, consequently,\\nas affecting any but local issues. In this movement it is honor-\\nable to Colonel McClure s consistency to find no evidence of\\nhis instigation or approval. In the able and rhetorical\\naddresses he has delivered to meetings of the voters of his\\ndistrict, he has entirely avoided any allusion to or explanation\\nof his position on this subject. On other matters he has been\\nalmost diffuse; on this, silent. And his reticence is signifi-\\ncant. No Democrat can find fault with anything he has said\\non these occasions, while every true Republican must see cause\\nfor alarm because of his studied omissions.\\nFor several years the subject of Colonel McClure s hostility\\nto the present administration has been discussed at greater or\\nThis article appeared editoriaUy in the North American a few day a before the\\nSenatorial election, and justly assumes to speak the views of the National Adminis-\\ntration in the contest. The article was printed on slips and distributed by the letter\\ncarriers to every house in the district.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "188\\nless length by journals attaching importance to the matter,\\nand without denial on his part. As recently as the 14th of\\nDecember last, he addressed to the editor of the Grermantown\\nTelegraph a letter over his own signature, subsequently pub-\\nlished in several other newspapers, the North American being\\none. In that communication appears the following para-\\ngraph\\nIf not to prefer Grant as the next Republican nominee would make\\nme seem rather ridiculous as a Senatorial candidate, or interpose difficul-\\nties in the way, lam not eligible.\\nThe italics are our own, and we submit to the Republican\\nvoters of that district, who are almost unanimous in their desire\\nfor the renomination of General Grant, that to elect to a posi-\\ntion in which he will hold the control of the Legislature, and\\nso be able to prevent any expression in favor of our present\\nleader, a gentleman who, in advance, avows his opposition,\\nwill certainly be disregarding very apparent difficulties.\\nTo take Colonel McClure at his own estimate, he certainly\\nshould be ineligible. Subsequently, in the same letter. Col.\\nMcClure says\\nI do not prefer General Grant s renomination. It is confessed that\\nthe Republicans have many men who would be more competent, and at\\nleast equally faithful in the first civil office of the goverumeut, and I\\nbelieve that they would much better maintain the unity and purity of the\\norganization.\\nWhen it is remembered that these quotations are from a\\nletter carefully prepared for publication, written in view of\\nthis very contest, and unnecessarily purged of all the bitter-\\nness and violence imputed to its author in personal discourse,\\nit is idle to deny our allegation. Colonel McClure himself\\nhas not done so, and we have no idea that he will. He is a\\nman of too much decision to alter his deep-rooted opinions in\\nan hour, and if he did it would be an evidence of vacillation\\nwhich would not augur well to the hopes of his constancy to\\nthe measures upon the popularity of which he seeks to ride\\ninto power.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "189\\nIn the Fourth Senatorial District there were polled at the\\nelection in October last twenty thousand nine hundred and\\nfifty-six votes for Mr. George Connell, and twenty-one thou-\\nsand may be fairly taken, therefore, as the measure of the\\nstrength of the Republican party in that section. The dis-\\ntrict embraces a very large proportion of the intelligent and\\ninfluential citizens of Philadelphia, including as it does Ger-\\nmantown and West Philadelphia within its boundaries. Hun-\\ndreds resident there will suggest themselves to all familiar with\\nthe people of high mark in Philadelphia, representing large\\nindustrial interests and of superior mental capacity, fitted in\\nevery way to be the champions of any movement intended to\\nexpress dissatisfaction with local management or party disci-\\npline. With a choice among thousands, it is somewhat\\nremarkable that no other selection should have been made as\\nthe proper standard bearer of the dissatisfied than the one man\\nof all that multitude who of late years has been most promi-\\nnently brought before the the people because of his bitter\\nhostility and constant antagonism to the recognized head of\\nthe Republican party the President of the United States.\\nTo Colonel McClure s great abilities we have already borne\\ntestimony; but Ave cannot overlook the fact that his election\\nwould be a denial of countless protestations which have gone\\nforth from the people of Philadelphia. If they support the\\nPresident they cannot support his defamer. Our merchants\\nin formal council, our manufacturers in their trade conven-\\ntions, and our citizens by voice and vote have hitherto pro-\\nclaimed that the course of the Administration has met their\\napproval and the nation at large has been led to believe by\\nher own declarations that Philadelphia would be foremost in\\nthe renewal of her fealty to a chief who had served so wisely\\nand so well. The question is not a personal one to be consid-\\nered as an issue between individuals when the representative\\nof power is assaulted, the power itself is attacked. Nor can\\nColonel McClure be numbered as one of a considerable faction\\nof Republicans in this State opposed to the Administration of", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "190\\nGeneral Grant, and therefore entitled to a voice in the control\\nof affairs for in Pennsylvania the sentiment is so nearly\\nunanimous that we can recall no other prominent man holding\\nthe same views. This is an issue we cannot afford to overlook,\\nand the true Republican will surely hesitate to record any\\nvote which may be construed, and properly so, as antagonism\\nto an administration under which retrenchment and economy\\nhave been so vigorously enforced.\\nWe are anxious as any to see a thorough reform instituted\\nin the management of our local affairs, and we are as loth as\\nany to see the continuance of a system of representation in the\\nworking of which the voice of the majority is not paramount.\\nBut as we differed from those claiming the title of Reformers\\nin the policy they urged of continuing in power a police force\\nwhich was a terror to the timid during its entire career, so now\\nwe differ from them in refusing to see that the road to reform\\nin the municipality is through a course which endorses, if it\\ndoes not strike, a succession of blows at a National Adminis-\\ntration which we are proud to recognize as a model of integrity.\\nColonel McClure is no fledgling filled with ambitious hope\\nto found a political Arcadia he is no untried citizen forced\\nby his recognized merit to unwillingly enter the arena as the\\nchampion of right. He advances to the fight armed with all\\nthe knowledge of the shrewd working politician in none of\\nthe schemes and combinations conceived or fostered during his\\nlegislative career was he ever recognized as holding a subordi-\\nnate position.\\nIt is the Democratic vote to which Col. McClure must owe\\nhis election, if he succeeds and so agreeable to that element\\nis his selection that it almost seems that his choice is the result\\nof their shrewd machinations. There is the very grave ques-\\ntion, therefore, to consider, in addition to the unanswerable\\nargument we have already advanced, whether it would not be\\nmistaken policy to place the balance of power in the State", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "191\\nLegislature in the hands of an astute politician, who will owe\\nhis success, if he attains it, to our opponents and who is\\nhimself so directly at issue in national matters with the mass\\nof Republicans that he might seriously disturb the harmony\\nof the party.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "SENATOR McGLURE.\\nWHY HE GOES TO CINCINNATI,\\nTo the Editor of the Evening Bulletin\\nI thank you for the frankness with which you criticised my\\nassent to the Cincinnati movement in your editorial of yester-\\nday. If your premises are correct your censure is but just,\\nand I could do no less than resign the Senatorial trust con-\\nfided to me by the united efforts of the independent Republican\\npress and voters of Philadelphia. Let me renew the assurance\\nto you and your readers, whose good opinions I hope ever to\\nmerit, that whenever I cannot maintain my plighted faith to\\nmy constituents, or meet their just expectations on any ques-\\ntion affecting their interests or their wishes, I shall feel bound,\\nby every consideration of honor and duty, to surrender the\\nposition I have accepted at their hands.\\nI declared in January last, as you state, that no folly of\\nany one can make me faithless to my plain, positive pledge to\\nobey the well-known sentiments of the Republicans of the\\ndistrict on the Presidency. Taken in connection with what\\npreceded and succeeded the statement in my speech, it is not\\nwithout qualification, but I do not plead it. Upon one point\\nI was so specific that misunderstanding was impossible. I\\nproclaimed, on all occasions, that I would sustain the Repub-\\nlican organization, in or out of the Senate, excepting when it\\nconfronted municipal or general reform, and then I would\\nobey no caucus or convention. I meant all of that then I\\nmean all of tliat now.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "193\\nHad I been returned elected, as I confessedly was elected,\\nin January last, and the question of Grant s renomination had\\nbeen presented for the consideration of the Republican Sena-\\ntors, I would have subordinated my individual preferences, and\\nyiven effect to what was then undoubtedly the choice of the\\nRepublicans of the district. I could have pardoned the Pre-\\nsident s personal, official and malignant hostility to the reform\\nmovement in that contest, on the ground that bad men had\\ndeceived him by their appeals for party organization; and I\\nmicrht have excused it also on the ground that a Senator had\\nno rio-ht to do a wrono; to his constituents because the President\\nsaw fit to degrade his office by interfering with a local contest.\\nBut, after an exhausting struggle with organized plunderers,\\nin which the Bulletin rendered eminent service, the people\\nwere denied a true return of the honest vote, and a fraudulent\\nreturn o-iven to the defeated candidate. With one voice the\\npress of Philadelphia, of all shades of opinion, demanded in-\\nvestio-ation of the frauds. The issue had been tried, and the\\ntrue verdict was well understood by every intelligent citizen.\\nThe question had then ceased to be political in any sense con-\\nsistent Avith justice.\\nIt became a mere question of testing the common honesty of\\nthose who were called upon to act, or who assumed to act, in\\nthe matter; and the administration of President Grant was the\\nhead and front, the bulwark and shield of the men who strug-\\no-led in desperation to commit a double fraud upon the people\\nof Philadelphia, by perpetuating the dominion of the rings,\\nrounders and repeaters in our municipal affairs.\\nWhile a few of us were laboring day and night, after the\\nelection, to prepare the evidence of fraud in form for the con-\\nsideration of the Senate, the command came from the President\\nthat there must be no investigation, and there was not a plun-\\nderer about the State House dens who did not plume himself\\nbecause the edict of power had gone forth to sustain the fraudu-\\nlent return awarded against the people. The Republican\\nSenators rushed into caucus under the lash of the administra-\\n13", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "194\\ntion, and personally importuned and driven by officials direct\\nfrom the throne, to devise how not to allow inquiry into what\\nthey knew to be deliberate fraud upon the better citizens of\\nPhiladelphia.\\nA few Republican Senators meant to do right, but they were\\nunwilling to incur the wrath of power until there was no hope\\nof investigation by obedience to caucus. For two weeks the\\nappliances of the administration were successful, and only when\\nthree brave men declared, with the Democrats, that they would\\nat once vote to select a committee, under the constitutional\\npowers of the Senate, without regard to law, was an act allowed\\nto pass authorizing a committee. But for the manly action of\\nMessrs. Colonel Davis, Strang and Billingfelt, the repeating,\\nballot-stuffing, false counting, perjury and rioting of the Fourth\\nDistrict would have been strengthened for fresh triumphs over\\nthe people of Philadelphia, by the positive protection given\\nthem by the President of the United States. The Bulletin\\nappreciated the state of the case, pending the struggle with\\npower at Harrisburg, when it gave the bold and able leader,\\nnotifying the President that Hands Off was a necessity if he\\nwould preserve the confidence of the Republicans of this city.\\nI beg you to re-peruse that faithful admonition.\\nNor did the desperation of administrative power end when\\nan investigation was ordered. The evidence appalled the com-\\nmunity. It was proven from day to day how the custom house,\\nthe post office, the navy yard, the arsenal and the revenue\\noffices had vomited forth their repeaters, their perjured election\\nofficers, their leaders of gangs of rounders, their scienced bal-\\nlot-box stuffers and their expert forgers of returns. One by\\none, by name and official position, they were pointed out, by\\nsworn testimony, that no effort was made to impeach, and cir-\\ncumstantially convicted of their crimes.\\nThe daily journals published and commented on the startling\\nevidence, and no one of ordinary intelligence can plead ignor-\\nance of these fearful wrongs or wrong-doers. Notwithstanding\\nPresident Grant s profuse professions and public proclamations", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "195\\nin favor of civil service reform, not one of these well-known\\ncriminals has been removed, excepting two or three who have\\nbeen promoted in their respective departments.\\nIf yoii doubt that these men, under the protecting power of\\nthe President, have absolute control of the Republican organi-\\nzation in Philadelphia, and mainly throughout the State, scan\\nthe men who are to represent you, and the sixty thousand\\nRepublicans of our city, in the National Convention. They\\nwill, in that great body, assuming to reflect the wishes of the\\nRepublicans of the nation, simply repay the obligations they\\nowe to the administration for maintaining them in place and\\npower at the sacrifice of public decency.\\nI oppose the re-nomination of President Grant because he\\nis the foe of every principle of reform; because I am fully\\nconvinced that two- thirds or more of the Reform Republicans\\nof Philadelj\u00c2\u00bbhia sincerely desire another candidate, and because\\nhe cannot and should n )t be elected against any other candi-\\ndate with a loyal record. Assured by the character of the\\ndelegates chosen to the Philadelphia Convention, so far as I\\ncan personally judge, that they will merely do the bidding of\\npower regardless of the convictions or preferences of the party,\\nI sliall consult with other independent Republicans at Cincin-\\nnati, and act as my duty to Republican principles, to a Repub-\\nlican constituency, and to the country shall dictate. If by\\nthis, disaster comes upon our organization, tell me in truth and\\nsoberness: Who must answer for it?\\nA. K. McCLURE.\\nPhiladelphia, April 20, 1872.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "LIBERALISM vs. GRANTISM!\\nSI^EEGHC\\nOF\\nHON. A. K. MCCLURE,\\nDelivered in Cooper Institute, New York,\\nJune 3rd, 1872.\\nThe last great battle of our civil war is about to be fougbt. The armies\\nare beiug marshaled for the decisive struggle. There will be marching and\\ncounter-marching: in forming the lines. There will be for a time some con-\\nfusion in the counsels of commanders. There will be banners bearing\\nstrange devices to embarrass the unity of men who cherish a common faith.\\nThere will be perfidy here and there to play its part in obeying the mandates\\nof arrogant power. But in the fulness of time there will be two great, or-\\nganized, disciplined and earnest parties contending for supremacy. Outside\\nof them there will be the political antediluvians, the Swiss rovers, hovering\\naround both camps, and it may be a small appendage of power, employed to\\nprostitute a party name to advance the interests of that party s most malig-\\nnant foes.\\nWe have many people who cannot understand that the world is twelve\\nyears older now than it was twelve years ago. They accept nothing in the\\nline of advancement. They are unmindful that France tolerates no Napo-\\nleon when she is Bourbon, and makes Bourbons fugitives when she is Na-\\npoleon j that England is Whig and Tory by turns, and worships power until\\nchange is dictated by public necessity or interest that the Resolutions of\\n98 belong to our forgotten history, and the last man that has read them\\nwith faith will soon be dead that slavery is of another age, and will blacken\\nonly the pages of the past; that the war ended in 1865, and enemies are\\nnow friends that military rule was wise for war, but that the victories of\\npeace are the most renowned of the world s achievements, and that men who\\nhave differed in the conflicts of politics, of statesmanship and of arms must\\noften become allies and friends, unless enlightened progress is to perish from\\nthe earth.\\nThere are times when new occasions come upon us, and they bring new\\nduties. If we should ever stand upon the stale prejudices and passions and\\ndogmas which have had their day and served or failed in their purpose, we\\nwould learn nothing, forget nothing, accomplish nothing. Democrats would\\nbe Democrats, contending for the States rights of other days, for slavery that\\nis dead and past the hope of resurrection, for the unconstitutionality of war\\nThis Speech is printed from the report of the New York Tribune.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "measures when war has fulfilled its mission, for the defeat of the logical re-\\nsults of the war which are as fixed as free government itself, and for distinc-\\ntions of race and color when our fundamental law has interposed its supreme\\nauthority to forbid them. Republicans would be Republicans, contending\\nfor war, for confiscation, for capital executions, for the disregard of civil\\npower, for the overthrow of local self-government, for the spawning of new\\nswarms of carpet-bag officials, for bayonet elections, and for free suffrage\\nonly for people of their own faith. Tammany would be Tammany still, for\\nwho could have advanced to assault its mailed soldiery It required the\\nWo7-ld, after boxing the Tammany compass, to revolt at Tweed s Democratic\\nnomination for Senator, and required Horace Greeley to support Horatio\\nSeymour and Samuel J. Tilden for the Legislature. A common interest\\nmade the bitterest differences of other conflicts fade into forgetful n ess, and\\na common danger made men of every faith and shade of antagonism unite\\nto redeem the great metropolis of the Union.\\nIn the circles of political progress we are now and then brought shoulder\\nto shoulder in the ardent maintenance of our free institutions, after the mcJst\\ndesperate conflicts for our convictions. Wise men and patriotic men do not\\nthen rage over what each has said or done in the dead struggles of the past\\nbut they accept the duties of the present and faithfully perform them. The\\npronounced Federalist of other days was the Democratic President of 1856,\\nand the Buchanan voter of 1856 was the Republican President of 1868.\\nThe Democratic Senator of 1856 was the Republican Vice President of\\n1860; the Democratic Senator of 1860 was the Republican Vice President\\nof 1864, and the Republican general and statesman of 186-4 was the Demo-\\ncratic candidate for Vice President in 1868.\\nThe political differences which culminated in our civil war were the most\\nimpassioned we have ever known. The North was arrayed against the\\nNorth, and the South was arrayed against the South with inteusest bitter-\\nness; but when the guns of Moultrie fired their first round at Sumter, party\\nlines were obliterated in the North by the paramount duties of patrotism.\\nAnd when the soldiers of the Republic marched upon the soil of rebellion,\\nthe South stood as one man to defend the Southern cause, regardless of the\\nearnest differences they had maintained. As always in war, so at times in\\npeace, great perils dwarf the conflicts of mere party and of ambition, and\\ncall upon the people to enlist for the general safety. Although less start-\\nling, because less violent, the civil usurper is often more dangerous to public\\nliberty than the warrior who unfurls his banners and challenges to battle in\\nthe open field. Especially is this so when a nation has just borne all the\\nexactions and despotic government usually incident to protracted war. It\\ninvites rulers to the exercise of extreme and exceptional powers, and blunts\\nthe sensibilities of the people to a measure of tolerance that makes them\\nslow to resent usurpations which, in the healthy and sensitive public opinion\\nof peace, would quicken popular reprobation, and effect the speedy overthrow\\nof the faithless ruler. War is destruction. It destroys, and only destroys.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "It sweeps away the obstinate barriers of progress, but leaves uothing but\\ndesolatiun. Its laws of might and surging currents of despotism remain\\neven in the most civilized countries. When its tempests are stilled, its cam-\\npaigns closed, its dead gathered to their mother dust, its vanquished submis-\\nsive, and its flags furled, war itself has to be conquered by the armies of\\npeace. Peace must mould the victories of the sword by its wise and benefi-\\ncent direction, and sow and water and reap the harvest of enlightened ad-\\nvancement. In its great work its greatest foe is usually the spirit of usurp-\\nation, created by war, which only too often endangers the stability of gov-\\nernment and the happiness of the people more profoundly than its grim-\\nvisaged author. The history of nations is replete with the gravest admoni-\\ntions on this subject, and when such dangers threaten a free government,\\nevery dictate of patriotism calls citizens of every faith to maintain their\\nliberties, regardless of political associations.\\nThis grave duty has been imposed upon the American people. A soldier,\\nwith strong and most freely accorded claims upon national gratitude, has been\\ncalled from the field to the first civil office of the government. The people\\njudged him generously, and were slow to complain. They chose him, the\\nchieftain of the battle-field, under the banner of peace. They had dissevered\\nStates to be re-united, the demon of discord and the passions of war to con-\\nquer, and countless battle scars to heal. His election was no whirlwind of\\npopular caprice or irrational desire for change. It was the deliberate, solemn\\nverdict of a patriotic people, aiming to restore a distracted and bleeding\\ncountry to fraternity and prosperity. He was not accounted a statesman.\\nHe was confessedly unschooled in the intricacies of eivil administration, and\\nno high measure of ability was claimed for him. But he had met the na-\\ntion s greatest need in war, and they accepted the soldier s promise that they\\nshould have peace. They confidently hoped to see the first statesmanship\\nof the country called to his counsels men who could appreciate and practice\\na wise respect for the popular will, and who would be equal to the great occa-\\nsions to arise in his administration. But when the firs^t ministry was an-\\nnounced, friends could not conceal their only too well-founded apprehensions.\\nThe soldier was soldier still. He would teach, not learn he would com-\\nmand, not obey. Men of conflicting opinions, strangers to fame, devoid of\\nmerit, and wholly unfitted for leaders, were installed as counselors of State.\\nThere was illy-concealed contempt on all sides for these caricatures of Cabinet\\nofficers, for with bated breath men told to each other the only story that\\nexplained the strange defiance of the wants of the nation. They had been\\ngift-bearers and flatterers, and depiirtment portfolios were their rewards.\\nThe painful and humiliating history of such a ministry could have been\\nwritten as well then as now by any intelligent citizen. It could give fruit\\nonly in distraction, disintegration and disgrace. Two only of the original\\nappointments remain, and the exceptions would have been more honored in\\nthe breach than in the observance. One has sanctioned too much corruption to\\nbe excused even by the prevalent measure of incompetency that has ruled", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "iu the Cabinet, and the other has trifled with our credit until it was hardly\\nable to save itself. One wise man was in the original ministry. Mr. Borie,\\nwhen recovered from the bewilderment of his appointment, frankly confessed\\nhis unfitness, and retired. Another has just been tried, and excused because\\nhe had paid only $93,000 to contractors without understanding that it was\\nunlawful. Another is happily absent in his far-distant State, seeking a new\\nplace, and preparing for the end that is nigh at hand. The premier has\\ngiven the nations of the world a new and novel achievement in statesman-\\nship. He is the inventor of consequential damages, and has demonstrated\\nwhat a fearful meaning two simple words can convey to a country. When a\\nwise convention had given us a fair and honorable treaty, made in good faith,\\nthe Secretary of State attempted diplomacy. He proposed to electrify us\\nby an absurd demand, the result of an equally absurd construction of the\\ntreaty. The insult to a friendly Power was resented, and by the ablest of\\nEnglish premiers, and the bombast of stupidity hurled its shame upon the\\nnation. Whether the treaty is wholly sacrificed or not, we have shown to\\nthe world by our pitiful humiliation, what consequential damages may be\\nsuff ered by a great people through the incompetency of their administration.\\nThe fabulous millions claimed by our government would be as nothing com-\\npared with the national contempt we have invited, and the prestige and\\npower we have sacrificed by the arrogance of ignorance, in attempting to deal\\nwith the most experienced statesmen of the Old World. In brief, this ad-\\nministration will be memorable in our history as the administration without a\\nstatesman.\\nThe same policy that prevailed in the selection of Cabinet ministers has\\nscattered like fruits all over the land. Incompetency, venality and shame\\nhave been the logical results of unblushing nepotism, and the appointment\\nof unscrupulous men who had found the way to the favor of the throne.\\nNew Orleans was plunged into anarchy to gratify an adventurous relative of\\nthe President, who, although convicted of official misconduct by testimony\\nelicited by a friendly committee, is still in office j and New York has been,\\nand still is, a seething cauldron of custom house corruption. The collector-\\nship and a seaside cottage are exchanged, and the young gentry of the mili-\\ntary Ring come like the vultures for their prey.\\nAn honest, faithful man, to whom the President and the party owed a\\nlasting debt of gratitude, was displaced by contract, and degraded in position\\nonly as a half-way step to unconditional removal and others followed for the\\ncrime of believing that dishonesty is not reputable. The military ring was\\nlicensed by the Executive to plunder the commerce of the city, and neither\\nremoval nor disfavor has followed the exposure of the frauds of the general\\norder business. In my own city the official places are asylums for the politi-\\ncal desperadoes attached to Republicanism by the persuasion of power and\\nperquisites. When I proved them to be repeaters at elections, they were\\npromoted instead of being removed. When I proved that they had de-\\nbauched election officers, and unlawfully acted as officers and falsified the", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "5\\nreturns, I merely made them invincible in their official places and gave them\\nincreased claims upon administration favor. There was not a single depart-\\nment of national power in Philadelphia that was not proved to have been a\\nfountain of fraud at a late election, and not one removal bas been made ex-\\ncept the voluntary removal of a leading officer, who would not obey the bid-\\nding of the administration to screen and sanction fraud.\\nNever in the history of our government has there been an approach to\\nthe present literal prostitution of political power. It has not merely cor-\\nrupted the civil service to an unprecedented degree, but it has unmanned\\nevery element of popular power that could be reached. Bad men have been\\naccorded the control of patronage in their respective States, and they have\\nrushed where wise men would not tread. The favors of the Revenue and\\nPost Office Departments have been made instruments of corruption and ven-\\ngeance; and the press has been subsidized, and freedom of expression and\\naction forbidden by those who assume and are allowed to represent the Exec-\\nutive. So prevalent and so well understood is this system of official prosti-\\ntution, that office-holders are advised to hide from the people in popular dem-\\nonstrations manufactured in the cause of the administration.\\nThe advice is openly given in recognized organs, and in Philadelphia the\\nsubject became so grave in its relation to popular sentiment, that the City\\nCommittee, made up almost wholly of office-holders and dependents, for-\\nmally resolved that office-holders must go to the rear until the storm has sub-\\nsided. The same policy gave us the Santo Domingo job and the Santo Do-\\nmingo disgrace, and with them came a measure of Executive usurpation that\\nno monarch of Europe could have practiced with impunity. The whole\\ntreaty and war-making powers of the government were usurped when three\\nwas no excuse to offer for it other than that secresy was essential to success-\\nful jobbery. If this is not the truthful explanation, then never were igno-\\nrance and despotism more wilful and wanton in trifling with sacred rights.\\nThe independent press protested, the people revolted, a few of the purest\\nand ablest Senators maintained the laws at the cost of personal humiliation\\nin the Senate, and the wrong was defeated. But the military and Senatorial\\nRings are only waiting for a new lease of power to renew the eifort with\\nincreased desperation. Happily, it is safe now to congratulate the country\\nthat no extension of authority will ever be given by the people to the present\\nadministration, and if Santo Domingo is ever to be annexed it must be done\\nby lawful and honorable means.\\nBut the supreme and common danger that threatens the people is the no\\nlonger concealed purpose of the administration to enforce an unmixed per-\\nsonal or centralized government. In time of profound peace, when the\\nhnnger-cry of the people is for escape from all the evils of war, and for the\\ncomplete restoration of our beneficent civil authority, we are met with the\\nmost dogged maintenance of arbitrary powers, and threatened with a total\\nsubversion of our laws designed to protect the people in the fair expression\\nof the popular will. Wiile the intelligent will understand that enforcement", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "6\\nbills mean simply the enforcement of the verdict of the ballot box, and\\nthat the suspension of the civil laws means the verdict of bayonets instead\\nof the verdict of ballots, the desperate leaders of the adininistration have\\nat last thrown oif all dissembling, and made the frank appeal to Congress\\nto save the President by overthrowing the laws.\\nIt was frankly admitted in debate that, without arbitrary powers to defy\\nthe people, the Southern States would reject the consuming vampyres who\\nrule them under the protection of the military, and restore some measure of\\nfitness, honesty and economy in their governments. The appeal was boldly\\nmade to the Republican Congress, but the people, through the popular branch\\nof power, dismayed and confused the conspirators against the laws by sol-\\nemnly calling a Halt along the whole line.\\nThe President and half the Cabinet were in the Capitol at the time to en-\\nforce obedience to the administration mandate, but a decided majority of the\\nwhole House present answered back the stern, irrevocable command of the\\npeople, that their servants must obey the laws and administer them to arrest\\nand not to enforce oppression. Here in New York and in Philadelphia the\\nexperiment was made two years ago to familiarize us with bayonete at the\\npolls, so that in 1872 the grand purpose of defying the popular will, if nec-\\nessary, might be consummated. Our people in the city of Brotherly Love\\nshuddered as they saw files of armed marines marched to the election\\ngrounds upon the pretense that disorder must be suppressed, when neither\\nthe municipal nor State authorities had been called upon to maintain the\\npublic peace.\\nThere was not even the ordinary pretext of political partiality or preju-\\ndice to justify the insult to the people of Philadelphia. The municipal and\\nState authorities were of difierent political faith, and could not have con-\\nspired to tolerate disorder in the interest of any political party. It was\\nmerely an exhibition of the insolence of power, and intended to be the fore-\\nrunner of the military election of 1872. In New York the experiment was\\nalso made. The spectacle was presented of the first city of the Union hold-\\ning a general election under the gleam of bayonets, when the public peace\\nwas not endangered, unless by the arrogance of military commanders. The\\npretext was the assumption that the party in power meant to commit frauds.\\nGranted that it was so, is the Pi esident, whose election may depend upon\\nthe result, to judge when elections are to be practically taken possession of\\nby the military Can he assume that others mean to commit fraud, and be\\nintrusted with absolute power to control or break up elections by violence,\\nwhen the continuance of his power is to be passed upon by the people\\nWhen the civil laws are subordinated to the military in time of peace, civil\\nauthority is at an end. There can be no divided authority on an election\\nday, except in the suppression of actual violence that has overcome the offi-\\ncers of the civil laws. Where military authority begins, all civil authority\\nends for the time being, and military law is but the will of the commander.\\nWellington so defined it, and Grant has demonstrated it beyond the possibil-\\nity of dispute.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "But the chief field for the military control of elections is the South, and\\nthere the President and his unscrupulous advisers turned their eyes with\\nhopeful longing for bayonet achievements at the polls. The Southern States\\nrebelled against us, but they fought us with a heroism that made the whole\\ncivilized world respect them. To the full measure that they sinned, they\\nhave sufi ered, and they have borne it more than manfully. Their whole fair\\nland is ridged with the graves of the fallen, and their maimed and scarred\\nare thick among them. Thousands of millions of wealth have passed from\\nthem forever, and the slave is now the political peer or the superior of the\\nmaster. Through countless sacrifice of blood and treasure we have passed\\nthe ordeal of our national regeneration, and North and South mourn as\\nbrethren the errors of the past, confined wholly to no one section, which\\nmade the peaceful dedication of a continent to freedom impossible.\\nBut, incalculable as was the sacrifice of the material interests of the South\\nby rebellion, it has paled before the withering and hopeless desolation inflic-\\nted upon those States by the rule of adventurers. An aggregate debt grea-\\nter than the aggregate debt of all the States of the Union before the war, has\\nbeen loaded upon the Southern States by the rule of imbecile and characterless\\nmen, who were strangers to the people they so pitilessly oppressed. And\\ntheir rule has been without compensation. Even the tempest that sweeps the\\nland with destruction gives the cooling and reviving showers, and its terrible\\nthunderbolts purify the air we breathe, but the reign of the carpet-bagger\\nwill stand out in our history of treason, perfidy and war as wholly excep-\\nional in the degree of its unmingled wrongs against mankind.\\nWhatever may have been necessary for the purposes of a just and equal\\ngovernment to all in the South six years ago there is nothing to extenuate\\nthe maintenance of plunderers in ofiice by arbitrary Congressional enact-\\nments enforced by the army. Least of all should we tolerate the continued\\ndesolation of those States merely to make them the playthings of ambition.\\nThe Southern people are our brethren, I speak not merely in obedience to\\nthe dictates of conviction and of patriotism, but I have been so taught by\\nthe President who would now bring their electoral votes as military trophies\\ninto his political camp.\\nThe second soldier of rebellion was one of the first to receive lucrative and\\nresponsible ofiice at his hands, and another unheralded by fame, a civilian\\nwithout destinction and Confederate soldier without stars was called to the\\ncabinet, and scores of lesser enemies in war are trusted office-holders of the\\nadministration. I speak of them as accepted citizens of a common country,\\nand under our just government a needless wrong to the humblest of them\\nnow, is a wrong to the nation. An assault upon their rights is an assault\\nupon the rights of every citizen of the Union, and the overthrow of civil\\nauthority there, and the violent control of their elections in the choice of a\\nnational ruler, is but the destruction of civil authority and the subversion of\\nthe popular will in every section of the Republic.\\nCitizens of New York, the war of arms is over; its lingering relics, which", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "8\\nare preserved in our government, are maintained by mean ambition, or meaner\\npassion. We are battling for Peace, for Liberty, for Law. Amnesty must\\nbe universal; civil authority must be supreme in New York, Philadelphia,\\nCharleston and New Orleans. The humblest citizen, whether in the busy,\\nprogressive North, or in the desolated sunny South, or in the golden States\\non the sunset side of the great mountains, shall vote this year in obedience\\nto his convictions; and the despotism of prostituted power will learn the\\nlesson for all time that here the voice of freemen expressed without lawless-\\nness or coercion is the sovereign power of the nation. With such great\\nissues appealing to every patriot and to the faith of an overwelming majority\\nof the people of the Union, the path of duty is plain, and it demands no\\nsurrender of former political association. Let Democrats be Democrats if\\nthey will, and let Republicans be Republicans if they prefer, but let patriots\\nbe patriots above all. Let us save our threatened free institutions before we\\ndecide on questions of the details of government. Let us first assure free\\ngovernment to ourselves and to our children, and we may struggle for the\\nissues we respectively deem wisest in the administration\\nThe issues and the duties of the hour point to the candidate with unmis-\\ntakable distinctness. Horace Greeley is the embodiment of the nation s\\ngreatest need. Ever independent, fearless and honest, and pursuing a pro-\\nfession of daily utterance, he has antagonized warmly, and erred as mortals\\never do. But he has crowned his calling with its greenest laurels, and\\nhumanity, progress and peace have enlisted his best efforts in one of our\\nnoblest lives. He is wise enough to know that Presidents need the highest\\nstandard of statesmanship, and that no personal government, however pure\\nor enlightened, can successfully or acceptably rule forty millions of freemen.\\nHe was brave enough to defend the rights of the lowly and oppressed when\\npopular prejudice withstood his efforts like walls of adamant, and he was\\nwise enough to labor effectively with stumbling, hesitating progress until the\\nharvest was ripened and could be gathered in completeness. When the pas-\\nsions of civil war, intensified by the murder of a beloved ruler, were sweep-\\ning over our distracted country, but one voice was heard above the storm\\ncalling for amnesty, suffrage and peace. It seemed like flinging the pebble\\nat the thunderbolt. In the phrenzy of sectional hate, that even the best of\\nmen excused, he was assailed and. reviled for his words of truth and sober-\\nness. Tens of thousands ceased to read his daily counsels to a bleeding and\\nstricken people. It was the rich harvest of demagogues. They could ride\\ninto power upon the tidal wave of passion, when, in times for the considera-\\ntion of merit, they would be rejected with scorn. But the honest man and\\nfar-seeing patriot could afford to wait. The United States Senate gained a\\nsuperserviceable votary of power, as the passions of the day ruled in the New\\nYork Legislature. But the nation will gain a law-abiding, patriotic and\\npeaceful President in the rejected stone of the impassioned builders of 1866.\\nThe Keystone will join hands with the Empire State in this restoration of\\nour land to peace. The palsied South will speak from the homes of enfran-\\nchised slaves and masters for her safety and prosperity. The column of the\\nEast will be broken, as New England divides her States between right and\\nwrong. The prairies of the West will reverse the mighty majorities given\\nin the name of peace in 1868, as they renew the demand for peace in 1872\\nand from the fastnesses of the Rocky Mountains and the far Western coast\\nwill come an unbroken voice, whose battle-cry will be peace for the living,\\nand self-government assured as the priceless legacy of successive ages to come\\nafter us.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "If\\nTHE\\nDEGENERACY OF REPUBLICANISM.\\nSPEECH\\nOP\\nHON.A.K.MCCLURE,\\nDELIVERED IN\\nMorton Hall, Philadelphia,\\nJune 26, 1872.\\niPrinted from the report of the Evening Telegraph.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "Fellow-Citizens We are upon the threshold of another po-\\nlitical revolution. History but repeats itself in politics as in the\\nconflicts of arms, the achievements of science, and the cycles of\\nall moral and material progress. Since the era of good feel-\\ning that came with Monroe s second election, no political or-\\nganization has been wise enough to extend its national suprem-\\nacy beyond a period of three Presidential terms, and it required\\nthe sweep of Jacksonism and the supreme political necessities\\ncreated by civil war, to give such protracted leases of power.\\nThe political tornado of 1840 was simply an overwhelming pro-\\ntest against the abuses practised by a confessedly dominant party,\\nand the revolution of 1848 was the same, as were the local elec-\\ntions of 1854. From 1828 until 1860, the Democratic party was\\nthe only party that could command a majority of the popular\\nvote in a national contest. Although at times defeated, it was\\nnevertheless the successful party whenever it did not provoke\\nrevolt by the abuse of power.\\nSince 1860, the country has been Republican in our national\\ncontests, and a decided majority of the people of the Union are\\nRepublican in faith to-day. But as in 1840, and again in 1848,\\nand again in 1860, the prostitution of party power by those who\\nhave seized the dominant organization, has made forbearance no\\nlonger possible and we are about to take a new national depar-\\nture by the co-operation of patriotic citizens without regard to\\npast differences, and the pampered placemen and money-changers\\nwho have robbed the Republican temple of its purity and its no-\\nble purposes, will be hopelessly overthrown. (Applause.) Let\\nme review some of the chief elements of Republican power, and\\nthe manner in which the power is employed. The Republican\\norganization of to-day is no more the organization that trium-\\nphed in 64, 66 and 68, than was the French army at Sedan the\\narmy of Solfereno. Corruption in leadership, high and low, and\\nthe usurpation that sacrifices confidence, respect and discipline,\\nmade the eagles of France trail in the dust, although illustrious\\nwith the achievements of the past, and like corruption and usur-\\npation have sacrificed the best political organization ever created\\nby the necessities of our free institutions.\\n3", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "T learn from the newspapers that I am partly or fractionally\\ncommitted to the support of Grant in this campaign, and that I\\nowe divided or double political allegiance. I am a long time\\nmember of the Union League, and I see by an account of what\\npurports to be the action of that body, that we are unanimously\\nfor Grant. (Laughter.) Hundreds of its members will be sur-\\nprised to find that they do not know their own political convic-\\ntions or their Presidential preferences, and they may be amused\\nas well when they understand that less than one in thirty of the\\nmembers participated in that momentous deliverance. It was a\\nhappy imitation of the two celebrated tailors of Tooley street,\\nLondon, who held a mass meeting and prefaced their resolutions\\nwith We, the people of England, etc. (Laughter.) I would\\nnot speak irreverently of this important organization, part ot\\nwhich I am myself. We, of the league, do not speak as com-\\nmon men, nor do we pass common resolutions in our own esti-\\nmation. (Laughter.) It is wonderful how we have directed\\ngreat events, particularly after their inevitable direction was pal-\\npable. We declared for the reuomination of Lincoln whenever\\nhis reuomination was secured .beyond a reasonable doubt, and\\nthereby Lincoln was made our candidate in 1864. When John-\\nson s betrayal of the Republicans was pronounced perfidious by\\nthe unanimous vote of the Republicans in Congress, we unani-\\nmously resolved that the country was betrayed. When Grant,\\nafter much hesitation, decided that he would prefer the Republi-\\ncan to the Democratic nomination for President, and his nomin-\\nation was so clearly accomplished that he was without a compet-\\nitor, we solemnly declared for Grant, and thereby nominated\\nGrant in 1868. (Laughter.) It was therefore eminently proper,\\nand due to our own consistency, that as soon as thirty of thirty-\\nseven States had unanimously instructed for Grant s reuomina-\\ntion, we should at once give proper direction to public sentiment\\non that subject by unanimously declaring that Grant should be\\nrenominated. We did so, and the question Avas settled Grant\\nis the Republican candidate for 1872.\\nIt is true that in some of our deliverances we have not been\\naltogether fortunate. We once tried to do and say something\\noriginal in politics, and it was a misventure. But what great\\nwarrior did not lose some battles? What statesman has not", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "sometimes erred What great element of power has not now\\nand then failed in omnipotence? After contributing largely for\\na long time to debauch our politics, we resolved to regenerate\\nand rejuvenate our political system. We marshaled our com-\\nmittee of fifty in battle array, and notified the scurvy politicians\\nby solemn proclamation that we would smash their slates and\\nrings, and hereafter make only respectability, according to our\\nown high standard, eligible to ofiice. We proclamated, carved\\nour canvas-backs, and flashed our wine over the victory we had\\nachieved over the small politicians, but by some remarkable\\noversight the rings went on, and the slates went through just as\\nbefore. We then unanimously resolved that politics was no lon-\\nger our mission, the good sense of which startled the community\\nbut as we have now unanimously resolved that we were then\\nunanimously mistaken, we have justly escaped the hasty suspi-\\ncion that years and experience had brought us wisdom. (Shouts\\nof laughter.)\\nWe had great expectations from the present administration.\\nWe had given freely of our money and respectability\u00e2\u0080\u0094 what we\\nmost possessed for houses, endowments and status for the Pres-\\nident, and not less than a score of us expected to go into the\\nCabinet, and as many were confident of Foreign Missions. We\\ndined the man we had made President in our inner circle, but\\nhe was unappreciative. He appointed the only one of us who\\nfelt and frankly admitted that he had no fitness for the place,\\n(laughter) and our expected missions wandered hither and thither,\\nflitting by us like the mists of the morning. But we were not\\nalways to be neglected. After everybody else had got what they\\nwanted, a second-class mission was awarded us, and the winter\\nof our discontent was made glorious summer. (Laughter.) We\\nbanqueted, resolved and proclaimed that, while none of us\\nwanted office, we were nevertheless most thankful for any small\\nfavors in that line, and hopeful that they would multiply. We\\nnow favor a re-organization of the Cabinet and diplomatic corps\\nunder the next terra, and will be likely to hit the mark about\\nwhere we missed it before. (Laughter.)\\nAnd we have even gone farther. We proposed to take the\\nVice-Presidency, but our slate never reached the measure of im-\\nportance that entitled it to be smashed. We had a very classi-", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "6\\ncal essay prepared, and published in the journal of our honored\\nPresident, demonstrating to a mathematical certainty, I am told,\\nthat Pennsylvania must have the candidate for Vice President.\\nIn order that the public might ascertain that such an essay had\\nbeen printed, it was carefully advertised by abstract through the\\nAssociated Press. It is said that it did not name the honored\\nson of our State who should go on the ticket to carry Grant\\nthrough the constitutional modesty of the President of our\\nLeague forbidding that the name should be given in full in his\\nown paper. (Laughter.) When the rumor reached the people\\nthat the second office was to be claimed for Pennsylvania, but\\none name leaped from their hearts to their lips, and that was an\\nunwelcome one. Absence and distance had failed to make them\\nforgetful of the cherished leader whose tall plume had been their\\nbattle-flag when they struggled for their soldiers, their homes\\nand their country. (Cheers for Curtin.) Finding that we could\\nnot get the Vice-Presidency, we unanimously resolved not to\\ntake it, and the convention very cordially agreed not to give it\\nto us. (Laughter.) The Pennsylvania delegation to the conven-\\ntion was subjected to various pressures of venality and ambition\\non the Vice- Presidency, but the only thing they could agree\\nupon was that her delegation was eminent mainly for befouling\\nher own people. In caucus Mr. McMichael recited his newspaper\\nessay in favor of a Penns\\\\ Ivunian, but again forgot to name the\\nman, and a remarkable coincidence was that everybody else for-\\ngot to name the man he expected to have named. (Laughter.)\\nMy worthy friend McMichael forgot to suggest McMichael, and\\nthe name seems not to have occurred to anybody else. Finally,\\nin despair, the delegation resolved to go for Wilson. Our justly\\nhonored President of the League made a speech reflecting the\\ndecision of the delegation. It was as logical as brilliant. Its\\neloquent and impassioned sentences proved conclusively that\\nPennsylvania should have the Vice-Presidency, and could have\\nthe Vice-Presidency, and that only in Boston had the proposition\\nbeen met with sneers and derision therefore, in vindication of\\nthe conceded claims of Pennsylvania, and to resent the insolence\\nof Boston newspapers, he nominated Henry Wilson, of Massa-\\nchusetts, for the position. (Laughter.) It was once said that\\nthe two greatest men Pennsylvania had ever produced were Ben-", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "jarain Franklin, of Boston, and Albert Gallatin, of Geneva;\\n(laughter) and Mr. McMichael had doubtless remembered it, and\\nas Pennsylvania was now undisputably entitled to the Vice-Pres-\\nidency, he borrowed a Massachusetts statesman to fill the bill.\\n(Laughter.) Of course he complained about it, as he had a\\nright to do, and as our wounded League pride required; but his\\ncomplaints were confined solely to the strictly confidential col-\\numns of his own journal. The petty selfishness of factious\\ncliques was declared to be the great obstacle to our more hon-\\norable ambition in the matter, and, of course, we of the League\\nhad to defer. The factious cliques rule our roast, our more\\nhonorable ambition must foot the bills, and the Rings will get\\naway with the honors, as heretofore. (Laughter.)\\nBut I must be just to the Ring managers. They do not\\nwholly ignore us at the League. It is true that they don t allow\\nus either to get offices or to have any voice in deciding who shall\\nenjoy the emoluments of the party. But they are not unmindful\\nof our great importance in politics. They allow us to contribute\\nthe money to keep up a horde of professional politicians they\\nallow us to ratify their nominations, and furnish the fire-works\\nand wine and suppers to their orators, while they prepare and\\nread the resolutions especially endorsing their favorites on the\\nticket; and they even allow us always to have the president and\\na small regiment of vice-presidents at all the ratifications. Our\\nmost estimable brother Carey, of the League, can always get\\na presidency, and the Bories, the Fells, the Claghorns, and the\\nwhole list of our first-class brethren can see their names in the\\nnewspapers as officials at the gatherings of the people, just as\\noften as a doubtful ticket wants an endorsement. (Laughter.)\\nAll we have to do is not to interfere with the plans of the Ring\\nfor Governor and other important State offices, to let them have\\nthe Row offices, the Councils, the Mayor, the police, the various\\ntrusts without any sort of public accountability, and the legisla-\\ntors, to enable them to keep what they have got and get as much\\nmore as they can, and all the rest we of the League can have.\\nWe can have an ornamental position now and then, such as del-\\negate to the Constitutional Convention, and enjoy the supreme\\nfelicity of ratifying, footing the bills, and claiming for ourselves\\nthe credit of having given success to the great Republican partv.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "8\\n(Laughter.) It is true that occasionally a sore-headed brother\\nbecomes erratic enough to imagine that we of the League have\\nbecome a mere tail to the kite of the Rings; but what of that?\\nSublimity in politics, social science, or religion, will always pro-\\nvoke growlers, and the League will go on its good work of de-\\nnouncing Rings and corruption in general, and electing Ring\\ntickets in particular, until the end of both shall come. (Applause.)\\nDoes any one doubt the truth of what I say relative to the rule\\nof the Rings? If so, let him scan the local tickets declared\\nnominated this day for the important Row offices, and especially\\nfor the Legislature. The people of Philadelphia, of all parties,\\nmost anxiously desire reform, and in the next Legislature the\\nbattle is to be fought. Who of the Legislative candidates repre-\\nsent the wishes of the people What notorious corruptionists\\nhave been discarded, and what honest and competent candidates\\nsubstituted? I care little for the Row candidates. We shall\\nmake them impotent to defraud and oppress the public, or to de-\\nbauch future elections, before the next Legislature closes (ap-\\nplause) but what honest citizen can advocate the majority of\\nthe legislative nominations without bringing the blush of shame\\nto his cheeks? And these are called Republican candidates, and\\nit is called Republican duty to support them. For one, I shall\\nnot inquire what a man is, or has been, politically, in the effort\\nto defeat such men, but will, with thousands of others, give an\\nearnest support to honest and independent candidates, no matter\\nhow or by whom presented. (Applause.)\\nThere are unmistakable signs of dissolution in the Republican\\nranks, marshaled by the desperate office holders and expectants.\\nThey have prostituted a great party, whose record is one of the\\nbrightest in the annals of the Republic, to mere personal ambi-\\ntion and selfish aggrandizement, until its better people revolt at\\nits corruption and dishonor. Here and there are brave men who\\ncling to the Republican achievements of the past, and, with\\nwarning voice, remain on the deck of the once famous old Re-\\npublican ship. Among them is Colonel Forney. He pipes to\\nthe Rings, but they will not dance, and he mourns at Washing-\\nton, but they will not weep. (Laughter.) He has protested un-\\ntil his protests are regarded by the defiant Ring masters as the\\nstanding political jokes of the day. He has again and again", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "9\\nserved notice that he would bolt next time afrainst tlie Rins; ticket,\\nbut they were within the Kepublican battlements, were under the\\nRepublican flag, their Ring men were regular Republican candi-\\ndates, and Forney had to tire either into the enemy or squarely\\ninto his own camp, and overthrow the party in overthrowing the\\nplacemen who seized the Republican temple. He has thus been\\ncompelled to support Ring tickets from year to year., and ever\\nswearing he would ne er consent, consented. (Laughter and ap-\\nplause.) He has sincerely struggled for Republican success by\\nRepublican reform, but he could just as hopefully whistle jigs to\\na milestone as attempt to enforce reform in the Republican party\\nas it is now controlled and organized. He revolted at the action\\nof the State Convention, as did tens of thousands in the State,\\nonly to find his counsels unheeded and his complaints derided.\\nHe exposed the arrogance of petty, unscrupulous office-holders\\nin usurping the important representative positions of the party,\\nand they laughed and jeered as usual. He called for a remission\\nof the appointment of delegates to the National Convention\\nback to the people; and instanced the fact that while Bunn was\\na delegate, Fitler was the alternate (laughter.) He had for-\\ngotten that Bunn was the true type of the controlling elements\\nof the party, and that he silenced all expostulation when he was\\nelected by declaring that he was quite as good a man as the can-\\ndidate he was to vote for. (Shouts and laughter.) And had Colo-\\nney Forney succeeded in getting the selection of delegates re-\\nmanded back to the poeple, under the black-jacks of the Ring\\nrounders and the protection of the police, we should have had\\nthe dominant elements of the party fitly represented in the Con-\\nvention. Johnny Ward, prize-fighter and policeman, would\\ndoubtless have been a delegate, with probably President McMi-\\nchael, of the Union League, as alternate. (Shouts and laughter.)\\nPhilip Arnold, policeman and repeater, would have been another\\ndelegate, with Henry C. Carey as alternate (laughter.) Tim\\nReilly, Custom House officer and scieneed repeater, would have\\nbeen another, with Horace Binney as alternate (laughter); and\\nColonel Forney might have got in as alternate behind Ban Red-\\nding, of repeating and rounder fame. (Laughter and applause.)\\nBut they paid no lieed to the demand, and proceeded to make\\nup the State Committee as they did everything else, mainly of", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "10\\noffice-holding Ring-masters. Forney expostulated, but the more\\nhe has signalled danger the more he is distrusted and denounced.\\nHe sees that the ship is rocking in the tempest and certain to go\\ndown unless something can be done to save it. In but one thing\\nthey agree with him. All admit that there is a Jonah on board,\\nbut each insists upon throwing all but himself and Jonah into\\nthe troubled political sea. Forney would seize Cameron as the\\nJonah, while the Ring managers would offer Forney to propitiate\\nthe waves. (Laughter.) Indeed, everj one but the real Jonah\\nhas been in danger of sacrifice, and all are so blind or obstinate\\nthat they can t or won t see that had Grant been thrown over-\\nboard, the tempest might have been calmed and the ship started\\nwith some prospect of a safe voyage.\\nOn every side the same admonition is heard, but it falls upon\\nunwilling ears and is unheeded. A portion of the Republican\\npress revolt at Hartrauft because they allege him to be the crea-\\nture of jobbers. Other Republican journals toss Allen over-\\nboard because they allege that he won t even be honest once\\nin a while for the sake of novelty or reference and still others\\nrepudiate White because he is charged with being all of the\\nknave that a man can be who is a fool as well, (Laughter.)\\nI am not accufing these men, and do not charge that what is said\\nof them is true, but I point to the extraordinary exhibitions of\\nrevolt and disruption on the threshold of a Presidential canvass,\\nas clearly foreshadowing the utter overthrow of the selfish and\\ncorrupt rule that has seized upon the Republican organization of\\nthe State and nation. (Applause.)\\nThe National Convention came, and was well attended. Every\\nleading department at Washington, every revenue district, and\\nevery prominent post office were faithfully represented. (Laugh-\\nter.) The carpet-baggers came fresh from the States they had\\nconfiscated and desolated, under the protection of enforcement\\nbills, martial law, and bayonets, and were enthusiastic for Grant.\\nOne term more of centralized government at Washington will\\nsatiate their appetites, for when the credit and resources of the\\nSouth are devoured, their mission will be ended. The colored\\ncarpet-baggers v/ho came in loving embrace with their pale-faced\\ntutors in debauchery, pledged the enfranchised race to sustain\\nthem in their work of impoverishing the home of the colored", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "11\\nlaborer. Cameron sent his delegation from Pennsylvania, Conk-\\nlitii? senthis from New York, and Morton sent his from Indiana,\\nand they were all for Grant. Butler marshalled New England,\\nand Chandler atid Carpenter issued their orders to the ofhce-hold-\\ners of the West, and all were for Grant. Each left smothered\\nvolcanoes at home, and the feast was more notable for the absent\\nthan for the present. There was no one from New England to\\nspeak for Sumner (applause); there was none from New York to\\nspeak for Fenton; none from the West to speak for Schurz and\\nTrumbull and Palmer (applause); there was none from Pennsylva-\\nnia to speak fov Curtin (cheers and applause); and there was none\\nfrom the whole South to speak for the Southern people. The\\nwork assigned to the convention by the administration was\\npromptly done, and a platform, mainly of double-foced generali-\\nties, was devised and adopted. It will be proclaimed as for Pro-\\ntection in Pennsylvania and as for Free Trade in the West, and\\neach will be equally well sustained by the resolution. They\\neulogized the glorious record of the past made by the Repub-\\nlican party, and in the name of the imperishable monuments\\nreared by its honest men in its honest days, they ask that the cor-\\nruptionists who now rule it shall be perpetuated in power. They\\ndeclare for political equality which none now dispute, and for civil\\nservice reform which they persistently and boastingly repudiate in\\npractice. They denounce grants to corporations, in the face of\\nthe continued passage of such measures by a Republican Con-\\ngress, and their approval by the President they nominated for re-\\nelection. They promise additional bounties to soldiers, but with\\nsupreme power in all the departments of the Government, they\\nhave not granted them. They pronunce in favor of protecting\\nAmericans citizenship everywhere, just what the administration\\nhas obstinately refused to do until Congress compelled it; and\\nthe franking privilege is denounced in a platform by men who\\nsteadily defeat its abolition in Congress. They insult labor and\\ncapital by a meaningless declaration that is good God, good\\ndevil, so that they vote right, and they made the plundering ad-\\nventurers who are now sojourning in the South jubilant by a\\nsquare approval of bayonet rule and the suspension of civil au-\\nthority. They recommend the revival of American commerce and\\nship-building, in the ftice of the fact that the policy of the admin-", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "12\\nistration has destroyed both. It was natural that they shouhi try\\nto defraud protectionists and free-traders, soldiers, citizens of for-\\neign birth, labor and capital, but they should have spared their\\nmothers, wives and sisters from an awkward insult and attempted\\nfraud. They view with satisfaction the -admission to wider\\nfields of usefulness of the loyal women of the country, and\\npromise to treat with respectful consideration the honest d e- 1\\nmands of any class of citizens for additional rights. (Laugh-\\nter.) They certainly calculated that such a resolution would\\nnever get through the chignons of the ladies, and that they must\\naccept it as they would a duck of a bonnet. (Shouts of\\nlaughter.)\\nIf they meant that women should vote, it would have been\\nhonest to say so. If they meant that she should have equal\\nclaims upon the various official positions for which she is con-\\nfessedly adapted, and that fair wages should be paid for an hon-\\nest day s work without discrimination of sex, it would have been\\nmanly to speak the truth. But all that struggling, earnest, hon-\\nest women want is omitted, and all that is given could be said by\\nthe Sultan of Turkey as truthfully as it was said by the conven-\\ntion. (Laughter.) If there is anything that the platform don t\\ntry to cheat, I cannot just now recall it, and if it succeeds in its\\nchief purpose of cheating the people of the Union, they must\\nhave learned dumber with astonishing rapidity within the last\\nyear or two. (Laughter and applause.)\\nWith the delegates who came to do the bidding of power,\\ncame also the distinguished orators of the party, and they were\\ncertainly all scriptural in one respect, for all with one accord be-\\ngan to make excuses for the administration. (Laughter.) Mor-\\nton was assigned the Herculean task of defending or excusing\\nthe shameless nepotism of the President, and he did as well as\\ncould be expected under the circumstances. lie reasoned\\nhypothetically on the principle that a battery that can t be stormed\\nmust be flanked, if possible. He supposed an unsupposable case,\\nand then reared his apologetic argument upon the false premises.\\nHe indignantly asked why a competent, and worthy, and needy\\nrelative of the President might not be appointed to ofiice, as well\\nas the relative of somebody else, but he forgot to mention the\\nparticular relative of the President who is competent and worthy.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "13\\n[t was the play of Hamlet with Hamlet left out. (Laughter.)\\nThe omission of the distinguished Senator was certainly not for\\ns^ant of numbers of the President s relatives in office, for if there\\nire any left out, the nation has never heard of them. (Laughter.)\\n[judge that the list of known relatives must have been exhaus-\\nted when we wanted the President to give us a day to the unveil-\\ning of the statue of Lincoln in the park. He answered from\\nLebanon that he would have been most happy to visit Philadel-\\nphia to do honor to the memory of Lincoln, but for the fact that\\nhe was just then in search of some relatives he had not seen for\\nthirty-five years. (Laughter and applause.) I infer that the\\nearch was unsuccessful, for I do not know of any important ap-\\npointments conferred upon the family since that time. But of\\nthose then and still in office. Senator Morton should have tried\\nto instance at least one who could be classed as competent and\\nvvorthy; but he failed to do so, and his argument necessarily\\nfailed. He wanted no platform, renewed his apology or excuse\\nfor martial law and bayonet rule in time of peace, and returned\\nto Washington to tiud that a Itepublican Congress was ready to\\nrepudiate the imperialism he had crowded through a convention\\nof dependants. (Applause.) But he did not return from the\\nconvention without his trophies. He bore with him the scalp of\\nColfax, the rival whom he would destroy because Indiana has\\never sustained him and with bayonets triumphant in the platform,\\nand his dangerous rival slain, he hastened back to the capital to\\nfind his bayonets rejected by Congress, his State alienated from\\nhis cause, and his own high office hurled beyond his reach by his\\nvictory of despotism, jealousy and hate. (Applause.)\\nLosran came tierv as the untamed steed, and with martial bear-\\nings and studied eloquence he boldly defied his consistant\\nutterances of the last two years. Washington has resounded\\nwith his tireless denunciation of the nepotism, incompetency, and\\nvindictive malice of the President; and thousands, more slow to\\nbelieve but more faithful to themselves and to truth, have learned\\nfrom him that only bj a change of administration can we secure\\nan honest and honored government. The President accused him\\nof ambition beyond his merits when a candidate for Senator be-\\nfore the Illinois Legislature, and opposed his election. Logan\\naccused the President of unfitness for power, and defeated the", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "14\\naiministration by his triumph. I concede that both were proba-\\nbly right, (laughter and applause,) and I will do both the justice\\nto say that neither has changed his opinion, however they may\\nappear in the play. Logan taught Republicans that the Cincin-\\nnati Convention was a necessity, and until it nominated another\\nthan Logan, his wrath was directed solely against Grant. But\\na few weeks before he came here with his series of apologies for\\nthe President, he had aided in preparing an appeal to the soldien;\\nof the country to resist Grant s election. His brave companions of\\nthe field who started with him in the eftbrt to redeem a nation from\\ndespotic misrule are still at the front, while he has gone to the\\nrear to revel in the baggage train. Has Grant, in so short a\\nperiod, become a better man? or has Logan fallen to the low\\nestate of his despised ruler? (Applause.) That he should have\\nready excuses for his newly accepted chieftain will surprise no\\none. He apologized, defended and extenuated with the ardor of\\nthe orator; but who believed the teacher or accepted his faith?\\nThe brilliant Oglesby gave us polished rhetoric with all of West-\\nern earnestness and skill, but while he promised success, he trem-\\nbled for his own candidacy and State until now the banner Re-\\npublican State west of the Alleghenies. With them were lesser\\nlights of every shade and type, from the heroes of New York\\nCustom frauds, to those who spoke for the skeletons of States\\nthey are still dissecting in the South, and when all had made their\\nexcuses, their work was finished. (Applause.)\\nThere was enthusiasm to order, but the cheers which went up\\nfrom the multitude of the dependants of power died out when\\nthey reached the people, as the surging wave subsides against the\\nrock-ribbed shore. When the calm came, the pebble flung by\\nthe humblest citizen upon the surface of the political sea sent\\nwidening and growing billows to toss the ship of State, and dan-\\nger was signalled by the captains who had just told us of the\\nprosperous voyage before them. The Mortons and Logans who\\nreturned to the Senate fresh from the triumphs of Philadelphia, con-\\nfessed that the people dare not be trusted to decide this election.\\nLi violation of parliamentary law, and in utter contempt of all\\ncivil authority, the Senate amended the Civil Appropri n bill\\nby inserting in it the revolutionary Enforcement act. i extended\\nthe supreme power of office-holders and bay oo; w", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "15\\ntion precinct in the United States, and under its provisions the\\nimperialism of the New World could have taught despotic Eu-\\nrope how the will of the people may be defied under the color of\\nfree institutions. It was practically repeating the declaration of\\nLouis XTV I am the State! It was more daring imperialism\\nthan that by which the ba3 onets of France twice reared the Em-\\npire of the Napoleons by the mockery of the ballot. All other\\namendments were ruled out of order. Bayonets were wanted;\\nbut civil rights, just pronounced for in the platform, were tossed\\nto the winds as needless cargo in the tempest. Earnest and\\npatriotic men of both parties contested this wanton attempt to\\nsubvert popular liberty; but through a whole weary night the\\nadministration Senators kept faithful vigil, and at last crowned\\ntheir disgrace by success. To the lasting honor of a Republican\\nHouse, directly representing the people, it may be said that it\\nbraved the lash of power and defeated the measure! While\\nmany yielded a most reluctant support to an enforced party\\npolicy, there were others who revolted, and returned the bill to a\\ncommittee of conferene, with the assurance that the administra-\\ntion Senators would recede from their mad, revolutionary work,\\nand that no parliamentary rights of the opposition should be\\nsacrificed by the proceeding; but it was returned without material\\nchange. Then came individual dishonor to the support of national\\nhumiliation. The new imperialism was to die in its swaddling-\\nclothes or live by treachery and fraud, and men who hope to be\\nesteemed honorable by the country surrended their integrity and\\ntheir patriotism upon the altar of political despotism. Butler and\\nBingham demanded the overthrow of popular rights to perpetuate\\ndebauched party rule, and the trick that would have disgraced a\\nbandit leader was on the very threshold of accomplishment when\\na brave and beloved son of Pennsylvania, rising to the full stature\\nof the manhood of statesmanship, crushed the conspirators and\\ntheir despotism by his eloquent protest against both national and\\nindividual dishonor. (Prolonged applause.) Had Judge Kelley\\n(cheers) been unknown to the country until then, his patriotic\\ndemand for honesty and law would have nationalized his fame.\\nBut, happily, he brought an unsullied national reputation to the\\ntask he assumed, and he silenced the jeers and insults of discom-\\nfited revolutionists by the homely truth that, for such ofienses.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "16\\nhe had in times past, in the name of the law, placed the seal of\\nthe felon upon men. When one bold man, thrice armed by a\\njust cause, raised his voice against the violent enactment of more\\nviolent legislation, none dared to censure. In malignant frenzy\\na few struggled madly with fate, but the House and the nation\\nwill ever honor William D. Kelley for saving the first from a\\nmeasureless depth of disgrace and the last from a measureless\\nsweep of lawlessness. (Applause.)\\nThus the men who built and boasted in Philadelphia returned\\nto Washington to witness the corner-stone torn from the founda-\\ntion of their structure by a Republican Congress, and they stand\\nconfessedly defeated by their own record. (Applause.) Every\\nassault and appliance known to desperate power were exhausted\\nto compass the prostitution of the popular branch of the Govern-\\nment to the extraordinary necessities of the administration. Its\\nsupporters demanded the right to suspend the laws at pleasure,\\nand they did not conceal that the power was absolutely essential\\nto control the re-election of the President. The Senate, removed\\nfrom the voice of the people, forced the measure through, but a\\nHouse of the same political fjdth, soon to return to the people for\\njudgment upon its record, rejected the measure in repeated trials,\\nand preserved to the nation the sanctity and supremacy of civil\\nauthority. This twin sister of despotism came also in the shape\\nof the suspension of the Writ of Right, with the approval of an\\nobedient Senate. It was pressed upon the House in the name of\\nthe administration as a supreme political necessity; as involving\\nthe success or defeat of the President. It was admitted that his\\nrule had not appealed to the virtue, intelligence and patriotism\\nof the people; that it had discarded reliance upon popular appro-\\nval, and rested its hopes for extended power upon measures which\\nwould enable it to defy the people, and pervert the ballot. Again\\nit failed, and failed without hope. The work of revolutionary\\ngovernment is now ended in all the States. The gleam of the\\nbayonet will not libel our free institutions at the polls. The civil\\nlaws will be supreme everywhere, and the sacred Writ of Right\\nwill be at hand to protect the humblest citizen from the dictation of\\nthe usurper. Under the banner of peace, of order, of integrity,\\nand of the law, Horace Greeley will be chosen our President.\\n(Prolonged cheers.) Ripe in statesmanship, conservative in the\\nappreciation of administrative duties, faithful to every condition of\\ncitizenship and to every section of the Union, honest to a measure\\nthat defies the pen or tongue of malice, and patriotic under every\\ntrial that has been or can be, he will give us restored brotherhood,\\nprosperity, dignity and economy in the administration of the\\nGovernment. Then we shall have peace. (Applause and cheers.)", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "GRANT RULE IN THE SOUTH.\\nSPEECH\\nOP\\nHON.A.K.MCCLURE,\\nDELIVERED AT\\nGreensboro North Carolina,\\nJuly 22, 1872.", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "I congratulate you, citizens of North Carolina, and I congrat-\\nulate the country, that here in this lirst battle foi* our national\\nregeneration, we are to meet all the combined power and ajipli-\\nances of the party of disorder and oppression. I congratulate\\nyou and the cause of free and honest government, that here all\\nthe desperation and corruption of the administration managers\\nconfront us. I welcome to the field the trembling ministers of\\nState, who leave their portfolios to excuse and defend their pros-\\ntitution of power, to defeat the fair expression of your people at\\nthe ballot box. I rejoice that, after paying to his partisans in\\nyour State nearly a quarter of a million of dollars for the past\\nyear, through the Federal marshal, the Secretary of the Treas-\\nury followed the corruption fund himself, to plead for a new\\nlease of power for the men in your midst, who, having bank-\\nrupted the State, are welcomed to the vaults of the National\\nTreasury. It is well that the naked, vengeful arm of power is\\nraised in your faces, and that the resources of the General Gov-\\nernment are employed in all their multiplied forms, to make\\nNorth Carolina forgetful of her holiest duties to herself. I am\\nthankful, since the bonds of arbitrary power are of the argu-\\nments to be used for administration success, that bonds abound\\namong you, and are flaunted before your citizens to coerce them\\ninto sustaining a national policy, that aims the deadliest blows at\\nthe very genius of our free institutions. As these are the weap-\\nons of the enemy, and as they are to be met manfully and over-\\nthrown triumphantly if we would preserve government of the\\npeople, let us complain not that here, in this initial struggle of\\nthe great battle of 1872, usurpation and lawlessness will have no\\nreserves for future conflicts.\\nIt will be a sore trial for the old North State, but it is better\\nthat it should be so. A few will falter here and there, as they\\nare beset by the persuasions of the venal, or intimidated by the\\nthreats of authority, but for every one that falters or falls there\\nwill be others, quickened by patriotism and self-preservation, to\\nfill up the ranks and inspire the masses of your people to the\\n3", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "noblest heroism. If failure is possible, we might do worse thaa\\nfail now, if thereby the nation shall be taught how the popular\\nwill is to be subverted in the South to save the administration\\nfrom the retribution it has so boldly challenged. (Applause.)\\nT am mindful that in your last appeal to the supreme sovereignty\\nof the people, for modifications of your fundamental law, a deci-\\nsion in favor of a convention was ostentatiously forbidden by\\nthe law ofiicer of the national administration. I remember, too,\\nthat your people did forbear to seek for constitutional restraints\\nupon the channels of power which had destroyed your State\\ncredit and impoverished you, rather than provoke the resent-\\nment of the political demagogues who mould the policy of the\\nGovernment. It was wise then, for you were powerless, and\\nyour submission was heralded to the country as a victory for the\\nparty that is now, for the first time, fairly brought to trial face\\nto face with your citizens.\\nLet us understand and appreciate this contest. Its importance\\nis not limited solely to its result, as would be the case in any or-\\ndinary preliminary political struggle. Upon the one side defeat\\nis annihilation. When the party of power falls, repudiated by\\nthe people because their authority has been prostituted and abu-\\nsed, it falls without hope. It is ever vigilant, active and desper-\\nate. It leaves none of its means unemployed; its supporters are\\ntireless in their work, and when they are defeated they must sur-\\nrender the field. Upon the other side, the vanquished may be\\nthe victors in November, because palpable corruption, oppres-\\nsion, desperation and fraud have overdone their allotted work.\\nIf the people of North Carolina shall, in face of the exhausting\\neflTorts of bad men in authority, defeat the Grant ticket in Au-\\ngust, by multiplied thousands will your verdict be given for lib-\\nerty, amnesty and law in November. (Applause.) But if, by\\nthe relentless exercise of arbitrary power, or by fraud, or by fla-\\ngrant debauchery, or by all of them, a victory shall be gained by\\nthe administration, it will but arouse the nation to its hitherto\\nunknown perils, and make the political subjugation of a sister\\nState the altar upon which usurpation shall immolate itself.\\nThat the hope of the administration in this contest, rests mainly,\\nif not wholly, upon coercing, defrauding and corrupting your\\npeople, is notorious and even undenied. If allowed to vote as", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "they would wish, no one questions that the citizens of North\\nCarolina would elect Judge Merriman (cheers) their Govenor\\nby not less than 20,000 majority. This is confessed by the enemy.\\nWith the national and State executives in their hands; with\\nState and national officials swarming in your midst like the lo-\\ncusts of Egypt, devouring your substance and bringing dishonor\\nupon your Commonwealth with presses directed by the depen-\\ndants of patronage with laws so framed as to give license to\\nfraud, and with public money to tempt the cupidity of the im-\\npoverished and oppressed, behold the desperation of their lead-\\ners. To meet them the people come single-handed. They con-\\ntrol no patronage have no means to seduce the citizen from his\\nduty to himself and to his State have no authority whereby to\\nintimidate the weak, and no plunder to rally the camp-followers\\nto their cause. They appeal to the intelligence, to the virtue,\\nand to the patriotism of the people and yet the champions of\\nrevolutionary power tremble for their safety, and meet us each\\nday with renewed eftbrts to subvert the popular will. (Applause.)\\nI am here to speak in Carolina as I have spoken, and shall\\nspeak, in the States of the North. I have no language for one\\nsection of the Union that is not for every section. I have no\\nambiguous platform to interpret in accord with conflicting con-\\nvictions in difierent localities. I have no candidates whose opin-\\nions are, in any sense, concealed, restrained, or of double mean-\\ning. I am here to speak for the disenthralment of North Caro-\\nlina (cheers) for the restoration of her people to self-govern-\\nment; for equal rights, privileges and laws for every class of her\\ncitizens for amnesty to those who are still monuments of the\\nvengeance of war; for honesty, economy and statesmanship in\\nher local government, and for peace, prosperity and safety to all.\\n(Applause.) I am here to speak for the Union of these States,\\nand for the brotherhood of all their people. (Cheers.) I am\\nhere to speak for the election of Horace Greeley (protracted\\ncheers) to the Chief Magistracy of our re-united and redeemed\\nRepublic. I am here to plead for free government, the hunger-\\ncry of the nation. North and South, East and West. I am here\\nto demand the supremacy of the laws, and of all the laws, in\\nevery section of the country, and to demand obedience to them\\nalike by rulers and citizens. I am here to proclaim that we are", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "at peace with each other, that the scars of war shall be healed,\\nthat its passions must yield to fraternal efforts for the common\\nwelfare, and that the laws of war shall pass away. I am here to\\nre-echo the solemn verdict of the Republican popular branch of\\nCongress, that revolutionary legislation no longer blots our stat-\\nute books, (applause) and to assure those who have felt the iron\\nheel of misrule, that henceforth every citizen of the Union, in\\nevery section, of every condition, race and faith, is free to dis-\\ncharge every duty of patriotism, and will be sustained in his ef-\\nforts for self-government by the overwhelming sentiment of the\\nNorthern people. (Cheers.) I am^fiere to protest against mili-\\ntary rule, not only in the South, but in Pennsylvania, where the\\ngleam of the bayonet has been tried to make our elections a\\nmockery and a fraud. And I am here to declare and defend the\\nindividual manhood of every citizen against political ostracism,\\nmilitary usurpation, and all the abuses of depraved authority.\\n(Applause.)\\nThe issues which divided the North and the South belong to\\nthe past. They have written their history in the deeply crim-\\nsoned pages of our common heroism. The sword became the\\narbiter between us, and its inexorable decrees have been execu-\\nted. The logical results of the war are written ineffiiceably in\\nour amended Constitution. The bondman is now the political\\npeer of his master, and the political equality of the learned and\\nthe lowly will endure while the Republic of the New World lives\\nto bless mankind. The dead of the conflict mingle their dust\\ntogether, as the}^ sleep in the peace that is never broken, and\\nevery household in the land has been stricken by the Angel of\\nSorrow. To the South came defeat and desolation, to the North\\ncame triumph and wealth. Had we been aliens to each other,\\nthe harvest of hate would have been lessened but being broth-\\ners, quickened by the same blood, proud of the same ancestry\\nand achievements, devoted to the same form of government, and\\nsharing the independence baptized by the sacrifice of our fathers,\\nour estrangement drank the cup of bitterness to its dregs. That\\nthe South struggled to escape the harsh lessons of the sword,\\nwhen overborne in the field, was natural, and that the North\\nyielded not until the fountains of discord were forever sealed,\\nwas a duty to the living and to the dead. How wisely it was", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "done those who come after us will better judge than we can.\\nHowever intensified by the profound passions of civil war, the\\nmass of the Northern people were honest and just in their pur-\\nposes, and they sought public safety not vengeance. They\\ndreaded a possible renewal of the old conflict, and they defeated\\nthe Democracy four years ago, because they deemed the final ac-\\nceptance of even defective reconstruction as infinitely preferable\\nto perpetual struggle and consequent disorder. To the national\\nverdict of 1868 the South bowed manfully. It left no material\\nissue unsettled, and the South justly claimed that sincere sub-\\nmission should restore its people to government and peace.\\nTheir fields were waste, their wealth consumed, their resources\\ndestroyed, their system of industry violently uprooted, and they\\nasked only for self-government to enable them to restore their\\nenero-ies and contribute to the wealth of the nation. This has\\nbeen denied them. Their States had become the prey of adven-\\nturers, exceptional in civilized history for incompetency and mis-\\nrule. Wherever their hands have fallen, public credit has with-\\nered, hopeless debt has been created, and oppression and plunder\\nhave prevailed. (Applause.)\\nIt was confidently hoped by good men of both sections that\\nthe election of General Grant would restore the country to good\\ngovernment and peace. He was not beloved by the nation. He\\nrepelled the enthusiasm that the people award to favorite heroes\\nor statesmen but he was the great Captain of the war, and his\\ndistinguished services were most gratefully appreciated. He had\\nnot only been a gallant and successful commander, but he had\\nbeen magnanimous beyond the approval of his countrymen when\\nthe flag of rebellion was furled. Had he obeyed the dictates of\\npassion, he would have won louder plaudits for a time but he\\nwas just as he was brave, and he turned back the surges of hate\\nfrom the field of his triumph. The North soon rejoiced that he\\nhad been generous at Appomattox, and his subsequent official\\nreport vouching for the fidelity of the Southern people, made\\nNorth and South confide in his patriotism and justice. And\\nwhen called upon to accept the candidacy for the Presidency, one\\nsimple, unaflected utterance touched the chord of the popular\\nheart from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the Lakes to the\\nGulf. Let us have Peace were the magic words which made", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "8\\nup the Republican battle-cry ui that hard-fought contest. All\\nissues were subordinated to the one great question of advancing\\nto the full measure of peaceful and fraternal government. On\\nthe one side, there was the threat of revolution, or, at least, of\\nviolent disturbance of the policy of reconstruction and on the\\nother side there was the promise of concord and obedience to\\nthe laws. It was the last struggle before the tribunal of last re-\\nsort for a modification or reversal of reconstruction, and to the\\ndecision all parties yielded and claimed the fruition of peace.\\n(Applause.)\\nThe one solemn promise of peace was the crown of the new\\nruler that the people had decked with greenest laurels. It in-\\nvolved every want of the nation. It involved not only honest,\\nrepresentative Federal Government, but honest, representative\\nGovernment in all the States as well. It demanded amnesty,\\npolitical equality, and the free exercise of all the prerogatives of\\ncitizenship in every section. It gave assurance of economy and\\nfidelity in all the channels of political power, and not only vic-\\ntors, but many of the vanquished, rejoiced that the cruel mission\\nof war was ended. But soon the shadows of disappointment\\nbegan to cloud the hopes of the people, i^he victorious General\\nwas unschooled and unskilled in statesmanship, and he failed to\\ndistinguish between the duties of the hero and the civil ruler.\\nBut still deeper clouds thickened over the high hopes of patriotic\\nmen as caricatures of statesmen, without ability and unknown\\nto fame, save as the authors of lavish gifts to the President, were\\ncalled to the high places due only to the first intellects of the\\ncountry. Such a voluntary offering to the Mortons, the Came-\\nrons, the Chandlers, the Conklings, the Butlers and the Holdens,\\nwas promptly and joyfully accepted. With incompetency ruling\\nin every department, and the pride and obstinacy which are its\\nnatural offspring enthroned everywhere, the statesman and the\\nunselfish of the land could make only fruitless efforts to save the\\nadministration. N one but camp followers and demagogues could\\nmake themselves welcome advisers, for he who was intelligent\\nand truthful gave ofi ense. The field was soon surrendered by\\nthose who hoped for good government, and the reign of dema-\\ngogues was supreme. They knew well that they could not per-\\npetuate their rule by the honest expression of the popular will.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "They knew that every honest administration, IlTorth and South,\\nwas a standing menace and an uncompromising foe to their pol-\\nicy and authority. They then resolved upon systematic violence,\\ndebauchery and fraud to re-elect Grant, and renew their lease of\\npower for another term. Instead of appealing to the intelligence\\nand patriotism of the country, as an honest and enlightened ad-\\nministration would have done, they had to invent a policy that\\nwould save them from popular reprobation by denying the na-\\ntion a free election. They found ready and willing instruments\\nfor their purpose in the South. It swarmed with carpet-baggers,\\nwho filled all the official places, and created as many more for\\ntheir associates as their ingenuity could invent. They were joined\\nby a few of your own people in their schemes of peculation and\\ndestruction, but by none who could justly claim self-respect or\\npublic confidence. (Applause.) Had Grant been intelligent and\\nhonest, he would have exhausted his official authority to restore\\nthe South to order and prosperity but whether he is to be ex-\\ncused for incompetency, or charged with deliberate complicity\\nin the unexampled wrongs of your State rulers, the fact stands\\nout in painful, undisputed prominence, that his power has been\\nopenly and uniformly wielded for the protection and perpetua-\\ntion of the oppressors of the Southern States. Men as charac-\\nterless as they were tireless in their fiendish work, hesitated not\\nat perjury to furnish excuse for the revolutionary policy of the\\nadministration leaders, and laws more violent than were enacted\\nin the darkest days of the war, were framed, passed and approved\\nto resist the restoration of your States to the control of their own\\npeople. The public thief, protected by the mailed arm of arbi-\\ntrary authority, Would provoke breaches of the peace through\\nhis creatures, more ignorant and less cowardly than himself,\\nknowinff well that he could invoke martial law to save him from\\nthe just consequences of his crimes. A double purpose was\\nthus served. An excuse was affijrded for the most insolent defi-\\nance of the popular will, and reports of the disorder, made up by\\nthe wrong-doers themselves, were flashed to the uttermost ends\\nof the country, to inflame the North against your State. (Ap-\\nplause.)\\nFor a time the policy of deliberate lawlessness and oppression\\nwas most successful North and South; but the people at the", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "10\\nNorth are intelligent, and party prejudices were unequal to the\\ntask of rejecting the truth. Notwithstanding the efforts of the\\ncreatures of power, and of power itself, to conceal the truth from\\nthe country, the muttering thunders of Northern sentiment de-\\nmanded the policy of peace for the South. But every Republi-\\ncan journal or politician whose utterance was in behalf of justice\\nwas threatened with party disfavor, and new and more violent\\nmeans were demanded to neutralize the honest expressions in the\\nNorth, and make the re-election of Grant safe by disfranchising\\nthe people.(^j^hree grand schemes were matured by the combined\\nvillainy and craft of the administration managers. They were\\ndesigned to control the election, pay all expenses, and afford large\\nmargins to the leaders. The telegraphs were to be possessed by\\nthe Government, by the waste and plunder of millions, and thus\\nTDrovide means for the campaign, and control every channel of\\nimmediate communication with the press and between the peo-\\nple. The approval of the Executive and proper Cabinet officert\\nwas readily obtained, and the party lash was to do the rest. St.\\nDomingo had disgracefully failed, and its disappointed specula-\\ntors were eager for the spoils and the power of the telegraph\\nswindle. But it failed, and, like St. Domingo, failed in dishonor.\\nThe unscrupulous leaders were astounded at the independence\\nof Northern Tiepublican sentiment, and they had to confess them-\\nselves overthrown. (Applause). But one failure made them and\\ntheir cause only the more desperate, and the country was soon\\nstartled with the proposition to place nominally in the hands of the\\nPresident, but really in the hands of Holden and Scott, and Bul-\\nlock, and their companions in crime, the power to suspend all\\ncivil authority in the South at pleasure, and substitute the bay-\\nonet for the ballot at your elections. Had this scheme prevailed,\\nnot one of the States south of the Virginias and Kentucky would\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2have been allowed a free expression of the people in the coming\\nelections, and the electoral votes of your States would have been\\ncaptured at the point of the sword. But, in utter consternation,\\nthe leaders heard the tempest of Northern protest, and the popu-\\nlar branch of Congress, on repeated trials, rejected the revolu-\\ntionary leaders and their scheme by Republican votes. (Cheers.)\\nThen came the Grant National Convention, and an interchange\\nof hopes and fears impressed all with the probability of defeat.", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "11\\nThe only straight-forward, honest plank of the platform is that de-\\nmanding military instead of lawful elections in the South. Armed\\nwith the party deliverance in favor of the overthrow of all civil\\nauthority wherever necessary, the leaders hastened back to the\\ncapital, and in defiance of all parliamentary law, plunged the En-\\nforcement act into the Civil Appropriation bill. An obedient\\nSenate did its work; but the Republicans of the House were\\nabout to return to their constituents for approval, and they hurled\\nback their protest into the very teeth of power, and taught the\\nExecutive and his managers that the people, in every section,\\nshall do their own voting this year. (Cheers and applause.)\\nWe have had a bloody war to overthrow the old doctrine of\\nStates rights. It had been enlarged until our common nationality\\nwas held to be the mere mockery of a government, and power-\\nless to maintain its unity or authority. But in making countless\\nsacrifice to dethrone one political heresy, we cannot accept the\\nequally dangerous and more despotic heresy of personal rule, or\\ncentralization. (Applause.) In maintaining the paramount au-\\nthority of the General Government, the sovereignty of the States,\\nin all things consistent with the general welfare, must be sacredly\\nmaintained. It is so clearly taught in our fundamental law,\\ngiven us by the authors of the Constitution; and the harmony of\\nour local and general authorities, under wise and patriotic rulers,\\nis a sublime tribute to the excellence of free government. The\\nfamily is the fountain of social order and of law. Its govern-\\nment is sacred, but within the prescribed rules of public morality\\nand safety. So is the cummunity to the county, the county to\\nthe State, and the State to the Union, All are sovereign in their\\nappropriate duties, and all are subordinate to the sacred rights\\nreserved to each. They are distinct as the billows, yet one as\\nthe sea, (applause) and he who would prostitute the sovereignty\\nof the State to personal rule, for any purpose, is either wanting\\nin intelligence or wanting in patriotism. Let us not fail to appre-\\nciate the chief issue in this contest. The people are to decide\\nwhether usurpation at pleasure, by an obstinate personal authority,\\nshall be the destiny of this country for four years more, or whether\\nthey shall choose their rulers and maintain self-government the\\ncorner-stone of free institutions. It is a most vital question in\\nevery section of the country, for if the nation shall affirm the theory", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "12\\nof centralized power, free government is at an end. If elections\\ncan be controlled by revolutionary laws in part of the country,\\nwhy not in the whole Union And if elections are to be the\\nmere registers of power, why hold elections at all? But vital as\\nthe issue is in the North, it involves everything to the South. It\\nnot only aiFects the general welfare of your people as communi-\\nties and States, but it involves to you immediately, what it does\\nto us remotely individual property, individual honor, and indi-\\nvidual safety. And no class, condition, or race can hope to escape\\nthe inexorable logic of the question. The owners of the fruitful\\nfields may endure despotism, but the poor and the lowly must, in\\nthe fullness of time, reap in tears what they have sown in mis-\\ntaken trust.\\nI have no appeal to make to the prejudices of race. There is\\nno intelligent argument to be offered in this struggle that does\\nnot appeal equally to rich and poor to the princely landowner\\nin his palace and the laborer in his humble cot, and the white\\nman and the black man. But while all are interested in the same\\ngeneral results, all are not to be alike affected by the baleful\\nconsequence of bad government. The laborer ever drinks the\\nbitterest dregs of misrule. Seed time and harvest will come to\\nthe proprietors whether there is good or bad government, and\\nthey can live in comparative comfort; but when the energies and\\nprogress of a State are prostrated by unjust laws, industry is the\\nfirst to feel the avenging stroke, and the laborer seeks in vain the\\nprivilege to toil that he may earn his bread. And he who would\\narray race against race is the malignant foe of the liberated and\\nenfranchised slave. The interests of all classes are identical\\ncapital and labor must prosper or decline together here as else-\\nwhere; and a conflict of races can have but one result sooner or\\nlater. Independent of the disparity in numerical power, those\\nwho are most fitted to govern will surely govern in the end; and\\nthose who govern badly, and appeal to prejudices of race to sus-\\ntain them, must soon fall, and sacrifice for years the influence\\nthey should exercise in moulding the policy of the State.\\nThe attempt to lead the Republican party, by the appliances of\\npower, to accept debauchery and despotism as its elements of\\nsuccess, created the Cincinnati Convention. It was the solemn\\nprotest of independent men of the party against the decrees which", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "13\\naimed to shackle thought, silence speech, and prohibit action not\\nin accord with the dictation of selfish rule. It was the outspoken\\ndemand of the nation in behalf of self-government and public\\norder, (applause) and the nation has obliterated party lines in the\\nsurely approaching approval of that great work. Its declaration\\nof principles, honestly and frankly expressed, made millions ot\\nmen of all sections, conditions and race, devoted to one true faith\\nand to one noble purpose. Two National Conventions, in each\\nof which every State was represented, being free from the con-\\ntamination of corrupt power, reflected the convictions of the\\npeople and the supreme wants of the country. And but one\\nman could in all respects fitly lead this sublime and invincible\\narmy of Reform and Peace. There are few North or South\\nwhom he has not at some time antagonized, and with the\\nearnestness of his honest nature. But who has ever questioned the\\nintegrity, the intelligence, the patriotism of Horace Greeley?\\n(Cheers and applause.) He has, in turn, plead the cause of both\\nraces before me, when they were helpless, and when it required\\nthe highest measure of courage to brave the prejudices and pas-\\nsions of the times. When the now enfranchised black man was\\nenslaved in the South and disfranchised in the North, and when\\nto speak for him was to invite public derision and contempt, he\\nsteadily and earnestly advocated the freedom and political equality\\nof all men. (Applause.) When Grant was casting his first and\\nonly Presidential vote for Buchanan, for the repeal of the Mis-\\nsouri Compromise, and for the approval of the Dred- Scott deci-\\nsion, which declared that the black man had no rights the white\\nman was bound to respect, Horace Greeley had devoted all the\\nvigor of his ripened manhood to give freedom and citizenship\\nto the powerless and despised race. In his own State he made\\ncanvass after canvass, against overwhelming numbers, to make\\nsuffrage free to all, and in abiding faith he fought the battle to\\nthe end, and gave it victory. But in the rich wreaths he had\\ngathered for himself by his ceaseless efforts for the lowly and\\noppressed, there was no hate or resentment to dim the lustre of\\nhis achievements. Just when the black man had been secured\\nin his freedom, the white men before me were, by that triumph,\\nmade strangers to their country. Then, when the resentments\\nof war were omnipotent with rulers and people, above the black", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "14\\ntempest of passion was one silver lining to the clound. One\\nvoice had spoken amidst the anathemas of hate. It was the de-\\nmand of Horace Greeley for universal amnesty and suffrage.\\n(Cheers and applause.) It cost him many valued friends for a\\neeason, and made him ineligible to the high honors his party had\\ndecided to confer upon him; but he complained not as he labored\\npatiently, earnestly, andhopefully, until the whole nation confessed\\nhis wisdom and bowed to his philanthrophy. Thus have the\\noppressed of every race and clime ever found in him a friend. It\\nhas been miscalled humanity. It is his enlightened statesman-\\nship and unfaltering courage in support of the right which have\\nthus crowned our free institutions with their noblest triumphs. In\\ntimes of sorest trial to the nation and to any portion of its people,\\nhe has met every question with dignity, ability and tolerance;\\nand when called to the Chief Magistracy as he soon shall be\\nhe will himself, in the discharge of the duties of the highest trust\\nconferred upon man, perfect the amnesty he advocated in appar-\\nently hopeless effort when the conflict of arms had ceased. Then\\nevery citizen of the Republic will understand that at last there\\nshall be honest government and peace. (Applause.)\\nCitizens of North Carolina, behold your State! It is a swift\\nand terrible witness of the truth of what I have taught. The\\nrecital of the despotism and corruption I have given you is but\\nthe history of your Commonwealth. It was the cradle of liberty.\\nIn one of your southern counties the first formal declaration of\\nindependence ever made on this continent was given to the peo-\\nple. (Applause). Your history is replete with illustrious\\nnames in the annals of the forum and of the field, and with the\\nnoblest achievements in war and peace. You were noted for the\\nability and purity of your representative men and of your local\\ngovernment. The honor and credit of your State were cherished\\nas household gods. The evil days of sectional war came upon\\nyou, and you ridged the plains and hill-sides of the South with\\nthe nameless graves of your sons. War ended, and the silver\\nwings of peace were welcomed by the remnant of your warriors\\nand by your people. But peace came not. All the desolation\\nand bereavement of the strife paled before the unspeakable blight\\nand degradation that remained in store for you. One of your\\nown sons, who had in turn been traitor to every cause, climbed", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "15\\ninto your Gubernatorial chair by violence and fraud, and with\\nhim came a Legislature and other State officers conspicuous only\\nfor incapacity and villiany. The highway robber takes only what\\nmay be restored, but the Holden government robbed North Caro-\\nlina of her honor and her credit the proud patrimony of her\\npeople. Had they merely plundered the treasury of all they could\\nextort from a prostrated and impoverished people, they might\\nhave been charitably forgotten; but with excessive taxes imposed,\\nthey have added millions upon millions to your indebtedness,\\nwithout even the pretense of rendering an equivalent. They\\nhave multiplied officers in every county to oppress your citizens\\nand devour their little substance. They have created disorder\\nfor the double purpose of intimidating your people and plunder-\\ning the national treasury. They have employed perjury to im-\\npose vexatious and humiliating bonds upon many of your best\\nmen, to silence the popular resentment they so boldly pjrovoked.\\nTrue, a Legislature fresh from the people hurled the chief of\\nthese unexampled wrongs from his place, with the seal of infamy\\nupon his head; but his scarred and blotted monuments will stand\\nin your midst as generation after generation execrates his name.\\n(Applause.) When you made an earnest effort to throw the safe-\\nguard of an amended Constitution around your people, you were\\nforbidden to exercise the sovereignty accorded to the people of the\\nStates: but now the sword is no longer drawn over you, thanks\\nto a Republican Congress, and. your peaceable and complete regen-\\neration is in your own hands. Many thousands of dollars have\\nbeen practically stolen from the National Treasury to aid the ene-\\nmies of order in this contest. But all the resources of desperate\\nauthority will be powerless to defeat you if you are faithful and\\nvigilant. Millions of your brethren will watch and wait anxiously\\nfor your verdict in behalf of liberty and law, and other millions\\nwill wait with trembling for some gleam of hope for the perpet-\\nuation of despotism and anarchy. Encompassed as you are by\\nsuch a cloud of witnesses, and with all that is sacred to the citi-\\nzen, and all that promises honor and prosperity to your people, at\\nstake, let each man resolve that North Carolina shall be redeemed\\nto honesty, free government and peace. (Applause.)", "height": "3238", "width": "1899", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3239", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "RING RULE IN PHILADELPHIA.\\nITS FOUNTAIN I ITS STREAMS 11 ITS FRUITS III\\n:e^ e: Ei d 3E3: ess*\\nDelivered in Odd Fellows Hall, corner Tenth and South Sts., Philadelphia,\\nON TUESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 3, 1872.\\nI appear before you 1,0-Elglit to discuss Issues of\\nthe gravest moment to the people ot Philadelphia,\\nand Issues which must arrest the attention and in-\\nspire the etl orts of every good riiizen. These ques-\\ntions are not Irseparably Interwoven with the sac-\\ncess of any of the great political organizations of\\nthe country. If they were it would be vain to ask\\nattention to them now, for national Issues would\\nsubordinate all considerations of mere local Inte-\\nrest. Fortunately, however, party lines are dis-\\ncarded m earnest efforts to redeem our municipality\\nfrom misrule, and while the vote of the city maj be\\ndecisively for one narcy or the other, on those can-\\ndidates who present the test on national ssues, the\\npeople can guard the purity of the ballot-box, and\\ne ect honest and competent men to such positions\\nas more imme\u00c2\u00bb lately affect ocal reform, without\\nany prejudice whatever to any national cause.\\nIV y position on the Presideuilal question is well\\nknown, but I am before you this evening to advo-\\ncate the cause and the candidates which are sup-\\nported, witti equal earnestness, by many of the most\\nc evoted friends of President Granc. If to demand\\nan honest election, to prevent illegal registration,\\nto oppose the votes of repea ers, to enforce a falfh-\\nfnl count of the votes cast, to guard against the\\nfraudulent alteration of returns, or to vote and\\nwork for every local candidate who favors thorough\\nreform, will endanger the elactlon of my Preslden-\\ntiU candidate, his Cuuse can have no just claim\\nupon a pattlotic people (app ause) and if to do the\\nsame thing endacgers the success of President\\nGrant, his defeat would be a public benefaction. In-\\ndependext of any consequences which may result\\npolitically from such a cour e of action, 1 mean not\\noQly In this district, but In every ther ward and\\ndistrict of Pnlladelphla, to give my best energies for\\nthe success of reform candidates for waTd, legis a-\\ntive, and city offices. (Applause.) I will not sap-\\nport hopeless tickets unless there Ci\u00c2\u00bbn be no hopeful\\nticket presented by the friends ef municipal and\\nlegislative reform; hut I shall urge the election of\\ncandidates for Councils, legislative and city offi-\\nces most favorable to the reg-cneratlon of our local\\ngovFrnraent, ro matter whether they shall be for\\nGreeley or Grant for President. (Applause\\nIn this S enatorlaI dlBtrlct two parties have pre-\\nsented Senator Dechert for-electlon, and botu with\\nmarked unanimity. After having been nominated\\nby the Democrats, the Citizens Reform Association,\\ncomposed largely of men differing with him on na-\\ntional issues, formally named him as their candidate\\nand urge his election, because he has given the most\\nsa isfantorv evidence of his consistent devotion to\\nreform In Philadelphia. Oaring two sessions of ser-\\nvice in the Senate he has uniionnly subordinated\\npartisan Interests to the Interests of our long-suffer-\\nIng manlcipalUy. No job has stained his hands.\\nNo power has been stolen from the people to enrich\\ncombinations of oad men by his vote. The blot of\\nthe lobbyist is \u00c2\u00bbot to be found on his SenatorUl gar-\\nments, and the appeal ot honest citizens of Phila-\\ndelphia for protection against bad laws, or reilef\\nfrom oppression, has ever found In him a faithful\\nchampion. (Cheers.) That he has accomplished but\\nlittle in guarding your people and your treasury from\\nthe assaults of the corrupt, is explained by the su-\\npremacy of corrupt or asenlal legislators In the dele-\\ngations representing our city. Time and again the\\nSenate passed various measures of reform, and aa\\noften they were defeated in the House la obedience\\nto a partisan caucus, controlled by the members\\nfrom Philadelphia. His record can be scrutin Zed\\nfrom the da-y he entered the Senate until the close\\nof his service, and no measure of doubtful Integrity\\never received his support. It was, therefore, but a\\njust tribute to senator Dechert for the Citizens Re-\\nform Ass.^clatloa to present him as their candidate,\\nand with such a commendation to the better people\\nof the district, from an org^nizitlon that places re-\\nform before pirty, and Invites the co-operation of\\nevery good citizen, without paiitical distinction, I\\ncannot doubt that he will be successful by a large\\nmajority. (Applause.)\\nOf his competitor I have nothing unkind or dls-\\nrespectful to say personally. But there are ques-\\ntions of the gravest moment to the people wMch he\\ncannot and will not answer. If he were to say that\\nhe would demand honest election laws for PWladel-\\nPhl\u00c2\u00bb by which each party would exercise equal re-\\nstraints upon the other, the men who nominated\\nhim would not support him. If he were to say puta-\\nlif ly that he would support a b.U giving to the Ke-\\npubllcaua, Demeorata, and Reformers equal repre-", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "eentatlon, of their own selection. In the boards of\\ncaavaasera and In the election boards, auid giving\\nthe courts the right to revise the registration and\\nrestra a palpable frand by return judges, his parti-\\nsans wonld curse him as an enemy and rejoice at\\nhis defeat. If he were to declare that he would de-\\nmand the abolition or all needless offices, the sur-\\nrender of irresponsible tmsts to proper ecrutiny by\\nthe people, the destruction of all illegal fees and the\\neiiacta)ent of just salaries for all city officials, he\\nwould be denounced as an enemy of the party, and\\naa Riming at tae destruction of its supremacy. For\\nstight I Snow he is a worthy and reputable citizen,\\nbut, Tsith tho Bomlnat cn, he has accepted the hard\\ncoBdirion that he shall grind in the prison-house\\nof the authors of our degradation, and he will justly\\nshare the condt-mnation their maladministration\\nhas provoked. He wDl be defeated, because every\\nconsideration of public order, public credit, and\\npublic aafetv in Philadelphia Imperatively demands\\nIf^ (Applause.)\\nCitizens of Philadelphia! Let us glance dispas-\\nBlonately at the great Issue that has been forced\\nupon ns in this election. Surely our crushing and\\ngrowing debt, our unexampled tax-rate, the Incal-\\ncu able extortions enforced by our ofTlclals. and the\\ngradulU but now almost complete transfer of all\\npower over our revenues and departments from the\\ntax-payers to combinations of men, upon whom\\nmost arbitrary authority has oeen conferred, must\\nmaRfl our people consider the problem In ihe spirit\\nof truth and uoDerness. It is idle, worse tnan Idle,\\nto nrge that at another time reform may be Inangn-\\nrftted. There will be plenty to plead for a more;\\nconvenient season in which to enforce the manifest\\nwill of the people. It has been urged from year to\\nyeitf in the past, and taxpayers have listened and\\npostpoaedretrtDutloru Re Oim has been promised\\nprofusely In the very temple of corruption and there\\nlire those whose falta was equal to the acceptance\\nof the pledge. One year a Governor is to elect:\\naaotaer year political power is to be controlled in the\\nState by legislative apportionments; another year\\na Senator is to be chosen another presents a Presi-\\ndential contest, and the time never has come, and\\nnever will come, whon it will be convenient for the\\npartisans who are the authors of our opp resslon to\\nallow the people to ruie in Philadelphia.\\nLooi at the. anomalous political aspect presented\\nIn our cEly. The entire daily press of Phi ladelphla\\nhas, aa with one voice, demanded just what lam\\nadvocating to-nlaht. Tae Press, the Inquirer, the\\nAge, the Ledger, ttte Pu^t, the Record, the North\\nAmerican, the G irman Demokrat, tae Evening Tele-\\ngrwph, the B dletin, the Day, the H.-.ralii, and the\\nStar, have all piotested, year after year, against the\\nmonstrous abuse of power and authority by the or-\\nganization of men that rules the city. They aU\\nprotest against the disregard of the popular will and\\nthe defiance of all public interests in the political\\ncontrol of Philadelphia, They have taught the tax-\\npayers that bad nominations and the prostitution of\\nofflclal power are not eccldeotal nor exceptional,\\nbut that they flow continuously from a fountain\\npolluted by delibcate, systematic, and organized\\nwroDg. With manly Independence the press of\\nPhiladelphia have braved the temptations of power\\nand advocated the cause of the tax- payers. (Ap-\\nplause.) Now and then some have y elded to per-\\nhaps questionable consistency in support of the\\ncacdidatea of the corrupt system, while denouncing\\ntha system Itself; but upon the whole, a more\\nfaithful press that that of Philadelphia cannot be\\nfound in any city of the Union. (Applause There\\nis not one of our dally josmals that supports the en-\\ntire Republican ticket\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not one. With two-thirda\\nof tne dally newspapers Rtpubllcan in politics, and\\nand all the va^t patronage of the ofHces and depart-\\nments In Republican hands, there Is mt one that ia\\nso forgetful of its self-respect as to support all the\\nnominations of the party. The Bulletin censures me\\nfor not supporting tha National and S ate ticset,\\nand lo bolts the Leglolative t cfeet and the sppoint-\\nmen s lor canvas.-fert. (Laughter.) The Pres.^ cen-\\nsures me for not supporting the National tictcet, and\\nit bolts the State ticket. [Laughter.) Ihe Pout\\nsupports the City ticket and bolts the National\\ntlcfcet. (Laughter.) The Telegraph accepts tha\\nState ticket just- as It^would accept the varioloid\\nin preference to sraali-pox (great laughter), and\\nbolts the litglalative tlcfcet; and to escape political\\nbolting, without sacrificing respectability, tha Nesior\\nof the Republican press nas indivldaaily bolted to\\nEurope; and the next in ripeness of political ex-\\nperience has bolted to the golden slopes of the\\nPacitic, (Shouts of laughter\\nThe press of Philadelphia has taught our people\\nhow the power of the city is abused, and how its\\nrevenues are squandered. Eich journal of any re-\\nputation or character has performed \u00c2\u00bbome part of\\nthis puollc duty. Not a single department of power,\\nnot a single trust, has escaped the severe cncicissn\\nof our best journals. They have not been assailf d\\nfor incompetency, but for deliberate mismanage-\\nment and fraud and the extortion of hundreds of\\nthousands of dollars annually from the people by\\ntheir publi; officers, in the shape of Illegal fee^, haa\\nmet with the universal and stern condemnation of\\nthe press of the cUy. But there is not a man now ja\\noffice, nor one who is a candidate on tho Kepuollcaa\\nticket, who will not resist to the uttermost, here aud\\nin Hariisbuig, any measures designed to protect the\\npublic from this shameless robbery. With every de-\\npartment of power practically taKen from the con-\\ntrol of the public by special legislation, aud pecula-\\ntion and fraud charged at every dour of mnulclpul\\nauthority by the press of Philadelphia, without dis-\\ntinction of party, can citizens continue to be Indif-\\nferent In the straggle for reform Thousands of\\nour most intelligent and uptight men have given\\nthemselves up to this great wotli. (AppUuse,)\\nTnej are Republicans, Denocrata and Llberais, hut\\nthey are tlrst for relorm, and ihey have enilstea ih-i\\netrorts oi more than enough of our votlog popula-\\ntion 10 control overwhelmiugly our local contests if\\nire could approximate an honest election In our\\ncltv. (Sensation.)\\nThe cancer of corruption has most thoroughly\\ncorrupted our munlcipa booy politic. Wheuce\\ncomes this moral pestilence What fountain flows", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "with this pollntloB? What remedy la eqnal to\\nthe task of healing the ghastly wouuiis inflicted\\nupon the honor, the credit, and the safety of the\\ncommunity\\nI answer: The fotcntain of all our corruption, and\\nof all our arbi rary poiver, a7id of all our invsride, in\\nPhiloui Iphia. is the Legislature.\\nLet ns glance at the facts. The consolidation\\ncharter left the piiwer of the aiunlclpailty in the\\npeople, as far as was at all practicable, and none\\nbut absolatPly necessary oilices were created. It*\\nWhole provisions and splJlt point unmistekably to\\nthe exercise of the most careful scrutiny ol, and the\\nmost complete restraints upon, all oflloial authority.\\nTo secure our local RovernaQent from the whirlpool\\nof politics, the municipal elections were held in the\\nsprlufr, and to enforce respect for pablic sentiment\\nm officials, the terms of all important city officers\\nwere but for two years. Bat the political managers\\nsoon found that they werfc unsafe In their power\\nand emoluments if the tax -payers were allowed to\\ncall them to account every two years, and at a sea-\\nson when pDlitlcdl prejudice coal.l not be invoked to\\nsave them. The departments gradually became en-\\ngines of political power, and In exciting National or\\nState contests it was an easy tasft to make the masses\\nof the dominant psrty actively or passively asseut to\\nhuch an organization of them as promised the best\\npoiiilcal Jesuits.\\nSpecial legislation was resortRd to, and it has\\nwritten a fearful record of plunder, demoralization,\\nand oppression in osr midst. It first appeared as\\nthe cloud no greater than a man s hand, and created\\nno alarm in the public mind. When municipal offi-\\ncers of a particular political faith were elected, their\\nterms were extended by apparently harmless spe-\\ncial laws. First the head of political and municipal\\npower was legisliited into an extended term and\\nthe elections fixed with the regular political elec-\\ntions In the fall. The terms of Coutcllmen were\\nnext extended. Then one after another fo lowed\\nspecial enactments extending the terms of subordi-\\nnate officers, and the work of legisUtlve extensions\\nla not yet quite flcished, aa etrorts have recently\\nbeen made to extend the terms of the flnancial offi-\\ncers of this city.\\nIn the meantime other most Important special\\nlegislation has been cnnninglv d -vised and enacted,\\ncrea ingan ludeaBite number of new offlcfa, and\\ngradually wltridrawlug power from the people,\\nand transferring It to irresponsible organizations of\\npolitical favorites. At Qrst they did not venture to\\narouse popular Indignation by procurlog arbitrary\\npower; bat little by little, from year to year, sup-\\nplements aud special la*s have been quietly passed,\\nframed In the most subtle manne while nearly\\nevery depaitjnent of power- embracing the collec\\ntlon, expenditure and revision of accounts of almost\\nthe entlr re^ enues of fnllartelphia\u00e2\u0080\u0094 has been trans-\\nferred to ihoee wno h^ve lit le or no accOTUtablllty\\nto the people. Eachyear growl ug more and more\\nb\u00c2\u00ab.d In grMplng and exercising extraordinsry\\npowers, they Uave acquired such ab io!ute control of\\nthe channels of leplsla-lon that mo-it important bills,\\naffecting interests to the amount of Jiuudreds ot\\nthousands of do lars, and coBferrIng nnnsnal Jran-\\nciilses, htive been clothed with all the ceremonies %t\\nlaw wimout having ever passed the ijegliiature ftt\\nall. And 80 defiant of puDllc onlnlan have our pn-\\nllilcal maaagera of Philadelphia become, that the\\nlast irresponsible trust created for our city wea\\nempowered to demand, and collect by mandamns,\\nwithout the approval of Councils, millions of doj-\\nlars from the tax-payers without even ordinary ac-\\ncoantablilty.\\nLet the tHixpayer look over Philadelphia to-day,\\nand wherever he turns he will see arrogant and\\nprosperoQS officials, rendering little or no public\\nservice, but feeling safe in their positions beoanso\\nspecial legislation has, In their judgment, made it\\nimpossible for the peoplfe to turn them out, no\\nmatter how the billots may be cast. Look at the\\nmillions of revenue collected Excepting that paid\\nfor interest, for the administration of justice, and to\\nthe police, almost every (iollar is disbursed throtigh\\nirresponsible fusts. They annuaUy expend millions\\nin the Highway, Gas, Water, Park, Punllc BuDdlng,\\nand other departments, and the collection of our\\nrevenues is re ftilated entirely by special legislation,\\nframed and enacted solely for the benefit of the\\nofficials. Not one of these special enactments, con-\\nferring the power of the people upon iudividnals, la\\n80 framed as to enforce accouutabllltv for the extra-\\nordinary authority conferred. The officers are re-\\nmoved as far as possible Irom the power of the\\npeople, and there la a palpable absence of whole-\\nsome restraints upon their official acts and their dls.\\nbarsumenta of the publn money. Indetd, so un-\\nolnshingly did the financial officers of the city\\nenforce ttielr power over leglslatioi in ihe session of\\n1S71, that they passed a special law practically\\nplacing the auditing of their own accounts in th( if\\nown hands, and taking it from the proper accounting\\nofficers of the city. If you doubt it, turn to the\\nPamphlet Laws for 1871, page 1166, and notice care-\\nfully, An ^ot relating to the advertislag of claims,\\netc., in the city of Philadelphia. That suoh a law\\nshould be passed exhibits a measure of recklessness\\nin leglsiatloc, aud a meaeure of contempt for public\\nopinion on the part of officials, that even Tammany\\nin the zenith of her power did not contemplate.\\n(Applanse.)\\nI have given a necessarily brief history of the ten-\\ndency and achievements of special legislation, in\\nthe interest of oar greedy aud ever-growing swarm\\nof officials Now turn to the logical results.\\nWith a valuation upon property, cert ilnly upon all\\nthe property of the Industrial classes, almost. If not\\nquite, up to the cash value our tax- rate is the high-\\nest of any city In the Union, and our debt is over\\n$50,noo,(jco. It Is true thai our debt has been in-\\ncreased by extraordinary expenses incurred during\\nthe conflict to save our Government, but nearly\\nevery other county or muniuipailty in the Stite in-\\ncurred as heavy expenses in proportion to its wealth\\nas Philadelphia did, and. with lighter taxes all such\\nhave paid most of their debts. Many of them have\\nredeemed their war debts long ago, and in every\\nother municipality the war debt has been wholly or\\nmainly paid, while in Philadelphia our debt has", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "^H\\nBteadily Increased each year, with Increased taxes,\\nnntll in some sections of the elty property la unsal-\\nable because of oar onerous taxation. Add to this\\nthe general demoralization that has permeated\\nevery department of municipal power, as evidenced\\nby the unseating of higQ representative officials by\\nsummary process of Uw the enforced resignation\\nof subordmate officers charged with the administra-\\ntion of jaatlce; ttie jadlcUl condemnation in open\\ncourt of the want of competency and Integrity In\\nofficials chirsced with the Interes-s of the city the\\nfrequent arraignment for violence and crime of offi-\\ncial conservators of the public peace and safety, and\\nthe transfer of the chlel flnancial officer of the city\\nto the felonv cell, for doing what cnsUm had made\\nalmost excusable In j nbllc estimation, and we begin\\nto ap reclate the prolific harvest we are gathering\\nfrom the seeds of special legislation, directed by sel-\\nfish and unscrupulous men We have sjwn to the\\nwind and mast reap the whirlwind.\\nBut what I nave presented Is but one phase of the\\npainful picture. It Is startling enough, bat It has\\nstill a darker side, as long as the people can rise\\nnp and assert their majesty tarough the ballot-box,\\nbad government Is but a temporary evli, and the\\ncorrective power is sure to be exercised wisely and\\nwelL But tbe most appalling result of this gradual\\nconcenirailon of power iu the hands of our political\\nofficials Is the absolute denial to the people of the\\nright or pswer to cnaage their rulers. In leg sJatlng\\nto malie peculation easy for themselves they have\\nguarded with most zealous care every avenue of\\npopular approach to their staiute-walled citadel of\\npower. While a patriotic people were absoraed by\\nthe perils of the country in war they closed their\\neyes to official wrongs, but when the dangers of war\\nhad passed away, and they begaa to scrutinize local\\npolitical affairs, the result was Kepubllcau defeat In\\n1867 and 186S. I doubt not that frauds were perpe-\\ntrated by the Democrats, but I can as little doubt\\ntHat, with increased facilities, the itepublicans did\\ntheir utmost to make the honors easy. (Laughter.)\\nThen came new necessities. The political power of\\nthe dominant party was seriously threatened. It\\nhad two ways to regain lt3 once strong hoid upon\\nthe citizens of Philadelphia, viz.\\nFirst. The nomination of honest and competent\\ncandidates, and those most acceptable to an intelli-\\ngent and patriotic people; or,\\nSecond. The enactment of such special laws as\\nwould give the absolute control of the ballot-box to\\nthe political leaders in power, rtgardless of the\\nvotes cast.\\nThe choice was presented then to give place to\\nacceptable public servants, or to practically disfran-\\nchise the people by corrupting the ballot. For rea-\\nsons now obvious to every citizen, they rejected tde\\nfirat proposition and resolved to accept the second,\\nbecause It was the only plan that promised them po-\\nlitical safety In deflanse of the community. The\\nsequel l8 seen in the lact, at first but suspicion but\\nEow settled Into wlde-spread-convictlon, tbat not\\none-half the officials In office in Philadelphia have\\never been elected by the people f^ the posltlnns they\\nbold and some of them, filling most important\\npublic trusts, not only well know that they were\\nhonestly defeated, but they conceived and person-\\nally aided to extent\u00c2\u00a9 the frauds by which they were\\nfalsely returned as elected. (Applause.)\\nIt was deliberately rtaolved by the Rings of Phila-\\ndelphia that a law must be passed vesting in them\\nand their ereatures absolute control of the whole\\nelection machinery of the city, to enable them to\\nmanufacture returns and declare themselves elected,\\neven though the people should vote against them by\\nthousands. As crime usually does when it must be\\nill some measure visible to the community, a clamor\\nwas made for honest elections, and the air was\\nfull of charges of Democratic frauds. Doubtless in\\na limited portion of the city there were Democratic\\nfrauds, as there were Republican frauds In twice as\\nmany localities. I do not question that a particular\\nclass of political leaders in both parties, such as\\nnow control the Republican organization, have\\nalways perpetrated election frauds in this city to the\\nfullest extent of their power, and s it will be in this\\nand all other cities unless wise laws place every pos-\\nsible restraint upon them. To divert the public\\nmind from the real purpose of our present political\\nleaders, the cry of fraud wa^ made to ring in the\\nears of our people. Ballot box stufl erB, repeaters,\\nand rounders made themselves hoarse clamoring\\nfor honest, election laws. (Laughter and applause.)\\nToe upright portion of our citizens readily appre-\\nciated the necessity of restraints upon electpn\\nfrauds, and with pprofessions of hostility to crime\\nupon their lips, the Ring leaders framed the Registry\\nlaw so as to make honest elections imposslole as\\nlong aa a few bad men caa maintain their power\\nIt is the most ingenious, plausible, and monstrous\\nfrau 1 ever imposed upon a free people. -ipplanse.)\\nIt is exquisite in its perfection of subtle, sjstematic,\\nand well-cloaked villainy, and to that law many\\nmen of more than doubtful reputation are Indebted\\nsolely for the official positions the) now hold to\\noppress and shame the people. (Renewed ap-\\nplause.)\\nLet us glance at this fonntaia of organized crime\\nunder caior of law:\\n1. What are its provlsloES?\\n2. How has it been executed?\\n3. What are its fruits?\\nIt provides for a registration of the voters of the\\ncity This is not only proper but an absolute nece*-\\nslty if we are to have honest elections. But how is\\nthe registration to be made? The judicial power of\\nthe courts touching the dearest rights of the eltlzea\\nis drst tiken from the judges and conferred upon\\nan Irresponsible board of aldermen, and they are\\nnow held as the judicial tribunal to decide upon the\\nelective franchise of our paople. when the coorta\\nfeave bC ^^n Invoked to stay the reckless hand of par-\\ntisan Ininstlce, the judges have said that the wrongs\\ncomplained of were atroelons, but that they were\\ndenied the right to afford a remedy. Repeated de-\\nelsiins\u00e2\u0080\u0094 one of them made recently by Judge Pax-\\nson\u00e2\u0080\u0094 have held that the judicial powers of the\\ncourts touching the qaallflcatlon of voters have\\nbeen vested lu the Board of Aldermeii, a tribunal\\nthat now figures almost weekly in our criminal", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "locks. Could any honest purpose have con ielved\\nmch a startling Infraction or the rights of citl-\\niens?\\nCanvassers are to be chosen oyihe aldermen;\\nthree from each division, and the law is bo framed\\nthat the Repabllcaus have two in every precinct and\\n:he Democrats but one. In order to blind the pub\\nilc, t..e orlgr- al law required that the caavasseis\\nshould be reputable citizens, and that n ore\\nshall he appointed who holds any public otlice or\\nany clerfeship in any public office, and who has not\\nbeen a qnalifled elector of tnis Commonwealth and\\na householder and qualllled elector of the division\\nfor which he may oe appointed for at least two\\nyears immediately preceding his appointment.\\nThe aldermen are also required to fix the places\\nwhere the caovasiers are to meet, and time and\\nplace for the assesoors to make extra as-iessments\\nIt will be observed that everytfiioR pertaining to\\nthe perfection of the registration of the voiers of\\nthe city of Philadelphia is entrusted to tne Board of\\nAldermen.\\nThe electlo ofBcers are to be selected by the\\naldermen, anu m order to give a semblance of fair-\\nne^s, the Registry law provided that both parties\\nBhould have one Inspector, one return iospector,\\nand one return inspector s clerfe\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the judge to be\\nselected from the political party having cast a ma-\\njority in the division at the last preceding general\\nelection. This apparently fair provision is most in-\\ngeniously worded, and we shall see hosvltsnro-\\nmised fairness was miintained in its execution.\\nNext follows a sec:ion of gaterlHg generalities, ap-\\npearing to coufer upon the courts power to revise\\nthe election otlcers, but all experience in the c lurts\\nhas proven tout the law really withholds all general\\nor equitable relief to the people It Is also w-irthy\\nof note that the original law gave the courts tne\\npower to Ull vacancies In canvassers and election\\nboards.\\nThe canoansere have prac.iically the power of dix-\\n/ranchising xvhmn they pleai^e. aiid lonen acting in con-\\ncert with dixhoneat. elcc ion ojfit-er i, their power to dis\\nfranchiae ani dizen in absolute and euen beijond the\\nremedial po^ver of the courts.\\nPersons wtiosa nimes are not wanted on the reels-\\ntratlon can be har isse by the canvassers and elec-\\ntion officers so much that very many prefer to aban-\\ndon the attempt to vote, rather than su imlt to the\\nhumlUatloH and insults to which they are soDjected.\\nThe registry of vof-s is made the -only evidejce\\nof the proper qualiflcation of voters, and no voter\\nwhose name is so registered shall be challenged on\\nany question of residence. With a partl?aa ma-\\njority in the canvaisers of each division to register\\nfictitious names for repeaters to veto on, the pur-\\npose of the provision I have just quoted becomes\\nplainly apoareut Bat all persons whose names may\\nbe omitted or rejected by the Ciuvass rs must pre-\\nsent tax receipts, swear as to residence, prove iden-\\ntity and residence, and prorince naiuralization\\npapers, while tne repeater can vole on a falsely\\nregistered name unchallenged. (Sensation.)\\nThis act was passed during the 8\u00c2\u00bbssion of 1969,\\nlust after the Republican leaders had twice suf-\\nfered defeat by reason of bad nominations. It\\nworked tcU for ttiem. They restrained frauds on\\nthe Democratic side, and by the perpetration of\\nmoderate frauds themselves, regained their su-\\npremacy in the fall of that year. But additional\\npowers were wanted. The men who had been su-\\nbordinated as expert haUo;-box stuffers, forgers of\\nreturns, etc., Demanded that the law should be\\nmade iron-clafi against the people, so that they\\ncould come to th.e front and go on the ticket for\\nthe first offices of the cllv. A supplement was ac-\\ncorrilngly carefully framed and pissed in 1870. By\\nits provisions all the duties of the assessors were\\ntransferred to the canvassers, even to the assess-\\nment of poll or personal taxes, and if an election\\nofficer i\u00c2\u00abi ab ^ent for thirty minutes after the poll\\nopens, the oartlsaa inspector and judge shall All the\\nvacancy. The tlrst step taken to escape compica-\\ntlons and restraints is ihit discarding assessors,\\nand placing the whole machinery in the hands of\\nthe canvassers. Next they take from the Courts\\nthe power to fll vacancies in the election boards.\\nUnder this provision men are paid not to\\nat end, and allow some unscrupulous ballot\\nst^uffer or false counter, or forger of re-\\nturns, to be apDolQted at a\\ntime when the v can be ro eir)rtmade for his re-\\nmoval. With the way thus opened for the Ring ex-\\nperts, most of whom are paM by sutiordlnate of-\\nfices, the following most slgniacant sentence con-\\ncludes the third section of the Registry supp ement:\\nNo parson shall be disqualifled from serving as an\\nelection officer or canvasser ^v reason of his em-\\nployment in any saborlinate position In any public\\noffice. The prlnclpils of our public offices, who\\nmight give some assurance of character and iu-\\ntpgrity, are still excluded, but the subordinates, who\\nowe their places often to their expertness in perpe-\\ntrating frauds, are made eligib e to the offlcei whlish\\ncontrol the franchises of our citizens and the re-\\nturns f o;jr elections. Wnen this supplement was\\npa-sed, Leeds, Bunn, Tittermary and Beatty were\\narmed for the contest, an 1 they triumphed easiiy.\\nEvery man placed on the ticket tbat year was and\\nstill IS a most accomplished manager of fraudulent\\nelecti ns.\\nList winter the alarm created by the contest in\\nthe Fourth senatorial nistrict at the spRCl*l election,\\nmade the leaders reluctantly c^asent to another\\nsuppletnent tjy which both parties selected their own\\nelection officers. It U a hesltitlng stpp in the rigii\\ndirection, but the registration still remains entirely\\nin the hands of the party having the majority of the\\naldermen.\\nSecind. How has the law been executed?\\nThe original law could have been o executed, in\\naccordance wltn its letter and spirit, as to restrain\\nfraud and secure honest elections Had honest men\\nbeen entrusted with its exef^ut on it might have\\nbeen made a b^neucent statute, but its great defect\\nIs that it purposely and ingeniously oppufd the way\\nfor bad men to perpetrate the most shameful frauds\\nunder color of the law itself.\\nUnder the .aw canvassers have been appointed of\\nthe most disreputable character, and wholly unfit to", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "6\\ndecide la any respect npon the qaallQcatlona of\\nelectors. For three years a large proportion of thofe\\nappoiafed werd legally dUqaalifled, and amnj more\\nwere morally uafltted fur the trast; bui it is an end-\\nless tasS to canvass each division, prep*re tesilmouy,\\netc. and bat few of them have been removed. Tliev\\nhave just auaouQOHd the caavassers for the Impor-\\ntant election of next fall. Had the aldermen con-\\ntemplated aa honest election they would gladly\\nhave accepted the request of the Citizens Reform\\nAssociation to give that respectable and faithful\\norganization a voice la the Important duty of per-\\nfecting the registration of the voters of the city.\\nWhat could be more just to every honest public or\\nprivate Interest than for the canvassers of each\\nprecinct to consist or one Republican, one Demo-\\ncrat, and one Reformer? (Applause.) But it would\\narrest false registration, and woalrt thus end the\\nhopes of many moat uo worthy candidates. The re-\\nsult is that not only bitter nnscrupnlous Republican\\npartisans compose two-i.hlrda of each boarc^, but\\nmaay of the most iisrepnfable repeaters, rounders,\\nprison birds, and petty offlcialB nave been selerted\\nto decide upon the rlghn of franchise of our cltizei s\\nLook at the list as It has been recently pahllshed\\nIn spveralof ourcityjonraaig. home two hundred\\npetty officials are among the men who are to decKe\\nnpon tho right of suffrage of our citizens, and of\\nthat class, scores are well known to the piblic as\\nmost acc^raplished and dar .ng heroes of every form\\nof polluting the bullot. With them, and among\\nthem, are notorious outlaws and convicts. In every\\npirt of the city where Ring power Is supreme hrd\\nfrauds habitually practised, there is not one can-\\nvasser appointed by the majority who commands or\\nmerits public confldeace. The people of Philadel-\\nphia have notice defiantly given them, by the dis-\\nreputable character of the canvassers, that the Ring\\npolltlciaos mean this vear to su -pass all their former\\nachievement- la perverting ihe honest votes of the\\ncity. For less bold offenses against public order and\\nagainst the purity of the elective franchise, the\\npeople of Sin PraQcisco. but a few y ars ago. re-\\nsumed the powers they had conferred upon corrupt\\nlegislatures and helpless courts, and summarily\\nexecuted or baaished the criminals who, like their\\nImitators In Philadelohia, had paralyzed jastice and\\npractically dUfranchised the honest taxpayers.\\n(Applause For such monstrous wrongs there must\\nbe a remedy, and if it cannot come by the law and\\nof the law, it must in time come by the sovereign\\nand avenging power of the people, as it did recently\\nIn New York, or as it did more snmmarlij In San\\nFrancisco. (Cheers and applause.)\\nThe citizens of Pnllartelphla should bear in mind,\\nand take well to he-irt the fact, that these canvas-\\nsers are charged wirh the dearest rights of citizen-\\nship for their respective comT unites, and that they\\nare to-day the very fountain of politicul power In\\nPMIartelphia,\\nAnd of these men the BuVctin of the 24th nit. says\\neditorially Soae a e petsfus who have no char\\nacter worth speaklrg of, and who are regnrf.ed by\\nthe commnylry with drep d situst. Tie Bi^ard of\\nAldermen i8 not fit to anmlnlsier such an important\\nbusiness as this, aa onr exr)erlonce In the past\\nabaniiantly oroves. Many of the members are not\\nmuch superior moral y to the moat objectionable\\npersons whom they have appointed, and nearly all\\nof tnem are, we fear, partisans of too bitter kind\\nto WISH foif exact justice in the performance of the\\nduties of thHir appointees\\nHow the canvassers me^n to discharge their\\nduties can be be.st judged by their characters and\\ntheir actions In the past. Last year some SOOO flctl-\\ntlons names were added to the list of voters, and\\nmoai, of them voted by repeaters, operated in gangs\\nunder experienced captains, em Dloyed an 1 paid by\\nour leading pollticiaQs, aud over 5ino names of\\nDemocrats and Keformers were Btijclien oflT.\\nCan an? honest citizen close hU eyes to the public\\nboasts made on oar otreet corners, by our hardened\\nand confident heroes in critne, that this year they\\nmean to poll the largest fr.*adulent vote ever cast la\\nPhJladelphia? (Sensation.) It is comessed that the\\nf itlzens Reform AsBociatiou will not vote the Ring\\ntickf-t. (Applause The Liberal Republicans, now\\nnura )ered no longer by hundreds but by thousands,\\nwill do likewise, and manv of our b^st citizens of\\nthe Republican party will vote against eveiything\\nthat beirs the taint of Rlog rule. (Applause.) With\\nmore Republicans voting against the ticket than\\never before, and with less Republicans voilng for\\nthe ticket, It Is open y declared that the Ring nomi-\\nnailons will secure the largest majority next Octo-\\nber that was ever given in this city. The solution\\nof the problem of our next election af cornea, there-\\nfore, a mere question of simple arithmetic. If fewer\\nmen honestly voting for the ticket, an! more men\\nhonestly voting against the ticket than ever before,\\ncan give the tickt-t the largest m^ijority ever known,\\nwhere is the majority to come from? (Laughter and\\napplause.) Certainly mt from the voters! Cer-\\ntainly not from the count, for that may be checked\\nmeasutably, if not entirely, as each par.y selects its\\nown otTlcers. It must come from corrupt reglstra-\\nHon and the corrupt admission of illegal votes by\\nthe election biards.\\nAnother remark ible feature of the execution of\\noar election laws is the fact, repeatedly e8tat)llshed\\nIn our courts and other election contests, that the\\nelection offl ^ers are rarely s^orn in the districts\\nwhere frauds are perpetrated. The aldermen, who\\nnow are the judicial authorities oi the city touching\\nelections, often certify that officers have been swoi n\\nwtiere no oath has been administered.\\nThe canvassers are, by the supplement to the re-\\ngistry law, the only authority competent to assess\\npersonal or poll tax, and blank receipts are now\\nfurnished free in every precinct by the officials of\\nthe city, to be used for repeaters and others whose\\nvotes are wan ed. The tax is never collected, and\\nthe city is robbe-i every year by the mockery of tax\\ncollections to facilitate fraudulent voting.\\nLook at the repor s published in our journals, and\\nnote the places fixed by the Board of Aldermen for\\nthe canvassers to sit in discharging their public du-\\nties. Thyy Ovve it to Justice as well aa to deceacy to\\nA e on such places as reputable people would be will-\\ning to visit. But in the districts where gigantic", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "frauds are contemplated, the canvassers are often\\nlocated tn places where respectable cltlzena cannot\\ngo without danarer of tasult or Injury. The locali-\\nties ire selected solely for the parpoae of avoiding\\npublic scmtlny, and concealing their systematic\\npreparations for paUutIng ths election.\\nNee 1 1 repeat what is well known to every Intelli-\\ngei t citizen of Philadelphia, how election officers\\nhave hitherto b en appointed solely by the Kings,\\nand in the Interest of the Rings? While they nomi-\\nnally gave a portion of the officers to ths Deuocrats,\\nthey iavanably rejected the men proposed by tae\\nDemocrats, and chose In their stead, la most pre-\\ncincts, men who were either shanaefnlly corrnpt or\\natterlv incompetent.thus giving them every election\\noffl -er and removing all possible restraint from\\nfraud? Need 1 repeat what is equally well known\\nto all, that policeman and principal, not subordinate,\\nofficials, have served illegally on election boards and\\nactively participated in election frauds?\\nThird\u00e2\u0080\u0094 What are itn frnlts?\\nWith such a law. and such an ex^-cuMon of\\nit, there can be notnlng else than a fearful harvest\\nof profligacy, corruption, and shame. The measure\\nof public wrongs this Registry law, and the manner\\nof Us execution, have interwoven with the history\\nof Philad= lDhia, Is almost Incalculable In either its\\nextent or Us results.\\nIt has given us a thoroughlv studied and com-\\npletely organized system of public, private and po-\\nlitical crime that threatens every form of Individual\\nor general safety. The political power of the muni-\\nclpali- y is directed to hut two great ends: public\\nplunder and protection to the plunderers, and to\\nthese chief parposes all the eiTirts of legislation,\\nstate and municipal, are directed by the chief polit-\\nical managers.\\nIt has given us, as a rule. Incompetent and dls-\\nhinest offlce -g\u00e2\u0080\u0094 executive.mlnisterial and represen-\\ntative. Before the registry law was enacted, politi-\\ncal leaders were compelled to nominate men In\\nwhom the people had confldence. (Apnlaune.) On\\none or two occasions public opinion was outraged\\nby par y cotventlons and defeat followed, when ac-\\nceptable men hal Urge majorities. Gradually un-\\nscrupulous leaders grasped for more and more pow-\\ner, and fraud was employed to secure sncceHS, but It\\nconcealed ita deformities from the people. Then the\\nleafiers employed the callot-box stuffers, repeaters,\\netc., as menials They paid them, and they were\\ndone with them. But when the Registry law was\\nperfbcted to legalize fr-iud as a science, the aenials\\nbecame c amorous to be roasters. (Laughter.) Two\\nyears ago Bann demanded and r*celv*d his reward.\\nOne vear ago StoKley forced his way into the execu-\\ntive ch ir, and ihie-yesr Ms lieutenants, McCulloch,\\nTUtermary, and Ash, Qung themselves to the front\\nfoe the LegieiatQTe If they shaU incceed, rext\\nyear, wUh equal confluence, Dau Redfiing, Tim\\nRIlov, and -Ichnny Ward can claim recognition by\\npolitical nominations, (i anghterand che^-rs.) And\\nwhrn they shall have succeeded, the EducatPd\\nBog, She \u00e2\u0080\u00a2F! lDg Dutchman, S-nttRrlng .ilromy.\\nand Gophor Bill will r emand, and must rece ve\\nIke recognition. (Laughter and applause Tney\\nhave been menials long enough, and they ask that\\nihey shall share the honf rs they have been con-\\nferring year after year by their frau .a. And who\\ncould dspuie their claim? Are they entitled to any\\nless respect ihan the mtn of more geuteel preten-\\nsions who have employed them from year to year to\\ncheat them into office? and are they any more\\ncriminal than the gentlemen of assumed respect-\\nability, who knowingly contribute their money from\\ntime to time to pay for perjary, ballot-stuffing, re-\\npeating, and forgeries?\\nLook over the list of local nominations and learn\\nthe fruita of the registry law under Us authors and\\npresent managers. They professed to submit the\\nselection of candidates to the people, and returned\\n38,000 votes, when not over 20,000 were polled. I\\nhave heard nearly every candidate, successful and\\nnusnccesBful alike, declare that the returns were\\noften made to suit the views of the officers, without\\nregard to the ballots voted, and return judges\\nhawked ward returns from candidate to candidate,\\nto be manufactured to ordtr for morey. The nomi-\\nnees were jost as well knows for days before the\\nelection Jis after the mockery of coontlng the votes\\nhad been gone through with, and canoluates who\\nwere returned defeated by thousands, declare that\\nthey received an honest majority of the votes cast.\\nLook at the ticket. Ihe members of the Consti-\\ntutional Convention at large are highly respectable\\nand eminently qnallfled. As the managers did not\\nhope to control the corvet rion, and as their Imme-\\ndiate interests are not in that direction, they tbrev.\\nCarey, Knight, and Wetherlll as tubs to the whale.\\nThe city ticket is tolerable, and as good aa it conld\\nhave been made by the men who mannfacture bal-\\nlots by machinery. (Laughter.) They are meu who\\nwill make all out ct the offices that Is in them, and\\nthey will contribute liberally to maintain Hmg\\npower, and to prevent auy leglslatJon adverse to\\nRing dominion, or that alms to relieve the people\\nfrom Row extortions.\\nBut the rfflcers who control the destiny of Phila-\\ndelphia are the Governor and i^enators and Kepre-\\nsertatives. You find no Mere\u00c2\u00bb ith8 or W etherills or\\nCareys or Knights on the legislative part oi the\\nticket. That is the reserved right of the RlDgs, for\\nas special legislation (s the fountain of all our muni-\\ncipal woes, the Legislature will perpetuate or over-\\nthrow the present infamous rule of onrcliy. Glance\\nat the legislative ti ket. No one can doubt how or\\nwhy such men have been nomlrated. If we had\\nhonest election laws, f ertilnly not 5 out of the 18\\nwould have been thought or for nomination, and not\\nas many could have any hope of election. (Ap-\\nplause,) These men want t ie place, and are wanted\\nthere by others, to elect a United Slates Senator, to\\npass the new crop of special acta luvented each year\\nto increase the profits of oar political managers, and\\nto guard against the enactment of any law looking\\nto reform. H hat one of the whole 18 wl I vote to\\ngive us a fair election law? What one will vote to\\nBiliary the Row offices? What one will vote to en-\\nforce proper acconntahllliy from our public trusts?\\nWhat one will vote to relieve us of our present dis-\\ngraceful police system? What one w;. l vote against", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "8\\nSimon Cameron, the veteran of the Elngg, for\\nUnited States Senator? There U net an Irtelllgert\\ncitizen of Phlladtlptiia, Rs publican Liberal, or De-\\nmocrat who oes not know ihat cearly or quite all\\nof these legislative cai-dldatea will vote against\\nevery proposition deblgned for the rtgereratlon of\\nour city, or the relief of our tax-payers from Ring\\nextortions.\\nLook at the dally evidences of demoralization\\nsuch legislators have hroajiht upon us. The fran-\\nchises of the Commonwealtn are now sold by oar\\nrepresentatives, etcher in person or through brokers,\\nlike oattle tn the market. Acts of incorporation,\\nconferring the most extraordinary privileges, bo in-\\ngeniously framed that their stockholders can eppca-\\nJate Indehnitely, build railroads, exercise banking\\nprivileges, escape the Usury laws, or do anything\\nelse likely to invite associated capital, are hawked\\naboni from office to office in search of purchasers.\\nBank charters are no longer applied for legitimately\\nby buslneps men. They could not have them passed,\\nor, if passed, they would be so framed as to be\\nvalueles-s. But they can ^ny ihem on the streets by\\npaying for them In just proportion to the value of\\nthe franchise conferred.\\nAny attorney can to-morrow, before noon, buy a\\ncharter for any association of gentlemen, for any\\npurpose common in business circles, and organize a\\ncorporation before nlKht. Pardons, too, are but ar-\\nticles of commerce. I do not say thst they are sold\\nby the Executive but they are held as the legitimate\\nperquisites of poiltU al power in Philarielpbla. HoDee\\nMarcer languishes in a felon s tell while Mara goes\\nout to commit fresh murder.\\nLook again, and you see the very temple of justice\\npolluted. The sUmv hand of corrupt political\\nposver h9S compassed the jury box, and there Is no\\nlaw to reach those who offend in the interest of the\\ndominant inle. It Is true, as the Sheriff explained\\nwhen a palpable wrong had been enmmltted against\\npubll justlc, that the jurors are drawn in acc( rd-\\nance with law, but for several years the men whose\\nacts expose them to just punishment have carefully\\nselected the men who shall flU our jury-box. They\\nare rarely, If ever, individually corrupted, but they\\nare so hedged about by associations, or complicity\\niu peculation, that tht-y must shield their frenas.\\nMr. Lea, the worthy chairman of the Citizens Re-\\nform Committee, recently prosecuted an official\\nwho h*d debanchf^d two election officers. He did it\\nb Crtuse he was directed by a committee of most\\nprudent and upright men, some of whom are attor-\\nneys, and he grand jury not only Ignored the bill,\\nbut directed that Mr. Lea should pay the costs. If\\nyou doubt that these men fear an honest jury, look\\nat thp haste which which they united to defeat the\\nWll I passed in the Henate last winter, simply pro-\\nviaing that our jury box shonld be emptied, and\\nthat honest men should be placed therein. (Ap-\\nplause,)\\nLookagiln, and you find our return judges fol-\\nlowed w.th pistols to latlm date them to do right,\\nor mo ev to debauch them to commit wrong, and\\nriot and murder have resulted from the organized\\nvillainy that regards election returns aa mere arti-\\ncles of speculntioa or partisan advantage.\\nLook again, and yon find a police force, past and\\npresent, under our degfaded political system, that\\nis almost every week arraigned for crlme.and whose\\nmere mifideiueanors or Inattention to their supposed\\nduties are ni longer sufficiently novel to afract at-\\ntention. There are of course honorable exceptions,\\nbuc I simply state what the experience and record\\nof our city prove from week to week.\\nLook again, and you find almost every city de-\\npartment either arraigned in court, or its abuses\\nclearly and unanswerably expost^d from day to day\\nby the Committee of the Reform AB *ociation, out\\npunishment is impossible, and official extortion and\\noporession go on with impunity.\\nWhat think you, citizens of Philadftiphla, of the\\nRegistry law? wiiat of its execution? What of its\\nfruit? Is the picture overdrawn? TJie evidence is\\nplain as ntion-day, and he who runs L^j.y read the\\nvindicition of the truta of this piinful and hacalli-\\natiag presentation,\\nBuc what is the remedy?\\n1. The election of an upright and Independent\\nGovernor. It Is vain to make war against disrepu-\\ntable legislators if an Executive shall be chosen\\nwho dare not approve reform measures without\\ngiving mortal otfoQt e to the men who made him a\\ncandidate and exhausted fraud to elect him. I have\\nno pergonal assaults to make against General Har-\\nt anit, but there are grave questions of public mo-\\nment Which stare us in the face in Philadelphia, and\\nwhich our eitizens must consider and answer. He\\nhas recently visited different sections of the State\\nand represented to his friends that his election will\\nbe secured lu the face of the rural dlsaffeetlon, by\\nthis city giving him from 12, nou to 15,000 majority.\\nHe oelleves it, I doubt i ot; but why does he believe\\nIt, and why does he g ve such assurance? lie knows\\nthat any such majority, or indeed any m\u00c2\u00abjority at\\nall, far him in this city mast be wholly frauialent.\\nHas he been advised of it and assented to it? Have\\nthe studied ani elaborate plans of fraud been un-\\nfolded to him, to enafjle him to go forth and inspire\\nUs friends wheu revolt comes up from every side?\\nAnd has he gone armed with the boast 9f the bal-\\nlof-t)Ox stuff r and the fa.se canvasser? And is he\\nstrengthened in his hopes by the now notorii ua\\nfact tuat the criminals of our city aro threatened,\\nby his friends, with hopeless punishment if he Is\\ndefeated, and promised safety if he is elected? I do\\nnot assume or belUve that he is\\npersonally a party to these appalling political com-\\nbiuatlons, but it is impossible that he Is Ignorant of\\nthe fact that public justice is prostituted In his name\\nevery day lu Philadelphia, by negotiations with pro-\\nfessional offenders to aid his election end, knowing\\nit as he does, can he stand blameless before this op-\\npressed. Insulted and aroused coramuolty, while he\\nis silent and hopes to reap the harvest f fraud and\\ncrime? With an Executive so complicated by\\nwrong to ach eve political saocess, there can be no\\nhope for reform in Philadelphia for three laugyevs,\\nunless he shall dlssard the power that gave him vic-\\ntory. No one doubts that if Mr. Buckalew is elec-", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "ted tbe barter !n pardccs will enrt ttiat ttie meas-\\nnrps of reform will be promptly approved and faith-\\nfal y enforced, and that fraud or crime of any form\\ncm plead ao exemption from just punlshmect on\\npolitical or pecuniary grounds. -(Cheers and ap-\\npluuse.)\\nNo dispassionate mind can fsil to note that the\\nmost depraved and riarjjerors elements of crime In\\nour midst have been invoked by those who direct\\nthe political management of onr city. The very air\\nta redolent wirh the boast? of the vicious as they\\ndeclare in crirasoned law essnefis the terms of the\\ncompact wKh those who have bartered the public\\nsifety to unite thieves and murdarers wivh repeaters\\nsnd ballot-stnirera. Sixty days ago two murderers\\nwi re pardoned. They had not wleld -d the fenife\\nand p*Rtol In hate or provocation, but they becime\\nassassins by contract. In Ipbs than a month one\\nwas Bgala a delibe^-ate murderer, and was. in\\nmoctery of justice, called a fnglt ve, and last week\\nhe other dipd by the hand of a fe low murderer.\\nKc-ver briore have so rcany murderr.ui? esjaulis\\nbeen corumirtPd in Philadelphia in the same period\\nns wirh n the lasi month, and ihis terrible record Is\\nimt the natural fruits of the Immunity that de-\\nbauched p-^llticii s have proffered to crime If the\\nfinas shall triumph In this contest, the wildest\\nRhoutfi of victor? will come from the haunts of dis-\\norder and death, (ipplaugp.)\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0i. The election of aTteform ).esri\u00c2\u00ablature is an In-\\ndispensa le wort? to give hope of reform. Ko matter\\nlo what party douVitful or dishonest candi iates be-\\nlong, or by whom thev may be presented, vote\\nagMnstthem, an? see that your votes are counted\\nand returned, and the t inmph will be Immediate\\nand complete. (Aoplsuse.) Blect Senator Dechert\\n(renewed applause) a? d men of llk i Integrity in th\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00bb\\nrepresentative distrlctp, whether tfaey are for\\nOreeley or Grant, and Ring dominion will be hODP-\\nb ssiy overthrown. It can surely be done by unity\\ncf effort and vigilance worthy of the cause. Not\\nonly in Philad.ilphia, but throughout the State the\\ntile of reform is swelling, and it will be omoipoteiit\\neven if fraud should oversphelm our c ty, as is info-\\nlently boasted. I speak with canstd -nce when 1 say\\nwe shaU have a Legislature that neither the plunder\\nof our political Rings nor the vanallty of mean am-\\nbition can control. (Cheers\\n3. The reputable citizens of Philadelphia cannot\\nhope for reform while they lend their names a d\\ncoHtrlbute their means to the men who are now\\nwell known as the authors of these frauds. I hold\\nm my hand a copy of the proceedings of the\\nmeetings held recently 1q this city, ostensibly to\\nratify the renoTilnaMon of G-3a\u00c2\u00b0ral Grant. Of that\\nno one coald comolaln, for all who particioated hon-\\nestly prefer G-eneral (Grant s election, but here are\\nthe names of Carey, Fell, Clagisorn, Townsen.d,\\nRefgel, McKean, Pepper, Stuart, Bitcher, Cope,\\nBorle, Drexel, Cooke, Taaker, Jeffrks, Merrick,\\nKnight, Fltler, Sellers, and others published as offi-\\nceis, and the oUowlng resolutions appear as having\\nbeen adopted wlthoat a dssssntlng voice. on mo-\\ntion of C Ity Solicitor Collis:\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nResolved, That in the game spirit we ratify and\\nendorse the nomination of Majnr-General John P.\\nHartranit for the Governor of our State for to htm\\nas to General Grant the nation owes a debt of\\ngi ati nde for vali int services iu battle of ro com-\\nmon character, and we of PeauRyivauia especially\\nrecognize in hl.m the modest aad faithful civil\\nofficer.\\nResolved. That we pledge our unqualified support to\\nthe nominees of the National, Slate, a7id Municipal\\nConventions of the Republican party.\\nOn the following evening, ta ing advantage of tiie\\ngenera! desire of the friends of the admUistratlon\\nto ratify the renominatlon of the President, we find\\nthe names of MoHirhael, Prevoet, Borie, Gilpin,\\nPell. Carey, Sellers, Baird, Knight Lewis, Lea,\\nFarrlson, McUean, Bullock, Fifer, Llppincott,\\nDuti.h, Fraley, Blddle, Claghorn, Browne, Wether-\\n111, Coates, and many others, who appear as tOe\\nchief participants in the unanimous adoption of ihe\\nfollowing resolution, piopoaed by District Attorney\\nMann\\nResolved, That we recognize the candidates npon\\nthe Republican State ticket as the accepted repre-\\nsentatives of those principlos which have secured\\nthe enduring prosperity of the nation and the Com-\\nmonwealth; and with an earnestappreciation of the\\nimportance of maintaining the integrity of the Re-\\npublican organization, we pledge ourselves to every\\nlegitimate effort to secure In October so glorious a\\nsuccess that PeorsTlvania mny pgaio, as in the\\npast, be accounted by herrecwd the foremost cham-\\npion in the cause of justice and right.\\nThe gentlemen I have named sincerely desired to\\nratify the notpln- tion of Grant, bur. thev could not\\ndo so wUhout givlDgan uncinalified enderseroentto\\nthe Ring Stite, city and leeislative nrmicaHons,\\nand now those tickets stand before the people justly\\nciaimlDg that they are approved by the most infiu-\\nent-lal and reputable RepnbUcaos. So completeiy\\nhive the Rings Interwoven thtir debauched politi-\\ncal system with the Republican organization, that\\nthey extort the formal sanction of honest and lead-\\ning citizens, because they threaten political disaster\\nIf It Is refused.\\nIt l8 as much the fault of reputable citizens as it\\nIs the fault of our reckless and dishonest political\\nleaders, that the Rings rule Philadelphia, wnue\\nthey allow their names to cover resolutions endors-\\ning fraudulent nominations and fraudulent e!ec.-\\ntlouF, and contribute their means to committees or-\\nganized mainly or solely to achieve success by\\nfraud, who is most to blam-^, the criminal or his re-\\nspectable aider and abetter? (Applause.) Not one\\nof the men I have named Tom the list of officers\\nwould so degrade himself as to give an individual\\napproval of the whole State ticket, nor of one ie\\nfive of the legislative ticket, yet. all. have uninten-\\ntionally lent thf irtsanctlon to the prostituted power\\nand systematic frauds whicti have made our muni-\\ncipal government a staln and ri^proach. It is thus\\nthe whole posver cf the people has been stolen, and\\nthat our revenues have been transferred to specula-\\ntors and plunderers. But for the reputable tails the\\nRings can attach to their political kites, their die", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "10\\ngraceful dominion would long since have been over-\\nlUrown. (Appl!\u00c2\u00bbu8e.)\\n4. Tne enormous exactions from tae people In tne\\nshape of lUedal fees by our Row offlcers must be\\nended. It Is a most fruitful fountain of conupt po-\\nll leal power. Boundless debauchery is invited by\\nthe large gains to be realized If a Rtv office is at-\\ntained, and the temptation to fraud la Irresistible\\nwith those who seek to profit by political success\\nhome of our Bow officers are not even quallfled to\\nfill ordinary clerRshlpa, jet ihey realize from 825, ono\\nto $75,000 per aunum by extorting illegal fees, while\\nour Judges receive but 8r ono from the Mate, to\\nwhich Is now added 82000 from tie city. What ex-\\ncuse can any legislator offor for the continuance of\\nsuch wrongs agalast law and against the com-\\nmuDUj7\\n5. Our municlpil polUioal system must be torn up\\nby tbe ructs. We h*ve tried to prune the deseased\\nUmbaand to heil the ghastly scars corruption has\\ngiven us, but all has been vam. Bac*i year new\\ndiseases, new scars, and new runnlDg sores have\\nbeen legislated upon us, u 01.11 our city government,\\nexcepting only Its judiciary, Is fe^terlag In every\\npart. The simple, practical remedy for PMladelphlti\\nIs a new city charter (deafening applause), or a re-\\npeal of our special leglstatlon that will brin? us oacfe\\nto the main provisions of the original charter of\\ncons illdatlon. An honest electlen law should be\\nenacted, and our mayor, councils, and ail necessary\\ncity offlcers should be chosen next May to serve the\\nterms fixed hy the original act. (Applause.) With\\nneedless offices abolished with our officials to be\\nreviewed by the people every two years at a sprinft\\nelection, when political necesaliles could not be In-\\nvoked to sustain bad men with onr Common Coan-\\nclls to be elected annually solely on city issues; with\\nour police divorced from politics, and with honest\\njurors assured, the reign of crime wonlJ end at\\nonje, and Philadelphia would have honest, econo-\\nmical and enlightened government. (Cheers and\\napplause.^ I can safely assume that the three Phila-\\ndelphia Senators who hold over\u00e2\u0080\u0094 one Republican,\\none Democrat, one Liberal\u00e2\u0080\u0094 will cordially agree la\\nsupport of the measures I have indicated, and If Mr.\\n(lecnert shall be returned the voice of this city will\\nbe united in the Senate In favor of the summary\\ntermination of tne rule of fraud and profligacy.\\n(Applause.) With an honest House and an honest\\nExecutive, the regeneration of our long suffering\\nmunicipality will be attained. Let this opportunity\\nue lost, and, for years to come, our people will b^\\ncondemned to still bolder and more reckless abuse\\nof power.\\nWill not crime be admonished? Postpone It as\\nmay by trick or fraud. Its evil day must surely come.\\nHere there are faithful courts. Honeat jurors will\\nbe had, and retribution must follow. Tammany had\\npower, had wealth, had socUl pjsltlon. had courts,\\nhad juro7s, had every concel^ able appliance for\\nperpetuating Its rule. But the omnipotence of\\nhoneat public opinion b ew Its fierce breath upon it,\\nana It crumbled to pieces; Its leaders are fugitives,\\nor shunned by all; Its wealth has taken wings; Us\\npower has dissolved, and justice has reached its\\nhigh and low places with Its terrible scrutiny. Its\\njudges have bowed to the avenger, une sought the\\npeace of death, and two others bear the mark of\\nCain, and not one of all the thrlce-malled band has\\nworshippers. Like Us no less scrupulous Imitators\\nhere, It was not content with moderate achieve-\\nments In crime, and it fell as all such fall, unwept,\\nnnpltled and a suicide. Here the last great venture\\nof fraud Is about to be made against an aroused and\\nvigilant people, and it will fall upon the endarlog\\ncolunn of public justice and be broken. It is sow-\\ning dragons tee .h broadcast In our midst, and it\\nmust accept the harvest of death, as Philadelphia\\nbecomes regenerated to self-government, to honor\\nand to prosperity. Prolonged applause.)", "height": "3280", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS OF CQL. A. K. M CLURE.\\nThe Finances and the Labor Infer esfs Secretary\\nBontivell and his Failures Tlie Syndicate,\\n[Address of Col. A. K. ID dure at a mass raeetinq of the citizens of West\\nPhiladd2Jhia,Se2JtemherlQth,lS~-2.]\\nAfter long, loud and repeated calls, Col.\\nMcClure stepped to the front of the plat-\\nform amid thunders of applause. When\\ntlie tumult had subsided the colonel said:\\nFellow Citizens: Ours is a Government of\\nlaw, and the people are its law-nialvers. Our\\nnational contests are but the arbitrament of\\nthe sovereij^n antliority of the nation as to its\\npolicy. Its diplomacy is thus revised and di\\nrocted, and war and peace controlled. Its do-\\nmestic regulations of industry, fuiance and\\ncommerce are adjusted, and to tlie supreme\\nmamlate of the people all interest s conform.\\nWlien their purposes have been misunderstood\\nor defied tJicy have tlie peaceful and effectual\\nremedy of the ballot, and no violence or cou-\\nvulsiim attends the execution of the popular\\nwill. Wlien tlieir freeinstitutionsai etlu catened\\nby nsurpatiou under any guise they arrest it by\\nthe majesty of freedom. When the harmony\\nof all tlie great interests of the country is in-\\nvaded by tlie undue advancement and acci-\\ndental power of any one of the elements of our\\ngreatness, they calmly restore eui^h to its just\\nsnliordiuatioii, and thus maiiitaiu the general\\nwelfare.\\nIt is well to look at the source of political\\npower when it is involved by contending parties\\nin a national contest. Especially is it essential\\nto do so when (luestioiis are to be decided over\\nwhich executive authority has little or no con-\\ntrol. I prfipose this evening to discuss that\\nckiss of issues, viz:\\nLABOR, FINANCE AND niOTECTION.\\nI have been led to the discussion of the ques-\\nti(His liy the ineousiderate and inconsistent zeal\\nwith which tliey have been pressed as vital is-\\nsues by the friends (jf President (Jrant. I can\\nunderstand why it might be the interest of\\nfinanciers, bankers, brokers, speculators, and\\nof all who create no wealth, but simply profit by\\nthe i)roductive industry of the country, to have\\na man of particular tastes and views elected\\nJ resident. And I can also understand why it\\nmight be the interest of the great industrial\\npursuits of the country to have a man of par.\\nticular views and sympathies chosen to the Exe-\\ncutive chair. But when we are told, in one\\nlocality, that the interests of speculative finance\\nmust elect Gnuit to protect capital from the\\nencroachments of labor, and in another local-\\nity tlie same political leadei-s instruct us that\\nGrant must be elected to protect our industry\\nfrom the exactions of capital, it is manifest\\nthat all the various elements of our general\\nprosperity are exposed to a common peril.\\nAnd when I see Gen. Grant supported earnestly\\nin some States by free traders, liecause Mr_\\nGreeley is a Protectionist, and see Mr. Greeley\\nopposed in Pennsylvania because Gen. Grant\\nis claimed as the Protective \u00e2\u0080\u00a2andidate, I am\\nforced to the conclusion that tli reis dishonesty\\non tlie part of Gen. Grant s friends on one or\\nboth sides of the question, ami that neither can\\nclaim any measure of popular respect. Gen.\\nGrant may possess rare accomplishments in the\\nart of war, but if he can be for capital as against\\nlabor and for labor as against capital, for free\\ntrade as against pi otection, and for protection\\nas against free trade, he has attained a degree\\nof skill in political economy that must bewilder\\nthe common-place integrity of the age. [Ap-\\nplause. 1\\nTHE FIELD FOR THE DEMAGOGUE.\\nThis is an inviting field for the demagogue,\\nfor cai)ital and hUjor are the most sensitive of\\nall our varied interests. Capital is conserva-\\ntive labor is progressive. Capital shudders at\\nall proposed mutations in politics or trade;\\nlalior is restless, and yearns for advancement.\\nCapital garners in ease and luxury what labor\\nhas sown and reaped in toil. Capital is repre-\\nsented by tlie few\u00e2\u0080\u0094 labor by the multitude.\\nP.otli are but too often the toys of politicians,\\nand both respond with alacrity to any plausible\\ncry of danger. Capital is filed into solid\\nplialanx by the empty threat of agrariaiiism,\\nand labor is inspired with the promise of re-\\nalizing the full profits of its industry. Under\\nwise laws, justly administered, there can be no\\nconflict Ijetween these leading sources of our\\ngeneral ])rosperity. but under incompetent\\ntinancial officers and blatant demagogues, they\\nmay be made enemies and suicides. [Applause.]\\nThe man who appeals to the monied interest to\\ncombine in a political contest for its special\\nnrotec ion or advancement, is the foe of pros-\\nperity of all classes. Equally insincere is the\\nman who combines labor in a political con-\\ntest to make assaults against capital. There\\nare times in the ever-changing laws of supply\\nand demand when complicated questions may\\narise between employers and employed, but the\\npolitical arena is the last place where they can\\nbe fairly adjusted. When the selfish, who prey\\nupon both capital and labor, have played their\\npart on both sides, iu and out of our State and\\nNational Legislatures, the parties directly iu\\ninterest must meet face to face at last, and be\\ntheir own arbiters. [Applause.]\\nTHE ISSUE MADE BY THE GRANT PARTY.\\nLet me assure you that these problems are\\nmuch more serious than many men suppose at\\nfirst glance. If it was but necessary to make\\nprofessions to the people, however inconsistent,\\nto attain political success, the theory upon\\nwhich these reckless lead ei-s prosecute this con.\\ntest would be hopeful one, however disrepu-", "height": "3306", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "table honest men would consider it. But they\\nare forgetful that these prolific assurances to\\nevery interest and faith must be made to men\\nof intelligence, of integrity and of decision of\\npurpose, and that they w ill not only keenly de-\\ntect but fearlessly condemn fraud. Especially\\nare capitalists and laborers called upon to con-\\nsider soberly their true relations to eacli otlier\\nAvlien they are madly arrayed in antagonism by\\nunscrupulous politicians or thoughtless Presi-\\ndents. I do not mal^e the issue between these\\ntwo important interests. They should ever be\\nin harmony, and must prosper or decline to-\\ngether. But I must call the attention of both\\nthe industrial interests and the rnonied inter-\\nsets to the fact that tJie issue is made, and per-\\nsistently made, by the friends of the Adminis-\\ntration. And what is ?till more startling, the\\nissue is made with patent dishonesty, for each\\nis urged to triumph over the other by the elec-\\ntion of President Grant. The financial and\\nspeculative interests are now being taxed more\\nheavily than ever before to sustain money\\nagainst labor, and tlie funds collected from\\nfinancial circles are expended to a large extent\\nto convince the industrial interests that they\\nmust support the same candidate ior President\\nto give labor success over capital.\\nLABOR OUR SOURCE OF WEALTH AND\\nGREATNESS.\\nUnder our free Institutions labor is educated,\\nelevated and well requited, and it is more than\\nefpial to its own protection in any just confiict\\nwith speculative interests. I can understand\\nwhy labor may at times, under a sense of ne-\\ncessity, force such a struggle, for it is thrice\\narmed for the task, when it has any measure of\\njustice on its side but wliat excuse can capital\\nplead for forcing a needless antagonism that\\nmust overwhelm it? Our non-productive, or\\nspeculative classes, are not as one in an hun-\\ndred of the great mass of people who make the\\nlaws and direct the financial and industrial\\npolicy of the country. Labor is the fountain\\nof all our wealth, and of all our national power\\nand prosperity. It is the refuge of the nation\\nin war it is the source of i)rogress in peace. It\\nmakes the rugged mountains give up their\\nboundless riches, and covers the valleys with\\nbeauty and plenty. It tunes the rude music of\\nour forges and the hum of our spindles, and its\\nbusy tide is about us on every hand. It rears our\\nmonuments of art, of thrift and of i rogress. It\\nwhitens the seas with the ships of our com-\\nmerce. It makes every blooming rose, every\\ngolden harvest and every home in the land.\\nThe song of the iron horse, the cattle on a\\ntlumsand hills, the churches and schools of\\nevery community, are all but tributes to the\\ntoil that obeys the mandates of an All-wise\\nCreator. [Applause.]\\nCAPITAL THE PRODUCT OP LABOR.\\nCapital is but the product, the hand-maid of\\nlabor, but it is at times forgetful of its parent-\\nage. And it is especially so when it plunges\\nitself into i)olitical strife. A calm review of\\nthe last decade of our history would teach all\\nwith what wisdom m(niied interests can for-\\nbear, when the people are called to the dispas-\\nsionate solution of grave political iirohlems.\\nThe fountain must be consulted by those who\\nwould api roi)riate the welcome streams. For\\neleven years the people have given largely of\\ntheir earnings to sustain our free institutions.\\nDuring the last half of that period they have,\\nwith few exceptions, felt the sore exactions ne-\\ncessary to preserve our (government and its\\ncredit. During the whole of that period\\nmonied centres have steadily and largely in-\\ncreased their profits. Indeed the nation notes\\nthe significant fact, that as political power\\nmoves towards centralization, the monied\\npower of the country not only moVes with it,\\nbut leads the way, and it is usually the first\\npower of the country that is forgetful of the su.\\npreme sovereignty of the nation. [Applause.]\\nBecause the I rcsident sees fit to reward the\\nmunificence of monied men with social and po-\\nlitical honoi-s, may impress a limited class of\\nvoters with the necessity of supporting his re-\\nelection; but the millions who value govern-\\nment for its inherent and e(iual l)lessings, will\\nnot deem it an argument eitlier for or against\\nany financial theory. They will not vote for a\\nman because bankers, brokers, or speculators\\ndemand his success, nor will tliey for that rea-\\nson vote against him. But they will do what\\nthey have ever done, and ever will do under\\nour Government\u00e2\u0080\u0094 make their own financial\\npohcy aiul enforce it. [Cheers and applause.]\\nSPECULATIVE INTERESTS AGAINST PRO-\\nGRESS.\\nIn 1S60 I \\\\\\\\as charged with the management\\nof the political campaign in this State by the\\nfriends of Mr. Lincoln, and was thereby brought\\ninto close relations with tlie business and politi-\\ncal circles of this city. I cannot now recall\\none i)romineut banker, and but few leading\\nbusiness men, who supported theRepublican can-\\ndidate. They imagined then, as some imagine\\nnow, that the whole country takes its inspira-\\ntion from the manipulation of currency and\\ncoin. Judge Kelley was barely saved that\\nyear, because financial circles pronounced him\\nan agitator. They were too conservative to recog-\\nnize accomplished facts, and they trembled at\\nthe possible fluctuations in interest, exchange\\nand trade. It was then not respectable to be\\nanti-slavery. [Laughter.] To be respectable\\nwas to be conservative, and to be conservative\\nwas to be anti-republican. The country never\\nhad been republican\u00e2\u0080\u0094 therefore it would be a\\nviolent and dangerous innovation to have it re-\\npublican. [Laughter.] The people saw that\\nan irrepressible conflict was at hand, and\\nthey accepted it. Commerce and finance would\\nnot see it and would not accept it, but it came\\nnevertheless. When it came it brought its log-\\nical results. Old things passed away. War\\ncame, and financial circles predicted ruin.\\nWhen S50,000,000 were wanted to maintain the\\nGovernment financial circles rejected it; but in\\na little time it began to be understood that\\nmoney needed government quite as much as\\nthe people needed it. The loan was grudgingly\\ntaken, and the people absorbed it. Then for\\nthe first time financial circles discovered that\\nthe country was made up of peojile, and that\\nthey were really patriotic and intelligent, as\\nwell as useful. Applause.\\nFINANCE TAUGHT BY THE PEOPLE.\\nGradually the financiers learned a little more.\\nThey discovered that the people who had. revo-\\nlutionized the Government in defiance of mon-\\netary circles fully understood what they meant\\nto do, and that they were fully equal to the exe-", "height": "3296", "width": "1904", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "3\\ncution of their |)iiri\u00c2\u00bbise.s. [Applause.] When\\nwar came tlu .v had soldiers ready for the sacri-\\nliee. When taxes had to be imposed they were\\nready to pay them. When loans had to be dis-\\nposed of they were ready to purchase them.\\nBut still witli reluctance and hesitation finan-\\ncial circles followed liehind the peopled It be-\\ncame necessary finally to subordinate the whole\\ntinancial system of the country to the common\\nsafety. Then linanciers and speculators decided\\nthat innovations must cease. A depreciated\\ncurrency was tlie harvf st of bankers at the cost\\nof tlie legitimate business interests of the\\ncountry, and the GovernnuMit was threatened\\nwith a tinancial revolt. Excepting only those\\ndirectly associated with the Government in the\\nsale of our securities, the entire financial inter-\\nests of tlie nation protested and i mbarrassed\\nthe adoption of the national banking system.\\nBut the representatives of the people enacted\\nthe Banking law notwithstanding the deter-\\nmined hostility of our monetary interests, and\\ncrushed out all the old tinancial tlieories. [Ap\\nplause.] Again financiers discovered that\\nthere was a supreme power somewhere that\\nthey had until then overlooked. In due time\\nmoney adjusted itself to the interests of the\\npeople, as it will be glad to do just as often as\\nthe country shall choose to change its policy.\\n[Applause.]\\nTHE APPKO.VCH TO SPECIE PAYMENTS.\\nIt was so with tlie approach to the resumption\\nof specie payments. Financial circles were\\noften convulsed with the problem, but the peo-\\n)ile were calm and undisturbed. They under-\\nstood the (luestion on sound common-sense\\nprinciples. They knew tliat an honest and\\nfrugal individual wliose revenues exceede liis\\nexpenditures, must liave good credit and pay\\nIns debts, and that tlie same rule applied fully\\nto governments. They meant to enforce honest\\ngovernment, and they meant to pay suflicient\\ntaxes to make a certain and continued reduc-\\nti(Ui of the public delH. They knew therefore\\nthat the specie standard of value would come\\njust as soon as it was best it sliould come, and\\nthat it would come without convulsion in\\ntlie natural cliannels of industry and trade.\\nTliey dismissed the problem because its solution\\nwas self evident. Not so with our financial cir-\\ncles. They were convulsed weekly or monthly\\nover some new and startling theory, toucliing\\nour monetary affairs. They searched the wars\\nof ancient and modern history to ascertain how\\nother nations had done, and gold was tossed\\nabout at fabulous premiums, simply because\\ngreat financiers were ever convulsing them-\\nselves altout the troutiles they were constantly\\nmaking for themselves. Had theyunderstood the\\nIVnmtain of all power and credit in our Govern-\\nment, tliey would have known that the people\\nhad not sacrified hundreds of thousands of\\nlives and thousands of millions of treasure to\\nsave the Kepublic, merely to destroy it by dis-\\nlionoring its faith. [Applause.]\\nHere and there politicians, with no more\\nknowledge of the integrity of the people than\\nfinanciers had, proposed various plausible\\nmeasures of indirect repudiation but the peo-\\nple repudiated the repudiators. In the mean-\\ntime our financial operators and monetary\\nwriters exhausted all the theories of the darlc\\nJaiiiii^LMnMiMiiMMiMMMiiiiir 1\\ncedents of the i)resent century, to find some\\npath for reaching specie payments. They were\\never forgetful that the people of this country\\nhad fought a great war against all tlie prece-\\ndents of liistory; that they had won it against\\nall the precedents of history, and that they had\\npaid for it against all the precedents\\nof history. Finally they awoke from\\ntheir disturbed dream to discover that they\\nhad nothing whatever to do with the approach\\nto specie payments. By perfectly natural re-\\nsults, following legitimate causes, unheralded\\nand without violence, our securities reached\\npar in gold, and we had practically attained\\na specie standard without so much as a riiiple\\non the financial surface. [Applause.]\\nTHE PEOPLE DECIDE OUR FINANCIAL\\nPOLICY.\\nI do not assume to define wliat particular\\nfinancial policy our country should adoi)t, but\\nI do assume to solve just that particular part\\nof our financial problem that is so plain that he\\nwho runs may read it, and yet the part that\\nour financial circles least consider and under\\nstand. It is this: Whether Mr. Greeley or Gen.\\nGrant shall be chosen President, the flminclal\\npolicy of the 7iationivill not he moulded either\\nby tlie President or tlie Secretary of the Trea-\\nsury, but liy the people throuyh their represen-\\ntatives. The executive and the financial se-\\ncretary may recommend, but they do not frame\\nour laws touching our finances. It is their duty\\nto execute the laws not to make them, and in-\\nstances are not rare, even under the present\\nAduiinistratiou, when Congress not oidy exer-\\ncised its own judgment in (tpposition to the se-\\ncretary, but directed him to halt or advance in\\noperatingour loans, and instructed him in what\\nparticular manner he should execute the laws\\nfor his depatrment.\\nThis power of the people has been exercised\\nsince the organization of the Government, and\\nit will be exercised while the Republic endures.\\nWhen increased taxes are necessary Congress\\nprovides them, and when loans are to be made\\nor exchanged, the Secretary is instructed not\\nonly to handle the loans, but also in what par-\\nticular manner they shall be handled. When\\ngold is to be sold he is instructed as to how and\\nwhen to make the sales. And when any finan-\\ncial operation is ordered, and it is not done sa-\\ntisfactorily, the authority is revoked or suspend-\\ned. This was done with Mr. Boutwell recently.\\nA law was enacted directing the conversion of\\nour six per cents into loans bearing a lower\\nrate of interest. It was specifically provided at\\nwhat price new bonds should be sold, and the\\nmaximum cost of converting the loans was\\nfixed. Limited discretionary power was of ne-\\ncessity conferred upon the Secretary, but the\\nsupreme control of the whole operation was\\njealously reserved to the representatives of the\\npeople. An incompetent Secretary of the Trea-\\nsury wasted the money authorized to be ex-\\npended ill converting the loan, or most of it,\\nand the loans were not taken. Mr. Boutwell,\\nin the exercise of the limited powers conferred\\nupon him, peddled our securities though the\\ngreat money markets of the Old World, until\\nour national credit was likely to sufter incal-\\nculably by the confessed imbecility that ruled\\nin the management of our finances.\\niMimwiyiMi", "height": "3321", "width": "1931", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "THE LEDGER CONDEMNS MR. BOUTWELL.\\nJust then the Lclf/er, of this city, owned by\\nMr. A. J. Drexel and Mr. George \\\\V. Cliilds,\\ntlius commented on the policy of the Adminis-\\ntration in handling our securities:\\nThere are no national bonds more reliable\\nthan those of the United States, and none\\nshould command higher credit,nor would they.if\\nCinigross and ourown ollicials would but evince\\na proper appreciation of their true value. To\\nhe continuaUij offerinr/ our securities in foreign\\nmarkets with increased 2} omises as iiow re-\\ncommended by the Secretary of the Treasury,\\nis not the way to imjvove the national credit.\\nCapitalists, the world over, look to certainty of\\npayment rather than to large annual return s or\\nthe convenience of the place of payment of in-\\nterest, and In/ a proper appreciation at home of\\nthis importantfact o^n* bonds unll attract more\\ntakers on better terms than throu{ili negotiators\\nabroad or by follovvng holders, cap and- money\\nin hand, to London. The Ledger is not alone\\nin its opposition to this i)roposed iiaynient of\\nthe national interest abroad. The Boston Ad-\\nvertiser says it is a step which we have always\\nand earnestly ojijiosed as beneatli the dignity\\nof the Government and as giving anoi)ening io\\nfraud and conij)lications witli foreign bankers.\\nThe Journal oj Commerce and all the papers of\\nhighest remite, not within tlie influence of the\\nring that hopes to proflt from the project,\\nmake the same opposition.\\nINCOMPETENCY CALLS FOR A SYNDI-\\nCATE.\\nThe sequel fully .sustained the strictures of\\nthe Ledger, and Mr. Boutwell had to resort to\\nthe most contemptible financial jugglery to\\nsave his incompetency from bringing the coun-\\ntry to public dishonor. After he liad exhausted\\nhis efforts to handle the loan, and made not\\nonly financial circles but the people tremble\\nfor the safety of our credit, he became an easy\\nprey to the persuasions of the Syndicate. He\\nhad no money to pay for negotiating tlie loan,\\nfor he had squandered it on what proved to\\nbe merely squandering our national credit.\\n[Applause.] The Syndicate was not willing\\nto wield its power from considerations of pa-\\ntriotism. It would supply the business skill\\nand financial cntrol which should have been\\npossessed in a pre-eminent degree by the Sec-\\nretary of the Treasury only on condition that\\nit should be wtll paid. But wherewitli could\\nMr. Boutwell pay?\\nThe financial skill of the Syndicate was\\nequal to the emergency, and Mr. Boutwell was\\ntaught how to do a lawless act nnder the color,\\nor rather under the shade, of law. The Syn-\\ndicate agreed to take the five per cents at par,\\nand credit the Treasury at once witli over\\n$100,000,000 of gold, with the private condition\\nthat the money should not be drawn for ninety\\ndays. In the meantime the Syndicate drew\\ngold interest on the bonds for ninety days before\\nit paid a dollar to the Treasury, and Mr. Bout-\\nwell was also paying interest on a like sum of\\nthe old loan, that should have been redeemed\\nby the proceeds of the sale to the Syndicate.\\nBy this flnancial operation Mr. Boutwell paid\\ndouble gold interest for three months on over\\nS100,000,000 of our debt, and the Syndicate\\npocketed nearly $1,500,000 of it. It was a trans-\\naction wholly unauthorized by law, and a\\nshameful confession of tlie utter inability of the\\nAdministration to manage our finances. Con-\\ngress very properly exercised its autliority by\\ninstructing Mr. Boutwell to cease such finan-\\nciering. [A lause.\\nWHY THE SYNDICATE FAVORS GR.\\\\NT.\\nIt is not wonderful that our great bankers\\nand brokers should want the rule of incom-\\npetency to continue under General Grant and\\nMr. Boutwell. Mr. Jay Cooke Is one of our\\nmost reputable and successful banker?. The\\nGovernment gave its credit into his hands as\\nhis capital, and he used it wisely and w^ell, and\\nreaped a liberal reward, as he deserved. Had\\nhe been Secretary of the Treasury he would\\nhave handled the loans himself promptly and\\neconomically. [Applause.] He and his brother,\\nGov. H. I). Cooke, of the First National Bank\\nof Washington, were the master spirits of the\\nSyndicate. They were able to do what Mr.\\nBoutwell could not do, and they were paid no\\nmore than such a service, rendered by in-\\ndividuals to individuals, or to a government,\\nwas worth. They were competent Mr. Bout-\\nwell was incompetent, and Mr. Boutwell paid\\nthe Syndicate nearly one and a half millions\\nas the price of his incompetency. [Applause.]\\nMr. Boutwell favored the transaction because he\\nwas unfitted to cope with the moiiied combina-\\ntions of the world, even with all the resources\\nand moral force of a great government to sup-\\nport him. The Syndicate favored it because\\nit was profitable, and to that organization Gen.\\nGrant s administration of the finances is most\\nsatisfactory. With one accord its members\\nwill demand that our monetary affairs shall\\nnot be convulsed by a political revolution.\\n[Laughter and applause.]\\nTHE SYNDICATE IS GRATEFUL.\\nAnd let it not be said that the Syndicate is\\nungrateful. It is faithful to the Administra-\\ntion that gives it prosperity,and it prays for the\\ngift of continuance. [Laughter.] I have be-\\nfore me a circular, Avhich I am credibly assured\\nis genuine, issued by Gov. H. D. Cooke. It\\nreads as follows\\nJat Cooke Co., Bankers,\\nFifteenth street,\\nWashington, r C, July 19, 1872.\\nHon. and Dear Sir: I am directed by the\\nRepublican Congressional Committee to so-\\nlicit from you a subscription of SlOO, this being\\nthe amouiit which, by general understanding.\\nSenators and members agree they will pay\\nsaid committee toward defraying the expenses\\nof the pending Presidential campaign. Please\\nremit at your convenience and oolige,\\nYours very truly,\\nH. D. Cooke, Treasurer.\\nThe circular was not sent to the members of\\nthe Syndicate, but to more humble depend-\\nents of power. The leading members of that\\norganization were called upon for thousands\\ninstead of hundreds, and within two weeks\\nthe head of the Syndicate has been the re-\\ncipient of large collections, and given in large\\nsums, to sustain the financial interests of the\\ncountry, after the manner of the Syndicate,\\n[Applause.]\\nTHE MONEY ORGAN ON LABOR.\\nWhen the munitions of war had been pro-\\nvided, the sober North American awoke from\\nits normal dream a\u00c2\u00abnd rushed into the fight in\\nbehalf of our flnancial interests. It is the ac-\\nknowledged organ of money. In its columns of\\nthe 4th inst. it makes the issue distinctly be-\\ntween our monetary and our industrial classes.\\nIn a leading editorial of that date it says:\\nIn the campaign uf^w pending in this Com-\\nmonwealth Mr. Buckalevi is as clearly the", "height": "3280", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "encmii of active c(ij)it((l tx uninnan rrcr wkk\\nIt htdkx s no fl/fferencc. irhat dctnand man lie\\niiuiili- III/ political inci iKliarics, ivliethcr it he\\nthe restriction of tlie /loiirs of labor to cifilit\\nor sir, or Jour lionrt a (hui, or {liriiiu tlie ope-\\nratire a sliare in tlie profits of a concern to\\nv hich lie contrilnited not a dollar of capital,\\nMr. Bnckalew is for it. The vote of the ope-\\nrative is to liini of vastly more conseiiuenee\\ntliaii tlie vote of the cajiitaiist, only for the\\nreason that there are more operatives than\\neai)italists.\\nAfter thus siimmarilydisposing of the politi-\\ncal incendiaries, commonly known as laboring\\nmen, it calls, upon capitalists and manufac-\\nturers to repudiate Mr. Buckalevv, because lie\\nis t/te representative man, at this time, of that\\nclass of dangerous demagognes vihose influ-\\nence led to tlie secret organization of the\\nminers. [Applause.]\\nsyndicate money for hokny-fisted\\nincendiarie8.\\nFor what purpose did the Syndicate contri-\\nbute so lavishly to the treasury of the Grant\\npoliticians? tV rtainly not to insi)ire, or de-\\nbauch, monetary circles. Surely not to cor-\\nrupt manufacturers and merchants. Tliere\\nare those who will see, and who will consider,\\nwho will make comparisons even if they should\\nbe odious. Just when the Syndicate was\\npaying liberally to sustain the Administration\\nbecause of the safety of Syndicates under\\nits incompetent Galiinet officers, and when the\\nSyndicate organ was aroused to denounce\\nthe political incendiaries, known among the\\npeople as men who labor for their bread, the\\nGrant managers were employing the Syndi-\\ncate contributions to buy sundry straggling\\npretended leaders of the political incendia-\\nries. [Applause.] They were paid largely to\\nsell out some thousands of likely, bronzed,\\nhorny-fisted incendiaries to vote the Grant\\nticket, and thus uKiiutain the present linancial\\npolicy of the country. [Laughter.] Perhaps\\nthe incendiaries may obstinately refuse to be\\ndelivered, but the Syndicate has done its\\nduty. It will lose an election, but it will have\\nthe consolation that it was not for want of\\nmoney to corrupt labor to obey the arrogance\\nof centralized capital. [Applause.]\\nTHE ATTEMPTED FRAUD L l ON LABOR.\\nHow palpably and unblushingly double-faced\\nare the Grant leaders in their appeals for votes\\nmay be seen at a glance liy the proceedings of\\nthe Grant convention lield among the political\\nincendiaries and dangerous demagogues,\\nin Schuylkill county last week. After fusing\\nwith the incendiaries and demagogues on\\nthe important nominations, the Grant conven-\\ntion passed the fllowing among other resolut-\\nions:\\nResolved, That true labor reform Is ad-\\nrnnced He J lublicnnism, and that the interests\\nof labor will be best forwarded by the party\\nwhich has elevated and dignilled it and in-\\ncreased its rewards, and thrown open the broad\\nlands of the National diunain for its occupancy\\nat only a nominal cost, thus all ording literally\\nfree homesteads to all.\\nIs all this varied duplicity essential to main-\\ntain the present linancial policy of the country?\\nIs it an honest policy that thus proclaims its\\npurpose to defraud one of two classes? Can\\nit be a just or wise policy that cannot trust its\\neautse to the dispassionate judgment of the peo-\\nple? Must men be deceived to preserve their\\nthat looks solely to the iiower and prosperity of\\ncentralized capital, at the cost of the productive\\nindustry of the country, to be vindicated by\\nmingled debauchery and deceit? These grave\\nquestions will be answered, not by the arro-\\ngance of those who have unwisely assumed that\\nwe are a mere nation of hewers of wood and\\ndrawers of water for speculators, but by the\\nthoughtful, iiatriotic ])eople who accept in-\\ndustry, in all its varied channels, as the life, the\\nwealth, the honor and the safety of the re-\\npublic. [Oheers and applause.]\\nTHE ADMONITION OF HONEST FINANCE.\\nIt is not remarkal; le that, with such supreme\\nfolly committed in the name of our linancial\\ninterests, the New York Financier, the mone-\\ntary organ of the country, should have felt\\ncalled upon recently to raise its protest again.st\\ndisturl)ing money ami trade by plunging\\nthem into poliiics. In a late issue that journal\\nsaid\\nNothingwe have said on political subjects\\ncan be so interpreted as to seem anything but\\nthe impartial criticism which alone the Finan-\\ncier proposes to use, and we are, therefore, the\\nmore free to say that noliod ii need fear a gene-\\nral convulsion of finance and business in con-\\nsequence of the election, let that result as it\\nmail. There is some disturbance, but that\\ncomes from uncertainty, not from fear of a\\npossilile coming Mlamity. The country will\\noutlast either rant or (ireeley, and it lias cer-\\ntainly proved its vitality and endurance under\\nthe former. But it is certainly disgusting to\\nsee the orators and organs coiulucting the cam-\\n])aignso muchou the you re another princi-\\nple, and using so much dressing for so little\\ntruth. Tlie r/i/fcs makes this ridiculous jilea,\\nin the expectation that people who never look\\nat financial iuotatioiis will believe it and quote\\nit, and so they will.\\nThe elaborate article from which I quote was\\ndoubtless called out by the public declaration\\nof Mr. Clews, an English banker, in the New\\nYork Grant Convention, that a particular can-\\ndidate must be nominated for Governor to sat-\\nisfy the speculative interests of Wall street, and\\nby the concerted movement of vast speculative\\norganizations to control the pending political\\ncontest on the false plea of averting linancial\\nrevulsion. If our great financial circles would\\npreserve the confidence of the productive in-\\nterests of the country, they will withdraw from\\na struggle in which they can win but defeat\\nand disorder. [Applause.] They live and profit\\nlargely by the industry and thrift of the people,\\nand wanton conflict is but the act of the sui-\\ncide. Neither can be prosperous save in con-\\ncord with the other. The one is the fountain\\nof our prosperity the other is but the incident\\nof the nation s greatness. Let us be wiser\\nthan our greed or our prejudices, and the har-\\nmony of capital and labor will nn .ke us truly\\nand permanently prosperous. [Cheers and aii-\\nplause.\\nAN HONEST FINANCIAL POLICY.\\nI believe that the new Secretary of the\\nTreasury, to be qualified on the 4tli of March\\nnext. Mill not handle the national securities or\\nmanage our finances in imitation of Mr. Bout-\\nwell. He will be likely to respect the criticisms\\nof the Ledger and look to the appreciation of\\nour loans at home, and thereby trust the source\\nof our wealth rather than those, who would\\nspeculate upon it, and who of necessity direct\\nall financial operations for the advantage of a", "height": "3295", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "6\\nadministration no one will venture to re-enact\\nthe eonvulsion of the Black Friday that made\\nbusiness interests tremble from centre to cir-\\ncumference under the manipulations of reck-\\nless speculators who believed that th ^vhad bar-\\ngained with the Government for protection;\\nnor will speculative combinations seize the cur-\\nrency of the country to precipitate financial\\ndistress and to profit by the destruction or em-\\nban assment of all legitimate enterprise. [Ap-\\nplause.]\\nHe will disturb no legitimate channels of\\nbusiness or trade, but he will prove what has\\noften been proven l)efore, that the people can\\ncalmly and peacefully change their political\\npolicy witliout in any way disturbing finances,\\ncommerce or industry. Speculators may dis-\\nturb tliemselves for a few days, as they did\\nwhen Mr. Lincoln was elected, and when the\\nNational banking system was enacted, but\\nthey will see the country move on harmoni-\\nously in its great pursuits, and soon learn that\\nnobody is alarmed but themselves. Then they\\nwill conclude that, after all, it is safe and re-\\nspectable to have faithful and competent states-\\nmen to administer the Government.\\nBUSINESS IXTERESTS PERILED BV INCOM-\\nPETENCY.\\nBut there are others besides bankers, brokers\\nand speculators who are largely interested in the\\nstability of our financial i)olicy. Our commer\\ncial and manufacturing classes do not profit by\\nthe negotiation of loans, but they do profit by\\nwisdom in our rulers. What safety can our\\nvast and varied business interests, or even our\\nspeculative interests, feel with a Cabinet that is\\ndwarfed into pitible littleness when it comes in\\ncontact with the statesmansliip of Europe?\\nWhat a fearful penalty was paid by all business\\nclasses because of the confessed incompetency\\nof the Secretary of State in the management of\\nthe Washington treaty When the whole coun-\\ntry rejoiced that peace had been assured, he\\ntaught us the consequential damages of Im-\\nbecile diplomacy. For months all great oper;v\\ntions were suspended. Negotiation of all se-\\ncurities was arrested, and commerce and trade,\\nand speculation as weli, hung in suspense while\\nstupidity struggled to escape from itself. [Ap-\\nplause.\\nTrue, there was a large measure of conti-\\ndence felt throughout that all would be well in\\nthe end, but it was the sound .sense of civilized\\nnations that was trusted\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not the skill or wis-\\ndom of our Caliinet. And when tranquility was\\nfinally restored, it was by atoning for our\\nblunder at a cost that mere millions could not\\ncover.\\nCAPITAL AND BUSINESS IN THE SOUTH.\\nAnd look at the South. Our capitalists have\\nhundreds of millions invested in State and\\nother securities there, and our industry should\\nnow be largely employed in repairing the waste\\nof war in that section. Their railroads have\\nbeen restored and equipped by Northern capi-\\ntal and labor, and prosperity must be given\\nthose States to requite the energy of our peo-\\nple. Already many millions have been lost by\\nthe depreciation of Southern State bonds, and\\nlarge investments made in railroads and other\\nlegitimate pursuits looking for reward by the\\nrestoration of the South to thrift, have been un-\\nciated wealth have lost by their Southern enter-\\nprises, but the Northern people have been com-\\npelled to bear all the exactions of the Govern-\\nment because of the continued reign of desola-\\ntion there. The States lately in rebellion should\\nnow be contributing largely to the expenses of\\nthe whole Union, and also to the reduction of\\nour National debt.\\nWhy is it that millions have been lost in their\\ndepreciated or almost valueless securities?\\nWhy is it that the large investments made there\\nin legitimate pursuits are profitless? Why is it\\nthat the South continues unproductive and\\nbears no just share of the taxes imposed ui)on\\nthe country? Why is it that this vast and in-\\nviting field for our Northern capital, commerce\\nand industry, is still languishing in poverty\\nmore than seven years after the clash of arms\\nhas ceased? Will our capitalists, our mer-\\nchants, our manufacturers, our speculators and\\nour tax-payers soberly consider and answer\\nthese grave questions in the light of reason and\\npatriotism? These monuments of withered waste\\nand consuming shame have been reared by the\\ncarpet-bagger and he has been maintained in\\npower, often at the sacrifice of law and decency,\\nby tiie Grant Administration. [Applause.]\\nTo save him from the just condemnation of the\\npeople, the civil authority has been suspended,\\nbayonets have usurped the ballot, and despot-\\nism has sunk deep into the policy of the Gov-\\nernment. Can capital and commerce and tax-\\npayers consent to four years more of hopeless\\ndebauchery and profligacy, and desolation in\\nthe South? If not, a change of our National\\nrulers is an imperative necessity. [Applause.]\\nSPECULATION AND LEGITIMATE FINANCE.\\nThe nation in the decision of political\\nissues, will not fail to distinguish between the\\nmere clamor of speculation and the legitimate\\nfinancial iutei-ests of the country. Speculative\\ninterests look to centralization\u00e2\u0080\u0094legitimate\\nfinance looks to harmony and mutual prosper-\\nity with the great sources of our wealth. Spe-\\nculation is the foe of industry\u00e2\u0080\u0094 legitimate\\nfinance is the friend of labor, for labor is the\\nlife of its opei ation. Speculation is clamorous,\\narrogant, and hurls its impotent threats at the\\npolitical incendiaries and dangerous dema-\\ngogues who create the very wealth it enjoys\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nlegitimate finance, welcomes the advancement\\nof labor and shares its success. Speculation\\nmay be restrained by the people by their choice\\nof our next President but legitimate capital\\nand labor will rejoice that the harmony of our\\ngreat elements of prosperty has been fully\\nassured. [Applause.]\\nPROTECTION AND FREE TRADE.\\nLet us consider the issue of Protection and\\nFree Trade as presented in this contest. I\\nhave consistently and earnestly, in my humble\\nway, supported the Protective policy, and shall\\never do so. As a friend of Protection, I ask\\nthe serious attention of its supporters, who\\nfavor the election of Grant, to the grave perils\\nthey are inviting to the cause. Can they close\\ntheir eyes to the fact that the Philadelphia\\nGrant platform is as positively claimed for\\nFree Tr ide in the West and South, as it is\\nclaimed for Protection in Pennsylvania? He\\nwho carefully reads it cannot fail to see that it\\nis most ingeniously worded to be susceptible", "height": "3275", "width": "1914", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "t\\n7. The .annual revonues, after paying\\nciiriTnt expenditures, pensions and tlie interest\\non tlie public debt, should furnish a moderate\\nbalance for tlie reduction of tlie principal, and\\nthat revenue, excejit so niucli as may be de-\\nrived from a tax njion tobacco and li(|uors,\\ns/io)ilfl lip ra/aed hi/ ilut/es upon /in/nirtiitions,\\nthe (h tails of ir/i/ch n/tiiuhl he so (uliii.-iti il as to\\naid in sreiirinfi reunincnitire innjesto lahor,\\nand promote i/te inilitstries, prosperity and\\nc/roirt/t oft/ie uiiole conntrii.\\nIs tliis in any sense a resolution favoring i)ro-\\nteetion? What labor is to be compensated?\\nWhat industry is to be made prosperous? Is\\nit to apply to the men who make iron and pro-\\nduce coal, or to the men wlio use iron and coal\\nin their industry? Here we are told it is the\\none class\u00e2\u0080\u0094 in tlie West, the friends of the same\\nplatform and candidates say it is the other\\nclass, f the resolution meaus anything it is\\nthat the question of revenue is paramount, and\\na revenue tariff looks to ad valorem instead of\\nsjiecific duties\u00e2\u0080\u0094 just what fails to protect our\\nindustry when it is most needed, and protects\\nexcessively when it is not needed. It does not\\nin any express terms declare for Protection or\\nfor any one of the distinctive features of Pro-\\ntection, nor.does it imply Protection any more\\nthan it does free trade. It was just such a\\ntariff resolution that deceived Pennsylvania in\\n1844, and lost the country the Protective tariff\\nof 1842. If Grant and the party sustaining him\\nare for itrotection as a party, would they have\\nresorted to such strangely ambiguous lan-\\nguage to express their faith? And would men\\nsupporting the same candidate and the same\\ndeclaration of principles declare for protection\\nin one part of the Union and for free trade in\\nanother section, as do the advocates of (Irant?\\nManifestlii either t/ie J rotectionists or the\\nfree Traders are to he cheated hij the\\nGrant j^latform. Which is to be be.\\nfrayed? The candidate affords no solution\\nof the problem, for if lie knows what his\\nviews are he has never expressed them. [Aii-\\nidause.] lie has yet the first utterance to make\\nin favor of a tariff for the sake of protection.\\nNot so with Mr. Greeley. [Cheers and ap-\\nplause.] Are his life-long, consistent and mas-\\nterly efforts for distinctive protection to weigh\\nnothing in the contest against an ambiguous\\nplatform and a doubtful candidate?\\n1)0 CJrant men, who so zealously attempt to\\nidentify his cause with protection, forget that\\nevery argument they make on this issue must\\nvindicate Mr. Greeley as the candidate entitled\\nto the support of protectionists? If he canii(.)t\\njustly claim such support, upon wliat ground\\ncan Grant claim it? Mr. Greeley has fought the\\nbattle of protection to American labor with\\ntireless energy and supreme ability for nearly\\nforty years,and it has not achieved a triumph in\\nthat time that he did not greatly aid. What\\nhas Grant done or said for ])rotection? He has\\napproved every tariff bill that Congress has\\npassed, but has never yet plead the cause of\\nprotection. Will he veto any modiftcation of the\\ntariff looking to the revenue standard? Does\\nhe say or intimate so, or dare any friend of his\\nsay or intimate so for him? Let me warn the\\nfriends of i)rotcction that its gravest danger is\\nindeliberate frauds and indii ect assaults such\\nas were studiedly attempted by the Grant Con-\\nvention.\\nTHE LIBERAL. PLATFORM HONEST.\\nT do not (daim that the wjiole Liberal party,\\nas a party, s for protection. If 1 were to say\\nso I would be guilty of the same palpable false-\\nhood that the Grant men commit when they\\nask the exclusive support of Protectionists for\\ntheir candidate. At Cincinnati some of the\\nmore unscrupulous Free Traders made a de-\\ntermined effort to pass just sucli a resolution\\nas was adopted by the Grant convention,\\nThey argued, as do the Grant men, that an\\nambiguous resolution, capable of being con-\\nstrued for or against protection, was the plat-\\nform to win on, but the Liberal convention re-\\nfused to stamp its party with deliberately\\nplanned fraud. [Applause.] We Protection-\\nists in that body said: We know that all\\nparties are divided on the question; that any\\nresolution that will satisfy all must mean to\\ncheat one side or the other, and that the only\\nhonest way is to remit the issue to the people,\\nwhere it properly belongs, and where it will al-\\nways be eout rolled regardless of Presidents.\\nThis advice prevailed, and an honest resolution\\nwas almost unanimously passed. True, it was\\nobjected to, and the chief of the objectors was\\nJudge Stanley Matthews, who would be satis-\\nfied with nothing less than a positive expres-\\nsion against tlie Pennsylvania Pig Iron\\nIling, as he called it in a speech to the con-\\nvention. Failing to get Free Trade adopted as a\\ncardinal article of the Liberal faith, he bolted\\nfrom the body, and is now stumping Ohio for\\nGrant and Free Trade. [Applause.] Our\\noffense to him was the nomination of a pro-\\nnounred Protectionist for President, and as a\\ndisciple ot Free/Lrade he pleads the cause of\\nGrant. Is he cheated, or is Protection\\ncheated?\\nHere is the Cincinnati resolution:\\nC. We demand a system ot federal taxation\\nwhich shall not unnecessarily interfere with\\nthe industrv of the people, and wliich shall pro-\\nvide tlie means necessary to pay the expenses\\nof thefiovernment, economically administered,\\nthe pensions, tlie interest on the public debt,\\nand a moderate reduction annually of the prin-\\ncipal thereof; arvl reeoiinizinfi that tliereare\\nin our midst Iionest hut irreconrilahle differ-\\nences of opinion with regard to the respective,\\nsi/stetiis of protection and free trade, %ne remit\\ntlie disctfssion of tlicsidijccttotlie peoplein their\\nCojv/ressional fistricts and the decision of Con-\\nf/rcss thereon, whoUi/ free from Fxecutiiv inter-\\nference or dictation.\\nIs it not honest? Is it not manly and une-\\nquivocal? It recognizes the fact that the Libe-\\nrals, like the Grant party and the Democrats,\\nare honestly divided, and makes no attempt to\\ndeceive any voter. It does not defraud the _\\npeople by assuming that a President can make\\nor destroy protection but it notities the people\\nof their obviously just responsibility touching\\nthe issue. When protection was assailed dur-\\ning the lastsession of Congress, did our Penn-\\nsylvania friends appeal to the President? Kot\\nat all, for they knew that he could not and\\nwould not array himself against Congress on so\\nvital a question as that of taxation and reve-\\nnue. They appealed to the people s representa-\\ntives, and there saved protection from the\\nassaults of many leading Free Traders who are\\nzealously supporting Grant s re-election. The\\npeople were then confessedly, through their\\nCongressmen, the only power that could save\\nour industry. They have ever controlled, and\\never will control the question, despite party\\nplatforms or professions. [.\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Applause.]", "height": "3284", "width": "1961", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "8\\nTHE DAKGEK TO TROTECTION.\\nWe should deal candidly with this momen-\\ntous question. Let us not close our eyes to the\\nfact that distinctive protection has ever been,\\nand I fear ever will be, practically subordi-\\nnated in our national legislation, to the more\\nsensitive considerations of taxation and reve-\\nnue. It is wrong that it should be so, but it is\\nso, and has been so. While I believe that a de-\\ncided majority of the American people prefer\\nprotection to free trade, yet the constant\\nstruggles of various channels of industry or\\ntrade to escape or lessen taxation, have often\\nmade Kepresentatives yield the great question\\nto local or special interests. And in this is the\\nsupreme danger to the policy of protection,\\nand the only safety is the election of faithful\\nCongressmen. In a word, the people must\\nzealously guard protection in choosing their\\nrepresentatives, or the tireless efforts of free\\ntrade will eventually succeed. Just now pro-\\ntection has a positive advantage in the contest.\\nThe necessary reduction of our debt, the ex-\\ntraordinary expenses of the Government aris-\\ning from war, pensions, etc., and the popular\\naversion to inquisitorial or direct taxes,demand\\nheavy duties on imports; but we must bear in\\nmind tliat even with the large revenues re-\\n(luired, protection is assailed each year in Con-\\ngress, and only well-directed vigilance has\\nsaved it. Frotection, as well as all other direct\\nor incidental features of our policy of ta.xation,\\ndepends entirely upon the people\u00e2\u0080\u0094 just where\\nthe Liberal platform i)laces it ;and it is not only\\nsupreme folly, but it is suicidal, to make the\\nissue in a Presidential contest, especially\\nfor a candidate who is not a Protectionist, and\\nagainst a inan who has devoted his lite to the\\nadvocacy of the policy. Eesolve as we may\\nin party platforms, whether manfully and\\nhonestly, or ingeniously and fraudulently, the\\npeojjle must maintain or destroy Protection,\\nand no Executive can save or overthrow it\\nagainst their representatives. [Applause.]\\nLINCOLN TEACHES THE POWER OP THE\\nPEOPLE.\\nOn this point the admonition of tlie lamented\\nLincoln is most pertinent. In 1848 the Whigs\\nnominated General Taylor for President. His\\nfriends were divided on many questions, and\\nthey avoided attempted deception by not adopt-\\ning any platform. Mr. Lincoln was then in\\nCongress, and delivered a speech in the House\\non the 27th of July, 1848, in which he most\\npointedly demonstrated where the power of\\nthe nation is to be found and by whom it must\\nl)e exercised. He not only taught the true doc-\\ntrine then, but the sacred observance of it when\\nPresident was the secret of the success of his\\n.administration. He faithfully followed the\\npeople in moulding the policy of the Govern-\\nment, and they sustained him with unexam-\\npled devotion. [Applause.]\\nSpeaking in defense of General Taylor as a\\nPresidential candidate, he said:\\nGen. Taylor in his Allison letter says:\\nITpon the subject of the tariff, the currency,\\nthe improvement of our great highways, rivers,\\nlakes and harbors, the will of the people as ex-\\npressed through their Kepresentatives in Con-\\ngress, ought to be respected and carried out by\\nthe Executive.\\nNow this is the whole matter in substance, it\\nis this: The people say to Gen. Taylor, If vou\\nare elected, shall we have a National Bank?\\nHe answers, Your will, gentlemen, not \u00c2\u00bbime.\\nt Airi 4-\\nShall our rivers and harbors be iini)roved\\nJust as you please. If you desire a bank, an\\nalteration of the tariff, internal improvements,\\nany or all, I will not hinder you. If you do not\\ndesire them, I will not attempt to force them on\\nyou. Send up your members of Congress from\\nthe varit us districts, with opinions according\\nto your own,aiul if tliey are tor these measures,\\nor anv of them, I shall have nothing to oppose.\\nIf they are not for them, I shall not, by any\\nappliances whatever, attempt to dragoon them\\ninto their adoption.\\nNow, can there be any diftieulty in under-\\nstanding this? We see it, and to us it\\nappears like principle, and the best sort of prin-\\nciple at that\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the principle of allowing the\\npeople to do as they please with their own\\nbusiness.\\nMy friend from Indiana (Mr. C. B. Smith)\\nhas aptly asked, Are you willing to trust the\\npeople? Some of you answered substantially.\\nWe are willing to trust the people, but the\\nPresident is as much the representative of tiie\\npeople as Congress. In a certain sense, and to\\na certain extent lie is the representative of the\\npeople. He is elected by them as well as C!on-\\ngress is. But can he, in the nature of things,\\nknow the wants of people as well as three hun-\\ndred other men, coming from all the various\\nlocalities of the nation? If so, where is the\\npropriety of having a Congress? That the Con-\\nsi itution gives the President a negative on leg-\\nislation, all know, but thar this negative should\\nbe so combined with platforms and other ap-\\npliances as to enable him, and. in fact, almost\\ncompel him to take the whole of legislation into\\nhis own hands, is what we object to, is what\\nGen. Taylor objects to, and is what constitutes\\nthe broad distinction between you and us. To\\nthus irnmfer legislation, is clearltj to take it\\nfrom tliose iclio understand with minuteness\\nthe interests of t/ie people and give it to one who\\ndoes not and cannot so well understand it.\\nTHE PEOPLE THE EOUNTAIN OF ALL\\nPOWER.\\nIt will be seen that the Cincinnati platform\\non the tariff is not novel either in policy or\\npractice. It does in express terms what Mr.\\nLincoln and the Whigs advocated in 1848, and\\nit enunciates the great principle of the sover-\\neign jjower of the people, which in tliese days\\nboth rulers and speculative interests have been\\nprone to overlook. Never were more truthful\\nor wise words uttered than those by Mr. Lin-\\ncoln when speaking of the theory that the Ex-\\necutive may dictate the legislation of the coun-\\ntry, he said: To thus transfer legislation\\n(from Congress to the President) is clearly to\\ntake it from those who understand Mith mi-\\nnuteness the interests of the people to give it to\\none who does not, and cannot, so well under-\\nstand it. Not only is this policy right and in\\nhappy accord withlhe genuis of our Govern-\\nment, but it is the only policy that can be\\nmainc .ined in its administration. In these\\ndays of Schools and newspaiiers and widely dif-\\nfused intelligence, no President can enforce\\nany policy against the wishes of the people.\\nPierce tried it by the reiteal of the Missouri\\nCompromise and l()St Congress. Buchanan tried\\nit on the Kansas-Lecompton question, and\\ngave his party defeat. Lincoln stu-\\ndied with ceaseless care to be in ac-\\ncord with the people, and he was ever sus-\\ntained. [Ai)plause.] Jolnison tried it on recon-\\nstruction and left the Presidency without a\\nparty. Tyler and Fillmore made similar ex-\\nperiments and achieved notable failures. Pres\\nident (Jrant tried it on the Santo Domingo\\nquestion, but was compelled to yield or be\\nbroken, and now he is enforcing the i)olicy of\\nhate and discord in the South, in obedience to\\nsupi osed political necessities, against the ad-\\nmonition of the popular branch of Congress,\\nand the result will be, as it ever has been, over-\\nwhelming defeat. [Cheers and applause.]\\nWhatever nuiy be the views or interests of in-\\ndividuals or sections, this one undeniable truth\\nis irrevocably interwoven with our very Gov-\\nernment itself: The people are the supreme\\npower of the nation, and they will make and\\nunmake Congresses and Presidents, and politi-\\ncal and financial policies at pleasure. [Pro-", "height": "3275", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "The Grant Investment in Bolters.\\nSPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. A. K. MCCLURE,\\nDELIVERED IN\\nREADING, SEPTEMBER 12, 1872,*\\nPrinted from the Report of The Press.", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "Mr, Mc Clure, being introduced, was received with\\ncheers. He said\\nill\\nThis is a healtliy year for bolters, and as bolting is always\\nhealthy for the body politic, the signs of the times are most\\npropitious. A whole national convention, with deleo:ates from\\nevery State, and many of the ablest statesmen of the nation,\\nbolted from the Grant party at Cincinnati. They did not bolt\\nfrom their Republican convictions, but they bolted from the\\npersonal rule that has so deformed Republicanism that indepen-\\ndent and honest men canncjt recognize it as the same party whose\\nnoble achievements of the past have written the brightest pages\\nof our history. [Applause.]\\nWith them, as of old, came Satan also. Men with dreams of\\nambition, or personal ends to serve, found that they had mis-\\ntaken the purpose of the body, and they bolted a bolting conven-\\ntion. [Laughter.] One who presided and made the lirst\\nutterance, informed the delegates that in every department of\\nthe Government the slow poison of corruption seems to have\\npervaded the whole civil and political administration of the\\ncountry from head to foot. But the idol of his faith was free\\ntrade, and, as the convention bolted free trade, he was left\\nshivering outside, and he bolted by the mere force of political\\ngravitation. [Great laughter.] Having thus bolted, he at once\\nbecame a patriot in the estimation of the administration he had\\njust denounced as a running sore of corruption, and his profes-\\nsional services just then happened to be needed by the Govern-\\nment. Thus persuaded, professional gravitation landed him in\\ntlie arms of Grant. [Laughter.] Before the Cincinnati Conven-\\ntion met he stated in a letter to a friend that he would cordially\\nsupport Mr. Greeley if nominated. After the convention he went\\nwooling, and was met with plentiful flocks. [Roars of laughter.]\\nJudge Stanley Matthews, of Ohio, will recognize this portrait.\\nBut the great Cincinnati outburst of bolters, like tlie outbreak\\nof long-smothered currents, sent petty streams and sprays in all\\nmanner of odd directions awav from the tidal wave, and each\\none seems to have become ambitious to be a flood of its own.\\n[Laughter.] Cameron and Tweed, and Morton and Brick\\nBomeroy, and Butler and Mosby, and others of like pronounced\\npatriotism [laughter], hastened to water the multitude of infantile\\nfloods that have jetted ofl: from Cincinnati, and they were finally\\nall turned toward Gotham. Man} were the prayers and tender\\nwas the solicitude that came irom Administration circles in be-\\nhalf of the bolting political waters. [Laughter.] But there was", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "one o-rave miscalculation made by the Grant leaders. There\\nwere some honest bolters from the Cincinnati bolt, and all men\\nwere not ibr sale. The result a8 that honesty bolted aii^ain\\nfrom the bolting bolters [laughter], jind the remnant again\\nbolted from eacirother. [Renewed laughter.] One distinguished\\nbolter bolted off and gave out a pUUforni of his own. Mr.\\nGodwin started in his bolt against brave pdds something over\\nsix millions to one and, njUurally enough, he iinally bolted\\nfrom himself. [Roars of laughter.] A small remnant made a\\ndeclai-ation of princi})les and nominated Mr. Groesbeck for\\nPresident; I forget who for Vice-President. A committee waj^\\nappointed to notify the nominees, but the committee bolted\\nbefore they found the candidates, and the candidates bolted over\\nto Greeley. [Great applause.] So ended the bolt from the\\nCincinnati bolters. Tlie Grant party came out minus all the\\ncapital, and trouble it put into the concern, and it needs no\\nfigures beyond a cipher to state its profits.\\nl3nt the Grant leaders would not be discouraged. Cameron\\nand Morton and Butler, in their early religious studies [laughter],\\nhad read in Pilgrim s Progress, or in their primers, that in\\nsome lexicon there is no such word as fail, and they resolved not\\nto fail. They had contracted for a bolt; they had paid for a bolt\\nand a bolt they must have. [Laughter.] If not a Liberal bolt\\nthev must have a Democratic bolt, and thereupon Mosby was\\nwefcomed to the hospitality of the White House. The warriors\\nmet and were fraternal. [Laughter.] Mosby differed with his\\nbrother hero in that he was honest. He went home for Grant\\nand told his people that he preferred to deal for immediate\\ndelivery, and that Grant was his man [Laughter.] Mosby\\nbolted, and the first fruits of the weary efforts of the xVdministra-\\ntion were gathered in unspeakable joy. The antediluvian Wise\\nl)olted with him for the one hundred and nineteenth time in^ his\\nlife [laughter], and will bolt every fortnight until the eleetion\\nbut It wa^s an emergency that forbade ceremony or inquiry, and\\nhe was welcomed. [Applause.]\\nThen came my old friend Blanton Duncan. Ills contract was\\nstupendous. lie had made a mistake in Kentucky and got on\\nthe wvoug side of the war. He was so defiantly and offensively\\nrebel that his fine estate was confiscated under the laws, and he\\nhad to choose between sui\u00c2\u00bbporting Grant or bankruptcy. Xot\\nthat he loved Grant more, but that he loved poverty less, decided\\nhis political status [laughter], and he assumed the contract of\\ndefeating Mr. Greeley at Baltimore. He got his estate back\\nthrough Butler s championship in the House, and Grant s\\napproval, but neither doods of franked circulars, nor ceaseless\\nimportunities, uor prayers, nor tears, nor oliices, nor contracts,", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "nor altogether [laughter], could turn the Democratic Convention\\nfrom its purpose. [Prolonged cheering.] Brick Pomeroy was\\nby his side, and he blasphemed boldly, while Duncan begged\\npiteously; but none trembled or followed him. ]^ot a delegate\\nfrom any State could be got to bolt, and Duncan and Pomeroy,\\nand a half score more employed with them to divide the conven-\\ntion, had to improvise a bolt of their own to make the appear-\\nance of earning their pay. They met and stared at each other,\\nand soon bolted over to tlie next day to hire recruits from idlers\\nand boys. Again they met, and finding that they would soon all\\nbolt from each other, like a grindstone shivered by a lightning-\\nstroke, they called the Louisville Convention, and then bolted\\nback to the Administration for reinforcements of money and men.\\n[Laughter.] The Grant leaders at once gave notice that the weary\\nand laden of Bourbon Democracy can now find rest. [Laughter.]\\nTliatbankruf)ts in politics and property can meet with a profitable\\nwelcome, and that those who are still unrepentant rebels, and\\nwho protest against the surrender of the issues of the war, can\\nfind genial fellowship and encouragement in the Administration\\nranks. Murphy bargained with Tweed, Connolly and O Brien\\nfor safety to the first and honors for the last, and they bolted to\\nGrant. The rebel General Pillow s mules taken in war, were\\nbolted into a claim against the Government, and Pillow bolted\\nthe Baltimore ticket, after which they bolted on his mules.\\n[Laughter.] Harris, of Maryland, who was censured by a Re-\\npublican Congress for disloj alty while a member of the Ilouse,\\nbolted for Grant because disloyalty was not maintained at Balti-\\nmore; and Brick Pomeroy and Wendell Phillips bolted together\\nfor Grant, and for the same reason. Both are lawless and revolu-\\ntionary, and neither have supported a successful candidate v/ithin\\nmy recollection. Pomeroy blasphemed Lincoln and Grant when\\ncandidates before, and Phillips with equal fervor blasphemed the\\nconstitution and the laws under which they were elected. Both\\nstumped the country, declaring Grant s intellectual and moral\\nunfitness for the Presidency, and as usual with such chaotic\\nagitators, when the country has reached the same conviction,\\nthey bolt in passion from themselves. [Laughter.] And Toombs\\nbolts and is made welcome and Stevens bolts and is invited to\\nthe Grant feast. They bolt because Greeley was for the emanci-\\npation and enfranchisement of the slaves, and Garrison and\\nDouglass bolt to Grant, because Grant is more for the emanci-\\npation and enfranchisement of the blacks than Greeley is.\\n[Laughter.]\\nAnd we have bolters in Philadelphia, nearly one-half of one\\nfor every thousand Democratic votes in the city. [Laughter.]\\nThey are professionals, and should be encouraged, and as they", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "will prol)ably bolt from and to each other forty times between\\nthis and the election, it would be unjust to them and to the public\\nto name them now. [Laughter,] The Administration next\\nturned in quest of needy and seedy adventurers to hire for the\\nbolt to Louisville. The postmaster at Washington, Mr. J. M.\\nEdmunds, who is also Secretary of the Grant Couo-ressional\\nCoM\\\\mittee, issued the following circular, and sent it out to\\nGrant postmasters, under frank, to be delivered to any one who\\nwould go to Louisville and accept pay for his services.:\\nWashington, D. C., July 30th, 1872.\\nDear Sir:-;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Please send the enclosed circular to active Demo-\\ncrats in your district who do not support Mr. Greeley and will\\nco-operate in the Louisville Convention. Send me a list of such\\nmen in your county immediately.\\nJ. M. Edmunds, Secretary.\\nBy some mistake one of the circulars came to me and I con-\\ncluded that, as looking after political conventions this year is my\\nbusiness, I would help Grant s postmaster and secretary to dis-\\ntribute his documents for the Grant side-show at Louisville.\\n[Laughter.] I accordingly sent a gentleman to see Mr. Edmunds,\\nand to inquire how the Louisville movement might be promoted.\\nAs it had no party at all to back it, it was exceeding sickly and\\nneeded nursing. [Laughter.] Mr. Edmunds was waited upon\\nat the Grant Committee headquarters in Washington, and he\\nsmiled so childlike and bland, [laughter], that my friend was\\nfor a time bothered whether Grant was to be for the Louisville\\nticket, or whether the Louisville ticket was to be for Grant. The\\nvaliant postmaster had documents by the thous md, teaching the\\nI rue Democratic pathway, and he gave them out with a lavish\\nhand.\\nHere are two of them. [Sensation.] These two documents,\\n(the speaker presented two franked envelopes) were received by\\nmy friend froni Mr. Edmunds in person, at the Grant Committee\\nheadquarters in Washington, and the pamphlets now in them\\nwere in them wdien Mr. Edmunds delivered them. You will\\nobserve (holding up the envelopes), that one is franked by Sena-\\ntor Ilarlan, of Iowa, and the other by ^Ir. Foster, of Ohio. I\\nwill read you the first paragraph of the pamphlet the envelopes\\ncover. It is as follows:\\nDear Sir: Will you be kind enough to place this circular in\\nthe hands of active Democrats in your C(junty, who will at once\\ncommence an organization for the purpose of supporting the\\nprinci[)les of our party, as they will be proclaimed by the con-\\nvention at Louisville, Sept. 3d.\\nIt is a long circular, and is signed Blanton Duncaji. His cir-\\nculars were printed by the Administration, at the Government", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "6\\nPrinting Office, folded b} Government officers, franked bv clerks\\nwho forge the names of Senators and members bj contract, and\\ncircnlated by postmasters. All that conid be done on paper was\\nthus done for the Louisville Grant show by Government clerks\\nand dependents. Bnt there were other and mightier duties to\\nbe performed to make the show prosper. It must have money,\\nit must have banners, it must have bands, it must have trans-\\nportation and it must have bummers hired to swagger and swear\\nthat the Democracy can t be sold out to Greeley. [Laughter.]\\nIt required a Grant quartermaster, a commissary officer and a\\npaymaster.\\nNotwithstanding Genei al Camei on s unsophisticated habits\\nand tastes touching (piarternuisters, pa\\\\masters and baggage\\nmasters, [shouts of laughter], lie was selected to run the several\\ndepartments of this State. He called Revenue Officer Errett,\\nthe chairman of the Carneron-Grant party of this State, and\\ngave him general command, with instructions to enlist all strag-\\nglers about every camp, and to send them free to Louisville.\\nMr. Errett answered his chief that tickets cost money, and he\\nhad not the cash just at hand. He reported that he had a dele-\\ngation mustered in for ten days, and as long thereafter as pay\\nand rations could be kept up, [laughter], but that they must have\\ntransportation. It was proniptlj furnished by Cameron. A\\nrelative of President Grant engaged a band, and all went to\\nLouisville merry as a marriage bell. [Laughter.]\\nThe convention at Louisville opened rather inanspiciously.\\nInstead of beginning with prayer, as is usually done, Mr.\\nBlanton Duncan opened it with a bar-room brawl, in which he\\n])robably would have whipped the other fellow if the otlicr\\nfellow liad not very promptly whipped him. [Siiouts of laughtei\\nAnd while the chivalrous Duncan was acceptiuii: a floiiii:;injf in\\nLouisville, one of the iiopeful brothers-in-law of the President\\nopened the ball at the other end of the line by clubbing an\\neditor who was bowed by the frosts of sixty winters. [Renewed\\nlaughter.] The preliminar} skirmishes being over, the immortal\\nDuncan called his warriors into council and informed them of\\ntheir duty. He told them how much he had not received for not\\nselling out to Greeley, and how many millions it would require\\nto transfer his Falstaffian army to either side.\\nA Virij^inia antediluvian, wlio had been tenderlv rocked in the\\nresolutions of 98, pi esided, and the pi ogramme was proceeded\\nwith according to contract, as rapidly as could be done, with\\nsome appearance of deliberation. Now and then a delegate who\\nhad been captured and enrolled without bounty [laugher] would\\nattemi)t to i^peak his own thoughts, but he was out ot order.\\nTrain fiashed upon the gathering like a fall moon upon a pile of", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "stale mnekerel [laughter], and not being commercial in politics,\\nlie was driven from the body.\\nFinally, the ticket contracted and paid for by Cameron, Tweed,\\nMorton Co., was nominated and it would not stand. O Connor\\nhad convictions of his own, but he was not for sale, and Adams\\nwould die only in the arms of O Connor. [Laughter.] As there\\nwere no residuary legatees contracted for in the shape of candi-\\ndates, the contractors were brought to a stand. It was O Connor\\nand cash, or nobody and nothing, [laughter], and the convention\\nbroke into disorder at the prospect of loosing their wages.\\nIn a lucid interval the venerable antediluvian from Virginia,\\nwho was in the chair, was unanimously declared nominated lor\\nPresident; but there was nothing, in it [laughter], and it was\\ncalled a joke. It was natural that so serious a calm as followed\\nthe declination of the candidates contracted for should be suc-\\nceeded by comedy. If -ash was to be denied them, they would have\\ntheir fun, and they joked Lyons on the ticket. But men cannot\\nalways joke. Joke s won t pay grocery bills or clothe the baby\\n[laughter], and soberness returned to the remnant of the con-\\ntracfors. Many left in disgust to save hotel bills, and gave their\\nproxies to Duncan; but the convention, Unding that the contract\\nwas about to fail, avenged themselves on their chief contractor\\nby denying him the right to cast votes for those who had con-\\ncluded they were missed at home.\\nFinally, in utter desperation, the contractors again nominated\\nthe only two men they knew would not accept, and in haste\\nrushed for their homes and the paymasters. [Laughter.]^ A\\nconvention of employed adventurers without a constituency, fitly\\nclosed without candidates, and now it has dissolved among the\\npeople, and is like a twice-told tale. It has made all previous\\nbread and butter conventions and brigades measurably respectable,\\nand has given the country the lowest depth of political chicanery\\nthat has ever been sounded. [Applause.]\\nThe country will well note the fact that from but one source\\ndoes encouragement come to the restless, faithless men w^ho re-\\nfuse obedience to the now irrevocably settled issues of the war.\\nWhen all parties and all sections have yielded a sincere obedience\\nto the logical results of our late conflict, the Grant administration\\nhas the oidy proffer of welcome and encouragement for unre-\\npentant rebels. Toombs, Stevens, Wise, Harris and their few\\nassociates, who continue the war against fate, are flaunted before\\nthe public through Grant journals, with editorial plaudits, and\\nthey are cheered in their professed devotion to the Lost Cause\\nonly by the Grant party, and none have been deceived by the en-\\nlistment of Tweed, Pomeroy, Connolly and O Brien in the grand\\nLouisville movement.", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "8\\nIt was as much the movement of Cameron, Morton, Conkling,\\nChandler and Butler as was the Philadelphia Convention, and\\nGrant managers undisguisedly drammed up its pretended dele-\\ngates and paid the bills. It is a fitting crown to the bold monu-\\nment of Administration debauchery, that the few blatant traitors\\nof the South and the discarded Tammany municipal harlots\\nof the North should rush to the Grant ranks to find genial and\\nabundant championship in death. [Cheers and applause.]\\nMr. McClure then referred to the prospects in the State. He\\nsaid that from every part of the State the reports were most\\ncheering. In Philadelphia we will make fraud hide in terror\\nbefore election day, and the boasted majority of 12.000 to 15.000\\nwill vanish. [Cheers So far, in every State that has voted,\\nthe Grant loss compared wi th previous equally full votes, has\\nbeen most significant of disaster to them. They jollify over\\nNorth Carolina because thej have manufactured a nominal\\nmajority by fraud, where four years ago they had 18.000. They\\nboast of West Virginia because a Greeley man was defeated for\\nGovernor; but they forget to tell that a Greeley man was elected.\\n[Laughter and cheers.] They claim a victory where they did\\nnot venture to run a Grant candidate, although four years ago\\nthey elected their Governor by 4.700. They shout themselves\\nhoarse over Vermont, where they have lost 5.000 on an}^ previous\\nvote with so large a poll. They are wild with joy over Maine,\\nwhere they have lost twenty-five per cent, of the Grant majority,\\nand where the percentage of Republican loss, if applied to Penn-\\nsylvania, would beat them 50.000. [Applause.]\\nWould you jollify over Berks, if after a most exhausting con-\\ntest and the fullest possible vote, she should give but 4.500\\nmajority instead of 6.500? Would you call it a victory or a\\ndefeat? The} are most welcome to such victories in Pennsyl-\\nvania; and they will get just such victories too. [Laughter.]\\nThey will loose a larger per cent, of the Republican vote here\\nthan they lost in Maine, and with our 700.000 votes against their\\n130.000, the Greeley majority will run up in the tens of thousands.\\n[Applause.] Be of good cheer friends. The battle will be des-\\nperate, as power and venality always battle for existence, but the\\npeople will sweep the cormorants of our State from power in\\nOctober by an overwhelming vote, and Novenjber will sweep\\nitself. [Applause.]", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "OAMBRON RULE IN PENNgYLYANIA.\\nSPEECH\\nOF\\nQ)\\nHi \u00c2\u00a91111\\nDELIVERED IP*\\nFulton Hall, Lancaster,\\nSEPTEMBER 18, 1812.\\nPrinted from the Report of The Press.", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "Mr. McClure was received by the immense audience with\\ngreat applause. He described the novel aspect of political\\nparties in the pending contest, and claimed that the rending of\\nparty bonds is a most wholesome promise to the country. Men\\nwhose antagonism on the dead issues of the past had not changed,\\nhad advanced to meet the new and living issues of the present,\\nand they did not stop to inquire whether they had been Repub-\\nlicans or Democrats in other days and other conflicts. Parties\\nare organized for the welfare of the country, and the country\\ncannot be made to subserve the mere interests of a political organi-\\nzation. When such an issue is presented, then it becomes the\\nduty of patriots to forget partisan obligations and subordinate\\nparty to the general welfare. Such an issue, the speaker insisted,\\nwas presented now. The countrj^ is arrested in its advancement\\nto peace and prosperity, by a party that has abused its trusts, and\\nnow prostitutes the whole power of the Government to the gro-\\nveling task of promoting its own success. In 1868 its battle-cry\\nwas Let us have peace! and after four years of peace and\\nobedience to the laws throughout the whole country, the slogan\\nof the same party is Let us have hate. Against this appeal\\nfor enstrangement and disorder every patriot must protest. Not\\nonly must they protest against such a battle-cry, but they must\\nalso reprobate the insincerity that revives the passions of war,\\nafter conferring upon such men as Longstreet and Akerman the\\nhighest honors of the Adminstration.\\nAfter elaborately reviewing the positions of parties, and the\\nduties of citizens in the national contest, the speaker calmly but\\nmost incisively presented the issues involved in the State contest.\\nHe said: I appreciate fully the circumstances under which I\\nspeak, against what power I speak, and to whom 1 speak; I\\naddress those who are profoundly exercised by the peculiar domi-\\nnation that is now upon trial before the people. With citizens\\nas citizens, I have nothing to do. Their private and their social\\nrelations the criticism of political contests should regard as sacred.\\nWhatever others may do, the cause of truth and public integrity\\ncannot be perverted to personal controversy, and no provocation of\\nfolly, or of malice, or of crime, should tempt the defender of\\nprinciples which are essential to the honor and purity of the\\npublic service to accept the challenge of defamation.\\nLook at our great State! It is the pride, the honor and the\\npatrimony of nearly four millions of people; and it is to be the\\ninheritance of millions yet unborn. Its valleys are golden with\\nabundance, under the inspiration of an intelligent and happy in-\\ndustry its hillsides and mountains are pouring out countless\\n2", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "wealth t be difYased throao;h tlie thousand sinews of requited\\nlabor, and to be gathered in the channels of a pro-^perous com-\\nmerce. Its schools are dotted in every commnniry, and are a\\nfree oiie ring to the opulent and to the lowly; and colieges and\\nchurches on every liand tell the story of our Christian progress.\\nThe scream of the iron-horse is heard climbing our Alleghanies,\\nand piercing our mines of boundless riches. Monuments stand\\nthick in eveVy section to rei-ord the heroism of our people, and\\nthe orphans of our martyred soldiers are the chosen children of\\nthe commonwealth. [x\\\\pi\u00c2\u00bblause.]\\nThere is Pennsylvania, behold her! Unrivaled in intelligence,\\nin educated and skilled labor, in diversified wealth, in integrity\\nof character, and in all that contributes to the true grandeur of\\na people under faithful government, and yet there are stains upoii\\nher escutcheon and festering sores upon her body politic, and\\nblisters upon her crown, which poison and paralyze her authority\\nand shame her citizens. To rule sucli a commonwealth, and\\nsuch a people, is an inviting field for noble and pure ambition,\\nand he or they who can accept its honors worthily, and wisely\\ndirect its government, must deserve the plaudits of all com-\\nmunities. But he or tliey who usurp its powers, pluck its laurels\\nin dishonor, and pour the deadly poison of peculation or selfish\\naggrandizement into its channels of authority, must in time be\\nrejected with scorn, and be remembered only in infamy.\\n[Applause.]\\nI am not here to accuse, but to look our State and its govern-\\nment in the face. For six years it h;is been held in every\\nchannel of power, by a domination that is confessed by all. It\\nhas been masterly in its organization, skillful in conception a,nd\\nexecution to preserve control, and it has successfully detied\\nassault on every side. It has directly or indirectly made and ex-\\necuted every political and domestic policy that has become part\\nof our history. It has conferred the favors, the honors of the\\nState. It has made nominations and majorities to sustain them.\\nIt has directed our legislation, and exercised the whole adminis-\\ntrative power of the commonwealth. Whatever of good, or of\\nevil, brightens or stains the political management of our State\\nduring the period I have named, is to be credited to the rule of\\nSimon Cameron. We could not but be prosperous as a people,\\nfor our treasury has overflowed with revenues. The husbandman\\nhas gathered bountiful harvests, and the products of our mines\\nand of our shops and mills have found active markets with re-\\nmunerative prices. No evil days came upon us, such as shadowed\\nthe administration of Governor Curtin. [Cheers and applause.]\\nThere was no strain upon our credit, no revulsion or depression\\nof trade, no convulsing fears to cripple our industry, no bereave-", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "ment or disorder to stay the march of progress. It was a time\\nfor beneficent rule; when green hiurels had but to be plucked\\nby honest power, and when public virtue had but to be true to\\nitself to reap the mor^t bountiful reward. How has our great\\ncommonwealth been ruled? If wiselj and patriotically and in\\nintegrity, this rule should continue. If unwisely, selfishly and\\ndishonestly, it should be fearlessly dethrowned, [Cheers.]\\nHave the highest honors within gift of the State been con-\\nferred upon tlie most competent and deserving, or have they\\nbeen bartered to the place-hunter and the demagogue? Have\\nthey been awarded honestl3% in obedience to the popular will, or\\nhave they been the toy of the venal and grasped in selfish arro-\\ngance? Has this rule been exercised to reflect honor and\\nblessings upon the State, or has it been prostituted to debauch\\nour politics and perpetuate corrupt authority? Have those who\\nwon and enjoyed our highest honors been the respected and\\ntrusted representatives of the people, or have they shunned\\nmanly criticism and crawled thi ough the slimy and sinuous\\nchannels of chicanery and fraud to pluck forbidden fruits and\\nshame the commonwealth Have they wielded the various ele-\\nments of power, which of necessity attend such a responsible\\ntrust, to enforce integrity and competency in our official places,\\nor have they perverted tiie public service to blind obedience to\\nthe behests of unscrupulous perfidy? Have they appealed to the\\npatriotism, to the manhood, and the inspii-ation of honest am-\\nbition for associates or helpmates, or have they invited only the\\nselfish, the cowardly and the dependent to sti engthen their\\ncause? These are sober inquiries which our servants who are\\nrobed in the noblest shifts of the State, must answer. [Applause.]\\nAnd has this rule been faithful or f;iithless in executing its or-\\nganized political power? It has been supreme. It has condi-\\ntioned every ofiice; it has its terms with every channel of\\nauthority. Whatever we have reaped or are reaping in our\\npolitical system, has been or is the ]ei!:itimate harvest of the seed\\nit has sown. Has it administered jmblic justice without fear or\\nfavor, or has it bargained with banded crime, polluted the jur\\\\-\\nbox, and opened the doors of our prisons? Has it administered\\nour finances in obedience to the laws, and without stain upon\\nour public servants, or has it plunged them into illegal or reck-\\nless peculation and mingled them with the ciirainal records of\\nour courts? Has it enforced integrity in the enactment of our\\nlaws, or has it made law-making a mere auction of legislative\\nfavors? Has it adjusted our public accounts in the interest, of the\\nState, or has \\\\f. licensed the defaulter to plunder the tax-payers?\\nHas it respected and encouraged an independent press as faithful\\nsentinels on the outposts of power, or has invoked avenging or\\ncorrupt authority to suppress honest criticism of its acts?", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "I need not answer those 2:rave qnestions before an int ]]i,ii:ont\\naudience. They luive been asked and answered in the mind of\\nevery citizen who would be faithful to the State that has uiven\\nhim government and prosperity. They have been propounded\\nand discussed by every independent journal. They have been\\nrepeated and answered yearly in the records of our legislature.\\nThey have been answered in the mockery of justice in portions\\nof the commonwealth. They have been answered in the notorious\\npollution of the ballot-box. They have been answered in the\\nineffaceable records of the nation at AVashington. They have\\nbeen asked and answered everywhere, unless there are sonie\\ndark recesses in the State where virtue and dishonor are not dis-\\ntinguished by the people. [Applause.]\\nin time of war when all were absorbed in the preservation of\\nour institutions, the people natually tolerated abuse of Republi-\\ncanism. It had a noble cause; its banner was the banner of\\npatriotism, and its achievements enlisted the devotion of the\\nnation. It was then that this rule laid the foundation of its\\npower. Had its purposes been declared or appreciated, it would\\nhave been rejected by the aroused majesty of the people. But\\nit came professing sympathy with, and obedience to the people,\\nand entrenched itself in the very citadel of Republican authority\\nbefore its deformities were revealed to the public. Since then\\nit has withdrawn its flag in every contest and it has urged that\\nRe[)nblicanism and not Cameronism, was appealing for poj.ular\\napproval. Nominations have been made in the secretcaucus to\\nobey this power, and when so made they were readily forced\\nupon the party through dependent presses and obedient subor-\\ndinates, and w^ere then presented to the people with the formal\\nsanction of an honored political organization. When men have\\n[)r()te8ted, it was answered that the party must not be endangered,\\nand that the issue-^vith personal rule should be met when fairly\\n[\u00e2\u0080\u00a2resented by a Senatorial election.\\nThe issue is now fairly before the people of Pennsylvania.^\\nAn organized and corrupt despotism that has shorn our State of\\nher locks while her people slept, and bound her hand and foot,\\nis now upon trial and the issue cannot be evaded. It is idle to\\nplead that a Presidential election may be effected by it. If any\\nnational cause forbids the regeneration of our commonwealth, it\\nsliould not be successful\u00e2\u0080\u0094 it cannot deserve success. _Nor_ can\\nany intelligent voter be deceived by the significant disclaimer\\nthat the organized rule of our State has made as to the Slate\\nticket. It is a well-guarded confession of the integrity of the\\npeople for the lieutenants of this rule to plead that the State\\nticket was not in sympathy with it, and not made by it, lait it will\\nnot mislead the earnest men who mean now to grapple sternly", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "6\\nwith this debauched and debauching power. The Executive ot\\nthis State is essential to the perpetuation of this rule. So is the\\nState Treasurer and so is the Auditor General. Without them\\nit would be powerless to enforce its desperate purposes. It must\\nhave the clemency, the approval, the veto of the Governor to\\nmake men bow to its mandates. It must have the millions of\\nthe treaniry to furnish means to pay the price of its success.\\nIt must have the revision of the public accounts to make the\\nvast corporate power of the State yield willing obedience to its\\ndemands, and to reward its dependants. It has therefore made\\nthe ticket and is now planning frauds to elect it; and if such a\\ncalamity as its election could be possible, when elected, the claim\\nwill be at once boldly made, and certainly with reason, that\\nthe present political domination of the commonwealth has been\\napproved by the people. If this organized power shall triumph\\nin October by the election of Hartrantt, for the first time in the\\nhistory of this State Simon Cameron may claim that he is en-\\ntitled to be one of our Senators.\\nCitizens of the Old Guard, if you approve of this rule, and\\ndesire its complete control for three years more in your State, and\\nfor six years more in the first legislative tribunal of the nation,\\nyou should vote its State ticket and its legislative candidates.\\nIf you do not approve it if you desire to regenerate your\\ncomm.onwealth, to honor in her national representation, and to\\nfidelity in your government at Harrisburg you must buckle on\\nyour armors f(U the conflict. Deception will confront you at\\nevery step;i but be not betrayed. Six years ago, when your Re-\\npublicans met in council to select Senators and Assemblymen,\\none of your most upright and fearless men, Mr. Billingfelt,\\n[cheers and applause], answered I am for Thaddeus Stevens for\\nSenator for Simon Cameron, never I [protracted clieers], and\\nhe was nominated with boundless enthusiasm, and was elected\\nand re-elected by large majorities. Let no candidate be less\\nspecific now, for he who hesitates to be right will be the easy\\nprey of wrong. Let your people be true to their own integrity\\nin the election of State and legislative candidates, and Pennsyl-\\nvania will at last be redeemed from the power of rings and\\nplunderers. With Charles R. Buckalew [cheers] as Governor,\\nour revenues will be safe from the reach of the speculator; our\\nLegislature will be compelled to fidelity in its enactments, and\\npardons will cease to be political perquisites. With an able\\nand upright Senator to represent us at Washington, our great\\nState will be released from tlie bondage of the political traders,\\nwho are rewarded with ofiicial favors for defrauding the people.\\nWith Governor Curtin [cheers] in our Constitutional Convention\\nwe may confidently look for a just and enlightened revision ot", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "our fundamental law. His nomination by the Liberal Committee\\nwas made with his approval [applause], and will l)e formally ac-\\ncepted as soon as he recovers from his recent most critical illness.\\nThe candidates before you are truly representative on both sides.\\nCurtin or Cameron, Buckalew or Hartranft choose between\\nthem. [Protracted applause,]\\nOn the Tth of September, Mr. McClure discussed th.e same\\nissues in Norristown, concluding as follows:.\\nCitizens of iSTorristoavn I speak to the neisrlibors and\\nto many who are friends of General Hartranft. Of him I have\\nnot aught to say tliat is personally disresiectful. I have known\\nhim long and well, and have never spoken unkindly of him.\\nThat he has made grave mistakes in his public life, the records\\nincontestibly establish, and those mistakes are not the fountain,\\nbut the result of the organized corrupt political power in our\\nState, against which the people are in revolt. It is not necess-\\nary that I should accuse him of individual official wrong. I\\nwould prefer not to do so, however much it might be demanded;\\nbut I am here to assail the political combinaticm that has long\\ncontroled our commonwealth, in tlie name of Republicanism,\\nand stained almost every department of authority with dishonor.\\nIt has controled our finances in the interest of speculation, and\\ndegraded the good name of our State. It has made our legisla-\\ntio^n a by-word and a reproach, and subordinated its enactments\\nto the direction of the lobyist. It has made public justice a\\nmockery, by using the pardon of criminals as an article of com-\\nmerce not by the Executive, but ])y those who wield the su-\\npreme power of the party. It has made our offices of public\\nlionor and trust in the gift of the Legislature, the property of\\nthe utiscrupulous and the venal, and our highest places present\\nus with startling monuments of shame. It has made peculation of\\nthe pul)lic Innds a legalized science, for the law seems powerless\\nto bring the defaulter to account. It has brought to unqualified\\nobedience all who dream of political advancement, and assailed\\nwith all the arrogance of unworthy power and stolen treasure all\\nwho value political or individual manhood. It has made sale of\\nthe places of profit to be dispensed by the Republican organiza-\\ntion, solely to defy the people and preserve a most dishonest and\\ndespotic personal rule. It has has made the city of Philadelphia\\nthe prey of the repeater and ballot-box stufi er, and made Irand\\nand de])auchery tlie only pathway to ofiicial position. To-day\\nin Philadelphia*^ the issue is clearly defined as one between crime", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "8\\nand public order. It lias made the nominations of the Republican\\nparty without respect to the popular will, and entirely with the\\nview of yielding power to perpetuate wrong.\\nIt is this power, and the ticket this power has created, that I\\nam called upon to support as a Republican, and of this power\\nGeneral Hartranft is the representative. Whether he is of it or\\nits mere creation it matters not. He bears its banners, pleads its\\ncause, and will give it victor}^ if he can be elected. If chosen to\\ntlie high office he seeks, he cannot be an ing ate, and he must\\nbe ungrateful, or yield his power for dishonest men and dish(mest\\nends. The boast now unblushingly made of 12.000 or 15.000\\nmajorit}^ in Philadelphia is simply the arrogant boast of crime,\\nand General Hartranft cannot be ignorant of it. If it be made to\\ninspire a bi oken and demoralized party it isafalsf^houd. If it be\\nmade with the hope of fultilling it, it is but the insolent, detiant\\nproclamation of organized fraud, in advance of its systematic\\npollution of the ballot.\\nI need not point to the fountain of this dangerous and despotic\\npower. It is Simon Cameron. He is its author, its manager, its\\nexecutioner. He makes its candidates and usurp the power of\\ntheir offices. He makes its Legislature, and barters its honors\\nand its protits. He makes no appeal to the people. From them\\nhis plans and purposes are uniformly concealed. Were he to\\ncome before them to-day and say, Here is my cause, decide as\\nintelligence and integrity shall dictate, he would be buried in\\nrelentless reprobation. He furls his banner and calls Republicans\\nto rally to save a President or a Governor, and hopes to escape\\nthe scrutiny of a longsuifering people.\\nIf his State ticket shall be chosen, he will have won the lirst\\nverdict of popular approval he has ever received. However dis-\\nhonestl} it may be won, it would be his victroy, and for the lirst\\ntime in a long life checkered by purchased honors, he would\\nplausibly claim the leadership he has persistently usurped. The\\nsuccess of this combiuiition in the State contest would consign\\nour State and Philadelphia to the same domination, strengthened\\nand intensilied for three more years, and all effin-ts at reform\\nwould be fruitless. This issue appeals, and searchingly appeals,\\nto the integrity of every Republican, and that integrity will give\\nus victory.", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "STATE REFORM.\\nGOV. CURTIN ON RINS RULE IN PENNA.\\nThe Prostitution of Executive Pardons\\nto Corrupt Political Power.\\nCONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 GOVERNOR\\nCURTIN NOMINATED BY THE LIBERALS.\\nTo the People of Pennsylvania\\nThe Liberal Republican State Committee have formally nominated Hon.\\nAndrew G. Ciu-tin as a candidate for Delegate at Large to the Constitutional Con-\\nvention. In doing so we need not present any elaborate commendation of the\\nchoice we have made. Had the preferences of the people prevailed with the polit-\\nical managers, who have long ruled the State for the attainment of selfish ends,\\nhis name would have been first on the list of nominations for the responsible posi-\\ntion. He would have been presented, not aa a partisan, but as a patriot who has\\nshed the brightest lustre upon the annals of our Commonwealth.\\nA generation has passed away since our fundamental law has been revised by the\\nsovereign power that created, and our progress has been marked in all that con-\\ntributes to prosperity and greatness. The rapid growth and advancement of our\\nindustry, its varied and multiplied channels of production, and the vast business\\ninterests reared upon the wealth it has developed, have made us outgrow the Con-\\nstitution of our fathers.\\nBut to revise it in the interest of public integrity and permanent prosperity, the\\nmost experienced and faithful of our statesmen should be charged with the task.\\nAmong these, Andrew G. Curtin stands confessedly eminent, and he would bring\\nto the important work a measure of devotion to the people of the Commonwealth\\nthat few could equal, and none surpass.\\nDuring six years of sorest trial to the State and Nation he filled our Executive\\nchair. He was met with responsibilities which severely tested his intelligence and\\nhis patriotism but he met every public want, discharged every public duty, and\\nretired with the formal approval of all parties for his enlightened and successful\\nadministration, and beloved as the soldiers friend.\\nNo man in our great State is more familiar with our people; with our diversi-\\nfied and growing interests with the new necessities created by a life-time of pro-\\n1", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "gress; and none can bring to the amendment of our Constitution more practical\\nwisdom or greater fidelity.\\nAssured that the people of the State, without regard to political differences,\\ndesire his services, we present his name as a candidate, and ask for him the earnest\\nsupport of all who believe him most competent and deserving, with abiding confi-\\ndence that he will be triumphantly chosen.\\nA. K. McClure, Chairman, Philadelphia.\\nWm. H. Euddiman. Philadelphia.\\nLambert Thomas, Philadelphia.\\nHenry L. AVallace, Philadelphia.\\nGeorge Wylie, Philadelphia.\\nJames King, Alleghany.\\nThomas M. Marshall, Alleghany.\\nG. Stengle, Alleghany.\\nJ. Button Steele, Montgomery.\\nGeorge Stout, Northampton.\\nE. H. Ranch, Lancaster.\\nDaniel Kalbfus, Carbon.\\nGeo Irvin, Dauphin,\\nGordon F. Mason, Bradford.\\nThos. L. Jordan, Lycoming.\\nIsaac Benson, Potter.\\nS. B. Row. Clearfield.\\nJacob R. Busser, York.\\nWm. Lewis, Huntingdon.\\nJas. S. Moorhead, Westmoreland.\\nHenry Pillow, Butler.\\nAVm. Stewart, Mercer.\\nJoshua Douglas, Crawford.\\nF. A. Shugert, Warren.\\nWm. J. Gillingham, Philadelphia.\\nHenry L. Cake, Philadelphia.\\nH. Tiedeman, Philadelphia.\\nE. T. Chase, Philadelphia.\\nJ. K. Moorehead, Alleghany.\\nG. W. Riddle, Alleghany.\\nRaihor, Alleghany.\\nFrank Taylor, Alleghany.\\nM. C. Boyer, Montgomery.\\nJ. George Seltzer, Berks.\\nN. Ellmaker, Lancaster.\\nE. J. More, Lehigh.\\nGeo. Coray, Luzerne.\\nJ. C. Delezenne, Wayne.\\nJ. B. Earl, Cameron.\\nChas. Hower, Snyder.\\nGeo. W, Zeigler, Franklin.\\nD. S. Dunham, Blair.\\nJohn S. Graybill, Juniata.\\nR. W. Downy, Greene.\\nDavid Barclay, Armstrong.\\nL. D. Davis, Venango.\\nM. B. Lowry, Erie.\\nPhiladelphia, Sept. 12, 1872.\\naOVERNOR CURTIN S LETTER TO HON. A. K.\\nMcGLURE, CHAIRMAN LIBERAL REPUBLICAN\\nSTATE COMMITTEE AC CEP TIN a THE NOMI-\\nNATION.\\nSaratoga, September 21.\\nMy Dear Sir Your favor of the 11th instant, informing me of my nomination\\nby the Liberal Republican State Committee as candidate for delegate at large to\\nthe Constitutional Convention, and enclosing an address to the people of the State\\nrecommending my election, came duly to hand, but extreme illness prevented my\\nreading the letter or considering the subject until now.\\nI am still quite feeble and unable to write without the aid of an amanuensis,\\nbut the near approach of the. election, and the gravity of the issues immediately\\naffecting the honor and prosperity of Pennsylvania, to be decided in October,\\ncompel me to answer when my rest should be unbroken.\\nA nomination made by so many of the purest and best old representative\\nRepublicans of the State, and presented to the people upon grounds which stand\\nout in brave contrast with the demoralized political management now so sadly", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "8\\nprevalent, is an appeal I cannot refuse to vespect. I therefore accept the nomi-\\nnation, and if it shall be ratified by the people, and my health permits, I will\\ndischarge its duties with fidelity. I had confidently expected, immediately upon\\nmy return home, to familiarize myself fully with the details of what I well\\nunderstood in all general aspects, touching the misrule in our Commonwealth under\\nits present political control, and to speak my convictions at the earliest possible\\nmoment. While I cannot ever be indiff erent in a Presidential contest, I felt that\\nthe regeneration of my native State, in the October election, was of paramount\\ninterest to the people in whose happiness and greatness I am enlisted by every\\nconsideration of gratitude and patriotism.\\nThe bad rule that has wholly compassed the channels of political administra-\\ntive authority in Pennsylvania, is not of recent creation. It was the tireless but\\nimpotent power that conferred the action of the Grovernmeut, State and Nation,\\nduring the dark days of civil war, and steadily struggled to gather advancement\\nand gain from the bitter sorrows of the people.\\nSix years ago it attained control in our State. How it wag achieved is remem-\\nbered with humiliation by all. Why it was sought and won our subsequent his-\\ntory painfully demonstrates.\\nThe Republican organization has made its name illustrious in maintaining the\\nunity of the States and redeeming a continent to freedom. It was seized in con-\\ntempt of the will of the people, and its victories perverted to licensed wrong. I\\nneed not recite how, under an honored name and Hag, it has created wide-spread\\nindeed almost universal distrust of authority, and made honest men despair\\nof integrity in legislation, in elections, in conferring legislative honors, and even\\nin the administration of public justice.\\nThese terrible and steadily-growing evils in our political rule have made the\\npeople demand the right to resume their sovereignty to make new safeguards\\nfor themselves but if the proposed Convention is to effect reform, it must be\\naided, not hindered, by the vast power of the Executive and other important\\nSlate officials.\\nIf Mr. Buckalew shall be defeated, and a new lease of authority thus conferred\\nupon the despotic control that has long misruled the Commonwealth, it will be\\nmarvelous indeed if the Convention chosen in the partisan strife of a National\\ncontest can afford any substantial relief or protection to the people. If Penn-\\nsylvania is to be restored to purity, the government in all its departments, as\\nwell as the Convention, must harmonize fully and earnestly in the work of\\nregeneration. Mr. Buckalew s confessed integrity, and consistent devotion to\\nreform during mauy years of official service, give the best possible guarantees of\\nhonest administration, and complete restraint upon corrupt or reckless authority,\\nand his election seems demanded by every consideration of individual manhood,,\\nand fidelity to the honor and advancement of the State. If, as is claimed by\\ndesperate leaders in Pennsylvania, to regenerate our State in October will affect\\nthe National contest, a cause thus to be endangered must be wanting in the most\\nessential attributes of popular confidence. Actuated solely by a sense of duty to\\na people whose devotion in time past furnishes the most grateful memories of my\\nlife, I shall vote in October for honest government in our Commonwealth, and\\nmeet the Presidential issue when it comes before the people in accordance with\\nmy long settled convictions.\\nI cannot aflFord to sacrifice a great contest for constitutional, legislative and", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "admlBlstrative reform because Presidential eleetion is pending. To yield the\\nquestion would give fresh victories for misrule, and make the effort for just fun-\\ndamental restraints, either measurably or wholly abortive.\\nVery respecffuily, your obedient servant,\\nA. G. CUKTIN.\\nTHE RINaSTERS CAREER\u00e2\u0080\u0094 COLONEL McCLURE\\nPRESENTS TEE PICTURE TO THE PEOPLE.\\nA very large mass meeting of the citizens of the Third Congressional district in\\nfavor of Reform was held on Monday evening, the 30th ult., at the American\\nMechanics Hall, Fourth and George streets. The leading speech of the meeting\\nwas that delivered by Colonel A. K. McClure, extracts from which are given\\nbelow.\\nThe speaker commenced by referring to the unexampled bitterness and malig-\\nnity developed in this contest, and especially in the strugn;le for our State officers.\\nEvery man who does not blindly follow the lead of the Cameron Ring rule is de-\\nnounced unsparingly as traitorous, corrupt, and, in many cases, as guilty of almost\\nevery crime in the decalogue. It is unexampled also, he said, in the desperation\\nof the leaders of the dominant political power of the State. Fraud is not only\\norganized in our own city to change defeat into victory, but it is done openly,\\nunblushingly, and in the very face of every intelligent citizen of Philadelphia. He\\nthen referred to the Evans and Yerkes cases. He said I have not hitherto, in this\\ncontest, discussed the alleged complicity of the Republican candidate for Governor\\nwith the Evans fraud and the Yerkes speculations. I have never, in any speech,\\npublic or private, charged General Hartranft with individual venality, and I will\\nnot do so now. I need not decide whether he is so or not. It has been enough to\\nsettle my convictions in the Gubernatorial contest, that he was dependent upon\\nan organized corrupt political power for his nomination that, if returned as\\nelected, it must be by the systematic organization of fraud in this city, and that if\\nqualified as Governor, he must be subservient to the control that conferred his\\nauthority upon him. When a candidate is helplessly dependent upon corrupt\\ndirection, it need not be inquired whether he is full-fledged in the practices of the\\npower that created him or not. I have preferred to deal with issues, and not with\\nthe personal character of candidates for the Gubernatorial and Presidential\\noffices.\\nBut recent developments in the desperation of the so-called Republican leaders\\nof our city and State demand notice. Within the last year, Mr. Yerkes, a repu-\\ntable broker, and Mr. Marcer, the Treasurer of the city, were convicted of em-\\nbezzlement and sentenced to a felon s cell. I have never met either of them,\\nnever had any communication, directly or indirectly with them, and had no know-\\nledge of the operations which led to their punishment until the offence became\\npublic. I was one of the first to sign a petition for their pardon, and on every\\nproper occasion have urged that they should be released. I do not assume to say\\nthat they were convicted without warrant of law, as has been proclaimed from\\nthe stump but I did believe, and still believe, that neither of them was guilty of\\nthe intent to defrauid any one. True, they made an illegal use of public money,\\nand the public money was lost thereby, but it was the farthest from their purposes\\nto steal the public revenues, and the moral turpitude that should attach to two-\\nthirds of the leading officials of Philadelphia did not attach to them.", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "They speculated and lost. Most of out city officials deliberately plunder the\\npeople and grow rich by studied extortion and theft. Being, in my judgment, the\\nleast guilty of those who have perverted our whole political system to peculate\\nand plunder, and lacking the intent to defraud, I favored their release. I did so,\\nhowever, without supposing that conditions atfecting the safety of other and\\ngreater criminals should be imposed; and when the efforts for the release of\\nYerkes and Marcer became a matter of negotiation to shield a circle of men who\\nhave deliberately wronged the public, and are justly obnoxious to the gravest\\npunishment, I ceased to be interested in (he pardons.\\nThen to the marvelous history of incompetency or venality, or both, in our\\nhighest official places in Pennsylvania, developed during the last year. A man\\nwhom I have never seen or communicated with, and of whose existence I did not\\nknow until his defalcation became public, was charged with the collection of hun-\\ndreds of thousands of dollars, practically without security or restraint. The\\nenactment of the authority, the hurried appointment of Mr. Evans, and the speedy\\ndelivery of claims into his hands, were not accidents, and no department of our\\nState, relating to our accounts, can plead excuse without confession of uniiiness\\nfor responsible trust. That General Hartranft borrowed money from Mr. Evans\\ndoes not, of itself, warrant a charge of collusion or fraud, and there is nothing in\\nhis connection with the transaction that may not be explained consistently with\\nhis innocence of the charge of venality. But when that is admitted, his incompe-\\ntency becomes painfully conspicuous and undeniable.\\nThe fact stands out in bold relief, and challenges the scrutiny of every taxpayer\\nthat more than a quarter of a million of money has been lost to the Treasury of\\nthe Slate. The money collected by Mr. Evans, and withheld from the Treasury,\\nincluding principal and interest, now amounts to nearly $350,000, and no one\\nwould question that $50,000 would be a most liberal compensation for his services.\\nOr, accepting the most liberal theory proposed, and allowing largely for contin-\\ngencies of effort, without success and compensation, to award $100,000, would be\\na commission even beyond the bounds of generosity. By systematic fraud, in\\nwhich Mr. Evans could not have been alone, a record is made up to embrace a set-\\ntlement of nearly a million and a-half of dollars, that had been settled by Gov-\\nernor Curtin and Treasurer Henry D. Moore years before. If the records of this\\nsettlement were made at the time, as they now appear to have been made, our\\nState authorities cannot have remained in ignorance of the transaction. If the\\nrecords have been manipulated since the defalcation became public, our account-\\ning officers and Executive should have purged themselves by saying so. And if\\nthey knew that some $300,000 had been collected during a period of three years\\nwithout accounting for any part of it, they must have had good reasons for quietly\\nassenting to the retention of the State money by an irresponsible agent. If they\\ndid not know that the money had been collected and not returned, they were\\ncriminally negligent or incompetent, for it was their plainly demanded duty to\\nrequire the ngent to make report twice a year.\\nThis is the prelude to the tragedy that ended at Cherry Hill a few evenings ago,\\nand is essential to an understanding of the plot of the play. In the meantime our\\nState authorities were devising ways and means to shield themselves from the\\nEvans defalcation. The effort was not to recover the money, for every movement\\nin that line was forbidden by some power that had to be obeyed, and in whatever\\ndirection the pursuit turned it had to be abandoned. It was soon evident that Mr.\\nEvans had not been the sole recipient of the money literally stolen from the tax-\\npayers, and it was as clearly evident that no one of our State officers charged\\nwith its responsibility relative to the transaction could afford to enforce an exhibit\\nof the division made. At this critical period of the Evans scand.al, Yerkes\\nand Marcer were convictad and sentenced to pri^n, and they were soon seized\\nupon as the plank that might bear the plunderers to shore. The Evans case had\\nto be settled. He could not pay so much was confessed\u00e2\u0080\u0094 for he had not where-\\nwith to pay. He dare not speak, for that would have been destruction in official\\nand other quarters, and to refund would have been inconvenient besides. Yerkes\\nwas clearly guilty according to the old-time code that made detection guilt, and\\nhe was helpless.\\nThis brings me to consider Mr. Yerkes. He has invited criticism by a post", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "6\\npardon statement he has made on the eve of an election, designed to acquit Gene,\\nral Hartranft of certain accusations, once made by Mr. Yerkes himself, and sus-\\ntained by genuine letters from General Hartranft and by copies of accounts from\\nthe books of Yerkes and Co. I presume nothing in this inquiry upon the fact that\\nMr. Yerkes has been a convict, as did General Hartranft and his friends some\\nweeks ago when they thus explained the letters and affidavits without denying\\ntheir genuineness. I have said that he went to prison without the moral turpitude\\nof actual fraud or studied wrong to others attaching to himself, and his conviction\\nhas not lessened his credibility as a citizen. What wrong he has done to himself\\nsince then may be extenuated by the natural love of liberty and the desperate\\npower that held the bolts of his prison doors, but so far as it affects the public he\\ncannot be excused. It required a Tombs shyster to work up the case and per-\\nfect its ramifications, and one was at hand in the shape of a Federal oflfice-holder.\\nHe became procurer to deliver the helpless, imprisoned broker to the loathsome\\nembraces of the Ring. He had experimental convictions as to the total depravity\\nof mankind, and his work did not, therefore, conflict with any of the natural in-\\nstincts of an honest man. A few days ago, in a public speech, after he had con-\\nferred with Yerkes and had in his possession one or more letters from Yerkes, he\\nconfessed the accounts to be genuine, but insulted the intelligence of his audience\\nby an assumed authoritative statement that Yerkes speculated for the State offi-\\ncers without their knowledge, paid them profits when investments were profitable,\\nand pocketed the loss and said nothing about it when they were unprofitable. Of\\ncourse nobody believed him, but it was the best explanation that could then be\\ngiven. At the same time a most carefully guarded sentence was read from a let-\\nter, purporting to be from Yerkes, that barely implied the forgery of the Yerkes\\naffidavits. Now Mr. Yerkes states that no such accounts are on his books, and\\nthe affidavits are pronounced false and fraudulent.\\nI do not assume to explain the motive of Dr. Paine s connection with the letters\\nand affidavits referred to. Whether he can do so satisfactorily to the public is a\\nquestion between himself and the public. He seems to have desired to relieve\\nMr. Evans Mr. Yerkes naturally desired to relieve himself from imprisonment,\\nand they made common cause. On the 6th of December, 1871, Mr. Yerkes was\\nconvicted, but he was not sentenced until the 10th of February following. The\\naffidavits bear date December 2-3, 1871, eighteen days after the conviction, and\\njust eighteen days before sentence. During the period between conviction and\\nsentence, active efforts were made by Mr. Yerkes and his friends to procure a\\npardon, and it was confidently expected that his pardon would be ready in time\\nto save him from going to prison at all.\\nI affirm that which is susceptible of the clearest proof in any court of justice,\\nthat Mr. Yerkes is the author of both the affidavits he now repudiates. If he is\\nnot their direct author in a manly way, he is their author in a cowardly and un-\\nmanly way. If he did not write and sign them, he abstained from doing so to\\nplead forgery and fraud to save himself in case the affidavits failed of their pur-\\npose viz: to compel the accounting officers to secure his pardon. That he dic-\\ntated the contents of the affidavits, declared the statements to be true, gave them\\nall the form of genuineness, either by his own act, or the act of others, and for four\\nmonths after their publication, never ventured to deny their genuineness or truth-\\nfulness, although fully advised of them, are facts which^can be established for Mr.\\nYerkes in a court of justice at any time he shall desire it to be done.\\nI affirm, also, that the publication of the Yerkes affidavits delayed his pardon\\nfor months, and he was, during all the time, conscious of the fact that he continued\\nin prison because he had, by those affidavits, offended the power that could open\\nor close his prison doors at pleasure. The men who finally bargained for his\\npardon then denounced him for making the affidavits, and had their revenge by\\nextending his term of imprisonment. Neither Mr. Yerkes nor the Executive, nor\\nthe State Treasurer, nor the Auditor General conceived the idea of pronouncing\\nthe affidavits to be forgeries, until it became a supreme political necessity to obey\\nthe general demand for the release of Yerkes and Marcer, and to attempt the vin-\\ndication of Hartranft from the accusations preferred against him.\\nI affirm, also, that Mr. Yerkes was cognizant of the fact that the friends or\\npartners of Mr. Evans, made strenuous efforts to enforce the settlement of Mr.", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "Evans accounts as apart of the contract for the pardon, and Dr. Paine s connec-\\ntion with the letters and affidavits is thus explained, all of which Mr. Ycrkes was\\nfully advised of and assented to at the time. I saw a letter sent by Mr. Yerkes to\\nDr. Paine, within the last two weeks, written with all the cunning and circum-\\nspection of a shrewd and unscrupulous attorney, demanding the return to him of\\nthe original letters and papers, and intimating that if not returned he would be\\ncompelled to do what would be unpleasant. If they were forged or fraudulent,\\nwhy did he not say so? And why did he want them back in his possession to\\nhide them from the public? Would an innocent man, suffering by the guilt of\\nothers, want the evidence of that guilt destroyed\\nI affirm, also, that Mr. Yerkes either prepared, or allowed to be prepared for\\nhim, the following statements, knowing that they were designed to convey a false\\nimpression to the public:\\nThere is no connection between the J. F. Hartranft account and the account\\nof the State Treasurer, nor is there anything in his (J. F. Hartranft) account show-\\ning that he was ever benefited by State Treasurer s deposits.\\nThere is no entry showing that either the State Treasurer or Auditor General\\never derived any benefit from State deposits, or any entry to show that the State\\ndeposits were used by any one but yourself, and in the regular course of your\\nbusiness.\\nThe following letter from General Hartranft, the genuineness of which is undis-\\nputed, is a complete answer to the first paragraph\\nAuditor Generai/s Office,\\nHarrisbueg, December 21, 1870. j\\nDear Yekkes Calhoun telegraphed me to-day for money, and I had to\\ngive a check for $8,700, which he will present to you to-morrow (22d.) I cannot\\navoid this. I met Mackey here on Monday, lie went West in the afternoon and\\nwill not return until Monday. I did not like to ask him again, but I did not think\\nthat Calhoun would want any money so soon. I will see you on Saturday what-\\never you want done I will do. I will meet Mackey here on Monday, and what-\\never is necessary I will ask him to do. Y ours most truly,\\nJ. F. Hartranft.\\nP. S. Will lift Calhoun s check on Saturday and give you certificate of deposit\\nto that amount. J. F. H.\\nMr. Mackey had some $200,000 of State funds deposited with Mr. Yerkes, and\\nno other funds on deposit there. Is it not evident that General Hartranft was\\nusing the money of the State and of Pension Agent Calhoun Speculation had\\nclearly been rife in both the establishments of Yerkes Co. and of Pension Agent\\nCalhoun, and Hartranft was one of the speculators, employing the public funds\\nfor the purpose. There is no evidence, or even accusation, that he used any\\nmoney he did not return, but when it is denied by Mr. Yerkes that the public\\nmoney was so used, the denial directly confronts the truth, and, in the case of Mr.\\nYerkes, the denial is made with a full knowledge of the truth. That Y erkes failed\\nand that Calhoun was compelled to resign because of the unsatisfactory condition\\nof his pension account, is but cumulative evidence of the speculative use of the\\npublic money. I do not believe that Major Calhoun was guilty of the approjoria-\\ntion of public money to be withheld from the Government, but, with honest inten-\\ntions, he suflered embarrassment and removal from office. When it is remem-\\nbered that the use of public money by a public officer for private speculation is a\\nplain violation of law, and punishable as Yerkes and Marcer were punished, the\\nequal justice (hat would consign Yerkes to the penitentiary and Hartranft to the\\nGubernatorial chair will be questioned by many conscientious voters of the State,\\nregardless of party obligations.\\nI affirm, also, that the second paragraph I have quoted is deliberately intended\\nto convey a false impression to the public. That the State Treasurer and Auditor\\nGeneral have derived benefit from State deposits with Mr. Yerkes, and that his\\nhouse has paid such profits, are facts susceptible of the clearest proof, and which\\nneither Mr. Yerkes, nor any other party interested, dare have investigated before\\nany honest tribunal and in order that I may not be misunderstood, or be accused\\nof evasion, I affirm that the statements of speculation in State securities given by\\nMr. Yerkes in his affidavit have been declared by himself to be true.", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "8\\nThese are grave accusations, and they have not been made in the heat of\\npolitical discussion, for I have prepared them with deliberation and care, and if\\nthey are untrue in any material respect I could have no excuse to oifer in extenu-\\nation of the wrong I have done to the parties, and especially to Mr. Yerkes. It\\nwill not be pretended that I control courts and juries in Philadelphia, or have\\nany means of contracting for safety if I offend against the laws. I have shielded\\nall his rights as a citizen, by declaring that the integrity of his character as a\\nman, as men should judge each other in the honest relations of life, has not been\\nimpaired by a legal offence that is perhaps but common in his profession, and\\ndoes not involve the essence of crime. If therefore, I now wrong him, he is on\\nequal footing with any other citizen to vindicate himself.\\nThe people of Pennsylvania will bear me witness that I have not plunged these\\ntransactions into the political canvass, that I now discuss ihem for the first time.\\nI do so, because to forbear now would be to assent to crime, multipljing crime to\\nsave itself and protract its power. If this mad attempt to flaunt in the faces of\\nthe people the fact that under our present political conirol the pardons of the\\nExecutive .ire but articles of commerce to serve the purposes of unscrupulous po-\\nlitical leaders, shall fail to arouse the people of Philadelphia to the election of\\nState officers who are above reproach or approach, then must every faithful\\ncitizen despair of relief from the relentless rule that has usurped the power of\\nour city and State. Pardons are brought to the prioon doors by one who is the\\nagent of the Ring rule, and is met there by two conspicuous members of the Ring\\nfraternity. Lips are sealed as to whether the pardons have been issued or not,\\nuntil the prisoner is interviewed in his lonely cell for half an hour, to procure\\nhis assent to the hard conditions imposed. It was liberty, home, and family\\npleading on the one hand, with the tempter by his side, and honor, tiuth and\\nmanhood on the other. It was a hard necessity, a cruel choice, and Mr. Yerkes\\ncannot live long without realizing the sad truth that a lifetime of liberty cannot\\ncompensate for the price paid for his pardon.\\nThe speaker then discussed the action of our merchants and business men in\\nendorsing the Ring rule of the city and State. He said that three meetings of\\nthat character had been held during the present year. One was held in the\\nBoard of Trade rooms to devise measures to prevent capital from being driven\\nfrom our city by the extortions of Ring government. Another was held in Hor-\\nticultural Hall to demand the overthrow of the Rings of our city. The third was\\nheld a few evenings ago to devise measures to jwrpetuate the same Ring power,\\nand entrench it safely in power for three years more.", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "REFORM vs. CORRUPTION.\\nTHE VOICE OF A PATRIOT,\\nWhat he knows about Hartranft.\\nPEECH OF EX-GOVERNOR CURTIN\\nAt tie great reception tendered him by the citizens of Centre, Clinton, Clear-\\nfield and Blair Counties, at Bellefonte, on Saturday evening, September 28, 1872.\\nMy friends and neighbors, I am glad to see you. A residence in a foreign\\ncountry of different associations and political organization, so far from weakening\\nmy affection for my native country and my admiration for her free and glorious\\ninstitutions, has strengthened and confirmed them. I return home after\\nAn Absence of Three Years\\nand a half, separated from all the political asperities which divide men and coun-\\ntrymen too often in this country, feeling none of those violent opinions which\\nexcite men in a political contest, such as I now find engaging the vast people of\\nmy country. Away from the newspapers and party drill, I have imbibed none of\\nthat fierce political hatred, for it is only political hatred which seems to have\\ninspired parties and men in the United States. Why, it is strange to a man absent\\nso long from his country to find thief, liar, traitor, modest words in the political\\nliterature of the country. Traitor is a common word, and yet a man who inde-\\npendently, in this country attempts what he believes is right, must be denounced.\\nMy fellow-citizens, I long acted with the party called Republican. I received\\nits honors, I- discharged its duties, and I tried to discharge my duty. [Applause.]\\nIt was the pleasure of the people of this State to lift me to a position of the highest\\nhonor in years, long years, of great suffering, when the country was torn and\\nconvulsed by civil war. I witnessed that sfruggle with regret. I did not measure\\nits magnitude, nor did I understand its full consequences. I was for my Govern-\\nment intact, and did not believe that any State or combination of States had a\\nright to secede from the Union certainly that they had\\nJVo ItigJit\\nto plunge the country into a civil war. When the war was over I belonged to that\\nclass of men in the Republican party who believed in general amnesty and the", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "ballot. What could we do Could we kill all the men in the rebellion, or could\\nwe take them back. (A voice take them back. The general sentiment of\\nthe best statesmen in this land was that we should take them back into the fellow-\\nship of the Union, and if they rebelled again, teach them again we could compel\\nthem to obey the laws. I believed at that time, and believe now, that we could\\nhave had peace throughout the land if a general amnesty could have been pro-\\nclaimed and the ballot with it. [Applause.]\\nMy fellow-citizens, the war came on through the teachings of certain Southern\\npoliticians, who supported a doctrine commonly called State rights. Now I fear,\\nmy fellow-citizens, that the pendulum has swung too far in the other direction.\\n[Applause.] And while we had just reason to complain of the insiduous work of\\nStates rights, we have also a just right to complain that there is\\nToo 3Iuch Centralization\\nof Government just now, overlooking the just right of the States.\\nI now come to speak of Pennsylvania. My friends and neighbors, all your\\nrights of property, all your rights of personal liberty, are found protected in the\\nGovernment of the State. You scarcely felt the impress of the National Govern-\\nment. Our courts are State courts, our laws are State laws. You find your rights\\nand interests protected in the Government of the State. Now I am told to-day, I\\nwas told in England, that the State of Pennsylvania must elect a ticket put into\\nthe field, because it affected the election of a President. I hold to no such doc-\\ntrine. I would not humiliate my State by such a doctrine. I would\\nPreserve to the States\\nall the rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution, and would accord to the\\nNational Government all the powers given it by that instrument. The protection\\nof the people of Pennsylvania, and the preservation of the purity of their Govern-\\nment is a question for themselves, in which other States have comparatively little\\ninterest, and which has no connection with national politics. Now, my fellow-citi-\\nzens, I have declared in a letter recently written, and which has given offense to\\nsome of my political friends, that I would not support the ticket put in nomination\\nlast spring, and will support for Governor Charles R. Buckalew. [Applause.] I\\nknow Mr. Buckalew well; have known him for twenty years. He has made his\\nmark upon the legislation and Constitution of the State. I have differed with him\\nin political opinions, and have acted with the party in opposition to his views. I\\nhave never received his support for an ofBce in my life, but I know he is a\\nPure, Monest Man.\\n[Applause.] Now, my fellow-citizens, I have nothing to say against General\\nHartranft; he was a gallant soldier, and served his country faithfully, but in an\\nevil hour, in his ambition, he wanted to become Governor of Pennsylvania. If he\\nhad been Governor for six years he would not be quite so anxious for the honor.\\n[Laughter.] He connected himself with a ring surrounding the Treasury of the\\nState, not of recent date. It has been in full power for six years. The present\\nGovernor of Pennsylvania was nominated and elected by the influence of this\\nsame ring. It has been there ever since. It then was formed and a combination\\nmade to elect the Governor and provide all the machinery by which they could\\nreach every county in the State, where they could control a vote and return their\\nchief to the United States Senate", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "3\\nIt is Said\\nthat all this is fair. How fair General Irwin, of Beaver county, was six years\\nCommissary General of Pennsylvania. He held that office during the war. I\\nnever heard an objection made to the discharge of his official duties while in that\\noffice. I never heard him charged with malfeasance in office. There was no\\ncombination for plunder around him. I don t know in the Commonwealth of\\nPennsylvania to-day a man on whose word I could rely with more steadfast belief\\nthan that of General Irwin. Have you read his statement? He says that when\\nhe was State Treasurer Mr. Scott was elected Senator, and a new election was to\\nbe held the coming winter, that he was waited upon by certain individuals, and\\nthey proposed to him that they would re-elect him to the office if he would take\\nout of the Treasury $148,000, a balance due on the amount expended on the elec-\\ntion of Mr. Scott. Now, my friends, Mr. Scott was no party to that. I believe\\nMr. Scott to be an honestrman, but he was\\nSelected by the Ming,\\nand they expended the money. General Irwin refused their request, and he was\\nturned out of office and Mr. Robert W. Mackey elected. Now, my friends, Mr.\\nRobert W. Mackey was a teller in a bank in Pittsburg. He seemed to have quali-\\nties that suited the gentlemen who surrounded the Treasury of the State, and he\\nwas made State Treasurer. He is there now in office, and asks for a re-election. Un-\\nfortunately for General Hartranft, he was Auditor General of the accounts of Penn-\\nsylvania. We had but two officers connected with the Treasury of Pennsylvania,\\nthe Treasurer and Auditor General. They liold the books, and they hold in a fidu-\\nciary capacity the money raised by the taxation of the people. It is a penal\\noffense for the State Treasurer of Pennsylvania to make profits from deposits in the\\nTreasury. You will find by an examination of the reports of the Treasurer that\\nfrom a million and a half to two million and a half, and sometimes three millions\\nof dollars, are kept in the Treasury, and this balance \\\\s held for the entire year.\\nThat money is put out on interest, and thus he is enabled to buy his office and\\nsustain the Ring. Very well; he is doing this. They employed a broker in Phil-\\nadelphia named Yerkes. I do not speak of what is charged, but of\\nWJiat is Proven\\nby the books of Yerkes. This transaction amounted in one year to hundreds of\\nthousands of dollars, and you will find that Mr. Mackey, State Treasurer, received\\nhis share, and unfortunately the candidate for Governor received his share. Now\\nit is said by their party supporters that other men did the very same thing. They\\nsay they did no more than other Auditor Generals and State Treasurers have done.\\nIt was the good fortune, then, of those who did it not to be found out and it will\\nbe the pleasure of the people of Pennsylvania, as it is their highest duty, when\\nthey are found out, not to give them suffrages or elevate them to higher places.\\nNow, my friends, I never had the support of the members of this Treasury Ring,\\nand never had their votes. It was my good fortune not to have their friendship.\\nWhen I was in England, on ray way home, I found what ticket had been nomi-\\nnated. I made up my mind then that the ticket might be withdrawn, as there\\nseemed to be some arrangement to effect that purpose, and I hoped that it would\\nbe; and I have no hesitation in saying to-night if such a man as Mr. Ketchum or\\nColonel Jordan, who were both candidates, had been nominated at Harrisburg, I", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "would not be in your presence. But if they choose to take a man from that Penn-\\nsylvania Treasury combination or Ring, I would be insensible to gratitude and\\nFalse to the Trust\\nimposed in me if I dared to declare myself in favor of it. I knew very well the\\npenalty of my present course, and I discounted it before taking the stand I did.\\nI only regret, my friends and neighbors, that it pleased Providence to throw me\\non a bed of sickness. I lost nearly a month. If I had had my health and strength\\nI would have traveled from Lake Erie to the Delaware. [Applause.] I have a\\nperfect right to stand by you, fellow-citizens of Pennsylvania a right to affiliate\\nwith any party who will purify the government of my State. [Applause.] I have\\nno doubt that to-nighi I stand in the presence of many of vny friends and neigh-\\nbors who would not have been* here if I had not declared these sentiments. 1\\nhave no doubt if I could look over this crowd and see it I would note the absence\\nof many of my old friends. [Laughter, and a voice, Plenty of new ones in their\\nplaces. I accord to every American citizen the right to express his sentiments\\nand exercise the highest, noblest and most sacred duty which an American citizen\\nperforms, that of exercising the duty of suffrage the casting of his ballot. Has\\nit come to this When a man chooses to cast his ballot from an honest conviction\\nthat it is his duty to cast it for honest men and against the Ring surrounding the\\nTreasury of the State, and elbow-deep in it, that he is to be denounced. I\\nhave no doubt that the word traitor will be freely used. Traitor to what To\\nhis country No, to party. What party We all claim Democrats claim, and\\nRepublicans on the other side, that they are both\\nParties of Purity,\\nand, separate from all this, I come here after an absence of three years and a half\\nwithout feeling any of this emotion. I look over the field, and am prepared next\\nTuesday week to cast my ballot against the candidate of that Ring. It is said, my\\nfriends, if you vote for Buckalewyou will vote for traitors, you will vote for rebel\\nsympathizers, you will vote for men who held back during the war. I have heard\\nthat before, my friends, when the war closed by the courage of the soldiers. It\\nwas not by statesmen, not by generals they did their part, but we sustained our\\nGovernment, maintained its integrity by the force, power and courage of the men\\nwho carried the musket and held the sabre. Remember, my friends, it is not\\ngenerals, colonels, captains or majors that preserved to us this heritage of liberty\\nand equality which we received from ancestors. We owe it to the\\nCofmnon Soldier.\\nWhere is he He is not elevated. He served his country faithfully, and he\\nis now serving his country by his labor. We find when the war closed the\\nmen who clamored most that rebels should be shot were the men who surrounded\\nthe camps, were quartermasters by profession, who bought oats and horses. I\\ncould name some of them to you to-night. I could tell you names of some who\\nfattened on army contracts. Now they call a man who dares to assert his inde-\\npendence and his right as an American citizen a traitor. [Laughter.] My\\nfriends, I know that, when the country was bleeding at every pore when\\nevery household had lost its favorite when there was blood on every door-sill", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "when the graves of our brave soldiers were in every cemetery in the State when\\nevery breast blazed with enthusiasm, and when the soldier to save his Govern-\\nment marched into the jaws of death these men furnished the camp with horses,\\noats and hay, and fattened, and they were for hanging the rebels. Of all the\\nmen that were engaged in the war, the most forgiving men were\\nTliose ivho Fought it Out.\\nWe all advised men to go to war. I did it with others. The soldiers forgave\\nand forgot real soldiers, not the sham soldiers. The real soldier forgot his inju-\\nries, and with the desire to make this country prosperous, to return to friend-\\nship for those warring States, to give us peace heaven-borned and blessed peace,\\nand never again return to fierce struggle and sectional hate.\\nThe condition of many of the States of the South should admonish the people\\nof Pennsylvania, when called upon, as they are now, to again entrust men with\\nthe Government, and especially with their Treasury, to be careful that they sur-\\nrender the trust to pure hands. If the control of the internal affairs of the States\\nhad been given to the people themselves, their condition could not have been\\nworse as it is, many of them are so burthened by debts contracted since the\\nwar, a large part of which has not been used for the benefit of the people, that\\noppressive taxation if not bankruptcy is universally threatened. The independent\\npeople of Pennsylvania are asked to-day to obey the dictation of a mad coterie of\\npoliticians who hold the official places, giving them the custody and control of the\\nmoney of the people and their coadjutors who profit by its use and it is now\\nfairly on you whether allegiance to party and the discipline of party ties are para-\\nmount to the unquestioned right of the people to restore the purity of their govern-\\nment and correct well-known abuses.\\nI will not say anything against General Hartranft personally. He served the\\ncountry faithfully through the war. He was elected to his present place fairly\\nand without any affiliation with the combination which controlled the last conven-\\ntion, but, in his desire to be Governor, he is unfortunate in his confidential and\\nintimate surroundings. It was unfortunate for General Hartranft that the Auditor\\nGeneral elected last autumn died, as the General would have retired last May. In\\nthe light of the developments made in the failure and conviction of Yerkes and\\nthe expose of the Evans peculation, nothing has nothing could have a worse\\nappearance than the Legislative action to continue him in office until after the\\nelection. Besides various apprehensions are entertained that the Treasury should\\nbe examined, and, as it is, the money, books and evidence are in the hands of a\\ncandidate for Governor and a candidate for re-eleciion as State Treasurer. It has\\na bad appearance, of which independent men have aright to complain. It is said\\nthat Yerkes, the broker, who had the money of the State, and with whom the\\ncandidates for Governor and Treasurer had dealings and correspondence, has been\\npardoned. It is too late to be of any service none\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and any promises he may\\nhave made, or statements he may make, will be named with distrust as the consid.\\neration of his liberty.\\nThe facts of the Evans defalcation are before the people so far as evidence\\ncould be procured I believe Pennsylvania was the first State to settle with the\\nNational Government the accounts were settled, the State received fifteen per", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "cent, allowed by the aet of Congress, and the balance was paid in money, Mr.\\nSlenker was at the time Auditor General and Henry D. Moore was Treasurer, both\\nhonest and faithful officers. It cost the State the pay of one staff officer, Major\\nW. McMichael, of Philadelphia, who did his duties so well, and labored with such\\nuntiring zeal, that it was only surprising that the accounts and vouchers were so\\nclear when the want of experience and the confusion of the beginning of the war\\nis remembered. There was a balance due the State founded upon vouchers not\\nin perfect form, and there were claims yet to be presented. Long after the settle-\\nment I wrote a letter to Mr. McCuUough, the Secretary of the Treasury, which\\nhas been published which he answered. His answer was satisfactory, but it is\\nsaid cannot now be found.\\nIt has in some way disappeared. In 1867, under an act of Assembly, Evans\\nwas appointed to and did collect the balance due the State, and last year it became\\nknown to the people that the money was not in the treasury. If the custodians of\\nthe public money did not know the money was collected, there is certainly a degree\\nof negligence almost criminal, and if any of them did know they should have\\ncompelled payment. When the transaction was exposed Evans claimed ten per\\ncent, on the claims settled by the officials I have named. He claims, according to\\nhis statement and the evidence of his friends, that he prepared and passed at\\nWashington the accounts and vouchers for supplies furnished by the State in every\\nvariety of military material, making it in small items, and in the aggregate\\namounting to a large sum of money in less than one month. I have not noticed\\nwho he had at Washington to assist him. He paid sums of money, as he testifies,\\nand it is not denied that he loaned money to General Hartranft. It is unfor-\\ntunate that the loan was made, and unpleasant that the money was returned\\nafter the explosion of the enterprise. It is painful to speak of such associations,\\nbut it is surely not unfair to say that there is a heavy atmosphere surrounding\\nthe treasury, and that it should be open to the gaze of the people. That cannot\\nbe accomplished if these men now in charge of its vaults are kept there, or\\nelevated to still higher positions.\\nI don t like this borrowing. [Laughter.] It will do well enough to call it by that\\nname [laughter], if it was borrowed you know, but it was strange that it was bor-\\nrowed from Evans. [Applause.] And then that it was not returned even for some\\ntime after the people knew that Evans had been holding the money which belonged\\nto the State. [Cheers and yells.]\\nYou will understand that everything that that Convention at Harrisburg did was\\nnot so bad. They did one thing that I am very well satisfied with. They made\\na very good ticket for delegates to the Constitutional Convention, and I congratu-\\nlate you that they nominated Mr. McAllister, your neighbor, whose loyalty and\\nintegrity are unquestioned. Indeed, some of the other names are of unexception-\\nable character loyal and experienced, and imbued with hope that the organic law\\nof Pennsylvania will be changed and amended, and such safeguards put around\\nthe treasury as will prevent the corruption of the young men of our State.\\nI have told you, my fellow-citizens, that I never had the support of that ring,\\nnever expect to have it. [Applause.] Certainly, it would be impossible to have\\nit by the course I am taking now. [Applause.]", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "Why there exists in my heart to-day not an unkind feeling towards a man,\\nwoman, or child in Centre county, and I have delightful recollections that in all\\nmy going forth and returning to this town I received the congratulations of all\\nthe people of this place and vicinity. Truly I should not attract to myself the\\nenmity and maledictions of my good, kind, personal friends, because I have\\ndeliberately made up my mind that, with the gratitude I owe to the people of\\nPennsylvania for their extended favor, and with some correct knowledge of the\\naffairs of the State, that I will lend myself to the elevation to power again of men\\nwho have been pilfering the public treasury, they should have no spite at me.\\n[Applause.] You know they can do it if they please, but let every man reconcile\\nhis action with his own conscience. You can all do precisely as you please, but\\nmy impression is very strong that I will agree with the majority of the people of\\nPennsylvania, next Tuesday week. [Sreat cheering.] And besides they ought\\nnot to complain of me for affiliating with Democrats, I having never quarreled\\nwith them.\\nBut for the election of a President, no one could pretend that this ticket will be\\nsuccessful. It would be beaten by seventy-five thousand, and it is unjust that any\\nelection out of the State, either State or National, should control the people of\\nPennsylvania when they please, to purify their own Government.\\nAnd is it right that those who join in such an eflfort should be denounced, called\\ntraitors or any other pet name of that kind, known to the political literature of\\nthis day? Personally, I desire to have pleasant relations, social and political,\\nwith everybody in my native county. I did the act after full deliberation, and\\nthought it my right as a citizen of the State. With a knowledge of the manipula-\\ntion of the convention and the influences that placed the ticket before the people, I\\ndesired to do what was right, and to return some measure of gratitude for the kind\\nconfidence the people of Pennsylvania had given me. My convictions of duty\\nwere clear, and influenced by such considerations we meet to-night.\\nFortunately, the Democrats put in nomination an upright and pure man. know\\nand know well Charles R. Buckalew is an honest man. [Great applause.] Believe\\nhe will labor with the convention to make reforms in the Constitution he will\\nput the legislative power beyond the reach of corruption, in harmony with the\\nwill of that convention.\\nThe African had made little progress in his native country, and the experiment\\nof even freedom to him in the West Indies may be regarded in a large measure a\\nfailure. It was reserved and was ordered by Providence for this great people to\\ngive to the race here the free rights of citizenship. All good and true men look\\nwith just hopes for the success of the experiment to complete their full manhood\\nthey and now for the first time vote for President. Is it not a great wrong to the\\nnegro to use him, to teach him that he has the ballot only to be used by desperate\\nand designing men?\\nNothing in this contest is more to be regretted by all friends of the colored\\nrace, than the negro is being used in this election without regard to his acquired\\nrights. We hear of negroes arriving in Blair county, Clinton county, Columbia\\nand Lycoming counties. It was a brave, grand act of the American people to raise\\nthis downtrodden and oppressed race to an equality with the rest of humanity it", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "is doing them justice to place them where they can assert their manhood and in-\\ndividuality, but in justice to them, nay, in pity of them, do not use them as drilled\\nand disciplined stipendiaries, carrying them to the State to vote where they have\\nno citizenship.\\nLeave the poor negro to himself teach him to be independent, to assert his\\nmanhood let him go to the polls and there deposit his vote according to the\\ndictates of his own conscience and with the knowledge which he possesses but\\ndon t drive them from the District of Columbia and from Maryland, to control the\\nelections of a free and independent people.\\nLet us have a fair election in the light of day let men go to the polls and vote\\naccording to the dictates of their consciences, exercising the right given to every\\ncitizen according to the Constitution and the laws.", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "The Last Shriek of the Ring.\\nThe Desperation of Ring Rulers in\\nPhiladelphia.\\nOn Friday, October 4, 1872, after a protracted consultation the day before,\\nbetween the parties to the address and Mayor Stokley, the following card was pre-\\npared, with the hope of diverting the public mind from the consummation of the\\nstupendous frauds planned by the Philadelphia-Cameron-Hartranft Ring, and\\npublished in the papers of the city\\nThe Sh/t iek of tJie Office-Solders.\\nMITTEB, 1\\nClub,\\nI, 1872. J\\nHeadquarters Executive Committee,\\nHartranft Central\\nPhiladelphia, October 4,\\nThe Committee to whom was referred the investigation of the statement that\\nthere existed a conspiracy to perpetrate an extensive election fraud on Tuesday\\nnext, respectfully report that they have positive evidence that thousands of certifi-\\ncates of naturalization have been printed in the night time, in the second story of\\nthe printing office, in Fifth street near Locust street, to which a counterfeit seal\\nof the Court of Quarter Sessions of this county has been attached, and have been\\ndistributed for use upon election day in the counties of Berks, Northampton,\\nClarion, Clearfield, Elk, Luzerne and Schuylkill, in some instances to gangs of alien\\nlaborers, now employed in constructing railroads throughout the State.\\nThe fraud is of the same character, but upon a larger scale than that perpetrated\\nin 1856, by means of which the State was carried against the Republican party.\\nYour Committee have positive proof that the conspiracy is planned by Colonel A.\\nK. McClure, Chairman of the Liberal Committee, Hon. SamuelJ. Randall, Chair-\\nman of the Democratic State Committee, and Alderman William McMullin; and\\nin addition to the living witnesses we have before us the following letter,\\nwhich came to us direct from the possession of Colonel Alex. K. McClure, in the\\nfollowing unmistakable language\\nA. K. McC:\\nSee McMullin to-day. He has all the naturalization papers. It is vital they\\nshould be in hand at once. Meet me to-night.\\nYours, SAMUEL J. RANDALL.\\nA conspiracy has been formed with the speculators in Wall street, New York,\\nto defeat the Republican ticket in Pennsylvania, the money for the purpose to the\\nextent of $40,000 having been sent here by those engaged in bearing stocks and", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "bulling gold. They believe a disaster to the Republican party of Pennsylvania,\\nrendering the election of Greeley as President probable, would have a damaging\\neffect upon the business and financial interest of the country, and thus enable\\nthem to reap a rich harvest from the misfortunes of their fellow-citizens. The\\nconspirators in Pennsylvania have engaged to carry the State by means of the\\nuse of these fraudulent naturalization papers, and by boldly and recklessly chang-\\ning the official returns in the Democratic counties of the State, so as to over-\\nwhelm the large Republican majorities which they expect to give in the Repub-\\nlican counties, and although such fraudulent alterations would be corrected upon\\nthe assembling of the Legislature in January next, yet the worst effect of an\\napparent election of Buckalew would be gained, and would materially affect not\\nonly the stock and gold market upon which these conspirators would profit, but\\nwould affect also the November election in other States. This has emboldened\\nthose in the secret, who are boasting and betting large sums of money that Bucka-\\nlew will come to Philadelphia with a large majority, and an ex-member of Con-\\ngress from New York, has recently been in this city, betting large sums of money\\nupon the success of Buckalew. Your committee has taken measures to thwart\\nthe operations of these conspirators, by communicating with the Republicans of\\nthe State, and making preparations to arrest the progress of the nefarious work.\\nThe information in the possession of the committee has been communicated to\\nthe authorities of the United States, and the full details will be presented to them\\nfor consideration. It will then be for the government of the United States, to\\ndetermine whether such outrageous offences against the elective franchise at an\\nelection when members of Congress are to be chosen, shall pass unpunished.\\nYour committee deem it proper that notices of the contemplated fraud should\\nbe promulgated to all.our Republican friends who reside in the Democratic coun-\\nties in the State, in order that they may procure evidence when the fraudulent\\npapers may be used, and submit the same to the authorities of the United States.\\nRespectfully, JOHN L. HILL,\\nWILLIAM R. LEEDS,\\nCHARLES H. T. COLLIS,\\nPETER A. B. WIDENER,\\nJAMES N. KERNS.\\nIt was then resolved by the Club That the report of the Committee be accepted\\nand the Committee continued, and that the same be published over the signature\\nof the officers of the Club and the Committee.\\nW. B. MANN, President.\\nJOSEPH K. FLETCHER, Secretary.\\nThe Shriek of the Ming Mayor,\\nOffice of the Mayor of the City of Philadelphia,\\nOctober 5, 1872.\\nJlon. A. H. Smith, United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Pe7insyl-\\nvania\\nDear Sir Information has been laid before me that a conspiracy to perpe-\\ntrate election frauds on Tuesday next in Berks, Luzerne, Schuylkill, Northampton\\nand other counties exists, by which a large number of aliens have been supplied\\nwith naturalization papers purporting to be issued by the Court of Quarter Ses-\\nsions of this county. These naturalization papers are manufactured in this city\\nby parties whose names I hope to be able to furnish to you in a day or two,\\ntogether with the names of others in the plot, whose movements have been closely\\nwatched during the past ten days.\\nI have in my possession for your use, whenever required, a letter from the Hon.\\nSamuel J. Randall to A. K. McClure, in the following words\\nA. K. Mc See McMullin to-day. He has all the naturalization papers.\\nIt is vital they should be in hand at once. Meet me to-night.\\nYours, SAM. J. RANDALL.", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "1\\n8\\nAnd T am now prepared to give the names of unimpeachable witnesses who will\\nauthenticate this letter. As these contemplated frauds have been concocted here,\\nI intend to lay the matter before the District Attorney of the county but as it is\\nintended to consummate them outside of this jurisdiction, I deemed it my duty to\\nlay the facts before you also.\\nRespectfully, your obedient servant,\\nWILLIAM S. STOKLEY.\\nTo this letter the following reply was sent:\\nOffice of United States Attorney,\\nEastern District of Pennsylvania,\\nPhiladelphia, October 5, 1872.\\nHon. William S. Stokley, Mayor of the City of Philadelphia:\\nSir Your letter to me of this date, stating that information has reached you\\nof the existence of a conspiracy to perpetrate frauds on Tuesday next in Berks,\\nLuzerne and other counties, and that you hope to be able in a day or two to fur-\\nnish me with evidence that the laws of the United States are about to be violated\\nby the parties implicated, is just received. I will give the matter immediate and\\nearnest attention as soon as the evidence referred to is laid before me.\\nVery respectfully, your obedient servant,\\nAUBREY H. SMITH,\\nUnited States Attorney.\\nMr, McClure Answers.\\nThe address published in several of the morning papers, signed by Tax Col-\\nlector Hill, Sheriff Leeds, City Solicitor Collis, City Treasurer Widener, U. S.\\nMarshal Kerns, and District Attorney Mann, giving to the public what purports\\nto be a letter written to me by Hon. Samuel J. Randall, demands notice only be-\\ncause of the statement, sanctioned by the District Attorney, that they have\\npositive proof that this conspiracy (to circulate and use fraudulent naturalization\\npapers) is planned by Colonel A. K. McClure, chairman of the Liberal Commit-\\ntee Hon. Samuel J. Randall, chairman of the Democratic State Central Commit-\\ntee, and Alderman William McMullin.\\nWhat is given as a letter from Mr. Randall to me is a pure invention, deliberate\\nforgery. No such letter was ever received by me from Mr. Randall no confer-\\nence nor communication of any kind has been had between the parties named and\\nmyself on the subject of naturalization papers, either honest or fraudulent, and I\\nhave not conferred with any person in Philadelphia, or elsewhere, in any way\\nwhatever, to make a dishonest or illegal vote. The parties who have invented this\\naccusation against me have given me employment for all my energies in just the\\nopposite direction.\\nNeed I say to the public that if the officials who make the charge had positive\\nproof of my guilt they would not have made a lame assault through the news-\\npapers? They now cont^ ol the channels through which honest judges are compelled\\nto go through the mockery of administering justice in Philadelphia.\\nIf they had the positive proof of crime on my part, I would have been\\npromptly in the hands of the law, and notified that I could be railroaded or\\nnot, at their pleasure. I would have been required to employ the procurer of\\nYerkes and the executioner of the inquisition that holds Marra on the wheel as\\nmy counsel, whose mission it would be to present me the choice of political obedi-\\nence or conviction and punishment. If obdurate, conviction would follow, and\\nthen my only chance of escape would be a certificate to the parties accusing me\\nthat they had never stutfed a ballot box or procured the fraudulent alteration of\\nelection returns.\\nDistrict Attorney Mann knows whether there is evidence of my guilt. If there\\nis, he owes it to himself and to the public to proceed at once to vindicate the laws", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "by my prompt arrest, conviction, and punisliment. I will thank him to take the\\nspeediest measures possible to demonstrate to the public whether I am guilty of\\nattempting election frauds, or whether he is guilty of lending himself to the pub-\\nlication of a false charge. If he can justify himself by signing the address, he\\ncan have no justification for failing to prosecute the offence without delay.\\nK. McCLURE.\\nPhiladeiphia, October 5, 1872.\\nMr, Randall Answers*\\nPhiladelphia, Oct. 5, 1872.\\nAn address has appeared in the daily papers from five Republican office-holders,\\ndesignating themselves as a Committee of the Harfranft Central Club, containing\\na letter purporting to have been written to Colonel A. K. McClure by myself,\\nwhich I pronounce to be a forgery. I will add further, that I have no knowledge\\nnor have I communicated with any one relative to naturalization papers, and that\\nthe chfirge in the address of a conspiracy between Colonel A. K. McClure, Alder-\\nman William McMullin and myself, relative to issuing fraudulent papers, is\\nequally false.\\nLate last Friday evening, hearing of this base charge, I promptly had in the\\nmorning papers an emphatic denial of the same, which was, at my instance, tel-\\negraphed throughout the country. After Tuesday next, when I shall be at leisure,\\nit is my intention, if possible, to bring the conspirators and perpetrators of this\\ninfamous fraud and forgery to punishment.\\nSAML. J. RANDALL.\\nMcClure Reviews the Ring Shriek,\\nThe Press has the following report of Senator McClure s Germantown speech,\\ndelivered on the evening of the 5th, reviewin g the whole affair:\\nWhile the immense meeting on the street was being addressed by Messrs.\\nJames and Vaux, the meeting in the hall was crowded to suffocation to hear\\nSenator McClure. It was, of course, expected that he would notice the last\\ncards of the Ring, and the appetite of the vast audience was whetted to the\\nkeenest point for the expected assault. McClure was received with the most\\ntumultuous applause by his Germantown constituents, and he appeared as fresh as\\nif it was his first speech of the campaign. It was evident from the manner of his\\nopening that he regarded himself as master of the situation in the issue between\\nthe Ring office-holders and himself, and instead of vituperation or personal de-\\nnunciation of his accusers, he convulsed the audience by his merciless imiective,\\nmingled with infinite humor. He discussed only city and State affairs, and we\\ncan find room for but a brief report of his review of the last Ring roorback,\\ncharging him with attempting to use fraudulent naturalization papers. After re-\\nferring in more general terms to the corruption that the Rings have forced into\\nevery channel of authority in city and State, he said Just as this fierce contest\\nagainst unexampled fraud is about to close just when we had for months given\\nour undivided energies to arrest the pollution of the ballot-boi, we are met with\\nthe accusation that I have been planning a campaign of fraud myself, and have\\nbeen conspiring with Mr. Randall and Alderman McMullin to circulate, for fraudu-\\nlent use, false naturalization papers. When it is considered that every depart-\\nment of power police, political and judicial\u00e2\u0080\u0094 is in accord with the Republican\\norganization that it has boundless means and numberless experts to shield itself\\nfrom fraud that it has usurped and monopolized every channel through which\\nillegal votes can be polled, and that it jealously guards its peculiar prerogatives,", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "6\\nit will require very conclusive evidence to convince the public that counter ft-auda\\nhave been attempted by those in responsible position on the Liberal side. They\\nmust in this case first prove conclusively that I am a fool before they can get a\\nfoothold to prove that I am a scoundrel. [Laughter.] I don t think that any of\\nmy accusers, all of whom got into uncomfortably close quarters with me in the\\nskirmish in the Fourth district last winter, will insist that they can establish the\\nfirst proposition indeed, most of them, in this age of forced certificates of cha-\\nracter [laughter] have voluntarily testified otherwise, and the bungling way in\\nwhich they try to prove me a conspirator to pollute the election would disgrace\\nthe school boys of the Ring repeaters. Here is the basis of the charge, in shape\\nof what purports to be a letter addressed to me by Mr. Randall\\nA. K. MeC.\\nSee McMuUin to-day. He has all the naturalization papers. It is vital they\\nshould be in hand at once. Meet me to-night.\\nSAM. J. RANDALL.\\nIf this wag a genuine letter, it would not even give reasonable evidence of\\nintended wrong, but as it is a deliberate forgery, I don t know whether most to\\ncomplain of the forgery itself or of the stupidity with which it has been fashioned.\\nIt would have been no worse to mako a plausible, ingenious falsehood, than to\\nmake a bungling one, and I must confess that it is the best evidence I have had\\nlately that the Ring leaders in their trepidation have lost their cunning. The par-\\ndon of Yerkes by contract, to procure a certificate of honesty for their candidate\\nwas, I thought, the sublimity of stupidity but to forge a meaningless letter,\\nwithout proof to connect it with actual or intended frauds, is the last confession\\nof the demoralized Ring that their cunning has forsaken them in their dire ex-\\ntremity. (Applause.)\\nLet me say here, that every material part of the address issued from the Har-\\ntranft Club yesterday, so far as it relates to myself, is wholly false (cheers), and\\nI am compelled to say more the men who issued it must have known that it was\\nfalse. If they even believed the letter genuine, they stated what they knew to be\\nuntrue when they proclaimed that they had positive proof that two others and\\nmyself had planned a conspiracy to circulate and use fraudulent naturaliza-\\ntion papers. The address is, therefore, so far as I am concerned, false in every\\naccusation, and the letter on which it was founded never was received or heard\\nof by me. (Applause.) Had I received such a note from Mr. Randall, I would\\nnot have understood it for we never, either directly or indirectly, conferred on\\nthe subject of naturalization papers of any kind, and I have not had any com-\\nmunication with McMuUin on politics since the campaign opened, excepting once,\\nwhen he came with a committee to arrange for a meeting at Concert Hall. And\\nMr. Randall is equally emphatic in his denial that he ever wrote, or conferred\\nwith, me on the subject. The letter is given without heading or date, and lacks\\neven the ordinary marks of genuineness. It has the appearance of having been\\nhurriedly or carelessly written, while it is claimed as the key to a stupendous\\nfraud. I might say here confidentially (laughter) that both Mr. Randall and my-\\nself hafve understood from the start that thieves beset us in the pay of the Rings\\n(laughter); that forgery was at hand whenever needed by the Rings, and that\\nperjury can be had by contract at any time to serve their purposes. When we\\nhave had anything of moment to consult about in this campaign, we have consulted\\npersonally, often meeting half a dozen times a day for the purpose, and both have\\nhad trusty messengers to deliver verbal communications besides. We knew that\\nwe were well watched by men who know all about frauds, from personal and long\\npractice (laughter), and we did not correspond on any matters of moment.\\nBut who makes the accusation When evidence is doubtful the people look to\\nthe source of the accusation and to the possibility and probability of the accused\\ndoing what is charged. The address comes from the head-quarters of the Hart-\\nranft Central Club, (laughter), just where the repeaters came from in the special\\nSenatorial election last winter. And who have assumed to investigate and accuse\\nLet us look at the names Tax Collector John L. Hill, salary, $65,000 a year and\\nPerquisites (laughter) High Sheriff William R. Leeds, (fees from $75,000 to", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "6\\n$100,000 a year, mostly illegal (laughter) City Solicitor Major General Charles\\nH. T. CoUis, salary, $6,000 and perquisites] as you like it (shouts of laughter)\\nCity Treasurer Peter A. B. Widener, salary, $5,000 and interest account, with side\\nspeculations in warrants for particulars see Eoening Bulletin last year, when it\\nmade a short experiment of telling the truth (laughter and applause) United\\nStates Marshal James N. Kerns, salary, $5,000, and whisky and other perqui-\\nsites (laughter), and District Attorney William B. Mann, fees, $50,000 and chances,\\n(laughter and applause). These men sat in grave council yesterday, with Mayor\\nStokeley, and deliberated most of the day how to avert this stupendous fraud.\\nOf course the public will know that such a body of men, closeted a few days\\nbefore the election, could mean nothing else than to defeat fraud, for any and all\\nof them would recoil from fraud as they would recoil from pestilence. (Laughter.)\\nMayor Stokeley is an honest man, for he has said so himself, and he ought to know\\n(shouts of laughter), and no one would for a moment suppose that the others\\nwould tolerate a fraud upon the ballot-box. (Laughter and cheers.) Indeed, the\\nwonder is, that this conclave of election innocents (the audience stopped the\\nspeaker for some time with convulsive laughter and cheers) the wonder is, I say,\\nthat these models of unsophisticated political purity ever got election frauds into\\ntheir minds. Certainly Tim Rc-illy or Dan Redding must have told them that the\\nletter meant to pollute the election, or they would doubtless have thought of any-\\nthing but that. Had they been let alone in their childlike and untempted integrity\\nthey would probably have rendered a verdict like the backwoods jury, that ac-\\nquitted the prisoner of arson but decided that he must marry the girl (shouts of\\nlaughter), and they would likely have pronounced the letter to be evidence of an\\nalien invasion of the moon. (Cheers.). How the public will rejoice to learn that\\nthis committee of stainless office-holders, who perform the most arduous duties\\nwith little or no pay (laughter),* have taken measures to thwart the operations\\nof these conspirators, and are making preparations to arrest the progress of\\nthis nefarious work. The broad shield of these faithful officials has been thrown\\nover the purity of the ballot-box, and the people must, of course, rest in undis-\\nturbed security.\\nIt is true that they are not as prompt in arresting the progress of this nefari-\\nous work as they might have been, but that must be attributed to the unsophis-\\nticated inexperience of the men. They have in their possession the positive\\nproof of the guilt of Randall, McMullin and myself. Of course, they must have\\nit, for they all say so, and there is not one of them who did not cut a score of\\ncherry trees with little hatchets, when they were boys, as did Washington, to\\nprove their undying devotion to trqth. (Shouts of laughter.) They doubtless\\nwould have arrested the. nefarious work at once, but they did not know how it\\ncould be done. There are but two lawyers in the list of names appended to the\\naddress, and of course they did not know anything about the law applicable to\\nfrauds, as they have never had any experience in that line. (Laughter.) Collia\\nis City Solicitor, and, like the doctor who could only cure fits, he could apply the\\nlaw only when it comes to issuing bonds to contractors. He was, therefore, a\\nstranger to the law of this novel case. Colonel Mann has only had a brief experi-\\nence of some fifteen years as public prosecutor in our criminal courts, and he\\ncould not be expected, in that short time, to comprehend a case so exceptional as\\nthe positive proof of a conspiracy to pollute an election. (Laughter.)\\nHe was confused, and with positive proof in his possession, his untutored\\ninnocence of the law misled him to making preparation to arrest the progress of\\nthis nefarious work, instead of at once handing the guilty parties over to the law\\nand employing the positive proof to convict and punish them. (Cheers and\\napplause.)\\nOf course none of this committee understood that the alleged offence is one that\\nis amply provided for by our State laws, and that the United States authorities\\ncan punish only when we have Congressmen to elect. They therefore hand the\\ncase over to the United States courts, and lose four days time, when the election\\nis only five days distant. They lay the evidence formally before the immaculate\\nStokeley his honest bosom heaves with unspeakable emotions at the thought of\\nstuffing the ballot box with illegal votes. (Laughter.) He, too, is igrorant of\\nthe law that could have been employed on Friday last, to arrest, convict, and", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "punish the conspirators, and in despair he hastens to transmit the evidence to\\nUnited States District Attorney Smith. The evidence that was positive proof\\nin the hands of Mann, Collis Co. on Friday became questionable in the hands of\\nof Stokeley on Saturday, and he informs United States Attorney Smith 1 hope\\nto be able to furnish you, in a day or two, the names, etc., of the guilty parties\\nwhose movements he has, as he says, closely watched.\\nA day or two is very indefinite most likely in this case it would carry Mr\\nStokley over the election, and then what I would not intimate such a thing\\nmyself, but there are obstinate men who will insist that Mr. Stokley is not par-\\nticularly desirable that this evidence should get out until after the election,\\n(cheers), and then everybody knows that it won t come out for the good reason\\nthat there never was any to come out. If there is such positive proof against\\nanybody it must be against me, and I beg Mayor Stokley not to wait a day or two,\\nbut to bring it out now. Instead of doing so, he bombards me with harmless\\nletters to all sorts of officials, when he should arrest me at once, if he has evidence\\nto warrant it. (Cheers.) But Mann hands the positive proof over to Stokley,\\nStokley transmits it to United States Attorney Smith, and then innocently\\nannounces that as these contemplated frauds have been concocted here, I intend\\nto lay the communication before the District Attorney of the county. And. who\\nis the District Attorney of the county? Colonel Mann, (laughter), who had just\\nprepared the communication and handed it to Stokley. But Stokley don t hand it\\nback to Mann he only declares his intention to do so; but he forgets to say just\\nwhen he will do it. I beg to suggest to him that if he has evidence of intended\\nelection frauds, might it not be just as well to lock the stable door before the horse\\nis stolen (Laughter.) If I am conspiring to commit election frauds, would not\\nthe interests of public justice be rather better served by arresting both me and the\\nfrauds before the election than afterwards (Applause.)\\nIt will inspire our citizens with confidence in their authorities to find their\\nChief Magistrate so prompt to denounce fraud. He wants only a day or two for\\nthe investigation of evidence that is certified to him as positive proof, and some\\ntime, probably when the swallows homeward fly (laughter), he intends to notify\\nthe District Attorney that he should take notice of what the District Attorney had\\njust asked the Mayor to take notice of. He is furnished with a letter to the United\\nStates District Attorney, and he signs it. He is furnished with a telegram to\\nJudge McKennan, and he signs it. It is transmitted, and Judge McKennan hon-\\nestly supposing that these men really mean something more than to hide their\\nfrauds behind the smoke of their blank cartridges fired at me, starts post haste for\\nPhiladelphia. He will be here Monday, the day before the election too late to\\nmake such investigation as will expose their falsehoods until after the people\\nhpve voted. Somebody must be arrested Monday, or some others must stand\\nself-convicted as falsifiers. I beg to say that I am ready for my part of the\\nI want them to open the way for judicial inquiry into election frauds in\\nPhiladelphia. I want them to start the cloud that may become a tempest and a\\ndeluge. I want every man who is guilty of polluting the ballot honestly convicted\\nand justly punished, and I implore the accusers in this instance to fulfill their\\npromise. They know that I am guiltless. I have been associated with some of\\nthe m\u00c2\u00abn who signed the address for years in political operations with one of\\nthem most intimately. Col. Mann was on the confidential committee when I con-\\nducted the Lincoln campaign in 1860. He knows that I never proposed, ap-\\nproved, or in any way aided or abetted an election fraud in this city. (Applause.)\\nHe knows that in 1860, when a fraud was perpetrated here by my political\\nfriends to return a Republican elected to Congress, I denounced it, and certified\\nto Republican Congressmen that the return was dishonest. He knows that I have\\nprotested against the registry law from the date of its enactment, because it was\\na deliberate appeal from the intelligence and patriotism of the people to system-\\natic fraud to mainta a Republican supremacy. (Applause.) He knows that\\nin every party council on the subject, here and in Harrisburg, I plead for honest\\nlaws to enforce good nominations, and honest popular support of the Republican\\norganization. He knows that if I have oflTended against the laws I need not be\\ntracked or guarded against escape that officers need not hunt for me that a", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "8\\nrequest in any form from him will at any time bring me within the jurisdiction of\\nhis court, or of any other court, to answer the accusations made against me.\\nAnd there is not one whose name is to the address, nor is there any man\\nliving, who can say that I ever advised or aided in the pollution of the ballot-\\nbox. They know that on this issue we separated, for systematic fraud made a\\nRepublican control that I could not and would not support. (Cheers and ap-\\nplause.) I therefore challenged them, one and all, not to trifle with a profoundly\\nmoved public sentiment, but let us have justice and punishment. If the stroke\\nfalls on me, I am ready for it; if upon them, they should not complain. They\\nknow, as I know, that the punishment of those who are guilty of election frauds\\nin this city, would bring chaos upon Philadelphia, for we would be without a\\nruler and almost without public officers. (Cheers and applause.) The Row would\\nbe like some banquet hall deserted, (laughter), for there would not be one left to\\ntell the story of retribution. The court would sit, but without officers to record\\nits decrees or to enforce its judgment.\\nThe Council halls would be the home of solitude, (laughter), and the tax-gath-\\nerers and financial receivers would be in just the position to give the next candi-\\ndate for Governor a good certificate of character. (Shouts of laughter.) Phila-\\ndelphia would be almost voiceless in the popular branch of the Legislature, for\\nthe merry song of the rooster would be subdued and chastened by prison bars.\\n(Cheers.) I beg my accusers to join me in a field-day hunt after ballot-box\\nstuffers, repeaters, rounders and forgers of returns, and let us have justice, even\\nthough it should make official desolation in our city. Let this mockery cease it\\ndeceives nobody, intimidates nobody. Law is for crime\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not to be bound in\\nleading strings by men who have usurped its high prerogatives. Let the accusers\\nnow come to the front, and let justice be done though the heavens fall (Pro-\\nlonged applause.)", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "LIFE:\\nTHE IDEAL AND THE ACTUAL.\\nAnnual Address,\\nDELIVERKD BY\\nHon. a. K. McClure,\\nBefoi\\\\e the Literary ^ocieties\\nor\\nWashington and Jefferson College,\\nAUGUST 3d, 1870.\\nPHILADELPHIA:\\nW. B SELIIKIMER, PKIXTElt, N. W. CORNER FIFTH AXD CHESTNUT STREETS.\\n1870.\\n77j I I y\\nW W www W W", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "LIFE:\\nTHE IDEAL AND THE ACTUAL.\\nAnnual Address,\\nDELIVERED BY\\nHon. a. K. McClure,\\nj^EFoi^E THE Literary Societies\\nOF\\nWashington and Jefferson College,\\nAUGUST 3d, 1870.", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "^^e^-\\nT^IFE:\\nTHE IDEAL AND THE ACTUAL\\nGentlemen of the Literary Societies:\\nI have heard it said, that of all hearers college students are\\nthe most critical; and I believe it is true that of all classes\\nthey are the most pitilessly criticised. I have no Alma Mater\\nto worship, and I do not come to tell you how much wiser and\\nbetter is mature manhood than youth. Let us rather be mutu-\\nally generous, for the greatest miracle to man is man.\\nIt is but too common to make college commencements seasons\\nof humiliation to students. Speakers often come to repress\\nyour inspirations, to cloud or dissipate your dreams, and to\\npicture to you a life that has no actual type amongst mortals.\\nThey bring the uneasy dreams of the closet to crush the\\nbuoyant, blissful dreams of boyhood, and to erect a standard\\nof perfection that weak humanity has never approached.\\nThey mercilessly portray youthful follies, as if there had never\\nbeen boys or follies before; and declare that you must become\\ndifferent from all that you are or have been. Fine theories of\\nlife, sustained by apparently irresistible logic, demand of you\\nnew departures, new ideas, new purposes and new actions, as\\nyou assume the new and responsible duties of the transformed\\nexistence that is set before you; and almost impassable gulfs\\nare pictured as opposing your advancement to the full stature\\nof useful manhood.\\noO", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "--^50)\\nOSN.\\nYou have often heard of the perfect man. He has been the\\ntheme of many eloquent orations to students, but unfortunately\\nhe has never lived. You have been gravely told of the many\\nobstacles to be overcome, to effect successfully the transition\\nfrom student-life to perfect man-life. The obstacles have\\nnever been exaggerated; but it is equally true that your\\nteachers, faultless and reverend as they may seem, have never\\nmastered them, and never will. All the forgotten and unfor-\\ngotten millions of the past were allied to frailty from their\\nbirth; so of all the great, progressive present; and so it will\\nbe of all the countless throngs yet to follow us. All have\\nbeen, are, or will be, what those here to-day are from your\\nhonored President to the feeblest freshman but children of a\\nvaried growth.\\nI come not to complain of your dream-life. When you go\\nhence to begin the battle of the world, it must go with you. I\\nknow how vou would blush to own the ideal achievements with\\nwhich it brightens your lives, and how pedantic orators affect\\nto despise it. But let me assure you that it is a part of every\\nlife of childhood, of manhood, of ripened years, of withered\\nage; and it is life s crowning mercy to them all. The unlet-\\ntered heathen bows before its altar, and the most learned are\\nits worshippers. It is the perpetual sunshine of youth. It is\\nthe softened bow of promise that ever appears as the wild\\ndreams of youth have vanished; and when childhood kindly\\ncomes again to lead the tottering frame gently to the shore, it\\nis an unfailing well-spring of happiness. When the ideal\\nceases to be worshipped, life ceases to be tolerable. We read\\neach day the sad story of those from whom hope has fled.\\nTheir ideal life was ended that is all. Their actual life,\\nbrought face to face with sin or disappointment and no angel-\\ndream of a better day could not be borne; and they passed\\nfrom amongst us.\\nI shall disturb your college dreams somewhat, but it is best\\nthat I should. It will be but a passing cloud, and you will\\nwelcome your dreams again. I would not have you cherish\\ni\\n-j^", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "the ideal any less, but remember that the Actual will at times\\nconfront you, and dissipate your fondest hopes. Such is the\\nstory of every life, and it must be yours. Most of you hope,\\nsooner or later, to be enrolled in the Alumni of the colleo-e.\\nIt is a sweet word to lisp, for it marks an important epoch in\\neach individual history. You will go forth into the world with\\nevery avenue to usefulness and distinction open to you. Life\\nwill seem long and bright before you. Its prizes will glitter\\nin your dreams. Its ideal flowers will bloom along your ideal\\npathways. Fame will point to the multitude of names engraven\\nindelibly upon her scroll, and beckon you onAvard. Illustrious\\ndeeds, which are household words, will challenge imitation.\\nFuture Executives, Senators and Commoners must take the\\nplaces of the present great representative men, and the world\\nmust have its line of heroes unbroken. This is the field the\\nIdeal brings before you. It is yours to explore. Go gather\\nits laurels, and make new names immortal.\\nBut, ere you start, pause with me for a moment. The weary\\ntraveler in the waste of the burning desert, parched by thirst,\\nis often gladdened by beholding what seems to be a clear, blue\\nlake of water in the distance. Its banks are studded with\\ngreenest verdure, in delightful contrast with the arid plain\\nabout him; and its surface broken by refreshing life and\\nbeauty. Wild flowers, decked in Nature s most gorgeous hues,\\nfringe its inviting shores. The scene breaks upon the despair-\\ning wanderer like some enchantment. Cool shades, fresh\\nwaters and fragrant blossoms seem to be but a little in advance\\nof him, and within his reach. His dying courage revives.\\nHope springs up afresh and re-animates him. Strength takes\\nthe place of weakness; his step is quickened, and he presses\\nonward to grasp the priceless boon. He knows that it may be\\nthe mirage of the desert that it may be a cruel delusion,\\nmocking him in his misery that it may ever recede from him\\nas he advances, until finally it takes the wings of solitude and\\nleaves him to despair and death, [t may be but the reflected\\nbeauties of some far-off unattainable blessing; but Hope reigns\\n5\u00e2\u0082\u00ac^-", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "Os^\\n6\\nin the sweet delusion, and it is joyously welcomed. It may,\\nby the superhuman energy it inspires, carry the dreamer safely\\nacross the weird and trackless valley, or it may but lengthen\\na little the little span of life.\\nThe mirage of life is ever around us all. It paints the\\nbright prospective that crowds before you. It is the happy\\ncreation of the ideal the unfailing source of hopeful effort,\\nand blissful dreams of bountiful rewards. There is no fountain\\nof happiness it cannot make to flow to quicken you. There is\\nno measure of success or distinction it cannot present as at-\\ntainable. What you most wish, it freely offers you, and presses\\nyou onward to grasp it. And you will go onward, ever hoping,\\never striving, ever dreaming, until, in the calm evening of your\\ndreams, hope will gently point to the better life beyond.\\nThink not that the ideal life is to be shunned as a delusion\\nand a snare. Delusive it may be in its promises you cherish\\nmost; but it will nevertheless be the parent of your sweetest\\nhours. It will lead you to your noblest and best endeavors.\\nIt will arm you for the incalculable disappointments and sor-\\nrows which beset the most successful lives; for no life escapes\\nthe common inheritance of grief. In each some rain must\\nfall; and those most envied must point to pathways strewn\\nwith blasted hopes. Were I empowered to paint your lives\\nbefore you as they will be, not one of all those present could\\nface the picture, and go hence to battle hopefully. Could I\\neven tell you that you will win high attainments in usefulness\\nand honors; that your lives will be free from marked affliction\\nand adversity, and that the world will wonder at the fullness\\nof your cups of human happiness, the faithful picture would\\nbe none the less unwelcome. Could I reach out into the cur-\\ntained future, and present before you the wisely hidden pano-\\nrama of your actual lives; dispel all your bright dreams never\\nto be realized; banish the sunny Ideal from your destiny, and\\nsend you to face the known, inexorable Actual even those of\\nyou to whom Fate has been most indulgent, would be stricken\\nwith despair. Infinite wisdom has given us the Ideal to be", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "s^\\never present, as the angel of mercy and the Actual is shut\\nout in the veiled hereafter, until the true life is reached in im-\\nmortality.\\nLook back on those who have gone before you, and who, as\\nthe world judges, have achieved greatness; what strange les-\\nsons the inner history of human achievements teaches! We\\nlearn that one Caesar lives, a thousand are forgot. Again,\\nwe see Fame cruelly mocking her chosen favorites, and painful\\nwrecks marking the path of distinction. Look how wearily\\nand laboriously names have been made memorable. Dream as\\nyou will, none are born to greatness. They may inherit\\ncrowns and titles and estates, but true greatness is not the\\nbirthright of any one. The Ideal tells us pleasing stories of\\nsuch destinies, but they are unknown in the stubborn Actual.\\nThose who have become great, have found life well nigh too\\nshort to achieve it.\\nWe have all read and re-read Gray s Elegy. Its sub-\\nlimity has made us dwell upon each line to gather the fullness\\nof its beauty. It made one name immortal; but think what\\nlong months and years of ceaseless thought were devoted to\\nthe work. To mould a single line was at times the task of\\nrestless nights and weary days. Decades were numbered be-\\ntween its inception and completion seven years elapsed after\\nits actual commencement, before it was finished; and when\\nfinished, the ideal creation of the author was not realized. He\\nwrote much more, but what of it is remembered? The bitter\\nschool of adversity gave to the world the Goldsmith we know.\\nHis Deserted Village is the dream-picture of a happiness\\nhe had never found. More than two score years of grim\\npenury and consuming disappointment made those immortal\\nverses. Milton s Paradise Lost was the patient work of\\nhalf a century. We are told of him that never was a mind\\nmore richly furnished, but life was too brief for more than one\\nmaster-piece. He had sorrow enough the poet s fruitful in-\\nspiration and wrote much that was beautiful; but the world", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "8\\nspeaks of him only as the author of one poem. He dreamed\\nof a Paradise Regained nothing more.\\nBut it may be answered that poetry is the child of bitter\\nmemories and cruel misfortunes. Lives may be brighter in\\nthe list of names memorable in Oratory and Statesmanship and\\nHeroism and Literature and Science. The ideal orator reads of\\nDemosthenes how his voice was tuneless, his speech unready,\\nand his action ungraceful. He took the pebble to educate a\\nclumsy tongue he declaimed to the billows of the sea prac-\\nticed with actors and before mirrors and climbed rugged hills\\nto fit himself for a calling that nature seemed to have forbidden\\nto him. Cicero Avas schooled from youth to oratory. Training\\nin Rome and Greece, in those days, implied a measure of\\nassiduity to which our students now are strangers. He was\\ntwenty-six before he began to speak in public, and thenceforth\\nhis labors never were relaxed. Brougham was the soul of\\neloquence. His career as an advocate w^as unrivaled in his\\nday. You will call him heaven-gifted. Perhaps he was, but\\nnot one in a thousand could accept his labors for his fame.\\nThe orators of Greece were the great lesson of his life. When\\nhe defended Queen Caroline, he devoted months to special\\nstudy, and wrote the peroration of his speech more than twenty\\ntimes. Walpole was the veriest galley-slave. His ambition\\nand jealousy denied him repose. Power was his god, and\\nanxious, devouring effort made him great not so great, per-\\nhaps, as successful and yet who can call his life successful?\\nPulteney, one of the most effective of British orators, deve-\\nloped his rhetorical powers slowly; but unwearying efforts\\nenabled him to climb to eminence. The elder Pitt was an\\neducated orator. He devoted himself to the severest course\\nof training. Demosthenes was his model, and he reveled in\\ntranslations from the ancient..^. Ho studied everything per-\\ntaining to oratory indeed, his whole life was but one hard\\nlesson to master eloquence. The younger Pitt walked closely\\nin his father s footsteps. His college life was one long\\ndisease from ceaseless application. We are told that his", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "1\\n9\\nefforts knew no limits but the weakness of his frame. Many\\nyears were given to the classics, mathematics, and the logic of\\nAristotle, to conquer the art of eloquence. He made himself\\none of the first orators of England and a confirmed invalid.\\nMansfield studied everything that had been written on oratory.\\nWhile at Oxford he translated all of Cicero s orations into\\nEnglish, and then re-translated them into Latin. Burke\\ndevoted every waking moment to mental labor. He studied\\nto acquire the pov/er of thinking at all times and in every\\nplace. He tried to solve the realization of his ideal life. The\\nincessant struggle of thought made him weary at forty-five,\\nand he resolved to be content with his achievements; but the\\nmisery of idleness soon made him decide to grow old in learn-\\nincr. Grattan was an eager listener under Chatham, and with\\nhim everything was forgotten in the one great purpose of\\nmastering oratory. Fox owned to but one ruling ambition\\nthat of making himself a powerful debater and he rose by\\nslow degrees until the world acknowledged himself successful.\\nSevere method and labor were parts of Clay s existence.\\nThroughout his long and eventful life, even to his latest days,\\nhis great speeches were prepared with scrupulous care.\\nAlthough for a quarter of a century a recognized candidate\\nfor the Presidency, with exacting public duties, his speeches\\nnever were delivered without the most mature reflection and\\nsystematic preparation. Few ever knew how every hour of\\nhis life was given to labor. Webster was born greater than\\nare most men, but he attained distinction slowly and labori-\\nously. When a student, he was for a long time unequal to\\ndeclamation before his class, even when he had his part well\\ncommitted. At twenty-five, we read that he was giving\\nassiduous devotion to his profession, though it afforded him\\nbut a frugal livehhood. At thirty-two, he entered Congress\\nunknown to fame, but his life had been one of restless mental\\nindustry, and he left the House with a wide-spread reputation\\nfor statesmanship. Thenceforth his life continued one of\\nconstant labor, and so it was to the end. His reply to Hayne\\n(^X^ __", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "r\\n10\\nwas not prepared, but its immortal sentences were the creation\\nof a life-time of mighty thought. Calhoun s unremitted study\\ngave him the honors of his class, but with his health so broken\\nthat he could not crown them with the oration; and his whole\\nlife was one of ceaseless intellectual toil. Each day he was as\\nmuch the student as the statesman.\\nBut why multiply names? If I were to weary you with\\nthe whole list of ancient and modern orators and statesmen,\\nthe same history must be given of all. Variously as nature\\nendowed them, they achieved greatness by patient, persevering\\neffort, that ended only with their lives. Dream of greatness,\\nbut understand that it is a rugged, thorny path: but dream\\non, and deck the thorns with bright and fragrant roses, and\\njourney to the end.\\nHow brightly the ideal portrays the triumphs of statesman-\\nship. How the student s heart quickens as he reads of the\\ngiants who have swayed Senates and nations, and who have\\nleft enduring monuments of greatness in their political achieve-\\nments. They tower above their fellows on the pages of\\nhistory, as if they had been created unlike other men. But\\nHistory is forgetful of their infirmities, and their great deeds\\nand their virtues alone survive them. They all have dreamed,\\nand vainly dreamed, as have the humblest of their followers.\\nThey hoped, attained, and suffered more, and there the dis-\\ntinction ends. I speak of Henry Clay with reverence. He\\nwas the idol of my boyhood, and his name is linked with the\\ngrateful memories of the season when we invest orreatness with\\nthe perfection of human attributes. He was beloved, even\\nidolized, by his partisans. It would seem as if he had been\\nborn to test the measure of affection that could be lavished\\nupon a popular leader by a free people. Others have been\\nesteemed; have aroused a nation s gratitude; have commanded\\nthe sober approval of the country, or have been borne upward j\\nupon sweeping tides but who, fallen and powerless, was followed\\nto the close of his eventful life with such sincere and profound\\naffection He was great in all the great qualities of man, and", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "11\\nyet he was but a child of larger stature. You will read of his\\nvictories of his life, that seemed to be but one continued ova-\\ntion of his matchless eloquence in behalf of human liberty in\\nevery clime, and of his heroic pacification of our sectional\\nestrangements. He was honored with every official trust, save\\nthe one he most desired. His ideal achievement was to be\\nchosen ruler of the people who loved him. It was the sweet\\ndream of half his allotted days. It seemed ever just within\\nhis reach, and yet was ever lost. Twice in his riper life his\\nprinciples triumphed in national contests but others were made\\nhis leaders, and wore the wreaths his skill and statesmanship\\nhad woven for his party. Never was a life so full of hope;\\nnever was the Ideal so rich in promise; and never were disap-\\npointments more filled with bitterness. When you have read\\nof his brilliant career, turn to the sad sequel in Colton s compi-\\nlation of his private correspondence, and the bright picture is\\nblotted out in the painful realization of a great life with its\\ngreat ideal destiny overthrown.\\nAnother name is immortal in the nation s pride, and shared\\nits affections. Webster was our profoundest statesman a score\\nof years before his death. He crushed out a gigantic crime by\\na single appeal to the Senate. It will be enduring as Time in\\nthe annals of rhetorical victories. He, too, was Commoner,\\nSenator, and Premier; but he was not what he most ardently\\nhoped to be. His ideal destiny was plainly written in his later\\ndays, and his life went out in harrowing disappointment. He\\nhad defeated Hayne and the threatened dismemberment of the\\nUnion, and the whole world confessed the pre-eminence of his\\nfame. He had answered Hulsemann in behalf of the rights of\\nman, and thrones trembled; but he was not President. His\\ndreams ended, and in a few fretful days he slept with his fathers.\\nCalhoun was distinctively a representative man. He was sin-\\ncere, profound, subtle, and was worshipped by his adherents.\\nHe had reached the chair next the throne, and he had but one\\nstep more to realize his single ambition; but he faltered as the\\nchasm widened: he dreamed of ruling over fragments of a dis-\\n3^^", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "g^ -v)\\n12\\nsevered country, and, in grand and gloomy perseverance, he\\nlabored until the shadows gathered into night. Winfield Scott\\nwas the chieftain of his age. The hero of two wars, he had\\nreached the topmost round of military glory. The impetuous\\nvictor of Chippewa and Lundy s Lane perhaps dreamed only\\nof tAvin stars, but the Commander-in-Chief and the Conqueror\\nof Mexico accepted a higher ideal destiny. The stars paled\\nwhen they were won, before one bright dream that to him was\\ncolossal in its freight of mingled joy and sorrow. At last,\\nafter many days of sickening hope deferred, a subordinate\\nswept over him like the simoon of the desert. If you would\\nknow how much a child a man may be, summon your generous\\nforbearance and read Scott s autobiography, where ho tells why\\nhe was not President. One great hope, one great infirmity,\\nand one great grief, sum up the sequel of his great distinc-\\ntion.\\nMy life has been a failure, were the sad words I heard\\nuttered by Thaddeus Stevens, when he was setting his house in\\norder for the inexorable messenger. He was the great Com-\\nmoner of the nation s sorest trial, and had witnessed the triumph\\nof his earnest and consistent efforts for the disenthralment of\\nthe oppressed. He was content when braving popular igno-\\nrance and prejudice againsi: education and freedom; but when\\nhe became the acknowledged leader of the House, and saw the\\nsubstantial success of his cherished principles, his ideal life\\nwas not fulfilled. To himself his life appeared as does the\\nstatue fashioned to rest upon some high pinnacle. It seemed\\nungainly, ill-proportioned and wanting in symmetry and har-\\nmony; but as it rises to the distance from which it was designed\\nto be viewed, its awkward, shapeless lines disappear, and its\\ngrace and beauty win the admiring gaze of the multitude. He\\nhad his measure of infirmities, but there have been few so sin-\\ncerely devoted to their convictions, and who would so willingly\\nforego honors and applause for conscience sake. When poste-\\nrity shall read of him, it will be as one of the grand central\\nfigures in the panorama of a nation s redemption, and his", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "g^\\n13\\nfrailties will be unrecorded the common tribute the historian\\npays to the fallibility of men whose names are immortal. I\\nthought that he, of all our statesmen, had most nearly realized\\nthe hopes which inspired his noblest efforts but he had learned\\nthe lesson that the ideal destiny of every life points to the\\nunattainable. How much he dreamed, and how keenly he\\nlamented that he only dreamed, there are few prepared to\\ntell.\\nj Look out over the countless throng that have dreamed, and\\nj are still dreaming, of the Presidency. The time was when\\nonly the wisest statesman looked to the chair of Washington\\nin their ideal achievements, but now, who that worships at the\\naltar of ambition can plead exemption? Not sages and heroes\\nalone now turn their anxious hopes toward the mighty sceptre\\nof the first people of the world. Pretenders of every grade,\\nwho have climbed into position through slimy paths, swell their\\nshame by indecent struggles to rule in dishonor. Their Ideal\\nis success, and I would not say how many bow before that\\ni fickle divinity. A few of them win in their mean struggles,\\nj only to find their stolen honors turn to burning ashes on their\\nI brows. The broad path to the highest trust of the Republic is\\nthickly strewn with skeletons of riven castles, and yet the\\ni throng that presses over them to the same sad destiny, is count-\\nI less as before. This one dream has unsettled the best and\\nbravest men, and is the parent of strange misfortune. It has\\nmade strong men weak, and estranged mighty leaders from the\\nvery devotion they most sought; and it has made the Union\\nthe prey of the tempest to gratify mad ambition. It invented\\nthe spoliation of Mexico; it destroyed the Missouri Compro-\\nmise; it fashioned the Dred Scott decision; it enacted the\\nFugitive Slave Law it consigned the Whig party to a dishonored\\n1 tomb it made the Democratic party forget its cunning, and\\nsacrifice its power; it made men in every section, and of every\\nshade of sentiment, traitors to themselves, to truth and to their\\ncountry it bombarded Sumpter it prolonged the bloody strife\\nto destroy our nationality; and after the storm of battle ceased.", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "14\\nit came with horrible discord to lacerate the ghastly scars of\\nwar.\\nDo you answer that there are those whose attainments fulfill\\ntheir dreams? Turn to the names least linked with disappoint-\\nment in visible aspirations, and learn how the sweet Ideal\\nvanishes before the gnawing tooth of the actual. Buchanan s\\ndream was the Presidency. Long he hoped and patiently\\nwaited through various discomfitures, until at last the fruition\\ncame. The nation never loved him, but it freely gave him its\\ntrusts and its honors. He was able, experienced, personally\\nblameless, and honest in his purposes. The world envied him\\nthe felicity of realizing, in its fullness, his dream of power;\\nbut his triumph only dated the culmination of his woes. He\\nmay or may not have ruled wisely, but his reign was one broad,\\nangry sea of disappointment. He passed the threshold of\\npower amidst the hozannas of those who worship the rising\\nsun, and was greeted with the sober confidence of honest men.\\nHe returned in a few brief years with his brow more rudely\\nfurrowed, with the life of earthly hope gone out, and his gar-\\nlands withered before the fierce breath of his country s dis-\\npleasure. Lincoln dreamed the same dream. Unschooled in\\npolitical management, he was made the choice of a party that\\nconfessed another as its leader. The inscrutable power that\\nsets at naught the wisdom of men, made the Ideal seem to open\\nits richest garnered wealth to bless him. You hear how mer-\\nrily he wore the cares of state, and the lovers of the marvelous\\ntell how the ribald jest mingled with cabinet councils. Yet he\\nwas the purest, the sincerest and the saddest of men. He\\nreached the Executive chair only to learn that his dream of\\nhappiness pointed far beyond, through deep tribulation and\\nthe tempest and flame of battle. The strange unrest, that ever\\nsprings from fruitful hope, was made deeper and keener for\\nhim by the devouring care he could not escape. But in the\\nmidst of the anxious labors and sacrifices he had won, in the\\nname of honor, he dreamed the one bright dream of a reunited\\npeople. I would like to be the acknowledged President of\\nO^N", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "_\u00e2\u0080\u009e^\\nthe whole Union before I retire, was the quaint but earnest\\nutterance he made when he was awkwardly seeking to shape\\npolitical action to prolong his power, that he might com-\\nplete his work. He had the profoundest faith in the cause of\\nhis country, but he feared his own overthrow, with nothing but\\nthe record of war s desolation to mark his rule, and he knew\\nnot how devotedly and justly he was loved and trusted by the\\npeople. And when his grand Ideal seemed to reach fruition.\\nPeace came only to mock him with the fiendish legacies of civil\\nstrife. Still, far beyond, more dimly distant than before, it\\npictured its haven of contentment. He died just when his\\nname could be recorded as most sublimely immortal; and his\\nhistory is but the simple, repeated and ever-repeating story,\\nthat the Ideal, fruitful as it is of fitful blessings, has no ripened\\nharvest for mortals to gather. Peirce was President. He\\nplucked the green laurels from the veteran Scott, and men\\njudged that his ideal life was realized. Not so, however, for\\nhe came bereaved in his affections, to reign in sickening tur-\\nmoil, and he saw discontent and strife spring up to mock him\\nin the records he sought to write. Discarded in the name of\\nPeace, he retired and lived unfelt and unworshipped, and died\\nwithout touching the nation s sorrow. Taylor was borne into\\nthe Presidency by the tidal wave that avenged Mexico. He\\ndreamed, as do other men, that power is happiness; but, like\\nthe eagle caged in bars of polished gold, he fretted his life\\naway. Fillmore found the dazzling cup of his ambition full,\\nbut it turned to bitterness as he drank the coveted draught.\\nHe surrendered power amidst public convulsions and personal\\ndiscomfiture, and faded from the affections, and well nigh from\\nthe memories, of the people. He spoke recently, and like sor-\\nrowing Rip Van Winkle, after the throes of revolution had\\nwhirled the world a generation past him, he discussed the\\nproblems of twenty years ago. The ever-faithful Ideal still\\nsweetens his isolation, and shields him from himself. John-\\nson s ideal destiny was the theme of his tireless speech. He\\nreached the throne through the flood-tide of a nation s tears,\\n9^^", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "16\\nand in his rule he rode upon the storm. He was nothing if\\nnot tempestuous. He sowed to the wind, and reaped bountifully\\nof the whirlwind. In hopeless strife he fought out his power,\\nand went home amidst public rejoicing. And so the chapter\\nmight be continued through all the struggles and ti-iumphs of\\nmen through all the honors, crowns and titles lost and won.\\nLook at the group of heroes that adorns the early histories\\nof our late war. Not one of the faces there engraven on\\nfinest lines of steel for an admiring people, appears in the\\nlater group that is to be found near to the chapter on Appo-\\nmattox. How stars brightened only to fade in popular distrust\\nor reprobation An obscure tradesman stubbornly carved his\\nway from Donaldson, Shiloh, and Missionary Ridge through\\nmeanest and mightiest malice to the head of the army.\\nThenceforth, the nation trusted not in vain. He returned\\nfrom his crimsoned battle-fields with Victory and Peace, and\\nthe saved Republic, in mingled wisdom and gratitude, made\\nits great Warrior its great Pacificator. Another untried ofiicer,\\nsubordinated by the War Department as of unbalanced mind,\\ndazzled the world with the daring and success of his matchless\\ngenius, and is now General-in-chief; and a name unknown\\nuntil wreathed in unfading laurels by his gallant troopers in\\nthe Valley, is second in command. These have been successful,\\nit may be, far beyond their early dreams; but think not that\\nthey can claim exemption from the rude tempests which ever\\nbreak in fiercest fury upon the towering monarchs of the\\nforest. Alexander conquered the world his great ideal des-\\ntiny was achieved and he thrust the empty bauble away, with\\nhis own life, as his subordinates wrangled for his crown.\\nNapoleon dreamed of Empire and happiness. He humbled\\nevery flag that confronted him, to die at last on an inhospitable\\nisle of the sea, without sceptre, home or country. Every-\\nthing that I love; everything that belongs to me, is stricken,\\nwere the sad words with which he summed up his destiny.\\nDemosthenes became the great orator of Greece; but the\\nbright ideal of his early manhood was dissipated, as the people\\nL", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "I I\\nthat once honored him drove him into a stran2;e hind. In tlie\\nTemple of Neptune he mixed the fatal poison that promised\\nhim rest. Cicero was hailed by Cato as the Father of his\\nCountry, and public thanksgivings in his name were voted to\\nthe Gods. Soon after he was banished, an alien and a wan-\\nderer, until he bowed his head to the sword of Antony. Pitt\\nwas Prime Minister at twenty-four; but Austerlitz came, and\\nthe gold was dimmed, and the bowl was broken. Disraeli s\\ngrand ideal Avas attained when he became Premier; but if you\\nI would learn how empty was the realization, read the marvelous\\naphorisms of Lothair. One s life changes in a moment,\\nis the trite history of human hopes he gives in one chapter;\\nand he tells what success is, when he says. that the feeling of\\nsatiety, almost inseparable from large possessions, is a surer\\ncause of misery than ungratified desires. How Walter Scott\\ndreamed, and how the honors and riches of the world clustered\\naround him, but at last he wrote: The best is, the long halt\\nwill arrive at length, and close all. Campbell, in the dream\\nof youtli, gave us The Pleasures of Hope, and how happily\\nhis exquisite lines accord with the Ideal life; but he toiled\\nthrough his allotted years to tell how hopes are blighted,\\nand that fame is a bubble that must soon burst. How\\nsweetly jjnd sadly have Young and Burns and Moore and Mrs.\\nIlemans sung; and with what bitterness of soul did the per-\\nverted genius of Byron write\\nAnd know, whatever thou hast been,\\nTi? something better not to be.\\nCast your eyes across to uneasy Europe. Her unstable map\\nseems about to be recast in deep lines of blood. Whose of all\\nthe countless dreams of ambition, which plunge sulijects into\\nwar, are to be realized in hollow grandeur? The tottering\\nMan of France forged his crown in perjury and usurpation.\\nHis dream seemed to be realized when he became Emperor;\\nbut the Ideal pictured an enlarged and invincible France, and\\nI a perpetual Napoleonic dynasty, tis his work. Fretful dreams\\nC%- nO", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "18\\nof a strange succession have studded this throne with thorns,\\nand he wickedly breaks the peace of the Old World. King\\nWilliam, impiously claiming to rule in harshest despotism, by\\nDivine Right, accepts the challenge, and a million reapers are\\nhurrying to the harvest of death. All Europe is appalled,\\nfor none can measure the limits the sword shall set for its\\ncruel arbitrament. Russia will dream of Constantinople;\\nItaly of Rome; France of Belgium Prussia of a strengthened\\nConfederation; Hungary and Poland of deliverance; England\\nof enlarged power in the councils of nations; Austria of\\nrestored prestige and position; and Spain of rest and peace.\\nAnd when the shock shall be over, and Empire shall be lost\\nand gained, victor and vanquished will realize how vainly they\\nhave struggled for the impossible.\\nThe Ideal is unbounded in its kind ministrations. The child\\nlooks upon the beautiful rainbow as an actual arch of tinted\\nsubstance, resting upon the hills close by. It vanishes, and\\nthe dream is gone, and the scalding tears of the httle dreamer\\nmay be gathered up to fashion the next sweet delusion that\\nfringes the tempest. Through every condition of human life;\\nthrough all the strange mutations of every destiny; from the\\nmost opulent to the most humble, and from the most sacred to\\nthe most profane, the Ideal is an attendant angel of mercy. It\\never aims to bring our poor lives into harmony Avith some\\nbetter being, and when our groveling ambition, or unworthy\\npurposes, ripen into misfortune, it whispers its bright promises,\\nand we feel wealthiest when most undone. It tarries with\\nus in the deep valley of humiliation we all must tread, paints\\nthe silver lining to the cloud, and tempers the rude storms\\nwhich fling their hoarse melodies around us. It brought its\\nrich store of happiness, as the hand-maid of the firm faith that\\nenabled Abraham to sojourn in the land of promise as in a\\nstrange country, and that was the sure stay and comfort of\\nthe Hebrew saints, who all died in faith, not having received\\nthe promise.\\nIt pervades all the manifold theories of sacred things\\n3\u00e2\u0082\u00ac^ ^/j", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "19\\nfashioned by man. Look at our subtle creeds they are but the\\ndreams of earnest Christian men, who mingle their frail judg-\\nments with the Divine teachings. They tell us widely different\\nstories of the Creation, of the Fall, of the Atonement, of the\\nResurrection, and of the unexplored Eternity beyond. Each\\ndreams blissfully of his sacred dogmas. We are taught how\\na fallen world must be saved by man s interpretation of Elec-\\ntion, or of Free Agency, or of Baptism, or of an unknown\\nTrinity. Any or all of these may be deeply mingled with the\\nerrors of men, but the Christian Church has still fov its impreg-\\nnable foundation every fundamental principle of the Christian\\nReljo-ion. All teach from a common Bible, and all accept the\\nsame Salvation, but each ideal points to a different path, and in\\nour feebleness we close the gates of God s truth againt those\\nwho differ from us. There is no range of prophecy or revela-\\ntion it has not invited the Christian to explore, and, when\\nexplored, avc find that it is but the restless, throbbing, fruitless\\nsearch for the unattainable. Volumes have been written, after\\nyears of patient research, to mark the past, present and future\\nfulfillment of Prophecy, to master Revelation, and to open the\\nvery Seals of the fullness of Time. They are but romances;\\nthe ideal struggles of the frail finite mind to comprehend the\\nInfinite. All that man can know of the Creator and His sal-\\nvation, is made so plain that the wayfarer cannot err therein.\\nThe Ideal may turn back through all the recorded and the\\nunrecorded past, and look out through all the boundless future,\\nto paint the harmony that delights our brief prison life; but\\nwhen man seeks to comprehend God and His prophecies, and\\nHis purposes, and His rewards and punishments, he rushes\\nwhere angels do not tread. I have never read Paine s\\nAire of Reason, but I can understand how such a crime\\nwas possible. Had he entitled it the Age of Human Reason,\\nit would have been a faultless reflex of its name. He\\nimpiously assumed to reason upon equality with God; not\\nunderstanding God, he could do no more than reject the Infi-\\nI nite. As well bid the prattling infant measure the millions of\\nO5V. _____", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "1\\n20\\nstars above us, and define their courses and seasons, as ask the\\ncreature, born to fallibility even in earthly things, to define\\nthe purposes and attributes of Jehovah. Behold mankind as\\nthey are; scan intelligent creation from the degraded heathen,\\nthrough all the stages of human progress to the most enlight-\\nened, and reason how such beings are to promote the glory of\\nan infinite Creator, and you will be lost in unbelief. How it\\nis, the Ideal may picture in varied and ever-pleasing fancy, but\\nwe cannot understand; yet it must be so, for so it is written\\nwhere every line shall be fulfilled. Our little ray of reason,\\ntottering on its narrow throne, will ever dream of the things\\nwhich eye hath not seen and man cannot know, but our sense\\nof sin and helplessness is the repeated realization of each\\nfleeting day, and the learned and unlearned alike recognize the\\nInfinite mercy that invites them to redemption by simple Faith\\nand Repentance. What is beyond, poor mortals can only learn\\nwhen the Actual comes with its deathless destiny. Of it, the\\nIdeal whispers fond foretastes, but when we shall see it as it\\nis, then, and not till then, shall it reach fruition. Here the\\nActual crosses our paths only to disturb our dreams, and dissi-\\npate our hopes. At times it comes like the fitful cloud that\\nshadows the sunlight for a season, and then passes away and\\nagain, it sweeps like the hurricane with its terrible thunder-\\nbolts breaking over our heads; but when we shall resign this\\nfeeble frame that frugal nature lent us for an hour, the pain-\\nful birth of life unending will bring us to the Actual Being,\\nwhose time shall be eternal, whose knowledge shall be perfect,\\nand whose happiness or woe shall ever press toward fullness,\\nand yet through all the ceaseless years of God be never full.", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "I^IJ 1,^ o ii I i^- t\u00e2\u0080\u0094 j.^ I j^- w-^ ^H n- \u00e2\u0096\u00a0t^\\n.1\\n,.l\\n;i Hon. A. K. McCLURE,\\n1\\nANNUAL ADDRESS,\\nDELIVERED BY\\nBErORE THE LITERARY SOCIETIES\\nLAFAYETTE COLLEGE,\\nJune 2oth, 1871.\\nEVERY-DAY LIFE.\\nK\\nPHILADELPHIA:.\\nREVIEW PRINTING HOUSE, COU. WALNUT AND POUKTR STREETS.\\n1871.", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "I\\nI", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "^s^s-\\nEVERY-DAY LIFE\\nANNUAL ADDRESS,\\nDELIVERKl) HY\\nHon. A. K. MeCLURE,\\nBEPORE THE LITERAEY SOCIETIES\\nLAFAYETTE COLLEGE,\\nJune 2oth, 1871.\\nPHILADELPHIA:\\nREVIKW PRINTING HOUSE, COIl. WALNUT AND FOUBTH STREKTS.\\n1871.", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "^\u00e2\u0082\u00ac^3-\\nEVERY-DAY LIFE.\\nfo^\\nGkNTI.KMEX (IF THE LiTERARY SOCIETIES:\\n1 liave chosen a cominon, homely tlR-me Kvcrv-dav r.ifc.\\nMany of yon may hastily prouonnce it nnintcivsting and unin-\\nstructive. It is not set forth in your list of studies. It is not a\\nfavorite field for rhetoric. Most students ha1)itually overlook it;\\ntoo many great teachers forget or ignore it. It does not mingle\\nwith the pleasing fancies which are busy weaving future gar-\\nlands for the graduate. It may unsettle some delightful cas tles\\nreared in your moments of repose from weary labor; but it is\\nthe life we each and all must live. Let us look at it soberly, and\\ncultivate it kindly, and it will rcAvard us with many cheering\\nsmiles and cliarming attributes.\\n^Vhile our every-day life is the theme that should be most\\nffiniiliar to all, it is the one important part of education that is\\nmost neglected. You may here become what the world of letters\\ncalls a great scholar, and yet be to the world, and in the world, a\\nnovice. If successful, it will be an accident; if useful, it will be\\ngrudgingly acknowledged only after you are dead, if even then.\\nMere scholarship, in its relations to the great pui-poses of human\\nlife, is like an intricate machine in unskilful hands. While it will\\nrun itself, it is well; but wdien it wants direction its beauty and\\nits mechanism go for nought. Our colleges and higher schools\\nare of inestimable value, but they cannot do everything for the\\nstudent. They can store the mind and fit the man for the cease-\\nless lesson of life; but when they have done, the work of learning\\nhas but commenced. When you sliall have passed safelv thi-ou -h\\nyour recitations and examinations, you are just fitted to enter the\\nboundless school that is ever open around us.\\n-e^S;-", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": ":0\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a01\\nThe world itself is the master teacher of its countless pupils.\\nIt has no sessions or vacations. Its vast books are never closed.\\nIts inillion-ton fued voices are never silent. Its precepts and\\nadmonitions, its gentle suasions and vengeful mandates, throng\\nupon us wherever we are. In its sources of instruction, aiming\\nto make man each day better than before, it is as varied as the\\nhandi-work of God; and yet how many of all the living profit by\\nthese multiplied teachings as the} swiftly pass?\\nYou have read, and doubtless often quoted, the truism, that\\nthe proper study of maiddnd is man. It is the plain, broad\\nchannel of advancement, for the study of man involves the study\\nof evcrvthins:. For him all things were created. All of the\\nworld s beauty is but a tribute to his excellence. All of its thorns\\nand brambles are but chastening rods to make him mindful of the\\npurpost^ of his being. The grandest themes of the painter and\\npoet relate to his destiny. The pulpit is inspired by the story of\\nhis redemption. Senators and commoners win distinction only as\\nthey promote his happiness, and that heroism is enshrined over\\nall that has achieved his amelioration.\\nIt is an imperative lesson to enable us to know something- of\\nourselves. Whether we would pay court to the fickle goddess\\nof fame, or aspire to wealth, or to usefulness, or to the nearest\\npossible perfection of human character, the one unending study is\\nof Man. The supreme ])roblem that confronts the faithful student\\nfrom day to day, and from year to year, ever revolves closely\\nabout himself, and yet it takes within its scope all of nature s infinite\\nvariety of ever-present and ever-changing text-books. Look out\\nupon the world s tumultuous school. Each one so like his fellow,\\nand all so unlike; yet each varied understanding is bountifully\\nfurnished with endless sources of culture. Did all pursue the\\nsame beaten path, the world would be monotonous, and most of\\nits beauty and teachings would be lost. But no two have just the\\nsame aspirations, or garner the same harvest from the same field\\nof thought, while the larger number go out and come in, from the\\ncradle to the grave, and are insensible of the riches they have\\ncast aside. The absorbed astronomer may explore the heavens\\nwhen opportunity is presented, and then pass on through the world\\nunconscious of its offerings. The geologist may delve* into the\\nearth s recesses and rocks and forget the living in his search for the\\nP", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "5 i\\nrecords of the past. The scliobir of books performs only wliat\\nsome othor iiiiud bids him all else is a sealed treasure ai-ound\\nhim. He could solve the most abstruse; ijroblem for the student,\\nbut would be confounded if asked to solve the i)rol)lem the student\\nhimself presented. Many righteous men teacii from the Holy\\nBook, and teach in vain. They know only what tiiey teach, and\\nnot to whom they tea(di. Tiie thouohtless, plodding- .\u00e2\u0096\u00a0-on of toil\\nrejects all things save as necessity becomes his master. I lius do\\nthe learned and unlearned jostle on, like truant children, discard-\\ning the best means of usefulness to their fellows, and dooming to\\npitiful thraldom the immortal element of our existence.\\nH I were to call upon the learned young men before me to tell\\nof tile great epochs of human history, you would answer promptly\\nand correctly. I could tell you nothing of the world s mutations\\nthat would be novel to vou. So much you have learned, or are\\nlearninn-, well. Do not understand me as assumino- that you\\nshould have h^arned more, for I have already told you that life is\\none unending lesson; and here, when all has been done that can\\nl)e done, you are only fitted to begin the great study. I^et me\\nkindly, and, I trust, pleasantly and profitably, lead you from tlie\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2stilted plane that youthful ambition builds, to look into the\\nfountains which have given the world its varied eras. You have\\nstudicul its heroes, its sages, its patriots, its poets, its scholars,\\nand its masters. I would now have you study the sources\\nwhence they came.\\nThe marked events of the world s history may always be traced\\nto the every-day life of the peoples who were the chief actors\\ntherein. Vou would point to C;vsa,r or Alexander as the great\\nhero of the ancients; Imt without Rome, just as she then was,\\nwhat could C;iesar have been? and without Greece, trained as one\\nvast military camp, Alexander might have been a slave instead of\\nthe conquerer of the world. Heroes are made and unmade, not\\nby circumstances alone, but heroism must ever be the joint crea-\\ntion of the nurn and of the occasion -the people must find their\\ntrue type with the particular elements of excellence which meet\\ntheir supreme want. We speak thoughtlessly of great lead(!rs,\\nforgetful that they are created, and that their followers have had\\nmuch to do wdth their creation, llienzi deserved greater honors\\nfrom Rome than ever did Caesar, yet the one was nsaster of Rome\\n)-S", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "I:\\nwhen she was mistress of the world, and the other failed and fell\\niu iiominiously, and is I emembered only as the last of the Triliunes\\nHe was not overthrown by rivals, as was Csesar, when he fell at\\nthe foot of the statue of Ponipey. The boisterous fountains of\\nambition which made Brutus a murderer, gradually coursed like\\nsubtle poison tlirough the ranks of the people, and patrician and\\nplebian alike were tainted and paralyzed. Cpesar had a party,\\nand Antony a party, but Rome had none, and the sad sequel is\\ntold in the single sentence^ Rienzi fell from the vires of the\\npeople. At last a mere handful of l)anditti possessed the capital\\nof the once proud empire, and her liberties were overthrown\\nbecause her people had lost all their noblest atributes.\\nWashington was perhaps the only man avIio could have won\\nthe independence of the colonies, and yet there were those in the\\nrevolutionary army no less brave, and much more brilliant. It\\nwas rare wisdom that called him to the chief command. Had\\nArnold commanded, he would have lived a patriot, fought despe-\\nrately, and lost his cause. Between Washington and the people\\nthere was a common inspiration. They mutually led, mutually\\nfollowed, mutually suffered, and nmtually triumphed. The desire\\nfor libert}^ became part of the every-day life, part of the every-\\nday devotion, of the colonists; and the patriot hero became the\\nFather of his Country.\\nLet us for a moment transpose the two chief militar} leaders of\\nthe early part of the present centur\\\\ Transfer Napoleon to\\nBritain and Wellington to France. Could there have been a\\nMarengo, or Austerlitz, or Waterloo? Had Napoleon been in the\\nEnglish army with all his fiery zeal, he would have been cashiered\\nbefore he reached a colonel s commission; and had Wellington\\nbeen under the eagles of France, he would have liA^ed and died a\\nsubaltern. But each in his own arm}- was a great captain, and\\neach typified the people he so successfully commanded. The\\npeople of France created Napoleon the people of England made\\nArthur Wellesley Lord Wellington. Soldiers from these monu-\\nments, forty centuries look down upon you, were the inspiring-\\nwords of Napoleon to his victorious arm} in Egypt. Eng-\\nland expects every man to do his duty, was the strongest appeal\\nthat could be made to the British soldier. Napoleon would\\napostrophise the sun of Austerlitz, and hurl his columns into\\nd^", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "y^- -^p\\nbattle like the whirlwind; while Welliii.t l(iii would silently, calmly\\nand stubbornly maintain his position in presenee of defeat, and\\nwait for Blueher. The people of these two powerful nations\\nmoulded their leaders, and throngji them moulded their own des-\\ntinies. Had they been differently educated and inspired, they\\nwould have created other leaders, and the annals of their heroism\\nwould lun-e 1 11 no less glorious; but the names to which ambi-\\ntion so proudly points would be unwritten therein. Napoleon\\n(juickened and developed, but did not create, the everv-day life of\\nthe pco]de of France. The ripening fruit fell l)efore the fitting\\nharvester, and since then France has obeyed, but never loved,\\nanother name. Never was slie so great as under Napoleon I.\\nThe glory of France was in the keeping of every household.\\nHonesty, vigor and advancement inspired all classes, and their\\nevery-day life was written in Idood on the battle-fields of almost\\nevery nation of Europe, and commemorated in the grand column\\nin the Place Vendome.\\nl ut peoples, like individuals, never staml still. All exceptions\\nto this rule are but insignificant. France gradually and imper-\\nceptibly declined under the restored Bourbon rule, and was ready\\nfor the gnawdng cancer of tlie second empire. They worshii)i)ed\\nthe name of Napoleon, and gave hearty enthusiasm to the feeble\\nimmitations of the weak jiretender who usurped the throne. They\\nmerited their ancient renown in the Crimea and followed their\\nnew emiieror to Italy; but decay was indellibly stamped upon the\\nFrench nation, for her once great people were enfeebled liy studied\\nprofligacy and debauchery, and their decline grew more marked\\nwith each returning year. At last tli( terrible avenger came. It\\nwas not so much Prussia as the ever3Mlay life of the French peo-\\nple. Under the first Na])oleon Prus.sia might havt; defeated them\\nin battki, but their homn- and their nationality would have been\\npreserved. But their destruction was hastened by a feeble and\\ncorrupt and corrupting court, until all France could not create a\\nleader, liecause her people had lost all their (puUities of greatness.\\nIt would seem tliat an overruling Providence meant for all\\nmankind to have a luost impressive lesson in the late Franco-\\nPrussian war. We read and speak of Bismarck and Napoleon as\\nif they w^ere its authors. They were but liorne by the flood-tide\\nto the grand consummation. Had Bismarck been a Frenchman\\nd^e^", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "he would have rotated from local turbulence to exile; and had\\nNapoleon been a Prussian, he would have been a third-rate author\\nor a soldier unknown to fame. But while France was declining-\\nin the moral, mental and physical qualities of her citizens, the\\nGerman people, under a weak but honest ruler, were advancing\\nin all that developes and ennobles a nation. It was said that the\\nGrerman universities triumphed over the Austrians at Sadowa,\\nand that in the late war the soldier of Yon Moltke marched with\\na professor s gown in his knapsack. Phese are exaggerated but\\nsignificant delineations of the every-day life of the Gennan peo-\\nple who won at Gravelotte, at Sedan, at Metz, at Strasburg, and\\nat Paris. The every-day purity, patriotism, industry, religious\\nzeal, and universal education of the German people, ripened them\\nfor German unity. The Fatherland is their first love, and Bismarck\\nwas the master architect to rebuild the lost empire. Calm, clear-\\nsighted German statesmanship, called him as tW, best type of the\\nnation s want, and he saw the foundations well laid, and every-\\nthing at hand for the imi)osiiig structure. He could not miscalcu-\\nlate the venture. The every-day life of forty millions of Germans\\nwas steadily and surely preparing them for the great work, and\\nhe li-athered the fulness of their just reward. William now wears\\nthe imperial crown, and the princes are marshals of the empire,\\nand Bismarck is prince of the realm all wearing well-earned\\nhonors: but the thoughtful historian will i-ecord the story of the\\nhouseholds of the fatherland, moulding the solidarity of the Ger-\\nman peoples.\\nThermopyh\\\\? was made memorable by the every-day life of the\\nSpartan people. They were not more courageous than the other\\nsoldiers of Greece, but they were a law unto themselves in warfare.\\nHad it been an arbitrary decree of a bloody despot, that they\\nshould never retreat in l)attle, they would have defied it. Had it\\nbeen an exceptional command of Leonidas, it might have been\\ndisobeyed without peril to reputaticm. But it was the law of the\\nSpartan people, made by and for themselves\u00e2\u0080\u0094 conceived by their\\nidolatry of unfaltering bravery, and it was obeyed by the soldiery\\nbecause each man was but obeying himself. They could have\\nretired with credit, according to the generally accepted laws of\\nwar, as did their comrades but they had erected their own strange\\nstandard of heroism. None could hojx to survive the unequal\\ni", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "0^ .CO\\nI\\n(t)\\n9\\nconflict, Itut death itself was as notliiiii;: when weiuhctl ai aiiist the\\nhonor of tlip Spartan citizen in arms. They fouuht and fell, and\\nthe colunin that conunemorated their willing sacrifice bore the\\nfaithful inscription Oh stranger, io tell to the Lacedemonians\\nthat we lie here in obedience to their laws,\\nYou will better iippreeintc this important lesson when we glance\\nat the startling events which hav(t just trans[)ired in our own midst.\\nMost of yon were ca})id)le of intelligent convictions, touching\\nthe gre;it war of the reliellion, from its beginning to tlie consum-\\nmation of its logical results. It is said, however, that children\\nbelieve that all the mighty i-c\\\\ olutions of war or peace happened\\nlong before they lived, and it is (piite true of men as well. Few,\\nindeed, who witnessed the colossal sti iiggle between the North and\\ntlu South, can measure its marvelous acliic\\\\ements or its moment-\\nous conse([uences. Its heroes sprang from our own every-day\\ncircles, and we cannot invest them with the romnnce that history\\nwill weave so beautifully about them. The grave ((uestions to be\\ndecided in the cabinet and in the field, we deei(le l ourselves in\\nour every -d;i\\\\ actions. Our every-day education an l progress\\nadvanced the statesman ;ind standards of the nation, ;ind as a\\npeople we were almost imperceptibly and unconsciously working\\nout to its crowning triumph Man s noblest struggle for Man.\\nThe thoughtless and superficial blamed the politicians, and wrong-\\nfully charged tlunn with the country s misfoi tunes. Tliey were\\nbad enough, and may have (|uickened the coidlict; but when the\\npassions of civil strilV shall subside, and the imjiartial hisloriiui\\ncomes to record the most thrilling annals of civilized warfare, it\\nwill be truthfully told, that two brave and powerful peoples had\\nexhausted compromise on irreconcilable dilferences of national\\npolicy, and accepted the inevitable arbitranient of the sword.\\nA iuaint, uncouth and untried man, was called to the chief\\nmagistracy of the nation to grapj)le with issues of incalculab e\\nmoment. Experienced and cultivated statesmanshi]\u00c2\u00bb was appalle l\\nat the consunung disorder that beset the governmenl, and it had\\nlittle faith in the wisdom that was to guide the old ship through\\nthe tempestuous sea of bitter sectional estrangement. l ut the\\nguiding star of national safety was the single-hearted and faithful\\nruler who was from the people and of the i)eople. I have heard\\nhim lament in profoundest sorrow, in the dark days of the struggle.\\nj^^^", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "c^-^^^e\u00e2\u0080\u0094 z\\n10\\nthat scai-cel3^ a score of senators and congrefAsnien were in sincere\\naccord with his convictions of public duty. It was their preroga-\\nfive to counsel and to complain it was his to decide and to act\\nfor thirty millions of his countrymen. They l)owed to the expedi-\\nents which arose with each day he was the guardian of the\\nnoblest patrimony that future generations coukl inherit. He\\nresisted the imperious demands of one-idea leaders, until, in his\\ncalm, patient reflection, lie felt that the fulness of time for the\\noreat epoch of the war had been readied. He looked solely to\\nthe necessities and to the sentiments of the people. What 1 do\\nabout slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps\\nto save this Union and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not\\nbelieve that it will help to save the Union, was one of his trite\\nand pungent sentences addressed in reply to a sincere criticism;\\nand it frankly defined his whole policy ou the great question that\\nwas convulsing friends and foes alike. Had he been a supreme\\ntrickster, or what the world calls a trained and subtle statesman, he i\\nniio-ht have made the wounds of the country seem less ghastly than\\nthey were, and deluded the people to be content with healing- the\\nsurface, leaving the terrible gangrene deeply imbedded in the body j\\npolitic, to sap its vitality and finally break out afresh with resist- j\\nless virulence. But he believed in self-government, and believing,\\nhe maintained it. At Gettysburg, in dedicatin- the resting-pl-ice\\nof the martyrs who IV ll in the decisive battle of the war, he dv-\\nclared the hio-h resolve which ever animated him that govern- i\\nment of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish\\nfrom the earth. He advanced only as the people advanced* i\\nWhen they faltered under the grinding exactions and sore sacrifices\\nof the conflict, he parleyed until they were reinspired. His whole\\nadministration, touching the threatened dismemberment of the\\nrepublic, was but the varying record of the every -day current and\\ninspiration of the great fountain of popular power. Its violence\\nwas severely criticized, but it was ever rocked upon the boisterous\\nwaves of revolution. The whole contest, from its inception until\\nits issues were finally decided, was but one continuous revolutionary\\nprogression. It was honestly and earnestly assaUed by the high-\\nest waves of partisan hostility, but he Avas faithful in the one\\nsupreme purpose of national unity, and a people equally faithful,\\ngenerously forgave in all minor issues what they could not approve.\\nfe^", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "11\\nHad he been called to the Presidency before the wiiv, with nothing\\nbut the ordinary political strife to quicken the i)uisati()ns of the\\nnational heart, he woukl have been but an ordinary, and jterhaps\\nan unsuccessful, executive. Unschooled and unapt in political\\nmanagement, he would have been paralyzed by the abler and more\\nadroit machinations of jealous rivalry, and the logical sequence\\nmust have been failure. But ;i ureat occasion imposed great\\nduties upon the people and upon their chief ruler. It was for\\nthem to count the cost and to pay the appalling- tribute. Tiiey\\nfelt, as their president so forcil)ly expressed it in his first message\\nThis is essentially a people s contest. On the side of the\\nUnion it is a struggle for maintaiuin.u- in the woi ld that form and\\nsubstance of government, whose leading object is to elevate the\\ncondition of men; and only the man of the people could success-\\nfully lead them, through fearful tribulation, to their national\\ndeliverance.\\nHad Mr. Lincoln been a citizen of the South, and ardently in\\nsympathy with its cause, he could not have administered the gov-\\nernment of the confederacy for a twelve-month. Nor could Mr.\\nDavis, with his confessed administrative ability, have conducted\\nthe war as the executive of the Union. Men of the types of these\\ntwo rulers were not rare in both the North and South during\\nthe war, and sincerely devoted to their respective sections; but\\nthey were felt or unfelt just as their leading characteristics were in\\naccord or in antagonism with the great purpose of their people.\\nHad the causes of these two civil leader s not been essentially and\\nirreconcilably at variance, there would have been no dissevered\\nStates and no war; and being vitally discordant, their rulers and\\nheroes were created for widel}^ different purposes, and of necessity\\nfrom the most opposite of elements. Each was the true creation\\nof his own people, and I believe that both fdled the possil)le\\nmeasure of the duties assigned them. One was successful, and\\nsuccess is the most successful of all human rewards. The other\\nfailed, and must answer for all the errors that failure so greedil}\\ngroups and magnifies. The confederacy was reared upon despot-\\nism. Its boasted corner-stone was caste. Its theory of govern-\\nment avowed the inequality of human riglits before the law. A\\ncold, polished, able and sincere despot only could crystallize such\\na movement, and accept a conflict that braved the progress of\\nO^\\n-^^S^", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "I 12\\nonligliteiied civilization. lie wiis the offspring, not the parent, of\\na monstrous wrong. However diversified tlieir views may have\\nl)een at the beginning-, for four years the southern people waged\\nwar for the dissolution of the Union, and proved their devotion\\non many bravely contested battle-fields. Their President was\\ntheir chosen leader, their faithful exponent, and his failure was\\nbut the accomplished failure of the every-da3^ i^ the habits,\\nconvictions, and teachings, for more than a generation, of eight\\nmillions of our fellow citizens.\\nEqually marked were the opposite requirements of tlu northern\\nand southern peoples, in selecting their great captains from widel}\\nopposite characteristics of militarv genius. Grant and Lee were\\ncoufessedl} the heroes of the sanguinary struggle. In their re-\\nspective positions, none could have been greater none more\\nsuccessful. I)ut had Grant been a confederate and Lee a federal,\\nboth would have been good soldiers^ neither a successful general.\\nBoth reached supreme command over stars which had glittered\\nand pale because they respectively iilled the measure of their\\npeoples necessities. The contest was unequal in respect to\\nnnmlters and resources. The South nvpiired the g nius to hus-\\nband, to protract, to give battle onl}- when superior forces were\\nneutralized by position or circumstances. The North demanded\\nswift and crushing blows. Its hunger-cry was, battle victory!\\nOne sought its most trusted and skillful defender; the other called\\nfor its most persistent and obstinate assailant. The South found\\nits true tj pe of a warrior early in the strife. The North would\\nhave revolted at the Wilderness campaign had it Ijecji attempted\\none year earlier. In the late fall of ISIU I heard the inquiry made\\nof a gallant officer, who subsequently* commanded the arm}-- of the\\nPotomac Why do you n(jt advance? The answer was We\\ncould move directly upon Manassas and Richmond, and capture\\nboth, but it would cost,ten thousand men to do it, and cavil was\\nsilenced. Ten times ten thousand men were killed, wounded and\\nmissing in military movements well meant to economize the terri-\\nble sacrifice. Then half as many more fell in the campaign of\\n1864, which was wisely planned in accord with the nation s inevi-\\ntable need, and executed with marvelous heroism and skill. Grant\\nfought just one defensive battle during the war. He lost it, and\\nlost his command. liCe conducted two offensive campaigns, and\\nI", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "i:;\\nD\\nbotli were disMstcrs. I |)i-i)|)(),se lo lij lil ii out (ni this line i: it\\ntakes all siuuuier. was (Jruiit s echo from the Wildciness, of ihc\\nthrolthiiig po[)ular iicarl in the North. A renewal of ihc eii.u ii.Lie-\\nmeiit could not be hazarded, were the sober words with wh cli\\nLee assured the South that though Gett^-sburg was losl. the\\naririv was not sacrificed. These chieftains were the failld ui crea-\\ntions of the every-day lives, the purposes, ilie li()[)es, and the\\nwants of their peoples; and their acliievenienls were lint the\\npatient)}^ and painfull} Avroi;ght consummation of years ol mingled\\nthought and action in the homes of the nation.\\nThe same causes which have created the heroes and sages of\\nthe world s history, have been the chief agencies in the rai)!d pro-\\no-ress of Christian civilization. Its orioin was divine, hut the\\nmeans employed for its diffusion are within the econora} of human\\nBiTorts and influences, and the every-day lives of sincere Christian\\npeople are the most impressive and successful of all its teachers.\\nThe every-day life of Christ silences the scandal of the scoffer,\\nand it resolves the doubts of tiiousauds whose frailties question\\nthe olliccs of faith. His was the one perfect life among men. He\\nwas sorely tempted, and lie knew nc^t sin. He was reviled and\\npersiicuted, and He [irayed Father, forgive them. His teach-\\nings were pure as the fountain of inspiration, whence they came,\\nand His daily walk and actions confounded a sinful world that\\nsought in vain for the hdemish on His garment. Even tho-e who\\nreject Him as the Messiah ))ronounce Him the best of men, and\\nconfess the happ} influence of His sound precepts and blanicii ss ex-\\nample. At Antioch, the seat of learning and lu.xury and nior.il pro-\\nfligacy, His humble followers were classed as Christians. Tiiey\\nwere distinguished from the wa^ s of mankind about them, and the\\nChristian era was thus named. Trace it thence through the revo\\nlutions of nearly two thousand years- ^through the gradual tri-\\numphs of error by the gradual corruption of the i)eople throuijh\\nthe terrible penalties w-hich slowl} but surel} came as withering\\nvengeance from heaven; and through seasons of moral darkness\\nwhich appeared as if ho^DC had fled from man. In all these\\nwonderful mutations, not meri rulers or leaders are answerable\\nfor results. They were but the creatures of the ebbing and flow-\\ning tides of popular degeneracy, or of the struggles of the people\\nfor their temporal or spiritual amelioration. Th(! State corrupted\\nO^o", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "14\\nthe Church; the Church subordinated the State, and the battle-\\naxe smote the altars where the faithful worshipped. The name\\nand ceremonies of the Church were prostituted to the flagrant\\nabuse of external government, until national and religious decay\\nmade civilization a reproach. We point to the Reformation as\\nthe date of the new Christian era that has so rapidly advanced\\nand ennobled the human race. But when and what was the Re-\\nformation? Luther and Calvin were but the builders of Protest-\\nantism. Its fouudations had long been laid its corner-stones had\\nbeen fashioned 1)} centuries of consistent devotion, and all its\\nmaterials had been framed and seasoned for the imposing temple.\\nThe martyr of Bohemia had gone to the stake a century before,\\nand Wickliffe had taught still half a centur3 earlier. The line of\\nreformers is unbroken from the date of the Son of man until now.\\nThere were periods when their voices were hushed, and when they\\nwould have taught as to the winds had they dared to teach; but\\nthere were e very-day lives, in every State, whose purity of character\\nand action were like the silver dew-drops of the morning when the\\nearth is parched to desolation. And when the struo-o-le beiiran, the\\nworld was in travail for two centuries before the Reformation was\\nborn. The reformers before the Reformation are not unnoticed\\nin history; but before them still were the ever living currents\\nof Christian life. Like the w^aters of the western desert, which\\nhide from the w(Mrd and burning waste, but rise again where there\\nare life and beauty. Christian excellence and Christian influence\\ncoursed onward through ages of degenorac3% until they swelled up\\nas the flood-tide that I)ore Ijuther and Calvin to the great work.\\nLuther ignited the latent spark that illumined the world. An\\nunscrupulous Dominican friar made him revolt against the power\\nfrom which he had accepted Holy Orders. The first step once\\ntaken, he earnesth^ sought the truth, and as he advanced he was\\nfollowed by many who had long aided to influence, and had long-\\nfelt the influence of, the Reformation. He little dreamed of the\\nslumbering unrest that was beneath the serene surface of the\\npower of the Church. When he boldly erected the standard of\\nregeneration, the quickened life of the people made his journe} to\\nWorms a triumphal ovation, and he entered the citj^ chanting the\\nsong of the disenthralled, for the Reformation had its MarseiUaise.\\nNor has the lapse of time, nor the rapid strides of enlightened\\nU-^o^ OQlP", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "15 I\\nproti-ress, chang-ecl the chief agenc} of Christuui tulvaiicoiueiit.\\nThe Church has great teachers men whose fame is Avorld-wide,\\nand man}^ stars may be worn in their crowns. And we have books,\\nand journals, and periodicals, and tracts, whicli ti-ll ni every door\\nof the way of redemption; but above all and successful over all,\\nis the every-day Christian life that is silently but surely restrain-\\ninu evil, and telling to all around it in gentle, ceaseless whispers\\ntliat the good only are happ} hopeful and great.\\nI would not seek to dim the lustre that brightens the memor}-\\nof the names which are interwoven with the world s great events.\\nNot one leaf should be plucked from their laurels. They are as\\nIn-iolit beacons along the dark wavs of our iournev, and thev are\\nstandards which invite emulation. The higher you place your\\nstandard, the higher will be the measure of your attainment.\\nYou may fall far short of the realization of your dreams, but no\\nearnest efforts in the rig-ht direction can be wholly lost. Still\\nbehind you, and far off yet behind others, will be struggling- mortals\\nto take fresh inspiration by what you, in your failure, have won.\\nBut I would remind 3 ou of the source, the currents, the tides, and\\nthe havens of the troubled waters on which you are about to em-\\nbark. The broad ocean of life is made up of individual lives, and\\neach has its labor to perform in rearing the angry waves of the\\ntempest, or in settling the calm surface of the world s repose. I\\nwatched a clear, cool bubbling spring as it rose on the summit of\\nthe rocky range, and its little streamlet hurrying off in fretful mur-\\nmurs to the eastern sea. An ox would drain its overflow, 3 et it is\\nthe source of the Father of Waters. It dashes down the rude\\ndeclivities and foams through the narrow canons, joined in every\\nravine by its tributaries, until it washes the precious metals from\\ntheir long hiding places, and quenches the thirst of the luxuriant\\nmountain valleys. Around it on ever}- side, through the chaos of\\nbald cliffs and green ranges, come man} streams of every character\\nand temperament. Hot geysers are flung into the air, and from\\nthe pierced rocks the cold, crystal waters flow. Strange minerals\\ngive the hues of the chameleon to some, and others encrust\\ntheir fountains with monuments created b} the wealth they\\nhold in solution. Here are boiling currents, and there are tepid\\nwells, and ^-onder are silver lakes; but all, all course onward\\nand are lost in the great river, which in turn is lost in the vast\\nS\\n^Na cOa:)", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0n\\n(To\\n16\\nocean. Did I say lost let me recall it. Not one drop of all\\nthose various springs is lost. Not one of all their varied\\ndualities o-oes for nouo-ht. Thouoh all are blended in one tern-\\nperanient, and all become alike in their elements, 3 et each\\nhas its office in moulding the qualities of the river and the\\nocean. Nor are these little sources limited to the task of shaping\\nth*^ character of the great streams into which the}- flow. Each b}\\nitself has some good work to dn. They have cooled the lips of\\npeoples and of creatures which we know not of. They have\\ngathered the mountain riches, in single sands, during forgotten\\nages, to be ripe for the necessities of civiUzation. They have\\nojiened new fields for science, and made paths plain where the\\nlearned have stumbled. They have swept the scant fertility of the\\nruo-o-od hills, and made lu oad meadows for man to develope into\\nbeauty and plenty. Each babbling rivulet, and each particle of\\nitself, have never been idle nor have they toiled in vain. They\\nmay have been sent to flood the plains, or to fill the mountain\\ngorges. Thence they may have been diffused as the mists of the\\nmorning, or drunk in by the insatiate earth. But they have ever\\nreturned and ever will. They may rise* and fall in some far distant\\nclime, to revive the drooping plant or glitter on the fragrant flower;\\nor they may come in the scalding tear, or in the tinted rainbow, or\\nin the gentle dews, or in the destruction of the tempest.\\nWhat I would most pointedly illustrate is the va)ue and influ-\\nence and duty of each individual every-day life. But few even of\\nthe most learned can have their names inscribed on what we call\\nthe scroll of fame but that rare attainment is not the true\\nmeasure of -a. great life. I speak of what all classes are most\\nprone to forget, and what the ambitious and cultivated youth,\\nmore than others, is likely to overlook. You turn to the monu-\\nments of greatness as preserved in the history of human efl orts;\\nl)ut you are unmindfid that the sources of all memorable events,\\nand of all distinguished benefactors, are the infinite individual\\nbeings who make up the family of mankind. I would not have\\nyou close your eyes to the fact, that the w^orld has had its Caesars\\nand Napoleons, its Shakspeares and Miltons, its Washingtons and\\nJacksons, its Clays and Calhouns, its Lincolns and Douglasses.\\nWell-directed ambition animates to nol)le deeds and adorns a\\nnoble life; l)ut the faithful aim should be to make one pure, un-", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "17 f\\ny\\nselfisli, earnest oven-day existence. Tlu^ valne such ;i life is\\njncalculahle. It may not lie heralded to the world, m- l)c notalilc in\\nhistory, Imt it is a pcrpet n.,il well-sprinii- of blessings to its autlior,\\nand to all within the ranue of its intluence, and tlic end of its good\\notflees cannot be measured.. All see the pui-e fountain, di ink of\\nits refreshing waters, and all of bounty and beauty around it\\nmutely but eh quent!y testify to the grandeur of its atributes.\\nThe l)rilliant meteor Hashes, expires, and is fprgotten. The comet\\ncomes to note the revolutions of the heavenly bodies, and passes\\naway. I ut tlic goddess of niiihl, and her countless family of niei-ry\\nstars, return with the (lecliiie of duy and perlorm their ceaseless\\nnnssioH. Man^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2 are unnoticed; nnllions are uids^nown l)ut they\\nall join in liitiiig the curtain ol darkness, and are as j)rieelcss\\ndiamonds of beauty and endless sources of beueticencc.\\nr^ook we i to the single, individual life, and guai d with jealous\\nc;u e against the and)ition tiiat would make you ihe prey of a\\nselfish struggle tor mere distinction among men. It is a slow,\\ndeadh poison to tiie integrity of youth. It dwarfs and jiaralyzes\\nmature manhood. It eliills all the nobler aspirati(uis of our nature.\\nIt hastens a vexed life to withered and untimely senility. To\\nsuch the world is a vast, dreary solitude, save as it nnnisters\\nto one unholy, unsatisfying ])urpose. Their elTorts are like foot-\\nl)rints in the shifting sands of the desert the simoon sweeps\\nover them and they are effaced fore\\\\er. All the hopes and aims\\nof an immoi tal l\u00c2\u00bbeing ai e staked upon an attainnu-nt which, if\\nwon, is but a hollow, fleeting bau1)le, ami its garlands tui-n to\\nburning ashes when they are grasped. A erowded throng has\\nrun this thorny, cheerless course, and innumerable throngs will\\npersist in clouding and perverting bright lives, only to tell in\u00e2\u0080\u009ethe\\nend how their ilays were worse \\\\hau basely lost.\\nSoon you will go hence, titted for the better clTorts of mankintl,\\nand strong in the vigor of youth and hoi)e. Go l)ack to the great\\nschool whose portals are never closed, whose admonitions are\\nnever voiceless, and whose li(nH:)rs are rich in lusti e. ami fade not\\nwhen the solier vening-time shall bid you set your house in\\norder. Learn that he is ever a stranger in the land who does not\\nlive for others, and that\\nHe mo\u00c2\u00bbt Uvcs,\\nWho thinks Uic most, feels the noblest, acts the best.\\nd", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "The whole family of man is mingled in a mass of mutual teachers\\nand pupils, and each individual life should take its part in\\nadvancing and elevating the human race. Wherever you may\\nbe, or however conditioned, the field will be boundless. Every\\npassing day should save some bruised reed, or solace some bitter\\nsorrow, or halt some wayward step, or inspire some wise resolve.\\nThis is the lesson of the pure, the hopeful, the earnest every-day\\nlife. It is always being- taught, and always teaching; always-\\nl)olishing some lustrous gem, to note that it leaves the world\\nbetter than it was found. Its course of study is never finished;\\nits work is never done. It makes the peaceful home, whose door\\nis not passed without a welcome. It brightens the places of the\\nlowly, and is felt in the temples of pride and selfishness. Itis ever\\nsowing, ever reaping, ever garnering, and only in the fullness of\\ntime can its jewels be counted. It is the sublimity of well-spent\\nyears, in which Life is Peace.\\n31^77-2\\nJ", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "1919", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3228", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3405", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "speechesofakmccl00mccl_0362.jp2"}}