{"1": {"fulltext": ".3", "height": "3706", "width": "2285", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\nIII III llll llll\\nII II III III I II I llll llll llll\\n012 026 649 4\\npeRm life*\\npH8.5", "height": "3812", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "i 458\\n3\\nH95\\nopy 1\\ncAi-tyo \u00e2\u0096\u00a0goyvi cy ,.-tvr\\nfe-F^-S\\nooV- \u00c2\u00abxs f\u00e2\u0080\u0094 co w* o v_^\u00c2\u00bb asf-^s oo v_^ ofr^ oy\\nABOUT THE WAR.\\nfcflft\\nSo long as you remain united, said the old man, (pointing the attention\\nof his boys to the bundle of sticks,) you are a match for all your enemies;\\nbut separate, and you are undone.\\nPLAIN WORDS TO PLAIN PEOPLE\\nPLAIN MAN\\nPHILADELPHIA:\\nPRINTED FOR GRATUITOUS DISTRIBUTION.\\n1863.", "height": "3316", "width": "1979", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3063", "width": "1968", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "ABOUT THE WAR.\\nfri\\nSo long as yon remain united, said the old man, (pointing the attention\\nof his boys to the bundle of sticks,) you are a match for all your enemies\\nbut sepabate, and you are undone.\\nPLAIN WORDS TO PLAIN PEOPLE\\nPLAIN MAN.\\nPHILADELPHIA:\\nPRINTED FOR GRATUITOUS DISTRIBUTION\\n1863.", "height": "3042", "width": "1894", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "J\u00c2\u00a9-To he h, r ,W rk ing sobePi indugtrious of the\\nZ ,0 7 to see the return of pcacefi d p-p\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nW rdS hope that they win show h\u00e2\u0084\u00a2\\nCSPCC re U we have cue hear, and one mind\\nand one purpose\u00e2\u0080\u0094 about the war.", "height": "3073", "width": "1925", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "A FEW PLAIN WORDS, ETC.\\nIf there is any one thing about which everybody thinks and\\neverybody talks, in these days, it is the war. How many feel\\nright about it, it is not so easy to tell. One way to feel right\\nabout it is to understand the cause and consequences of it, and\\nin trying to show these we need not use any harsh or unkind\\nwords.\\nWe all know how our country began. A few families came\\nacross the sea and settled on the James River, at the South,\\nand were followed in five or six years by another party that\\nsettled on the shores of Cape Cod, at the North. The new-\\ncomers suffered a great many hardships, but after a while\\nthings became settled. The colonies (as they were called)\\nwere under the English government, as the Canadas are now,\\nand for nearly one hundred and fifty years they were pros-\\nperous. They had a good understanding among themselves,\\nand also with the British government. The farmers and\\nfishermen of New England worked hard, and made a comfort-\\nable living. They were sober, industrious, and resolute\\nthought a good deal of churches and schools, and meddled very\\nlittle with anybody s business but their own.\\nThe people of the colonies of New York and Pennsylvania\\nhad much the same interests with those of the more northern\\ncolonies. Iron and coal were then lying undisturbed in their\\nmountains, while agriculture and commerce were their chief\\npursuits.\\nFarther south were Delaware, Virginia, Maryland, Georgia,\\nand the Carolinas. Their interests, then, were not materially\\ndifferent from the rest of the country. The people were from\\na different European stock, to be sure, and had different ways\\nand manners from those of the North, and perhaps the climate\\nand soil had some influence in making them less hardy and\\nenterprising but friendship and good neighbourhood prevailed", "height": "3073", "width": "1925", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "all around. The vast regions of the continent now possessed\\nby the Western and Northwestern States were then an almost\\nunexplored wilderness. If you will take the map which your\\nchild brings home from school, and cover up the space occu-\\npied by Alabama, Arkansas, California, Florida, Illinois, Indi-\\nana, Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Ohio,\\nTennessee, Texas, Wisconsin, Kansas, Minnesota, Oregon, and\\nthe territories of Utah, Washington, Nebraska, c, c, the\\npart left uncovered will show you how narrow were the bounds\\nof our country in its colonial state.\\nMatters went on smoothly enough till the English Govern-\\nment showed a disposition to exact from us what seemed\\nunjust. For a while this treatment was borne patiently.\\nHumble remonstrances and petitions were sent to London,\\nbut they did not avail much and at last our people deter-\\nmined to bear the yoke no longer. It took a good while (as\\nit always does) to work the popular spirit up to the point of\\nresistance. A body of British soldiers were posted in Boston\\nto enforce the offensive laws, and in March, 1770. a collision\\noccurred between a portion of this force and the populace.\\nOn the fifth day of that month, in the principal street of that\\ncity, the first drop of American blood was drawn bv a British\\nbullet, and it kindled a spirit which has staved on our soil from\\nthat hour to this. The perpetrators of the deed were tried\\nbut the evidence being conclusive that the assault was provoked\\nby the taunts and insults of the people, they were acquitted.\\nthe citizens determined to rid themselves of the\\npresence of an armed hostile force, and it was but a few days\\nbefore every British soldier was withdrawn from that city.\\nThree years after this a cargo of tea was sunk in Boston\\nharbour, to avoid paying the duties which the British Govern-\\nment imposed on it. The people were determined not to sub-\\nmit to what they deemed oppressive and tyrannical laws. To\\nresist was a bold step for the feeble colonists to take. They\\nwould cut off their chief resource for a comfortable subsistence.\\nThey had no manufactures\u00e2\u0080\u0094 had made but little progress in\\nthe mechanic arts\u00e2\u0080\u0094 hud few commercial privileges \u00c2\u00b0beyond\\nthose which the mother country furnished or controlled\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and\\nby this step they would involve themselves in a war with one", "height": "3083", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "of the most powerful nations in the world, and that, too, the\\nnation from which they sprang, and with which they had the\\nclosest ties. Who was there to give them succour or to pity\\nthem, if they should fail in accomplishing their deliverance\\nTwo years more passed before the separating blow was\\nstruck, and the Colonies one and all declared themselves\\nforever free from British dominion. For seven long and\\ngloomy years was the battle fought. Under the great and\\ngood Washington, whose trust in the overruling providence of\\nGod was as firm as the Alleghanies, an army was maintained\\nat sacrifices almost incredible and in the face of difficulties\\nalmost unconquerable. In spite of disasters and defeats with\\nmany open and secret enemies and plotters of mischief in the\\narmy and in the national councils, Washington kept the confi-\\ndence of the great body of the people until a complete victory\\nwas obtained, and in 1783 an honorable treaty of peace was\\nformed, recognizing the United States of America as a free,\\nsovereign and independent nation. This glorious heritage,\\nsecured at such pains and sacrifices, and enhanced in value by\\nthe fruits of industry and enterprise which have accumulated\\nduring the intervening period of eighty years, we are, to-day,\\nin danger of losing by the most insane folly\\nIn the grand struggle which ended in our freedom and in the\\norganization of the new government, the North and the South\\nwere one, but there was, of coui se, much diversity of opinion\\nas to the powers which should be relinquished by each member\\nof the Confederacy (as it was called) to the central or general\\ngovernment, and it turned out upon trial that they did not re-\\nlinquish enough to give it the requisite energy for accomplishing\\nits purpose. When the people became convinced that a differ-\\nent government was necessary for the prosperity and safety of\\nthe country, a full and fair expression of the popular will\\nresulted in the adoption of the Constitution, in the main as we\\nnow have it. It received the sanction of New Hampshire,\\nMassachusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Penn-\\nsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South\\nCarolina and Georgia. All the States admitted since have\\nacknowledged this Constitution to be the supreme law, as a\\ncondition of admission.", "height": "3073", "width": "1925", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "6\\nGeneral Washington was the first called to fill the office of\\nPresident, and at the end of his second term, John Adams\\nsucceeded him.\\nEven at this early period of our national history causes of\\ndissension and controversy were apprehended and in his fare-\\nwell address to the people, Washington fore-warned them that\\nthe point in the political fortress against which the batteries\\nof internal and external enemies will be most constantly and\\nactively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed will be\\nthe National Union the unity of government which consti-\\ntutes us one people. And he enjoins it upon them to dis-\\ncountenance whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can,\\nin any event, be abandoned, and indignantly to frown upon the\\nfirst dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our\\ncountry from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now\\nlink together the various parts.\\nThomas Jefferson succeeded Mr. Adams, and thenceforth a\\nmore definite shape was given to politics and parties not by\\ngeographical lines so much as by different views of the powers\\nand prerogatives of the general government. The leaders and\\nsupporters of the opposite creeds, known as Federalism and\\nDemocracy, were found indiscriminately at the South and at\\nthe North.\\nFrom 1787 to 1824, (with the exception of the one term of\\nMr. Adams,) Virginia furnished all our Presidents, viz\\nWashington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. In 1825 there\\nwas no election by the people, and the House of Representa-\\ntives placed John Q. Adams in the Executive chair. Then\\ncame Andrew Jackson, from Tennessee, and served eight\\nyears. Thus for twenty-eight of the first thirty-six years of\\nour history, Virginia and Tennessee furnished the Presidents,\\nand no complaint or resistance was manifested, No double\\nterm has been served by any President since Jackson. There\\nhad been already introduced into the political machinery the\\nmischievous principle, that a political party, upon coming into\\npower, is justified in using the patronage of the government for\\nthe benefit of its party friends and supporters; so that upon\\nthe accession of each new incumbent the successful party ex-\\npects, as a matter of right, a division of the emoluments of office", "height": "3083", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "among its leaders and friends. The effects of such a principle\\ncould not be otherwise than injurious to public virtue. It is\\nnothing more nor less than a system of bribery administered\\nunder the forms of law. This mischievous doctrine keeps the\\npolitical arena supplied with combatants. No sooner are the\\nvictors in possession of the spoils than the defeated party\\nbegin the struggle for their recovery. And the wisest and\\nmost beneficent administration would, in all probability, make\\nenemies enough, in disappointed office-seekers alone, to ensure\\nits overthrow after two terms, if not sooner. The extent of\\nthis obnoxious influence is all but boundless. Once in four\\nyears it exhibits itself on a more extended scale, but it is in\\ndaily and hourly force through all the grades of public service.\\nA change in the political councils of Philadelphia settles and\\nunsettles the present livelihood of many thousands of men.\\nWho can shut his eyes to the tendency of a principle which\\nmakes the continuance of two thousand labourers in the service\\nof the gas works of that city to depend upon their political\\nopinions being in harmony with those of the dominant party\\nHow far this dangerous ingredient in our political compound\\nhas engendered a lust for power and its concomitants, and so\\ninvolved us in the present disasters, it is not easy to say.\\nThe contest for the Presidency for the term of 1857-1861\\nwas sharp, Mr. Buchanan and General Fremont being the\\nrival candidates. The former received 174 out of 296 votes.\\nEleven States were greatly disappointed at this result, but they\\ndid not revolt, nor attempt to block the wheels of government.\\nWhen the time came to select candidates to succeed Mr. Bu-\\nchanan, the Democratic party divided, as did also their oppo-\\nnents, so that there were four steeds upon the course viz\\nBreckinridge, Douglas, Lincoln and Bell. There was un-\\nusual animation in the preparatory proceedings, but all things\\nwere conducted under the same forms and with the same guards\\nthat had attended every previous election. There was no pre-\\ntence of fraud or violence or unconstitutionality in a single\\nstep of the process, and Abraham Lincoln was found to be the\\nchoice of the people. From that moment he represented in\\nhis person the sovereign power of the United States of America,\\nsubject only to the ceremonies of inauguration.", "height": "3073", "width": "1925", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "8\\nBut before his accession to office the most open and positive\\ndetermination was expressed in the Southern section of the\\ncountry to renounce their allegiance to the constitutional\\ngovernment of the country and, unfortunately, there were\\nconnected with the chief administrative bureaus at Washington,\\nand also with the army and navy, persons who did not disdain\\nto avail themselves of their official positions to favour the op-\\nposers of the President elect, and to supply them beforehand\\nwith the means and facilities for making the contemplated\\nresistance.\\nSince every constitutional provision had been as strictly ob-\\nserved in the election of Mr. Lincoln as in the election of\\nWashington, Madison, and Jackson, there was of course no-\\nthing to be done but to proceed in the organization of the\\ngovernment. To execute the will of a majority of the electors\\nwas simply to comply with the plain provisions of the Con-\\nstitution.\\nIn the meanwhile the insurgents violently seized and held\\nfort?, arsenals, custom-houses, post-offices, and other property\\nof the United States declared themselves absolved from all\\nallegiance to the government which they had covenanted to\\nsupport and obey; formed themselves into an independent\\nnation, with a new title and flag, and demanded recognition as\\nsuch at home and abroad\\nThere could be no mistake as to the position of the two\\ncommunities. If there ever was a legitimate government of\\nthe United States entitled to the obedience and support of the\\ncitizens, and the respect of foreign nations, the government\\ninaugurated March 4, 1861, was such. Abraham Lincoln was\\nplaced in the Executive chair by the deliberate voice of a\\nmajority of the free citizens of the United States, uttered in\\naccordance with the forms prescribed by the Constitution.\\nAny State or any number of States might as lawfully and as\\nreasonably have refused to acknowledge Jefferson or Jackson\\nto be the Chief Executive officer of the government as the\\nStates of South Carolina, Virginia, or Georgia refuse to submit\\nto the administration of Mr. Lincoln.\\nOf course the simple question for the rest of the country was,\\nShall we abandon the government or suppress the insurrection", "height": "3083", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "9\\nShall we give up the ship or shall we sink the piratical craft\\nthat crosses her bows and attempts to interrupt her voyage\\nThere could be but one answer in thoughtful minds and\\nfrom patriotic lips, and history will record it to the credit of a\\nloyal people.\\nIt needed no angel nor prophet to instruct intelligent\\nAmericans as to their duty in such an emergency. They knew\\nfull well that the doctrine of State sovereignty when stripped\\nof the sophistical argument in which it is habited, means the\\nsubversion of the Federal Government. It is the arm that is\\nstretched out between rebellion and the halter, to rescue the\\ntraitor from the gibbet. The citizen of the nullifying State\\nbecomes a traitor to his country by obedience to the laws of\\nthe State, and a traitor to the State by obedience to the laws\\nof his country. The scaffold and the battle-field stream al-\\nternately with the blood of their victims. To avoid such a\\nfrightful chaos, the only course was for the loyal States to\\npresent an unbroken front to the insurgents, and sternly and\\nsteadfastly insist on submission to the constituted authorities\\nof the land, as the only condition on which hostilities can ever\\ncease.\\nIf it is asked upon what pretence the States in rebellion\\nassumed that attitude, there can still be but one answer, and\\nthat, too, will history record to the shame of all disloyalists.\\nIt was because a majority of the free people of the country\\ndiffered from them in the choice of a ruler for the term of four\\nyears It was a repudiation of the principle which every\\nAmerican ploughboy understands as the very essence of a re-\\npublican government, viz that the majority shall govern.\\nBut the inquiry still forces itself upon us, on what act of\\nthe general government could the insurgents put their finger\\nby which the plain provisions of the Federal Constitution were\\nviolated What privileges or protection did any of the States\\nenjoy to which other States had equal claim and were refused?\\nWhat obligations had the general government assumed whicli\\nwere neglected, or in what had it transcended the reservations\\nof the several States Could not Mr. Jefferson Davis enjoy\\nin Massachusetts all the privileges of a citizen of the United\\nStates which Mr. Lincoln could have enjoyed in South Caro-", "height": "3073", "width": "1925", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "10\\nlina Did the government accord mail facilities, harbour de-\\nfences, aid to public improvements, or freedom of speech and\\nof the press to the North, and deny them to the South Was\\nany Southern Senator ever struck down in the Senate chamber\\nof the United States, unarmed and off his guard, by a Northern\\nmember of Congress Was any Southern citizen ever denied\\na hearing in our Northern courts of law, and threatened with\\npersonal violence while seeking, in a peaceful and legitimate\\nway to obtain a decision upon a legal question of public\\ninterest\\nNay, farther, who among the people of the States in rebel-\\nlion even now complain that, in every substantial particular, the\\ngeneral government has not most honestly and faithfully ful-\\nfilled its obligations, or that a fair influence has been denied\\nthem in the councils and legislation of the country?\\nDid the farmers and mechanics of the insurgent States\\nmurmur at taxes imposed upon them by the Federal govern-\\nment, or at restrictions upon their liberty to go where and do\\nwhat they would Let the laws of the revoked section of the\\ncountry, and the laws of the general government, be examined,\\nand see which interfered most with the inalienable right to\\nlife, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.\\nWhence, then, it is asked again, this unnatural strife Why\\nis it that a country which but three years ago was at peace\\nwithin itself and with all the world, and in the enjoyment of\\nalmost unprecedented prosperity, has suddenly become the\\ntheatre of a ferocious, bloody, devastating civil war\\nThe answer is at hand. It is the fruit of an insatiable\\nlust for -power. The great mass of the quiet, industrious,\\nthrifty people of the land are drawn into a vortex which a few\\nunprincipled demagogues have produced. Our vast foreign\\npopulation with habits, principles, and views not always in\\naccordance with those which our American-born people love to\\ncherish have been made, in a large measure, subservient to the\\nschemes of artful politicians. New interests have sprung up in\\ndifferent parts of the country, for which protection has been and\\nis sought, and a system of log-rolling has been introduced\\ninto most of our legislative bodies, eminently favourable to the\\nschemes of wily and corrupt men. The extension of the boun-", "height": "3083", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "11\\nclaries of the Union, the admission of new States, and the\\norganization of new Territories, must of necessity have their\\ninfluence in shaping the policy of the government, and test the\\nelasticity of the Constitution to adapt itself to this new order\\nof things, and in no important respect has it yet proved in-\\nadequate to the exigencies of the country. It is now encoun-\\ntering the sternest ordeal that any human government was\\never called to pass. God grant it a safe deliverance\\nThere seems to have been but one interest that has suffered\\nirreparably by the growth and prosperity of our country, and\\nthat is African slavery. It has asked and demanded a pro-\\ntection which the Constitution, neither in its letter nor spirit,\\ncould extend to it or allow it to receive. It asked liberty (or\\nrather claimed the right) to extend itself into free territory,\\nand the voice of the people, uttered in a constitutional form,\\nsaid, emphatically, No The political leaders in the slave\\nStates, seeing but too clearly that if this liberty were denied,\\nand the institution to which they are wedded were restricted\\nto its present limits, its extinction becomes a mere question of\\ntime, resolved upon the desperate alternative of rebellion; and\\ninasmuch as many persons who had been conspicuous in the\\nanti-slavery ranks favoured and acted with the party that\\nnominated Mr. Lincoln, and as the time of the outgoing of one\\nadministration and the incoming of another is usually attended\\nwith some excitement and confusion, that was seized as a\\nfitting juncture for a demonstration.\\nIt is one of the notable tokens of the desperation which\\nmarks their course, that it should not have occurred to the sece-\\nders to consider what would be the position of their peculiar\\ninstitution when the barriers with which the Federal govern-\\nment protected it, were removed. An eminent statesman\\nonce said, that if Southern leaders would interpret the ten-\\ndency of abolition doctrines wisely, they would see the value\\nof the Union as the only thing which can preserve slavery\\nfrom annihilation.\\nAfter the nucleus of a new confederacy was formed, by the\\nseparation of South Carolina from the body politic, it was not\\ndifficult to persuade those who had a common interest with her\\nin preserving slavery, to join her fortunes but it is confidently", "height": "3073", "width": "1925", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "12\\nbelieved that history impartial history will show, that in\\nnot one solitary case have the people of either of the States\\nin rebellion, by a fair, deliberate vote, sanctioned the violation\\nof the Union compact.\\nBut the step once taken must be maintained, and the muster-\\ning and equipment of armies, the building of forts and ships of\\nwar, and the shock of battle soon proclaimed, with horrid em-\\nphasis, that brothers were in deadly strife.\\nAnd what can honest and true-hearted citizens now do but\\ndefend the national authority Whatever of peace and pros-\\nperity and renown we have attained, were attained under tlii3\\ninsulted government. Our national wealth and influence have\\ngrown up to their present position under the stars and stripes.\\nCan we hope for a better government if we abandon the one we\\nhave Can we trust those to govern us who themselves refuse\\nto obey We have a constitutional President, a constitutional\\nlegislature, and a constitutional judiciary. They may not be\\nall or altogether such as we like, but who will guaranty some-\\nthing better in their place? Even if it were wise to organize\\nour political system anew, who would rule while we are doing\\nthe work Or who would select such a time as this for such a\\npurpose\\nIf a feud should occur in a family, and two out of six chil-\\ndren should rebel against parental authority, while the other\\nfour are disposed to think their father and mother about\\nas good care-takers as they could expect under any change, it\\nwould clearly be the part of wisdom in the dutiful children to\\nadhere to the old folks, rather than break up the family and\\nsee what would come out of the ruin.\\nNow the only true way for us to do in our present emer-\\ngency is to make everything yield to the support of the govern-\\nment as it is. Whatever mistakes, or neglects, or wrongs we\\nsee, or think we see, let them pass for the moment, consider-\\ning that, at the worst, it is a better government than none.\\nA ii as we are well out of this deadly struggle, we shall\\nknow with what elements we have to deal, and we can then\\npunish, correct, and prevent as the case may demand. But\\nnow the watchword must be Unity for the sake of the Union.\\nThere is a time to speak and a time to keep silence, and", "height": "3083", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "13\\nthis is a time for those who cannot uphold our government to\\nkeep silence- They must consent for the time being to endure\\nwhat they may not approve, and to hold their peace, though\\nthey cannot endorse the policy of the administration. There was\\nno mincing of matters with such persons in the great struggle\\nof 1776, when there were far more plausible excuses for neu-\\ntrality or for open opposition on the part of sympathisers\\nwith the British, than can be pleaded for present sympathy\\nwith the Southern insurgents, for many sagacious men held it\\nto be very problematical whether the colonies would better\\ntheir condition even if they succeeded in the contest. But no\\nreflecting man (certainly no loyal man) can doubt that upon\\nthe complete and speedy suppression of this revolt depends\\nnot only the prosperity and dignity, but the very existence of\\nthe American nation. The man who favours any terms with those\\nin revolt, short of unconditional submission to the same powers\\nthat we acknowledge, is for taking away the only timber that\\nshores up our vast political fabric, viz. the government. Are\\nour fellow-citizens prepared for the stupendous ruin that must\\nfollow? When the heroic struggle of the Revolution closed\\nupon our impoverished country, burdened with an enormous\\ndebt, while the general stagnation of business and the great\\ndepreciation of the currency filled the people with gloom and\\ndiscontent, it was not surprising that some open demonstra-\\ntions of popular feeling should occur. And under such circum-\\nstances a plausible plea might be urged for leniency towards\\nthe offenders, which would be preposterous in the mouth of\\nactors in the present insurrection. In two or three of the New\\nEngland States such resistance was made to the public autho-\\nrities as to require the employment of military force to sup-\\npress it, and fourteen of the leading spirits in the revolt were\\ncondemned to die.\\nIt was in relation to this event that Washington, in a letter\\nto Col. Henry Lee, used the following language: You talk,\\nmy dear sir, of employing influence to appease the present\\ntumults in Massachusetts. I know not where that influence is\\nto be found, or, if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy\\nfor the disorder. Influence is not government. Let us have a\\ngovernment by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be", "height": "3073", "width": "1925", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "14\\nsecured, or let us know the worst at once. There is call for\\ndecision. Know precisely at what the insurgents aim. If\\nthey have real grievances redress them, if possible.\\nIf they have not, employ the force of the government against\\nthem at once. Let the reins of government then be braced\\nand held with a steady hand, and every violation of the Con-\\nstitution be reprehended. If it be defective, let it be amended;\\nbut not suffered to be trampled upon whilst it has existence.\\nSuch words smack of good sense, sound logic, and true patriot-\\nism. Let them have their proper weight in these times.\\nAnd what construction can be placed upon attempts to\\nmake the government odious, or upon a deliberate refusal to\\nsustain and defend it, but that of hostility to its existence,\\nand, of course, sympathy with those who seek its subversion\\nCan a man take fire in his bosom and not be burned Shall\\ndisloyalty lift up its voice in our streets in 1863, and not be\\nrebuked as emphatically as toryism was rebuked in 1776\\nThere is a lawful government of the country. It is the only\\norgan through which the popular will of the United States can\\nact. It cannot be displaced nor changed, but by violence, until\\nthe official term of the various incumbents expires. Can we\\ndo better than to uphold it, and crowd its enemies to the wall\\nIf the ground assumed by the States in revolt is yielded,\\nwhat bond is there to hold together any two States that may\\nremain North or South, East or West What becomes of\\nour national power, influence, or title to respect In such an\\nevent, must not the wealth and enterprise and energy of this\\nyoung nation become the prey of contending factions, and our\\nvery name be a hissing and a byword among other nations?\\nOur countrymen, who have plunged us into this terrific\\nstrife, knew full well the advantage they will derive from a\\ndivision in Northern sentiment. And hence, those who are\\ndisposed to foment such a division, are justly regarded as hos-\\ntile to the government and abettors of revolt. We should do\\nwell to learn a lesson from our enemies in this behalf, who\\nnot only concentrate all their moral and physical strength\\nupon the issue before them, but tolerate nothing that puts it\\nin doubt or jeopardy.\\nWhat we need at this juncture is a fair expression of the", "height": "3083", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "15\\nloyal sentiment of the country. Let all who are true to the\\nbanner of freedom come North, and all who favour its dis-\\nhonour go South, and the most sceptical would soon be con-\\nvinced that we are still a nation, and that we have a constitu-\\ntional government which the people are resolved to maintain at\\nall hazards. The fight is for liberty for American liberty\\nand it must be fought by ourselves. Any foreign intrusion\\nwill be regarded as impertinent and insulting. Uncalled for\\ninterference seldom avails with the contending parties, while\\nthe well-meaning mediator involves himself in the strife to his\\nown mischief. A wise king has warned the world, that he\\nwho meddles with strife belonging not to him, is like one\\nthat taketh a dog by the ears.\\nLet us, then, rally, one and all, for the Union the Union one\\nand indivisible. The moment the bond is sundered that holds\\nthe bundle of sticks together, each stick may be snapped like\\na pipe-stem.\\nThere are those who profess to think well enough of the gov-\\nernment, but they can have no j atience with the administration.\\nAnd pray, what is the government? Is it not the power\\nvested by the Constitution in the executive, legislative, and\\njudicial departments? And what is the administration\\nto-day, but the agents constitutionally appointed to execute\\nthe will of the people of the United States And is not this\\nthe government If not, what is Surely no sensible man\\ncan be duped by the extreme absurdity of supposing that the\\ngovernment can be loved and the administration hated. He\\nwho in the present crisis withholds his support from the\\nFederal government, as it is administered gives it, in the\\nsame measure, to the rebel government, as it is administered.\\nAbraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis represent the two\\npowers that are in conflict, and it is true in this relation as in\\na higher and a holier one, that no man can serve two mas-\\nters. Either he will hate the one and love the other or else he\\nwill hold to the one and despise the other.\\nOur choice lies between the government we have and none\\nat all. Every farmer, trader, mechanic, professional man,\\nand labourer has a momentous interest in upholding the gov-\\nernment till this storm is overpast. It will be time then to", "height": "3073", "width": "1925", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "16\\nconsider suggestions of improvement and precaution. One\\nweek of anarchy would suffice to show the value of authority,\\neven though imperfectly and injudiciously exercised. Let\\nus turn a deaf ear, then, to the counsels of treacherous friends\\nas well as open enemies, and hold no man in our confidence\\nwho does not, hy word and act, sustain the constitutional gov-\\nernment of the country. Side issues, however plausible, must\\nnot be entertained for a moment. If negro slavery is throttled\\nin the present struggle, so be it. If it escapes, it will have\\nbut a short run; but if we lose the government, we are all\\nslaves without the choice of a master\\nWould that every man who has a drop of American blood\\nin his veins could forget all other ties and interests till this\\ntranscendent question of national integrity is decided! We\\nare guardians of a sacred trust more sacred than that in the\\nkeeping of any other nation upon which the sun ever shone.\\nIf we are true to ourselves, our passage through this fiery\\nordeal will but establish more firmly and lastingly our wise\\nand beneficent government, and an unexampled career of\\nnational grandeur and prosperity awaits us.\\nIf, on the other hand, we allow ourselves to be weakened\\nand distracted by divided counsels and irrelevant controversies,\\nthe enemy will triumph over us, the slave-power will usurp\\nthe throne of constitutional liberty, and our madness and\\ninfamy will find appropriate monuments in barren fields, ship-\\nless harbours, closed factories and workshops, unwrought\\nmines, desolated towns and villages, deserted sanctuaries and\\nschool-houses, and a degraded, dispirited population ready to\\nhow their necks to the heel of some military despot\\nSuch is not the heritage we received from our fathers.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00baShall it be the heritage we leave to our children", "height": "3083", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3073", "width": "1925", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n012 026 649 4", "height": "3199", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "aboutwar00huntez_0022.jp2"}}