{"1": {"fulltext": "I", "height": "3959", "width": "2204", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Conservation Resources", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "J r-^ru U C/ *^^Z\\nirV^-\\nM\\nL78Q\\ny 1\\nTHE CIVIL-SERVICE AND CUBAN QUESTIONS.\\nREMARKS\\nHON. JERRY SIMPSON,\\nOF KANSAS,\\nHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,\\nJanuary 11 and 20, 1898.\\nWASHINGTON.\\n1898.", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "A/\\n5 6/\\nG860i\\nKT\\nQi", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "4j \u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00bbv The Civil Service.\\nC^\\nSPEECH\\nm\\n01^. JERRY SIMPSON,\\nOP KAISTSAS,\\nN THE House of Eepkesentatiyes,\\nTuesday, January 11, 1898.\\nThe House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and\\nhavinsf iindei- consideration the hill (H. R. 4751) making appropriations for\\nthe lej^islative, executive, and judicial expenses of the Government for the\\nfiscal year ending June 30, 1899, and for other purposes-\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas said:\\nMr. Chairman We are about to witness the closing scenes of this\\nfarce that has been continned before this audience for six days. I\\nhave been making an earnest endeavor to find ont what all this\\ndisL ussion was about, anyway. I am informed that under the rules\\nit will be impossible to get a vote on this measure now pending either\\nto amend or repeal the law that these gentlemen complain of, and\\nso it strikes me that there must have been some other motive or\\nmotives behind those that permitted this discussion to go on. I\\nthink, perhaps, in the first place, that there was a fear on the\\npart of the political bosses who are managing affairs and con-\\ntrolling the Government now that if Congress were left to itself\\nit might appropriate too much money and there might be a deficit,\\nand they thought that it was safer for Congress to talk than to\\nexpend money.\\nMr. QUIGrGr. Will the gentleman permit me to ask him a ques-\\ntion?\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. I only have five minutes.\\nMr. QUIGG. Your time will be extended.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. If you will get the extension, I will\\nanswer the question after I get the extension. [Laughter.]\\nNow, Mr. Chairman, there is another reason. There is a great\\narmy of office seekers knocking at the door for admission. Their\\nRepresentatives here, to whom they look to secure office for them,\\nmiist satisfy them in some way. So these speeches are made\\nsolely and entirely for home consumption and nothing else.\\n[Laughter.] We witnessed here at the first opening of Congress\\nafter the holidays the very sudden appearance of the gentleman\\nfrom Oliio [Mr. Grosvenor] upon the scene. The track was\\ncleared, everything was side-tracked, and he was given the right\\nof waj^ and two hours to make a speech to use in the interest of\\nMr. Hanna out in Ohio.\\nA Member. And he won out.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. That was the understanding. The\\ngentleman from Ohio [Mr. Grosvenor] no doubt told the boys\\n3936 3", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "who worked in the Hanna trenches that this law was to be re-\\npealed and the door would be opened to them; and now, after the\\nvote has been taken, and Mr. Hanna s election is secure, I suppose\\nwe will be permitted to take a vote this evening. [Laughter. J I\\nheard my honorable friend from New Hampshire, Mr. Salivator\\nor Mr. SuLLOWAY [laughter], yesterday make the charge that\\neveryone who stood for civil-service reform was either a coward\\nor a demagogue. Now, I have been looking into this matter a\\nlittle, and I have taken up the case. The gentleman from Ohio\\n[Mr. Grosvenor] is a very eminent example to us as to who is\\nthe coward and who is the demagogue.\\nThe gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Grosvenor] here in this^,.\\nHouse claimed the right to differ from his party and his party s\\nplatform when a great principle is at stake. Then he goes out to A\\nOhio and denounces everybody, who makes an attempt to jwstif s^\\nthemselves when they differ from their party platform. YdictJ|^\\nit makes a dift erence where you are at. Now, we have this e:sam.\\npie of demagogism pure and simple; so if there are deaiagogues\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nthere are some\u00e2\u0080\u0094 on the other side of this question, certainly they\\nhave a monopoly or a majority on that question.\\nNow, I am for civil-service reform; for a more stringent law\\neven than we have. I do not believe it would be safe in this coun-\\ntry of ours to turn political parties loose with the reward of office\\nas a bribe for political following. Should you do that, gentlemen,\\nall principles at stake and that are advocated by parties will be\\nobscured and the ever-increasing horde of pie hunters, who often\\nhold the balance of power in the country, would go over to the\\nparty that would offer the greatest rewards of the spoils of office.\\nThe CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman has expired.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. Now I should like to have five min-\\nutes to answer the gentleman s question. [Laughter.]\\nMr. LACEY. I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman\\nhave five minutes more, on condition that he will read the Popu-\\nlist platform on this question. That was the condition he imposed\\nthe other day. [Laughter.]\\nThe CHAIRMAN. Unanimous consent is asked that the time\\nof the gentleman be extended five minutes. Is there objection?\\nMr. LIVINGSTON. 1 have time, and I yield the gentleman ten\\nminutes.\\nThe CHAIRMAN. Unanimous consent is asked that the gentle-\\nman s time be extended five minutes. Is there objection? [After\\na pause.] The Chair hears none.\\nMr. LACEY. I will ask the gentleman to allow me to read the\\nPopulist platform for him.\\nMr. QUIGG. I want to ask the gentleman whether I under-\\nstood him to say that we had not power to get any vote in regard\\nto any proposition with reference to the civil service?\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. I have been informed that under\\nthe rules of this House, so far as this bill under consideration is\\nconcerned, no amendment can be offered, and the only vote to be\\ntaken will be on the passage of the bill.\\nMr. QUIGG. But did the gentleman mean to imply thereby\\nthat when this bill is voted and passed upon that we can not have\\na separate vote on this law?\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. Oh, no: i presume that the gentle-\\nmen have the courage of their convictions, and will bring in a\\nseparate bill; and if they can get recognition from the Speaker,\\nor a rule from the Committee on Rules, they could do so; but it\\n2926", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "entirely rests with the Speaker, as he is the whole thing and runs\\nthe House. [Lajighter and applause on the Democratic side.]\\nTherefore I take it for granted that no such permission would\\nbe given, and these speeches are all for buncombe, to enable the\\nboys to send them out to satisfy the voters at home.\\nMr. QUIGG. But will the gentleman undertake to speak for\\nthe Speaker without having consulted the Speaker?\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. Yes, sir; as the Speaker never con-\\nsults me. [Great laughter and applause.]\\nMr. Chairman, I was about to explain my position on this civil-\\nservice law. The only fault I have to find with it is that those\\nwho are in power do not enforce the law.\\nIt is well understood by gentlemen, and it is no use to try to\\nfool one another. On the contrary, it is well known that there is\\nno difficulty in getting people orit under the civil-service law.\\nYou can get the^n out as freely as you want, but the trouble is\\nyou can not get the right fellow in. There is the difficulty. You\\ncan not get the man in that stood by you in the election; you can\\nnot reward and pay your political debts by putting a fellow in\\nthat fought for you in the campaign; you can not reward him at\\nthe Government s expense, and hence the objections of these gen-\\ntlemen to the civil-service law. Now, if you can remove that, and\\nthe President in some way can remove that objection, you will\\nhear no more fault found with the civil-service law.\\nHere is a case that came under my observation. Henry A. Rob-\\ninson, chief of a division in the Agricultural Department, was a\\nBryan man. He would not bow his knee to the golden god, and\\nhe even went so far as to go home before the election and made\\nsome speeches for Mr. Bryan, and on election day voted for him.\\nHe was given prompt notice, as soon as my Republican friends\\nwent into office, that his resignation would be accepted on any\\nday. He thought they meant what they said, and he resigned.\\nOn the other hand, a gentleman in the same division, a goldbug\\nDemocrat, who wi ote the celebrated bulletin or pamphlet No. 3,\\nof which the Republicans distributed 40,000 copies and consid-\\nered the best argument on the gold side of the question that had\\nbeen made, he held his place, and is getting $1,800 a year.\\nA Member. He is worth it.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. He is worth more than that to the\\ngoldbugs, no doubt.\\nIf we were in the habit of seriously considering the bearing of\\nall that happens in the administration of national affairs, it would\\nbe very difficult to secure from even the majority in this House _a\\nvote for an appropriation of money for the continuance of what is\\nknown as the Civil Service Commission. 1 am not a spoilsman,\\nnor do I believe we shall ever return to the old system of spoils-\\nmongering; but it is within the knowledge of every observing\\nmember of Congress that the present Administration has more\\nthan made a farce of the civil-service rules. There is not a Depart-\\nment under the Government where removals have not been made\\nfor merely partisan purposes, and in many cases without even the\\nsemblance of regard for the law.\\nIt is an open secret that the political fortunes of a statesman\\nseeking an election to a high position has caused the profligate\\nuse of Federal officials for the purpose of advancing the failing\\nfortunes of a Presidential favorite. Nor are we forced to rely for\\ninformation upon this topic on the statements of political oppo-\\nnents of the aspiring statesman. We hear the complaint from\\n2926", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "men of his own party and standing with him for the great party\\nof high taxes and low morality.\\nBut there is little in all this that is worthy of comment. It has\\nbeen so constantly the practice of Republicans in offi.ce as to occa-\\nsion slight attention, even when following the bold declarations\\nof the platform and of the Chief Executive s official utterance.\\nHe would be a very simple citizen who would look for the ob-\\nservance of the civil-service rules from a Republican Administra-\\ntion after the experience of the past. But in another direction\\nwe see evidences of progress toward an absolute despotism which\\nshould awaken every citizen to a sense of impending danger.\\nFor years we have been accustomed so continually to the cry of\\nanarchy during the excitements of political campaigns that\\nwe have ceased to note the progress being made in this direction\\nby those who have raised this new cry after the old slogan of the\\nbloody shirt lost its force. Nor do I expect that any words of\\nm.ine will stem the tide or give pause to the men who act upon the\\nassumption that they believe this country should be ruled by the\\nelect and that they are the elect. And yet I want to utter this\\nwarning that it may stand of record when the people awake to the\\nfact that their liberties have been destroj ed while they slept.\\nAnd I ask of the defenders of this Administration that they take\\nnote of the statements herein made and give such answer as may\\nbe possible.\\nWe have in office a Secretary of the Treasury. That he is in\\nsome way accounted slightly better than his party is evidenced\\nnot only merely by the fact that he is hated by all the old wheel-\\nhorses of Republicanism, but also by that other fact that no one\\ncan answer for his partisanship nor foretell how long it will be\\nbefore he will once more give vent to his feelings in the denuncia-\\ntion of the hideous specter of the McKinley bill, nnder which\\nterms he not long ago welcomed a gathered host in his chosen city.\\nAnd, besides being so much better than his present party, Mr.\\nGage stands preeminently as the champion of the public faith and\\nof sound money. He is the banker whose wonderful wisdom\\nis to enlighten the world upon finance. He is the great man from\\nout of the West who has lived in so high an atmosphere that the\\nodor of anarchy is not in his garments. Now, I want to call at-\\ntention to a single action of this prodigy of statesmanship and ask\\nif it be in accordance with law.\\nIt is perfectly well understood that the United States Treasury\\nis as full of barnacles as an old hulk that has never been scraped.\\nIt is an open secret that there are many incompetents employed\\nin that Department, filling places that were made for them over\\ntwenty-five years ago, and that their services are not worth the\\nink with which their names are signed with wonderful regularity\\non the pay rolls. It is also well known that many employees of\\nthat Department have outlived all ability to render any service\\nof value to the Government. As to that, we have the authority of\\nthe Secretary himself and of his subordinates, who have accepted\\nthe hints given as to a policy to be piirsued regarding these bar-\\nnacles.\\nIt is openly stated by the Secretary that he proposes to establish\\na rule under which these useless employees may still hold their\\nplaces and receive their pay regularly without doing the work re-\\nquired of them in the past and also without observing the plain\\ncommands of the statute. The Seci etary decides that the pay of\\nthese persons shall be slightly reduced and then that they may be\\n2926", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "in some manner excused from a strict performance of their duties.\\nAs it is stated by one of the Treasury officials in an authorized\\ninterview, It will be perfectly understood that if these old and\\nsuperannuated persons fail of arriving at their stations at the re-\\nquired hour, the timekeepers will make no note of it, and their pay\\nwill go on as ever.\\nOf course the Secretary understands that we have no private\\npension system in this country, and that his action is clearly con-\\ntrary to law. He knows there is a special and very stringent\\nstatute goveriiing the matter of which he makes such light ana\\nthat he has no legal right to establish a private pension system\\ncontrary to law. He knows that the law sftys what shall be the\\nhours of labor for G overnment employees and that it contains no\\nprovision under which any Department officer can make exceptions.\\nBut this knowledge has no terrors nor deterrent force for the\\ngreat banker installed as the Secretary of the Treasury. He sees\\na chance to make a rule that is pleasing in his sight, and pays as\\nlittle attention to the existing law as if he had always been a Re-\\npublican and had never denounced McKinleyism and all its works.\\nAnd in this the Secretary is consistent with the record of most\\nstatesmen who have budded of late as the exemplars of devotion\\nto the public faith.\\nAnd in view of the action of the Secretary of the Treasury, what\\nfolly it is to vote large sums of money for the maintenance of a\\nCivil Service Commission. The rule laid down by the Secretary\\nof the Treasury does away entirely with all need for an expensive\\ncommission whose members have become so skilled in bowing the\\npregnant hinges of the knee that they stand as well with Demo-\\ncratic as with Republican spoilsmen. If there be any need of\\nrules for the governance of Government employees, why waste\\nmoney for a commission when we can apply to the great banker\\nat the Treasury Department and let him tell us what to do and\\nwhat to leave undone. There is but one term to apply to the\\naction of the Secretary of the Treasury in this regard. It is noth-\\ning but dress-coat anarchy, and all the more dangerous and con-\\ntemptible because of the false pretense of its author. If there had\\nbeen a law authorizing the thing the Secretary has done, there\\nwould have been no necessity for his order in the premises. And\\nif there be a law directly prohibiting the practice initiated by the\\nSeci-etary of the Treasury, then he should be brought before the\\nbar for his conduct.\\nAnd there is another gentleman who has recently laid down his\\nrobes of office and stepped from the hidden to the actual service\\nof the national bankers. It is well known that there are cer-\\ntain well-detined statutes regulating the affairs of the national\\nbanks. It is also equally well known that upon some points the\\nlaw leaves the Comptroller of the Currency no discretion. For\\ninstance, the law makes certain penalties for the taking of deposits\\nafter the bank is known to have been insolvent. The statute\\nmakes certain verj strict rules regarding the loaning of the funds\\nof the banks to persons acting as officials or on the boards of direct-\\nors. And yet the late Comptroller of the Currency published\\nover his own signature a statement that he had for manj months\\nknown of the violation of the statutes by the officials of a national\\nbank, and had screened them because of the fact that an election\\nwas at hand, and becaiise he believed that by so doing he might\\nsave the consequences of a big bank failure at a critical time.\\nNow. I do not care to discuss here whether or not the late Comp-", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "troller was as great a financier as he believed himself to be. But\\nI do want to call attention to the simj^le fact that in the case of\\nthat Philadelphia bank he annulled a law of Congress and pro-\\ntected criminals in the violation of its clear provisions. It is\\nnot -d matter for me to consider here whether or not Mr. Eckels,\\nduring his term of office, was able to save one or many banks by-\\nexercising a discretion denied to him by the statute. All that\\nneeds be attended to now is the simple and uncontradicted fact\\nthat he violated the law himself and connived at its violation by\\nothers, and of both these statements we have his own boastful\\nconfession. And we are forced in this case to a similar conclu-\\nsion as in the case of the anarchistic Secretary of the Treasury.\\nIf Mr. Eckels is to be allowed thus to be a law unto himself, why\\nshould we waste time in seeking to frame laws amending our finan-\\ncial system?\\nWe have still a Comptroller of the Currency. He has been\\nanointed, as was Mr. Eckels, by an appointment to office. He has\\nhis course to run, and he will probably hold office during some\\nexciting campaigns in which the friends of sound money will\\nhave to stand together. I want, therefore, to call attention to the\\nfact that in the past the laws have been violated by the Comp-\\ntroller of the Currency and that gentleman has gone to his haven\\nin the bank parlor of his masters, reaping thereby the regulation\\nreward of the unjust steward. If it was right to send Mr. Fish,\\nof the late firm of Grant Ward, to Sing Sing prison because of\\nan improper use of the funds of the Marine Bank, then it was\\ncriminal for Mr. Singerly to do the same, and it was a piece of\\ngross malfeasance for Mr. Eckels to screen him in the act.\\nBut though all these things be made as clear as the noonday sun,\\nthere will be no action taken by the law officers of this Adminis-\\ntration, who will carefully husband their powers until they can\\nfind some poor wretch who has dared to refuse to work for a rail-\\nroad wrecker at starvation wages, and then every arm of the law\\nwill be outstretched for his punishment. And we shall continue\\nto read the Declaration of Independence and glory over a flag that\\nhas been defended by bankers against the assaults of illy clothed\\nanarchists.\\nThere are a good many examples in history where republics\\nhave gone down on account of the spoils system. No more strik-\\ning example, perhaps, than that of the French Republic that grew\\nout of the French Revolution. When Napoleon took charge of the\\narmy in Italy, starved, half-clothed, and poorly armed when they\\nhad crossed the Alps and looked down on the valley of Italy, he\\nsaid to them:\\nIn that valley lies everything that you need\u00e2\u0080\u0094 wealth, fame, honor. It is\\nyonrs for the taking, and on your return from this expedition every one of\\nyou shall have wherewithal to purchase 6 acres of land.\\nThe Republic had rejected all attacks of royalty, and held out\\nits hand to the xaeople. It had extended the knowledge of the\\nrights of man, even as far as Russia, and made.despots tremble in\\ntheir own palaces. Under the watchword of equality and fra-\\nternity, they had brought hope to the dethroned humanity the\\nworld over. But as soon as these people learned, as they did later\\non when Napoleon invaded their country, that they were coming\\nnot to establish a freer and better government, but to plunder and\\nrob them of the accumulations of their labor, then the reaction\\nset in agaiaist the revolution until finally it culminated in the\\noverthrow of Napoleon at Waterloo.\\n2926", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "9\\nWe might perhaps draw a parallel with the history of the Re-\\npublican party coming into power under Lincoln, with a grand\\nmotto of human rights inscribed upon its banner. It made great\\nprogress in lifting this Republic to a higher plane of civilization\\nby the destruction of chattel slavery. But in a few years it fell a\\nprey to huckstering, trafficking politicians who were willing for\\nthe sake of office to barter away the rights of the people. As far\\nback as Grant s second Administration we had the whisky-trust\\nscandal. Garfield fell a victim to the bullet fired by a pie-hunt-\\ning office seeker. Under Harrison the McKinley bill was framed\\nand formulated in a committee room whose doors were always\\nopen to the manufacturing interests. Blanks were left lying on\\nthe table accessible to those robbers to make out their own sched-\\nules, so that the Republican party would have an excuse for fry-\\ning the fat out of them for campaign purposes.\\nIn the last campaign we saw that the unanimous support of the\\nbanking interests of the country went solidly to the Republican\\nparty because they had assurances that they should dictate the\\nfinancial policy of the Government, and they are now clamoring\\nthrough their agent, Mr. Gage, for the fulfillment of the contract.\\nWe saw the railroad corporations of the country carrying a\\nmillion and a half or two million of political rooters to Canton,\\nin many cases free of charge. Of course it was understood that\\nthe railroad interests would be protected should McKinley be\\nlanded in the White House. And so now the Republican party,\\nin order to fulfill its promises to this horde of office seekers, is\\nseeking to wipe out of existence the last barrier erected between\\nthem and the Treasury of the United States.\\nAfter having repudiated every other plank in their platform (ex-\\ncept that on the tariif tliej^ are now trying to wipe out that on\\nthe civil-service reform, and this is the party that after having\\nviolated every pledge it has made to the people is now crying out\\nfor an honest dollar.\\nI am not of those, however, that believe that civil service (no\\nmatter how rigid) will prevent corruption in politics or in the\\nGovernment service, or check or limit the mad rush of those\\nstruggling to hold a position under the Government.\\nI believe there is something underlying all this\u00e2\u0080\u0094 something that\\nthe politicians have not discovered; and if one stops to reason\\nupon the matter, he will readily conclude that it must be caused\\nby the fact that men are denied opportunities to employ them-\\nselves\u00e2\u0080\u0094denied opportunities to engage in legitimate employment,\\nand that those opportunities are narrowing every year, and the\\nnumber of those that are struggling for places and jobs con-\\nstantly on the increase: and so it must be until we have a race of\\nstatesmen who have the wisdom and ability to find out the under-\\nlying cause of this evil and apply the remedy by so framing our\\nGovernment and its laws as to destroy the monopoly of land and\\nother public utilities; and when you have abolished these evils,\\nmen will not struggle with one another and hound from morn to\\nnight their representatives in Congress and Senate and in theDe-\\npartments for the privilege of eking out a narrow and precarious\\nand miserable existence in Government employ.\\nI am a believer, of course, in civil-service reform. I would\\ncarry it even further than its application to Federal offices. I\\nbelieve it ought to be carried into the different States of the\\nUnion: that the merit system ought to be put in practice in the\\nStates as well as the nation. I believe that out of this spoils sys-\\n2926", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "10\\ntem has come the political boss. I believe the country would\\nhave been spared the late disgraceful scenes at Columbus, Ohio,\\nif they had had the merit system in that State.\\nIn every State of this Union we are producing the political bosses\\nwho get control of the party machinery and are enabled thereby\\nto deal out to the party followers the patronage of the State and\\npay their political debts out of the taxpayers of the Commonwealth.\\nThese are the things that have come to threaten and are threaten-\\ning the destruction of a republican form of government on this\\ncontinent, and unless the remedy is applied, and that speedily, we\\nwill be face to face with conditions that will border closely on the\\nanarchy that reigned in the early days of the French Revolution.\\nOf course we do not expect anything along this line to come\\nfrom the Republican party. I am one of those who believe that\\nits days of iTsef ulness have passed, that it has gone over and is to-\\nday wholly in the control of the selfish interests of the country,\\nthe great corporations, those who wish to control its lawmaking\\npower so as to rob the people. It is not the party of Lincoln,\\nChase, G-rant, and Garfield any longer. They are but poor imi-\\ntators of those great men who direct its course to-day.\\nLargely they are soulless corporations, hypocrites, who but mas-\\nquerade in the grave clothes of their illustrious predecessors. A\\nnew force politically must be called into being, must get control,\\nand apply these remedies, if the Republic is to be saved.\\nSQ2Q", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "The Cuban Question.\\nSPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. JEERY SIMPSON,\\nOF KANSAS,\\nIn the House of Eepeesentatiyes,\\nThursday, January 20, 1S9S.\\nThe House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and\\nhaving under consideration the bill (H. R. fi4 19) making appropriations for\\nthe diplomatic and consular service for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1899\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas said:\\nMr. Chairman: For the second time in this Congress I am iinder\\ngreat obligations to the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Hitt] for\\ngraating me time when I was tmable to get it from the other side\\nof the House; and I want to extend to him my sincere thanks for\\nhis courtesy.\\nMr. Chairman, I am not lying awake at night over the condi-\\ntion of Cuba. I have been fortunately situated, not alone in tliis\\nCongress but during every term that I have served, in occupying\\na position somewhat between the two great political parties of the\\ncountry. I have watched the political play of those two parties\\non this question, and I notice that when the Cleveland Demo-\\ncrats\u00e2\u0080\u0094I make this distinction in speaking of the Democratic\\nparty\u00e2\u0080\u0094 when the Cleveland Democrats were in power and had the\\nopportunity to recognize the belligerency of Cuba, they hesitated\\nto do so.\\nWhy? Simply because Mr. Cleveland and his Administration\\nand his Cabinet were the agents, as I believe, to a certain extent\\nof the bond-liolding interests of the country, and the \u00c2\u00a7400,000,000\\nof bonds that Spain has issued to carry on the Cuban war were\\nthe one great factor, or a great factor at least, in this contest\\nabout Cuba. It was my opinion then, and is now. that the Re-\\npublican party will follow in the same line of action. In fact,\\nthey have inherited the policy that has come down to them from\\nthe Democrats when they were in power.\\nMr. DINSMORE. Will the gentleman from Kansas allow me\\na suggestion?\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. Yes. sir.\\nMr. DINSMORE. The gentleman started oiTt by expressing\\nhis obligations to the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Hitt] for the\\nprivilege of speaking when he could not get an opportunity from\\nthis side. I merely want to remind my friend that I went to him\\nvoluntarily and proposed to try and arrange that he should have\\nsome time but he said he hoped to get it from the other side.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. AVell, I will say that the gentleman\\nfrom Mississippi [Mr. Williams], a member of the committee,\\n2926 11", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "12\\noffered me time yesterday, but I was not ready to occupy it and\\nhe gave it to the gentleman from New York [Mr. Cummings].\\nTo-day, when I wanted it, I was of course unable to get it from\\nthat side; and the gentleman from Illinois very kindly gave me\\ntime from the other side, for which I am, as I said, under great\\nobligations to him.\\nI was about to say, Mr. Chairman, that in my opinion the bond-\\nholding interest is to-day one of the great factors in this con-\\ntest over Cuba. That bond-holding interest controls the action\\nand policy of this Government as much as it did when Mr. Cleve-\\nland was in the White House; and no action will be taken on this\\nsubject until that bond-holding interest is guaranteed that what-\\never form of government may be set up in Cuba, the payment of\\nthose $400,000,000 of bonds will be secured.\\nThe gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Grosvenor] said at the extraor-\\ndinary session, when this question was up, that in good time the\\nRepublican party would give the watchword, and the party would\\nmarch in step and time to that keynote when it was given. Now,\\nI want to make the prediction thab that keynote will never be\\nsounded, and the word will never be given until the bond-holding\\ninterest of the country and of the world gives its consent, and\\nthat consent will never be given until the payment of the bonds\\nis guaranteed, because the revenues of Cuba are what the bond-\\nholders must depend on for payment, if they look to Spain.\\nNow, Mr. Chairman, I am more concerned about the condition\\nand prosperity of our own people than I am about the people of\\nCuba, as much as I sympathize with them in their troubles. We\\nought to pass laws here which are for the good of our own country-\\nmen. We have been endeavoring to pass a law restricting immi-\\ngration. We go so far as to put in an educational qualification\\nfor foreign immigrants, and not to admit to our shore as a resi-\\ndent a person who can not read or write.\\nNow, if we should recognize the belligerency of Cuba, and\\nshould become involved in a war with Spain, we would not only\\nhave the expense and the horrors of a war, but at the same time\\nwe would admit to citizenship and to naturalization the inhab-\\nitants of Cuba, and thereby gain a large number of very undesir-\\nable citizens as a part of our population. As I said before, how-\\never, I am more concerned about tlie condition of my own country,\\nand that condition should attract our attention.\\nYou say that people are starving in Cuba; that they are suffer-\\ning on account of privations and want and the condition of war\\nthat prevails. But if people are starving in Cuba, they are starv-\\ning and suffering in this country also. Our own people demand\\nlegislation to relieve them from the conditions which surround\\nthem.\\nI know that when the Republican party came into power they\\nproposed to cure all the evils under which we suffered; and the\\nvery first thing they did was to present a bill here and have it\\npassed, one of the important results of which bill we were as-\\nsured was to raise revenues and to promote the industries of\\nthe country. Has it accomplished either? I contend that it has\\ndone neither the one nor the other. The revenvies of the Gov-\\nernment to-day are less, every month, than the expenditures.\\nThey are nearly $10,000,000 below the expendituires for the last\\nmonth.\\nEvery day of the year there is an average of a quarter of a mil-\\nlion of dollars less going into theTreasury than is being paid out.\\n3926", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "13\\nAs a revenue getter this bill is the most monumental failure\\nwhich has been constructed in modern times. The amount of\\nthe indebtedness is steadily increasing, while the revenues are\\nsteadily diminishing.\\nNow, let us see for a moment about the effect of the bill in pro-\\nmoting the industries of the country. I quote from the Washing-\\nton Evening Star of January 17 an article which I commend to\\nthe members of this body, and, in passing, I will say this is a Re-\\npublican paper, always has been since I have known anything of\\nit, and the most radical and ultra of its kind. Here is the article:\\nMill. Hands Strike\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Operatives in New England Cotton Factories\\nResist Reduction -Complete Tie-up at New Bedeoru\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Trouble\\nSpreads to Biddeford and Lewiston (Me.) Mills\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Fifteen Thou-\\nsand Out.\\nNew Bedford, Mass., January n.\\nA shiit down the most complete in the history of the cotton mills of New\\nBedford began this morning. Not a spindle was turning nor a loom in mo-\\ntion in the factories of the cloth corporations an hour after the usual time of\\nbeginning work.\\nBetween forty and fifty operatives went into Bristol mill and twenty-fiv\u00c2\u00a9\\nor thirty into the Whitman, but aside from these no mill made any show of\\nrunning, and these two soon shut down. Nine corporations operating\\neighteen mills, in which upward of 9,W() hands are employed, are involved in\\nthe strike. The cut down is uniform all over the city\u00e2\u0080\u0094 10 per cent. The total\\npay roll \u00c2\u00a9f these corporations is estimated at $70,000 weekly.\\nTHE strike at BIDDEFORD, ME.\\nBiddeford, Me., January 17.\\nEvery department of the Pepperell and Laconia mills, in this city, and all\\nthe departments of the York mills in Saco, with the exception of the carding\\nand mule spinning rooms, shut down to-day as a result of the decision of the\\noperatives to resist a 10 per cent reduction in wages, which was to go into\\neffect to-day.\\nThe Dressers Union, who are the leaders in the strike movement, had a\\nmeeting at 6.30 o clock for the purpose of keeping the members away from\\nthe mill gates, and although most of the other operatives went into their\\nrooms as usual, they came out again almost immediately, the gates, which\\nare usually locked after 7 o clock, being opened to allowthem to leave the\\nmills. At 8 o clock every department of the Pepperell and Laconia mills was\\n.shut down, and 3,.50O operatives and 300,000 spindles were idle.\\nAt the York mills, in Saco, the weavers followed the example of the opera-\\ntives on the Biddeford side of the river and remained out, and were followed\\nby the slashers and ring spinners. It was then expected that others would\\ncome out and that the York mills would also be compelled to close. The cut\\nat these mills is said to average 13 per cent. There are 1,500 operatives and\\n51,3i 11 spindles. The management of the mills refuse to say what their policy\\nwill be regarding the action of the operatives.\\nANDROSCOGGIN MILL SHUT DOWN.\\nLewiston, Me., January 17.\\nThe operatives of all the mills here except those of the Androscoggin went\\nto work as usual to-day under a reduction in wages of from 10 to 11 per cent.\\nAt the Androseroggiu mill only 7 out of 400 weavers went to work. The re-\\nduction went into effect at the mills of the Continent and Androscoggin. Hill,\\nBarber, and Bates corporations and at the Lewiston bleachery and dye\\nworks. The total weekly pay roll of these companies has been $13,000, about\\n5,750 operatives are employed, and the number of spindles aggregates 379,000.\\nAnd this Lewiston that is referred to here is the home of the\\nframer of this bill. Here is the condition of affairs in his own\\ncounty, in his own district, and his own town, and this is the\\nresult of a bill which promotes the industries of the American\\npeople.\\nThe article goes on and refers to other points, as follows:\\nSTRIKE EXPECTED AT WOONSOCKET.\\nWOONSOCKET, R. I., January 17.\\nThe 3,300 people employed in the Social, Globe, andNourse mills of the\\nSocial Manufacturing Comijany and the Clinton mill, in this city, went to\\nwork at reductions of wages averaging, it is stated at the offices ot the mills,\\n2936 X", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "14\\nabout 10 per cent. The cut has been accepted without any concerted move-\\nment toward a strike, but there are murmurings and protijsts in a number of\\ninstances, and fears are felt that trouble may yet arise.\\nCUT ACCEPTED AT WORCESTER.\\nWorcester, Mass., January 17, 1898.\\nA reduction in wages of about 10 per cent went into effect to-day at the\\nLinwood Cotton Mills and Whitinsville Cotton Mills in Northbridge, the\\nUxbridge Cotton Mills at North Uxbridge, and the Saundersville Cotton\\nMills at Saundersville, Grafton.\\nAll are owned by Whitin Bros., of Whitinsville. About 63,000 spindles\\nare running, and 1,000 hands employed. The Fisherville Manufacturing\\nCompany also cut wages about 10 per cent, where about 4.50 hands are at work.\\nThe operatives at all of these mills have quietly submitted to the cut down,\\nand went to work as usual to-day. The mills are among the best in the\\nBlackstone Valley and make fine and fancy goods. The weavers have been\\nmaking from $8 to $13 per week, with an average of $9. Under the new\\nschedule the average will be about $8 per week.\\nNow, if this bill is to promote the industries of the country if\\nit was ever going to accomplish that end it seems to me that it\\nhas had a sufficient time to develoj) ef cacy in that direction. It\\nought to have done so certainly in the New England States, if no-\\nwhere else. That it has not done so is evident. Here is another\\nlittle article to which I ask your attention:\\n25,000 IDLE bricklayers AND MASONS.\\nPeoria, III., January 16, 1898.\\nThe convention of the Bricklayers and Masons International Union is\\ngetting down to business, now that the committees are completing their work.\\nThe total membership is reported at 56.396, of whom but 31,630 are employed.\\nFor beneficial purposes S3S0,.515 had been expended, and there is $83,376 in the\\ntreastiry. The establishment of a national home for indigent members is\\nfavored.\\nThis shows that 50 per cent of the bricklayers of the country\\nare out of work.\\nBut that is not all. I hold in my hand a copy of a paper pub-\\nlished in my own State, which quotes an article from the Spring-\\nfield Republican which is worthy of consideration. I commend\\nit to our friends who claimed so much prosperity for this new law:\\nA New Haven shopgirl describes prosperity in the Springfield (Mass.)\\nRepublican as follows: Within three years my weekly wages in a dry-\\ngoods store have been cut from S8 to 33, and my case is one of many. The\\nwages paid to female help in the stores of this city have fallen steadily since\\nthis year opened, until at last they are so small they will not buy sufficient\\nfood. This girl has also to support her mother, pay rent, feed and clothe\\ntwo persons on $3 a week. She inquires: If it is a fact that prosperity is re-\\nturning, why are wages steadily reduced? And finally she asks: On this\\nThanksgiving eve I plead for a rescue from this misery. With all the money\\nspent in this city isn t there profit enough to at least keep body and soul\\ntogether?\\nNow, while gentlemen are pleading so eloquently on this floor\\nfor the suffering citizens of Cuba, and telling us of the distress\\nprevailing there, is there no word to be spoken in defense of our\\nown citizens who are also suffering? I think there is ample op-\\nportunity to display American statesmanship in regard to the en-\\nactment of laws which will give our OY/n people a better Govern-\\nment and better condition, instead of devoting so much time to\\nthe Island of Cuba.\\nI can readily understand why parties while out of power are\\naggressive and all of that, and would take advantage of such\\nthings and put into their platforms planks such as the Republicans\\nhave put into theirs, and on which they are standing t0:day. The\\ngentlemen who form the platform are always adroit enough to\\nframe them so as to catch the suckers on election day. [Laugh-\\nter.] But they always leave a hole big enough\u00e2\u0080\u0094 in this case it\\n2936", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "15\\ndid not require a very big one\u00e2\u0080\u0094 for the Republican party to get\\nout of the obligations it had promised to the people.\\nNow, Mr. Chairman, I am one of those ^A^ho believe that a party\\nshould adhere to its obligations and promises made to the people,\\nand upon which it was elected. I do not think a party ought to\\ngo before the country on a platform calculated to deceive the peo-\\nple for the purpose of catching voters, and therefore I think the\\nRepublican party should be held to a strict account and responsi-\\nbility, requiring it to fulfill all of the obligations made in the cam-\\npaign through its platform.\\nTherefore, if an opportunity was offered, I for one would vote\\nwith the Republicans to help them fulfill their pledges in regard\\nto Cuba. But they are not going to give us an opportunity. I\\npointed out in the extra session that one man directed the course\\nof this House. We are no longer a legislative and representative\\nbody. No measure can pass this House without the consent of\\nthe Speaker. As I said before, he is the whole thing. He is Con-\\ngress, and Representatives of great districts of the United States\\ncome here and find themselves powerless to make any motion or\\npresent or call up any bill looking to the interest and welfare of\\ntheir section of the country without the consent of the Speaker.\\nThe CHAIRMAN. The time ot the gentleman has expired.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. Mr. Chairman, I ask permission to\\nhave printed in the Record a clipping from the Washington Star,\\ncontaining a statement of the condition of labor in these different\\nStates.\\nThe CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Kansas asks unani-\\nmous consent to print certain clippings in the Record. Is there\\nobjection?\\nThere was no objection.\\nMr. LEWIS of Washington. Mr. Chairman, I ask the gentle-\\nman from Arkansas [Mr. Dinsmore] if he can not give the gen-\\ntleman from Kansas five minutes more? I should be very grateful\\nfor that favor myself.\\nMr. DINSMORE. I can not give it without depriving some\\ngentleman to whom it is promised. I ask unanimous consentthat\\nthe time be extended, however, in order that the gentleman from\\nKansas may have five minutes. I ask xinanimous consent that the\\nvote may be taken at five minutes after 4 instead of at 4 o clock.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. Mr. Chairman, in view of the fact\\nthat the chairman of the committee wants to get his bill through\\nto-night, I will not further encroach upon the courtesy or good\\nnature of the House.\\nMr. DINSMORE. I will yield five minutes more to the gentle-\\nman from Kansas if he wishes to proceed.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. I do not care to proceed now. I am\\nobliged to the gentleman from Arkansas for his courtesy.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. I am not surprised that the gentle-\\nman from Maine, having got hold of a hotwire, shoiild have made\\nthe labored explanation as to why the bill that was intended to\\npromote industry has n*ot promoted industry. I have only three\\nminutes and I have not time to answer all his argument. He\\ndwelt long upon the argument that the reduction of wages in\\nMaine was due to the fact that wages were cheaper down in the\\nSouthern States.\\nNow, the gentleman ought to know, and undoubtedly does know.", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "LS?^ COWGRES\\n16\\n015 819 600 1\\nthat cheap labor is the dearest thing in the world. James G.\\nBlaine, of sacred Republican memory, proved that fact some years\\nago in his report upon the manufactories of Europe, where he says\\nthat goods produced by cheap labor are produced at great cost.\\nThe true explanation why the New England cotton manufacturers\\ncan not manufacture as cheap as those in the South is this: In\\nNew England there is a large population which has become more\\nextensive, and the landlord can and does extract from the laborer\\na larger proportion of his wages in payment for rent, and the New\\nEngland manufacturers are unable to pay the wages to compete\\nwith the Southern States, where land is more plentiful and rents\\nare lower.\\nNow, in Denver, Colo. in a State where they pay the highest\\nwages of any State in the Union the Overlajid Cotton Mill to-day\\nis sending its goods to Massachusetts and competing with the\\ngoods of all parts of the United States. So the only way in which\\nthe gentleman from Maine can fortify his position is by the sug-\\ngestion that we must have a protective tariff in favor of New\\nEngland against the Southern States. That will carry the protec-\\ntive-tariff policy out to its legitimate conclusion, each State pro-\\ntecting itself against the others, each county protecting itself\\nagainst other counties, and finally, following out the gentleman s\\nline of policy, we shall have each township, I presume, protecting\\nitself against the comiaetition of other townships. [Applause.]\\nThe CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Kansas has\\nexpired.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. I hope the gentleman will give me\\ntwo minutes more.\\nMr. DINSMORE. I can not possibly do so.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. I have a little extract I should like\\nto read.\\nSeveral Members. Put it in the Record.\\nMr. SIMPSON of Kansas. I ask leave to put this extract in the\\nRecord.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0ZQZQ", "height": "3415", "width": "2079", "jp2-path": "civilservicecuba00simp_0018.jp2"}}