{"1": {"fulltext": "E", "height": "3721", "width": "2088", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "INDEPENDENCE OF THE PEOPLE OF CUBA.\\nSPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. WILLIAM K MASON,\\n11\\nOF ILLINOIS,\\nSENATE OP THE UNITED STATES,\\nTuesday, April 12, 1898.\\n1898.", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": ".W4\\njCj O\\n1! O", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "NJ\\nV\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2i.^\\nn\\n1^\\n5\\nSPEECH\\nor\\nHON. WILLIAM E. MASON.\\nThe Senate having under consideration the joint resolution (S.R.149) for\\nthe recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding that\\nthe Government of Spain relinquish its authority and government in the\\nIsland of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and\\nCuban waters, and directing the President of the United States to use the\\nland and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions into\\neffect, reported by Mr. Davis, from the Committee on Foreign Relations-\\nMr. MASON said:\\nMr. President: I should not take any time in the discussion or\\nmake any remarks upon the message of the President which was\\nreceived yesterday if the Committee on Foreign Relations were\\nready to report. 1 believe the country is anxious that we should\\nact promptly. I shall not take one moment of time that seems to\\nme ought to be consumed in voting upon the pendmg question,\\nnor shall 1 take the time away from any other Senator who de-\\nsires to speak upon that subject, for I have already expressed\\nmyself except upon the questions of law and precedent as they\\nwere recited yesterday in the Presidents message.\\nMr. President, the great hindrance to civilization has been the\\ndisposition of humanity to fail to take advantage of the experience\\nof others. In this great crisis it would seem the part of wisdom\\nfor one inexperienced in the art of statecraft to see what some\\nof the men of ourown country have suggested and stood for under\\nsimilar circumstances. With this thought in view, then, of learn-\\ning from unselfish men who are recorded in the annals of our na-\\ntion as great and good, men, inspired with the love of liberty, I am\\nsure, Mr. President, i may be forgiven if I appeal to the records\\nand to the very words of Henry Clay, and to the records and con-\\nduct of the Congress of the United States.\\nAs before announced to you in language which could not be\\nmisunderstood, I am for war. and have been since the hour our\\nflag was lowered In Havana Harbor and the hves of our citizens\\ntaken by the Government of Spain. But I am and have been for\\nthis declaration of war only as a means of securing an honorable\\npeace.\\nI have no desire to destroy the Spanish nation, but her flag must\\nbe dishonored by surrendering her sovereignty over Cuban terri-\\ntory as an atonement for lowering our flag, sinking our ship, and\\nmurdering our men. While I am for war, I realize that I have\\nbut one poor vote in the war-making power of this Government,\\nand I stand ready in this hour to uphold the hands of the Execu-\\ntive and take the best I can get. I have been indulging in a hope\\nthat seemed almost a certainty\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that the Executive would recom-\\nmend intervention and independence to the Cuban Republic.\\n3379 3", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "Intervention by force of arms, as recommended by the President,\\nis war. To declare for intervention without declaring directly,\\nopenly, for war seems to lack frankness and savors too much of\\nSpanish diplomacy.\\nIf we can have armed intervention without recognizing the in-\\ndependence of Cuba and can have nothing else, I ruust accept the\\nwill of the majority, reserving to myself the right to respectfully\\nprotest and also reserving the right to fight for independence for\\nthe brave men, women, and children in the Island of Cuba.\\nThat on this line I am following the way blazed by that great\\nstatesman, Henry Clay, in 1818, and followed by the Congress of\\nthe United States, will at least excuse me from the charge of self-\\nassertion, even if I fail to enlist my colleagues in this cause.\\nMr. Clays speech was delivered March 34. 1818. the House being\\nin the Committee of the Whole and having under consideration\\nan appropriation bill providing for the support of the Government\\nfor 1819, Mr. Clay being anxious that our Government should\\nrecognize the independence of Buenos Ayres and plead for the\\nemancipation of South America from the Spanish yoke. Believ-\\ning that to send a minister to Buenos Ayres was the best way at\\nthat time to acknowledge the independence of Buenos Ayres. he\\noffered an amentiment which provided for our sending aniiinister\\nto that country. His speech that day deals with the propriety of\\nacknowledging the independence of another state: whether it\\nshould be done in that way and whether it was a usurpation of\\nexecutive function for the legislative branch to speak first. I\\nshall quote fully on each branch, and I am content to follow him.\\nFirst, as to our duty in acknowledging independence. Then, as\\nnow. we were troubled by the cruelties, the barbarities, and\\natrocities of Spain, Then, as now, Spain sought to subjugate\\nand rob.\\nMr. Clay insisted that if there was an established government\\nin Spanish America we were in honor bound to acknowledge it,\\nunless we renounced all the principles that had hitherto giiided\\nour councils. He clearly demonstrated that the United Provinces\\nof the Rio de la Plata possessed such a government. He described\\nits boundaries and its people as you would to-day describe the\\nIsland of Cuba and the brave people wiio have fought for its in-\\ndependence. The United Provinces had then, as Cuba has now,\\na lawmaking power: they had. as Cuba has. the power to levy\\nand collect taxes. Mr. Clay, in this great speech, read the mes-\\nsage of the supreme director, delivered to the congress of the\\nUnited Provinces, which I ask the privilege to insert as an ajjpendix\\nto my remarks. After showing no more soundly organized gov-\\nernment than is shown to-day in the Republic of Cuba, he said:\\nAre we net bound, then, upon our own principles, to acknowledge this new\\nrepublic? If we do not. who will? Are we to expect that kings will set us\\nthe example of acknowledging the only republic on earth except our own?\\nBut the question is raised that for Congress to vote for the inde-\\npendence of Cuba is an invasion of executive right and preroga-\\ntive with which the legislative branch has nothing to do. Again\\nI beg the privilege of quoting at length from Mr. Clay, and to\\nstate that I follow in the path laid out by him. and without any\\ntrespassing upon Executive functions, and I will show that the Con-\\ngress of the United States in 18:56 did the very thing I now favor.\\nMr, President, I shall not take much of the time of the Senate\\nthis morning, as I am informed that other Senators will speak, in\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "reading the argn men ts made by Mr. Clay in favor of action by the\\nlegislative branch even l;efore action by the executive branch.\\nAlthough gentlem.en nra^- saj- that the policy and plan suggested\\nby Mr. Clay M-as not followed by the Executive or by the Govern-\\nment, yet 1 purpose to show before I take my seat that the Con-\\ngress of the United States in the very case cited by the Executive\\nye.sterday did follow the suggestion, and after General Jackson,\\nthe President of the United States, had stated the impossibility\\nof acknowledging the independence of Texas, the Senate of the\\nUnited States did it, and so did the House of Representatives, and\\nJackson followed in less than six weeks by the ai\u00c2\u00bbpointnient of\\nrepresentatives from this country to the Republic of Texas. But\\nnow I am dealing with the argument and not the result.\\nMr. Clay said it remained for liim to defend the proposition which he meant\\nto siibmit from au objection, which he had heard intimated, that it interfered\\nwith the duties assigned to the executive branch. On this subject he telt\\nthe greatest solicitation; for no man more than himself respected the pres-\\nervation of tlie independence of the several departments of Government in\\nthe constitutional orbits which were prescribed to them. It was his favorite\\nmaxim that each, acting within its proper sphere, should move with its con-\\nstitutional independence and under its constitutional responsibility, with-\\nout iniiuenc\u00c2\u00ab from any other. He was perfectly aware that the Constitution\\nof the United States, and he admitted the proposition in its broadest sense,\\nconfided to the Executive the reception and the deputation of ministers,\\nbut in relation to the latter operation Congress had concurrent will in the\\npower of providing for the iiayment of their salaries.\\nI should say to Senators that it is somewhat surprising that he\\ndid not in this argument call attention to the fact that the Senate\\nhas to advise in the matter of the confirmation of ministers ap-\\npointed by the Executive.\\nThe instrument nowhere said or implied that the Executive act of sending\\na minister to a foreign country should precede the legislative act which shall\\nprovide for the payment of his salary. And, in point of fact, our statutory\\ncode was full of examples of legislative action prior to Executive action, both\\nin relation to the deputation of agents abroad and to the subject-matter of\\ntreaties.\\nPerhaps the act of sending a minister abroad and the act providing for the\\nallowance of his salary ought to be simultaneous, but if in the order of pre-\\ncedence there were more reason on the one side than on the other, he thought\\nit was in favor of the priority of the legislative act as the safer depo.sitory of\\npower. When a minister is sent abroad, although the legislature may be\\ndispo.sed to think his mission useless, although, if previously consulted, they\\nwould have said they would not consent to jiay such a minister, the duty is\\ndelicate and painful to refuse to pay the salary promised to him whom the\\nExecutive has even unnecessarily sent abroad.\\nMr. C. illustrated his ideas by the existing missions to Sweden and to the\\nNetherlands. He had no hesitation in saying that if we had not ministers of\\nthe first grade there, and if the Legislature were asked prior to sending them\\nwhether it would consent to pay ministers of that grade, that he would not\\nand he believed Congress would not consent to j)ay them.\\nIf it be urged that by avowing our willingness in a legislative act to pay a\\nminister not yet sent, and whom the President may think it imjjroper to .send\\nabroad, we operate wpon the President by all the force of our opinion\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nI perhaps ought to have stated, before reading this part of the\\nstatement of Mr. Clay, that Mr. Clay believed the best way to\\nrecognize the independence of the new Spanish- American States\\nwas to add a provision to the bill then pending providing for the\\npayment of the salaries of ministers to those countries, and he\\nexplained why he took that more direct and practical manner of\\nlegislation instead of ottering, as will be offered here or reported\\nfrom our committee, a direct resolution to that effect\\nIt may he retorted that when we are called upon to jiay any minister pent\\nunder similar circumstances, we are operated upon by all the force of the\\nPresident s opinion. The true theory of our Government at least supposes\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "that each of the two departments, acting on its proper constitutional respon-\\nsibility, will decide according to its best .judgment under all the circum-\\nstances of the case. If we make the previous appropriation, we act upon\\nour constitutional responsibility, and the President afterwards wiU proce^^d\\nupon his. And so if he make the previous appointment. We have a right,\\nafter a minister is sent abroad and we are called upon to pay him, and we\\nought to deliberate upon the propriety of his mission\u00e2\u0080\u0094 we may and ought to\\ngrant or withhold his salary. If this power of deliberation is conceded sub-\\nsequent to the deputation of the minister, it must exist prior to that depu-\\ntation.\\nWhich is simply to say, in other words, that if the power of the\\nlegishttive branch exists subseqtient it must exist prior to the ac-\\nknowledgment of the independence of another State.\\nWhenever we deliberate, we deliberate under our constitutional respon-\\nsibility. Pass the amendment he proposed, and it would be passed under\\nthat responsibility. Then the President, when he deliberated on the pro-\\npriety of the mission, would act under his constitutional responsibility.\\nEach branch of Government, moving in its proper sphere, would act with as\\nmuch freedom from the influence of the other as was practically attainable.\\nThere was great reason, Mr. Clay contended, from the peculiar character\\nof the American Government, in there beinga perfect understanding between\\nthe legislative and executive branches in relation to the acknowledgment of\\na new power. Everywhere else the power of declaring war resided with the\\nExecutive. Here it was deposited with the legislature. If, contrary to his\\nopinion, there were even a risk that the acknowledgment of a new state might\\nlead to war, it was advisable that the step should not be taken without a\\nprevious knowledge of the will of the war-making branch. He was disposed\\nto give to the President all the confidence which he must derive from the\\nunequivocal expression of our will.\\nThis expression he knew, might be given in the form of an abstract resolu-\\ntion declaratory of that will, but he preferred at this time proposing an act\\nof pi actical legislation. And if he had been so fortunate as to communicate\\nto the committee in anything like that degree of strength in which he enter-\\ntained them, the convictions that the cause of the patriots was .just; that the\\ncharacter of the war a.s waged by Spain should induce us to wish them suc-\\ncess: that we had a great interest in that success: that this interest as well\\nas our neutral attitude required us to acknowledge any established govern-\\nment in Spanish America; that the united provinces of the River Platte was\\nsuch a government; that we might safely acknowledge its independence.\\nI reserve the right, in order to shorten the remarks which I\\nwish to make this morning, to quote further and to select where\\nit seems to be best the arguments of the great American citizen\\nupon the suggestions and propositions which I may make in my\\nargument.\\nMr. President, I now call attention to the action taken by Con-\\ngress in 1836. which shows the action of the Congre.ss of the United\\nStates, notwithstanding the action of President Jackson (juoted in\\nthe message, t quote now from the Presidents message of yester-\\nday, in relation to the position taken by President Jackson in his\\nmessage to Congress December 21, 1836:\\nThereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded to consider the risk that there\\nmight be imputed to the United States motives of selfish interest in view of\\nthe former claim on our part to the territory of Texas, and of the avowed\\npurpose of the Texans in seeking recognition of independence as an incident\\nto the incorporation of Texas in the Union, concluding thus:\\nPrudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should still stand aloof and\\nmaintain our present attitude, if not until Mexico itself, or one of the great\\nforeign powers, shall recognize the independence of the new Government, at\\nleast until the lapse of time or the course of events shall have proved beyond\\ncavil or dispute the ability of the people of that country to maintain their\\nseparate sovereignty and to uphold the government constituted by them.\\nI purpose now to show, since the Executive has informed us\\nwhat the executive branch of the Government thought at that\\ntime, what the legislative branch thought and did on the same\\nquestion. If the Executive feels bound by Executive precedent,\\nI must be permitted to feel bound by legislative precedent.\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "President Jackson did issue the message spoken of\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and I call\\nparticular attention to dates on the 21st day of December, ls;jG;\\nyet immediately thereafter a resolution was introduced into the\\nSenate of the United States recognizing Texan independence, by\\nRobert J. Walker, a United States Senator from Mississippi.\\nOn the 1st of March, before President Jackson s time had ex-\\npired, that resolution was debated and passed by the Senate of the\\nUnited States, by a vote of 33 to 23, and a motion to reconsider on\\nthe following day was lost by a tie vote of 34 to 34.\\nThe House of Representatives immediately made an appropria-\\ntion for a diplomatic agent from the United States to the Govern-\\nment of Texas, thereby pursuing the very course suggested by\\nHenry Clay in his attempt to recognize in Congress the independ-\\nence of Spanish-American States.\\nThe last official act of President Jackson, previous to his retire-\\nment from the executive chair, was the nomination of Alcee\\nLablanche as charge d affaires to the new Republic of Texas. It\\nis a historical fact that within a few days thereafter the newly\\naccredited ministers from the Republic of Texas were given an\\nofficial audience at the White House, and they were duly recog-\\nnized as such ministers by the Republic of the United States.\\nI would not wish to suggest that the learned lawyer w^ho fur-\\nnished the authorities for this branch of the President s mti-ssage\\nwas in the least disingenuous, but it is exceedingly unfortunate\\nthat the mere opinion of the Executive should be cited as a prece-\\ndent when as a matter of fact the Government of the United\\nStates, composed of the executive and legislative branches, did\\nset a precedent in absolute conflict with the opinion of President\\nJackson cited in the message yesterday.\\nIn other w^ords. the message cited yesterday by the present\\nExecutive from President Jackson was delivered on the 31st of\\nDecember, 183(). and in less than ten weeks after sending his opin-\\nion to Congress he recognized the independence of the Republic\\nof Texas by accrediting ministers to and receiving ministers from\\nthat Republic.\\nMr. HAWLEY. Will the Senator from Illinois permit me to\\nask him a qu stion?\\nMr. MASON. Certainly.\\nMr. HAWLEY. I do not remember the date of President Jack-\\nson s message: was it the 1st of December?\\nMr. MASON. The 21st day of December, 1836.\\nMr. HAWLEY. When did the House pass its vote?\\nMr. MASON. On the 1st of March following, about eight or\\nten weeks thereafter.\\nMr. HAWLEY. About eight or ten weeks thereafter. So\\nthere was abundant time then for the situation so to change as to\\njustify that action.\\nMr. MASON. The time has more than passed\\nMr. HAWLEY, There was abundant time for General Jackson\\nto feel justified, even under his own previous argument, that it\\ncould be done eight weeks later. He may have been unwilling to\\ndo in December what he was glad to do in March,\\nMr. MASON. Since the Senator insists upon injecting that sug-\\ngestion here, did it occur to him, before he asked the question,\\nthat the present Executive has considered these questions and sent\\nin a message denying belligerent rights and refusing to acknowl-\\nedge independence more than eight weeks ago, and after he knew\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "8\\nthe Senate and Honse had by large majorities passed a vote in fa-\\nvor of the acknowledgment of both independence and belligerency?\\nIf eight weeks passed for Jackson, eight months have passed for\\nthe present Executive; and if there is any comfort to the Senator\\nin that situation, he is welcsme to it.\\nMr. President, if those who oppose granting independence to\\nCuba are to be governed by precedent, they are welcome to all\\nthe comfort they can get when considering the conduct of the\\nUnited States toward the Republic of Texas, not based upon the\\nopinion of the President, which he afterwards reversed in carry-\\ning out the will of the legislative branch of the Government.\\nMr. President, it may be well in passing to consider the situ-\\nation of the Republic of Texas when this Government acknowl-\\nedged her independence. In the first place, there were but oO,000\\nAnglo-Americans, counting men, women, and children, and a\\nmixed lot of Mexicans. Indians, and negroes. There are more\\nmen under anns to-day in the insurgent army in Cuba than there\\nwere men, women, and children in Texas when we acknowledged\\nher independence.\\nThe total arm} of the Texas Republic when we handed her the\\njewel crown of independence consisted of less than 800 men. 700\\nwho had enlisted for the period of the war and 80 who had six\\nmonths to serve at the close of 1836. True, she had some alleged\\nwar ships, but they were Ij ing idle for want of funds. Her troops\\nhad neither flour nor bread. They had ammunition, but were\\nwithout flints.\\nAre we to be governed by precedent, Mr. President? Here is\\nthe struggling Island of Cuba, and it does not seem possible that\\nanyone now. after the testimony of our colleague the Senator\\nfrom Vermont as to the high character of the native Cubans in\\nrevolt against Spain, can doubt the existence of a civil govern-\\nment and the ability of the people there to manage that gov-\\nernment.\\nIs it possible that after the evidence has been before us in pub-\\nlic documents for more than a year, we have to go through the\\nhorrible struggle of proving to some of the gentlemen the truth\\nof the existence of that government as we did in proving to you\\nthe horrible situation of the reconcentrados?\\nIs the doubting Thomas still among us, and will he insist for\\nfurther proof as to the genuine civil government in Cuba? Will\\nbe on such pretense make demands and cause delay until the rest\\nshall have been starved? If so, I beg him to take Document No.\\n19, of the Fif t}--fifth Congress, printed more than a year ago, in this\\nSenate, containing 44 printed pages, showing the constitution and\\nlaws of that rex^ublic. It shows that the president and all of the\\nother officers of the government were elected under the constitt\\ntion and were duly installed; the taking of the census and the\\nblanks printed for the same in the government printing office;\\nthe establishment of public schools and the printing of a spelling\\nand reading book, the first book published by the government;\\nthe appointment of public-school teachers; the instructions for\\nthe carrying of the mail: the laws for civil marriages, for the levy-\\ning and collecting of taxes, etc.\\nMr. President, it seems almost like insulting the intelligence of\\nmy colleagues to call attention to that civil government, when it\\nis known that through that government they have collected hun-\\ndreds of thousands of dollars and maintained a standing army\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "that has kept at bay nearly 000,000 armed and e(iuipped Spanish\\nsoldiers and has given evidence of as j^reat bravery and endur-\\nance as any army in all the recorded prvst.\\n1 beg the privilege of inserting here, as a part of my remarks, in\\norder to save the time of the Senate, what I did intend to call the\\nattention of the Senate to, the documents, some of them showing\\nthe existence of the civil government during all these years that\\nit has been claimed bv them to have a civil government.\\nThe PRESIDING- OFFICER (Mr. Gallixger in the chair).\\nWithout objection, the papers will be printed in the Record.\\nThe papers referred to are as follows:\\nMr. Davis presented the following p.apers. accompaiiyiner the report sub-\\nmitted by Hon. J. D. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, from the Committee on For-\\neign Relations, United States Senate. December .l. lfS9ti, on the joint resolu-\\ntion (S. R. 1B3) acknowledging the independence of Cuba.\\nCIVIL. GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OP CUB.\\\\.\\nFrom the very inception of the revolution the Cubans provided for a civil\\npower. The Cuban revolutionary party, which prepared and directed the\\nmovement, was a civil organization headed by Jose Marti, most zealous in\\nestablishing the paramount influence of the law over the sword.\\nGeneral CTomez then and throughout all the revolution has shown him.self\\ndesirous that the civil authorities should have the supreme power. When\\nhe and Marti landed, their first aim was to constitute a ])rovisionaI govern-\\nment. Gomez, as well as all the other military leaders, recognized Marti as\\nthe civil head. After the meeting of Gomez, Maceo, and Marti at Mejoraiia,\\non May i. 189.5, a call for the selection of representatives of the Cuban people\\nto form a civil government was made, and Marti and Gomez marched to the\\ncentral provim-es to arrange for this important event. The decrees of that\\ntime are always signed by both Gomez and Marti.\\nThe death of Marti postponed for a time the sel^^ction of the representa-\\ntives, but in the beginning of September, 1895, the call pi-eviouslj issued was\\ncomplied with.\\nRepresentatives from each of the provinces of Santiago. Puerto Principe\\nSanta Clara, and the western part ot the island, comprising the provinces of\\nMatanzasand Havana, making twenty in all, were elected to the constituent\\nassembly, which was to establish a civil government, republican in form.\\nA complete li-st of the members of the constituent assembly which met at\\nJimaguayu, in the Province of Puerto Principe, on the 13th of September,\\n1895, together with an account of its organization and subsequent action, will\\nbe found in Exhibit 1. printed in the Cuban government printing office, a\\ntranslation of which appears in Senate document, marked B.\\nA constitution of the Republic of Cuba was adopted on the 16th of Septem-\\nber, a copy of which will be found in said document, marked B.\\nOn the 18th of September the following officers of the government were\\nelected by the constituent assembly in accordance with the terms of the\\nconstitution:\\nPresident. Salvador Cisneros Betancourt, of Puerto Principe: vice-presi-\\ndent, Bartolome Maso, of Manzanillo: secretary of war, Carlos Roloff, of\\nSanta Clara; secretary of the treasury, Severo Pina, of Sancti Spiritus:\\nsecretary of the interior, Santiago Garcia Canizares. of Rer*;dios: secretary\\nof foreign relations, Rafael M. Portuondo. of Santiago de Cttba: subsecretary\\nof war. Mario Menocal, of Matanzas: subsecretary of the treasury. Joaquin\\nCastillo, of Santiago de Cuba: subsecretary of the interior. Carlos Dubois, of\\nBaracoa; subsecretary of foreign relations, Feriuin Valdez Domiuguez. of\\nHavana.\\nThe installation of these officers dtily followed. The election of the gen-\\neral in chief and the second in command, who is to bear the title of lieutenant-\\ngeneral, was then had, and resitlted in the unanimous election of Maximo\\nGomez and Antonio Maceo, respectively.\\n)n the same day the constituent assembly elected by acclamation, as dele-\\ngate plenipotentiary and general agent abroad of the Cuban Republic, Tomas\\nEstrada Palma. The credentials issued to him appear in .said Senate docu-\\nment, marked C.\\nExhibit la is a copy of EI Cubano Libre, dated May 10, 189(5, and contains\\nthe names of the principal civil authorities of the re])ublic at that date.\\nBesides the coriStitution, Exhiliit 1 shows the divisions of tlie provinces\\ninto prefectures, under the supervision of the secretary of the interior, and\\nthe duties which devolve in this department are fully set forth in Exhibit B.\\nThat these prefectures are found throughout the republic can be seen from\\nthe Spanish official dispatches, which sometimes report their capture. In the\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "10\\nprefecture destroyed.\\nExhibit No. 2. Innumeicable instance.? of tlie existence of such prefectures\\nthroughout Cuba can be presented from official di.spatches of the Spanish\\npress. The civil governors discharge their duties in their respective districts\\nand have their subordinates and employees.\\nExhibit 2a is a circular of Carlos Manuel de Cespedes, governor of Oriente,\\nas to commerce.\\nExhibit 3 is an extract from La Republica Cubana of December 3, which\\npublishes an official list of the officers of the civil government of the State of\\nOriente, the same as the Province of Santiago de Cuba, on November 1, 1896,\\nand Exhibit 8a is a circular of the civil governor of the State of Camaguey,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which is the same as the Province of Puerto Principe. In the Boletin de la\\nGuerra, official paper of the republic, published in Puerto Principe, of the\\n10th of September. 1896, Exhibit 4, under the heading Civil governor, an ac-\\ncount is given of the resignation of the governor.\\nIn Exhibit No. 1 can also be found the other matters pertaining to the\\nsecretary of the interior, such as workshops, manufactories, coast inspectors,\\nand post-office, and regulations for the said State manufactories can be seen\\nin Exhibit No. 5, dated July IS. 1896.\\nAn envelope marked Exhibit No. 6, addressed to the civil governor of the\\nState of Oriente, Carlos Manuel de Cespedes, shows the seals of the post-offices\\nand the perfect system of posts. It also has an extract of the regulations of\\nt]je 8th of March, 1896, as to the mail. A translation accompanies .said exhibit.\\nA set of stamps has been issued by the republic.\\nAs to advertisement of dead-letter office, Exhibit .5 has a decree of Septem-\\nber 3, 1896, of the civil government of the east. A translation is accompanied,\\nmarked Exhibit 6a.\\nThe census is being taken in the different States: a blank for the same,\\nprinted in the government printing office, shows part of the work in the sub-\\nprefecture of Cayo Rey, prefecture of La Sierra, district of Mayari, State of\\nOriente, Exhibit No. 7.\\nExhibit No. 8 shows that Ernesto Fonts Sterling was appointed on the 7tli\\nof July, 1896, by the government council, subsecretary of the interior, owing\\nto the absence of Dr. Joaquin Castillo.\\nPublic schools have been established; a primer for spelling and reading is\\nthe first book published by the government. Exhibit No. 9 is the appoint-\\nment of a public school-teacher on May 30, 1896. Exhibit No. 1(1 is also of the\\ninterior department, and contains the insti-uctions to the prefects and rules\\nof the mails.\\nThe laws providing for civil marriage are in Exhibit No. 1.\\nIn this same exhibit the laws for the organization of the public treasury\\nare found, as well as instructions to the officers of that department. A blank\\nused in the reports of the subdelegates of the treasury department is shown\\nin Exhibit No. 11. A circular dated May 9, 1896, given by the secretary,\\nSevero Pina, as to the withdrawal of cattle from the republic, is published\\nin La Republica, of Santa Clara, issue of the 1st of July, makes Exhibit No.\\n13. Other circulars of the treasury department can be seen under Exhibits\\nNoa 13a and 13/).\\nTaxes are collected, not only in Cuba, but by orders of the secretary of the\\ntreasury. Payments are made to Benjamin J. Guerra, the treasui-er of Cuba,\\nin New York; his books can be seen, as well as the confidential orders of the\\ndepartment. El Imparcial, of Madrid, Spain, of the 35th of November, 1896,\\npublishes a letter of the loth of September, 1896, to the secretary of the treas-\\nury, giving an account of the sums paid to the Republic of Cuba by sugar\\nplanters through well-known bankers in New York, as well as other items\\namounting to hundreds of thousands of dollars. The mere perusal of this\\nletter shows how the property owners recognize the Cuban Republic.\\nA translation accompanies Exhibit No. 13. In this exhibit there is also the\\nsalaries paid the army fixed by the government council.\\nExhibit No. 13o. It is a well-known fact that General Wevler has not\\nallowed any grinding of sugar this year, because he claimed that the Cubans\\nwere paid by the plantei-s. Exhibit V.lh refers to this matter and regulates\\nit. Exhibit No. V-k is the resolution of the government imposing exporta-\\ntion tax on lumber.\\nThe nature of the communications of the Cuban state department does not\\nallow the use of its documents, but it can be affli*med that the secretary of\\nstate is in constant communication with the agent of the republic abroad and\\nits minister plenipotentiary, Tomas Estrada Palma. During a leave of ab-\\nsence the secretary. Rafael M. Portuondo, was in this country and was met\\nby many officials, Senators, and Representatives.\\nExhibit No. 14, dated June 3!t. 189ti, .\u00c2\u00abhows how Dr. Eusebio Hernandez tem-\\nporarily substituted him. A few months ago the secretary of foreign rela-\\ntion?, together with the President, sent a public appeal to the republics of\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "11\\nSpanish America in which they clearly and eloquently laid before the world\\nthe rights of Cuba.\\nThe war dexiartment has efficiently operated during the year. In the files\\nof the Cubano LiVire the military regulations have been published. Exhibit\\nNo. 15 shows the appointnient of Rafael Manduley on the 21st of May, 1890, in\\nplace of Mario ileiiocal. as subsecretarj-.\\nThe civil government has been in actual operation since its election. Ex-\\nhibit No. 1 shows an extract of the sessions of the government council up to\\nOctober 25. iSl^o. Exhibit 15\u00c2\u00ab is an extract of the sessions of November and\\ncontains the power given to Tomas Estrada Palnia as delegate of the re-\\npublic. It would be a task indeed to print all the resolutions and decrees it\\nhas passed as to the different branches of the government and general af-\\nfairs. Exhibit No. 16 shows the laws for the sanitary corps of the Cuban\\narmy, drawn by Dr. Sanchez Agramoute, head of the department, and ap-\\nS roved by the government council, under date of March 31, 18915. Exhibit\\nTo. 17 is a decree as to military rank passed by the government council on\\nthe 2iith of May, 1890. Exhibit No. 18 in Exhibit No. i contains several reso-\\nlutions passed on the 13th of July. 1890. as to freedom of speech, proposed\\nlaws for the judiciary, and the one prohibiting the sugar crop for 1890-97. A\\ntranslation of the latter accompanies the exhibit. It is to be noted in this\\nlast one that it is to be communicated to the general in chief, being a war\\nmeasure, for its fulfillment. The mere reading of this document proves the\\nsubserviency of the military to the civil power of the republic.\\nExhibit No. 22 proves that the civil government was in the exercise of all\\nits functions when the Cuban army captured the important town of Guai-\\nmaro. It is a vote of thanks given to Gen. Calixto Garcia by the govern-\\nment council.\\nThe last document is dated the 21st day of November, 1896, and is a copy\\nof a military order of Maj. Gen. Francisco Carrillo, commanding the Province\\nof Santa Clara. From it it can be seen that he recognizes a supreme author-\\nity\u00e2\u0080\u0094the government council of the republic. It is Exhibit No. 2:}. The\\noriginals of all these exhibits, in Spanish, are on tile in the Committee on\\nForeign Relations of the Senate.\\nMr, MASON. Mr. President, but tii^on the question of precedent\\nI do not stop here. I have one which I must cite which will stir\\nthe patriotism of every American who reads it. In the dark daj-s\\nof our Republic we had but one hope, and that was from France.\\nWe were without money and almost without friends. In France\\nthe ([uestion was discussed whether to recognize our independence\\nor not.\\nIn 1777 Benjamin Franklin was informed (I quote from Ban-\\ncroft s History of the United States, page 245, volume 5) that the\\nKing in council had determined not only to acknowledge the\\nUnited States, but to support their cause, and thatin case Englatid\\nshould declare war against France on account of this recognition\\n(which they afterwards did), he would not insist that the Ameri-\\ncans should not make a separate peace, but only that they should\\nmaintain their independence.\\nGeneral Washington wrote to Benjamin Franklin (I quote from\\nthe Life of Benjamin Franklin, by Parton, volume 2, page 390):\\nWe must have one of two things peace or money from France.\\nThere we were, proposing by act of Congress to pay our debts\\n40 Continental dollars for si of debts; the Continental Congress,\\nthe Continental army, and Washington himself discredited; sur-\\nrounded by aliens and enemies in the field, and even worse ene-\\nmies\u00e2\u0080\u0094the Tories and peace-at-any-price men in the colonies.\\nBut France said: -I will not simply intervene and send my\\ntroops and ships to help you. but I will do more. I will acknowl-\\nedge you before the worid as a free and independent sovereignty.\\nInthat hour of our extremity when we asked for recognition of\\nour independence, France not only loaned us money every year,\\nbut gave it as a free and generous present to assist us in our\\nstruggle.\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "12\\nBut gentlemen will say that the recognition of onr independ-\\nence bj France was in violation of the cruel and musty rules of\\ninternational law; that it was an exception to the established rule.\\nIt may have been, for I have announced it as one of the fixed\\nfacts that no strong nation ever robbed a weak nation that did\\nnot find a precedent in international law. It may be that when\\nFrance acknowledged our independence, when our credit wag\\ngone, when we were surrounded by enemies at home and abroad,\\nit broke a precedent: but if so. ,O.UO0.OO0 people ought to get\\ndown on their knees and thank God tor the exception and for the\\nbreaking of the precedent. Whenever we liave followed that\\nprecedent, as we did in the case of Texas, we have done wisely\\nand well, and whenever we have failed to follow that precedent\\nwhich M as plead for by Henry Clay in 1818, we have been mis-\\ntaken in our judgment.\\nBut gentlemen may sjiy, and truly, perhaps, that France hated\\nEngland and loved us enough to take the chances of war in that\\ndeclaration. I answer that the people of the United States, in my\\nhumble opinion, since the murders in Cuba of the reconcentrados\\nand the murder in Havana harbor of American citizens, hate\\nSpain and love Cuba enough to take our chance.\\nMr. President, all powers in the Executive the exercise of which\\nmay lead to war are niost carefully exercised by the executive\\nbranch unless the will of the war-making power is known to the\\nExecutive. It then clearly follows that it is the dutj of the legis-\\nlative branch of Government to inform the Presiclent as to its\\nwishes upon all questions the decision of which may lead to war.\\nTo illustrate: This branch of Congress declared two years ago in\\nfavor of acknowledging the belligerent rights of the Cuban insur-\\ngents or the Cuban Republic. There are times when the acknowl-\\nedgment of belligerent rights may be held to be a cause for war,\\nalthough the general rule is that the acknowledgment of bellig-\\nerency is not casus belli.\\nDuring the past year the President has considered the question\\nof acknowledging the belligerent rights of the Cubans. Was it\\nnot well that in the hour of consideration he knew what this\\nbranch of the Government thought of this ciuestion? The ac-\\nknowledgment of the independence of one State by aiiother is\\nunder some circumstances made a cause for war. If the Execu-\\ntive hesitates to take that step at present, will he not be jjleased,\\nin consideration of the step, to be informed in respectful language\\nof the wish of this branch of the Government My contention,\\nas a lawyer, is that the power to declare war having been fixed\\nin Congress, it necessarily gives Congress the power to do and\\nperform any act which under the law of nations may lead to war.\\nThis does not in any way limit or abridge the executive power to\\ndo some thingsindependently of the legislative power which under\\nthe law of nations may be held to be a cause for war.\\nBut, Mr. President, why talk of Presidential functions or legisla-\\ntive functions? We are to-day one people, one country, and one\\nflag. I have no disposition to trespass either here or elsewhere\\nupon the Executive prerogative. I have made this argument sim-\\nply to show that I believe the honor of our country and the abso-\\nlute independence of the present republic in Cuba are linked\\ntogether forever and for all time, and my suggestion upon that\\npoint is this: What is our principal cause or complaint The\\nsinking of the ship Elaine Why was she sunk? No one who\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "13\\nhas read the evidence, unless he is seeking for some excuse, it seems\\nto me, but admits it was a Spanish explosion that sank our ship.\\nWhy did Spain sink our ship by the explosion of her mineV Be-\\ncause the American heart went out to the struggling people of\\nCuba and we expressed ourselves in the pulpit and in the press\\nand in the Senate and in the House in favor of independence of\\nthat young republic, and it was revenge against the American\\npeople, and by that act of war and that act of vengeance they\\nhave coupled the independence of Cuba forever with the honor of\\nthis country.\\nBut it is claimed and this seems to be a conclusive argument\\nwith some of the distinguished gentlemen with whom I have\\ntalked within the tenor of the message and by those who support\\nthe withholding the declaration of independence for Cuba that\\nthis acknowledgment is a most solemn thing, and a step when\\nonce taken can not be retracted, and that the deed once done can\\nnever be undone by the Groverntnent of the United States, and that\\nit might build up a weak and iinpertect government in Cuba.\\nThat that proposition is untenable, unsound, and unworthy of dis-\\ncussion IS proven by a mere recitation of the i^resent situation the\\nproposition being that it would not do to establish an independent\\ngovernment in Cuba now until we are better advised, because it\\nis such a solemn dei^laration that we would be forever estopped\\nfrom questioning the sovereignty it creates.\\nI say it answers itself by a recitation of the present situation.\\nFor a hundred years we have stood for the sovereignty of Spain\\nin Ciiba. Our Presidents and Secretaries of State have gone so\\nfar as to cover the sovereignty of Spain in Cuba by the protecting\\nwing of the Monroe doctrine, and it has been the announced prin-\\nciple of our Presidents and Secretaries of State for a century that\\nno one should trespass upon Cuba; that we would sustain the\\nsovereignty of Spain in Cuba by force of arms, and that Spain\\nshould never part with her sovereignty except she parted with it\\non account of the insurgents conquering their own independence\\nor unless she sold the island to us.\\nBut to-day. with a hundred years of acknowledgment of sover-\\neignty of Spain in Cuba, the President of the Unned States, and\\nverj- properly\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and I honor him for it says to the world, Your\\nsovereignty in Cuba is at an end; and yet those who withhold the\\njeweled crown of independence from Cuba tell us that we may\\ndishonor and tear down the sovereignty of Spain, which we have\\nadmitted for a hundred years, but if once there is established\\na republic in Cuba by our consent we will he forever estopped if\\nthey make a failure of government or establish a government of\\ncruelty and crime, a government that does not make for civiliza-\\ntion.\\nIt will not do to tell TO, 000,000 intelligent people that you can\\nquestion the sovereignty of Spain when you have admitted it for\\na hundred vears. but that if you establish a republic in Cuba your\\nhands are forever tied, and that if the Island of Cuba, managed\\nby a republic, is as guilty of the crimes and the horrors which have\\nbeen carried on by the Spanish Government, we have not the same\\nright under the divine thought of intervening for the sake of\\nhumanity to intervene against a republic that we have to-day to\\nintervene against the established sovereignty of Spain in that\\nisland.\\nWe may deceive ourselves, but the people understand some-\\nthing about these questions, and it will be difficult to get them to\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "14\\nthink or believe that after we have acknowledged the sovereignty\\nof Spain for a hundred years and to-day refuse it, if to-morrow\\nthe independency of Cuba was to carry on a government by force,\\nby fraud, by crime, by murder upon little chiklren, we would not\\nhave the same right to intervene along the lines of humanity\\nagainst a republic as we now intervene against a monarchy.\\nMr. President, I am for the acknowledgment of the independ-\\nence of Cuba now not maiiana, not to-morrow, not next week,\\nbut as soon as we can have a chance to vote, and I shall briefly\\nstate my reasons.\\nI fully agree with the statement in the message of the President\\nthat independence must come to the island, but mj difference\\nwith the doctrine as presented is merely one as to the question of\\ntime.\\nI do not see how we can be honest and frank with ourselves,\\nhow we can be consistent with other nations of the world, unless\\nthe first step is to acknowledge the independence of the estab-\\nlished government in Cuba, a government which has sustained\\nitself for three years against the assaults of nearly 200,000 Spanish\\nsoldiers, a government that has levied and collected its taxes, sup-\\nported its schools, arms, e([uips, and maintains a standing army,\\nand, better and above it all, have imitated our fathers in declar-\\ning for independence or death. Our honor and Cuban independ-\\nence are linked together forever.\\nSuppose France had started out to help us without acknowledg-\\ning our independence. With what suspicion would we have re-\\ngarded her conduct? France had agreed to enter into a treaty\\nwith us by which she not only recognized our independence but\\nguaranteed our independence before England declared war upon\\nus. Suppose Lafayette when he came to our rescue had served\\nnotice upon us that later on the French people would decide\\nwhether they would recognize the Continental Congress and the\\nContinental Army or whether they would recognize the Tories and\\nthe peace-at-any-price men to remodel the Government. Would\\nnot the patriots have looked upon them with suspicious eye? And\\nwould they not have had good grotmds to suspect that our success\\nmeant simply a change of masters?\\nIt was the Continental Congress, George Washingion, and the\\nContinental Army that conquered the independence of the United\\nStates of America, and it is the army of Gomez and the Repulilic\\nof Cuba that will conquer her own independence on that unhappy\\nisland. In the dark hour of our distress, thank God, no nation\\nintervened to punish England, or to measiire our territory for their\\nuse or select some plan for us under the domination of a French\\nrule and under some scheme whereby the investors of France might\\nnot lose money unwisely invested but punished us by withholding\\nfrom us the crown of independence. Lafayette came with his\\nmen and ship, but sought no titled deeds to our land for the\\nmajesty of France. Are we to march on to Cuba with our glori-\\nous colors proclaiming to the world that we intervene in the in-\\nterest of humanity, and carry behind our wagon trains a corps of\\ncivil engineers to survey her lands for our profit? Are we, at the\\nclose of the nineteenth century, with a million church spires\\npointing to the sky, dedicated to the Nazarene, to send our troops\\nto plaj the part of the Good Samaritan before all the nations of\\nthe world, carrying a bag under our coat wherein to deposit the\\nprofits of the trade?\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "15\\nThe brilliant orator from Iowa said the other day in the House\\nthat\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nHovei ing above the dark waters of that mysterious harlx)r of Havana, the\\nblark-wiiis?ed vulture watches for the Ijelated dead, while over it aud over\\nall there is the eagle s piercing eye sternly watching for the truth.\\nMr. President, is it to continue to be an eagle, or is the avarice\\nand greed of the nation to cause it to descend and partake of the\\nvultures food?\\nDo you remember Perez, the military prostitute sent by the\\ndistinguished and mild-mannered Blanco to seduce Aranguren\\nwith money to sell his men? Do you remember what he wrote to\\nAranguren? He said, in substance, Aranguren. you maj just as\\nwell sell out now, because the Yankees are hogs, and after you\\nhave conciuered Spam you must reconquer your independence\\nagainst 70,000,000 hogs. Was he right?\\nMr. President, are we going down on the white- winged errand\\nof mercy concealing, under one wing a daybook and a journal and\\nunder the other unsigned bonds? Are we to forget our citizens\\nwho went down in the harbor of Havana in our greed for gold\\nand territory? Are we to leave the door open to compel additional\\nterms from the insurgents who sacrificed their wives, their children,\\nand their homes? Do we wish special treaties of commerce and\\nleave the door open for that? Do we wish to relieve some Ameri-\\ncan investors who have bought Spanish bonds and who wish to\\ntrade them for the bonds of the republic? Do we. worse still,\\nwish to leave the door open to compel those brave men and women\\nto accept some terms of autonomy or to pay blood money to the\\nSpaniard or the shylocks of our own land?\\nYou say no. Then I say close the door. It can be done by the\\nacknowledgment of the independence of Cuba to-day. We do\\nnot guarantee independence. We do not guarantee the success of\\nthe reign of the republic.\\nWe do not assume or become morally responsible for her con-\\nduct among the nations of the world. Biit by intervention you\\ndo. Intervention without the acknowledgment of independence\\nwill not do. You assert yourself as dictator of the island, and\\nyou put j^our open Treasury in the broad sunlight to respond to\\nthe demands, financial, moral, physical, and in every other way,\\nfor the conduct of that island when we intervene by force and\\ntake possession against all comers.\\nI for one am not ready to do that unless compelled by circum-\\nstances which I can not control, I hope and pray you may vote\\nfor independence for Cuba now; and by that acknowledgment we\\nsay to her, We hold you responsible for the conduct of the is-\\nland. If you give no better government to the people than that\\ngiven by Spain, the right to intervene still exists in the United\\nStates of America; but if you, who amidst the carnage of war\\nand death have achieved your own independence, are true to\\nthe declarations of your constitution, the overshadowing wing\\nof t]).e Monroe doctrine shall shield you and the United States of\\nAmerica will protect you forever.\\n31r. President, I have been told and led to believe that, as a\\nrule, at the close of life and the approach of that change which\\nwe call death, when nature ceases to struggle against nature and\\nthere is no more pain, there is given to each parting soul a moment\\nthat is absolutely serene. According to the statement of our own\\n3379", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "16\\ncolleagues and well-informed physicians, nearly twenty-five out of\\nevtry hundred of the reeoncentrados are marked for death. I\\nappeal for them to the Executive, and to the legislative branch of\\nGovernment as well. Driven and scourged and starved like dogs,\\nthey all have hope still for their day of emancipation.\\nMay I be forgiven if I express the hope that the heart of the\\nExecutive may be touched in their behalf? May we not hope that\\ntheir last, lingering look of lile be not with suspicion and hatred\\nupon your flag and mine; that it may not rest upon the hated\\ncolor of the yellow flag of Spain, but that in their rapt and part-\\ning moments they may be soothed and sustained by the sight of\\ntheir own flag\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the flag with a single star\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the flag of the Repub-\\nlic of Cuba?\\n3379\\nV\\\\", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n111 liil III mill 1111 nillii \u00c2\u00bbll I\\n013 902 126 5\\nIII\\ni\\n11\\nm\\n11\\ni\\nli\\n1", "height": "3359", "width": "2057", "jp2-path": "independenceofpe00maso_0020.jp2"}}