{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4056", "width": "2535", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Digitized by the Internet Archive\\nin 2011 with funding from\\nThe Library of Congress\\nhttp://www.archive.org/details/cubaOOmaso", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "c\\nSPEECH\\nOF ILLINOIS,\\nHON. WILLIAM E. MASON,\\nSENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nTUESDAY, MAY 18,1897.\\nWASHINGTON.\\nIS 97", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "F/7*L\\n310\\nT/ar in Cul)a.\\ns^ SFBBOH\\ny OF\\n#H0N. WILLIAM E. MASON\\nV\\nThe Senate having under consideration the joint resolution (S. B. 28) ae-\\ndaring that a condition of public war esisfcs in Cuba, and that strict neutral-\\nV ity shall be maintained\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nMr. MASON said:\\nMr. President: That we may have a fair -understanding as to\\nthe pending joint resolution, I desire briefly to state its contents.\\nAs I understand it, it is Senate joint resolution No. 26, Order of\\nBusiness on the Calendar 59. I desire to call the attention of the\\nSenate to the fact that it was introduced on the 1st day of April,\\nand on the 6th of April it was placed on the Calendar.\\nThe provisions of the joint resolution are, simply:\\nResolved, etc., That a condition of public war esists between the Govern-\\nment of Spain and a government proclaimed and for some time maintained\\nby force of arms by the people of Cuba, and that the United States of Amer-\\nica shall maintain a strict neutrality between the contending powers, ac-\\ncording to each all the rights of belligerents in the ports and territory of the\\nUnited States.\\nOne of the interesting thing3 to be discussed might be the\\nstate of the art, as we call it in the law, of this particular res-\\nolution. It will be the state of the art of polite delay, to take\\nthe place of the old-fashioned game we used to call filibustering.\\nSome of our distinguished friends in the minority have delayed ac-\\ntion clay after day upon the pending joint resolution upon one pre-\\ntense after another, although long before I took my seat in this\\nChamber the people of the United States had expected this body to\\nspeak upon this question. Day after clay the people have heard\\nfor the past month the voice of eloquent Senators saying what\\nshould be done in this great cause.\\nDay\\nthat this\\nter day the papers have been full of the announcement\\ncountry was at last to speak, and that the barbarities\\ninflicted by the Spaniard on the Cuban were to have some rebuke,\\nat least, in the Senate of the United States. The rules of the\\nSenate, to which we all bow with such graceful dignity, have\\npermitted this gentlemanly filibuster to continue until there is\\nto-day no guaranty that the voice of the people will be heard\\nhere, or that there is to be any protest from the American people,\\neither in the legislature or by the Executive, against the sale of\\ngirls, the murder of children, and the barbarities that the Spaniard\\ncalls war.\\nThat is the state of the art.\\nBut I want to say to my colleagues now, at the opening of the\\ndiscussion that I shall be indulged in, I am not going to deal in\\ntechnicalities. I am not going to dwell long on international law.\\nEvery student of international law knows that it is made by force\\nand that there is no barbarity of all the past that did not find its\\n2 27SG\\n^3", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "8\\nprecedent in international law. International law is as flexible\\nas time, as changeable as everything else, in the earth.\\nI am not studied much in the use of language. I much believe\\nin the old-fashioned definition that language is the means of coia-\\nmunicating thought. I have not yet learned to appreciate the\\nmodern diplomatic definition- that language is the means of con-\\ncealing thought. I am here to say as a Republican I am here to\\ncarry out the pledge of my party in convention assembled, that\\nthere is no demand of the intelligent, liberty-loving, Christian\\npeople of this country which should receive more speedy and full\\nrecognition than that made upon us, here and now, that we shall\\nlift our voices and our hands in defense of liberty in the Island\\nof Cuba. Day after day has passed, Mr. President, but no vote\\nhas been had. No one in this body doubts the reason why. A\\nmajority of us favor the measure, but the majority can not\\neoMrol.\\nThe Executive, that splendid American citizen, has been some-\\nwhat criticised, I think by the Senator from Nevada [Mr. Stew-\\nart], for some of his ideas upon silver; for there is no discus-\\nsion so sacred that will not invite the question if there is the\\njingle of a 10-cent piece on the carpet. He criticises our Presi-\\ndent upon his position on the financial question. Some of the\\nother friends have been inclined to praise him on account of other\\nthings. I am here neither to praise nor to criticise the President.\\nIt is enough for me to know that in the most exciting political\\ncampaign this country lias ever seen, amidst the heat of battle\\nand the dust and noise, William McKinley s name, his splendid\\ncharacter, his beautiful life, was like a pillar of fire by night that\\nled us to the greatest victory we have known in modern times, for\\nan honest currency and for protection to the industries of the\\ncountry. I do not and I shall not criticise him for the delay. I\\ntrust his judgment even though I may differ with him. I reserve\\nthe right to express my opinion and to cast my vote upon this\\nquestion when the hour shall come.\\nAnd to prove to you, Mr. President, and to my colleagues upon\\ntins floor, that the hour has come, let me read to you the message\\nof yesterday. What is it that we contend for in the joint resolu-\\ntion? Namely, that there is a state of war, and that we will agree\\nto keep hands off and give every side fair play; to let the insur-\\ngents come into this country as well as the Spaniards. Here is\\nthe proof of the necessity of the pending joint resolution, in the\\ncommunication made yesterday by the President of the United\\nStates. I desire to read but a part of it. The President says:\\nThe agricultural classes have been forced from their farms into the near-\\nest to vnis, -where they are without work or money.\\nWho forced them from their farms? Was it the insurgents? If\\nso, then there is war by the confession of the document itself.\\nWas it the Spaniards who forced 800 American citizens away\\nfrom a chance to eat bread in the sweat of their own face? Then\\nif there is not war, there ought to be, and with us. Eight hundred\\nAmerican citizens driven from their homes, starving and un-\\nsheltered; yet friends upon this floor say, We do not think there\\nis much of a war. Answer me, then, the question, Who drove\\nthese American citizens from their homes? Stand by them one\\nway or the other. If they were driven away by the insurgent,\\nyou admit the insurgent is strong enough to make war. If they\\nwere driven away by the Spaniard, you ought to be men enough\\nto stand up and give heart and courage to the struggling people\\n27SG", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "4\\nof Cuba and to defend American citizens, not alone with a piece\\nof bread, but, if need be, with bayonets and a Long Tom.\\nI call your attention, Mr. President, to another part of this\\nmessage. I voted for it. I had no desire to antagonize that reso-\\nlution in order to pass this resolution, which I think more impor-\\ntant. It was half a loaf better than none. Let me read you fur-\\nther on in this same message:\\nTlio local authorities of the several towns, however kindly disposed, are\\nunable to relieve the needs of their own people and are altogether powerless\\nto help our citizens.\\nWhat is the matter with our citizens in Cuba? They are hun-\\ngry in a state of peace, in a land flowing with milk and honey,\\nwhere all you have to do is to put your hand out and gather the\\ngifts of God Almighty to feed yourself, and yet we are told by\\nthose who say there is no war that they can not provide themselves\\nwith what they need to eat. Again I say, Who prevents it? Is\\nit the insurgent? Then there is war. Is it the Spaniard? Then\\nthere ought to be war.\\nI will read one more sentence from this document, which proves\\nthe necessity of the passage of the joint resolution under consid-\\neration:\\nThe latest report of Ccnsul-G-eneral Leo estimates sis to eight hundred\\nAmericans are without means of support.\\nHow did it happen, Mr. President? American citizens there\\ninvesting their money, tying their life and their futures with the\\nfuture of Cuba. How did it happen that sis or eight hundred of\\nthem, known to the Consul-General, are out of food and out of\\nemployment?\\nIt is desirable that a part of the sum which may be appropriated by Con-\\ngress should, in the discretion of the Secretary of State, also be used for the\\ntransportation of American citizens who, desiring to return to the United\\nStates, are without means to do so.\\nEight hundred Americans starving in the Island of Cuba, and\\nwe boasting of the right of an American to go anywhere in the\\nworld! And now we stand in this position: Instead of demand-\\ning of the Spaniard alike with the insurgent protection for Amer-\\nican citizens, we say: Please, Mr. Spaniard, we do not mind\\nyour killing the Cuban women and children; we do not mind\\nyour selling the daughters of the insurgent to the lustful sensu-\\nalists of the Spanish army, but, oh, please, kind Mr. Spaniard,\\nwith the gentle, insinuating stiletto, let us take a little American\\nbread to give to oru- poor, starving Americans in your peaceable\\nisland; and then, if they want to, please let us bring them home,\\nso that we can protect them under our flag. [Manifestations\\nof applause in the galleries.]\\nThe PRESIDING OFFICER rapped with his gavel.\\nMr. MASON. And yet there is no war in Cuba! If the non-\\ncoinbatant is starving to death, what is the combatant doing? if\\nAmerican citizens, 800 in one place, are being driven like dogs and\\nswine into a herd, and the Spanish Government, refusing to feed\\nthem, compels us to send from our store, in the name of God, if it\\nis not war, what is it?\\nTne joint resolution we passed was this:\\nThat the sum of $50,000 be, and the same is hereby, appropriated, out of any\\nmoney in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the relief of suffering\\nAmerican citizens in the Island of Cuba, said money to be expended at the\\ndiscretion and under the direction of the Consul-General of the United States\\nat Habana.\\nSuffering American citizens! Do we mean to give notice to the\\nworld that Coxey s army has moved down to the Island of Cuba\\nthat they are tramps or do you mean to say, by the resolution\\n3736", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "that passed yesterday, that SOO American citizens, as good as you\\nor I, entitled to the same defense under our flag as yon or I, are\\nsuffering because the brute in command of the island drives them\\nlike dogs away from the place where they can supply their daily\\nneeds? We are so tender and so fearful of injuring the delicate\\nfeelings of the Spanish minister that we are willing to humiliate\\nour citizens and feed them with the hand of charity, and yet the\\nSenate of the United States says there is no war the minority says\\nso, and a minority of this body is always the Senate of the United\\nStates. [JLaughter.]\\nMr. President, I only want one minute upon the question of\\nwhat brought about this condition of affairs. It is familiar to\\nevery gentleman upon this floor. Those people suffer exactly as\\nour fathers suffered in 1770 and on until we relieved ourselves of\\nthe yoke of England that lovely old mother country to whom\\nwe owe so ranch, as my eloquent friend from Maryland says. Yes,\\nwe do owe her a great deal, but, thank God, we settled a part of\\nit at Bunker Hill. [Laughter.] There may have been a little\\nbalance in her favor, but we settled that by our votes here within\\nthe past two weeks.\\nTAXATION WITHOUT REPRESENTATION.\\nThe very moment that a Cuban baby comes from the womb of\\na Cuban mother that baby is taxed. When it is taken out of the\\ncradle, its very swaddling clothes are taxed. Carried to the church\\nto be christened, the very benediction of G-od is taxed not by a\\nkind of a tariff tax, Brother Mills, but a tax to go toward keep-\\ning the Spaniard in idleness and lazy luxury. They are taxed\\nfrom the cradle to the grave. When the groom takes his bride to\\nthe altar, she is taxed, if she has not been before sacrificed to some\\nbrutal Spaniard.\\nRevolution after revolution sprang up, and when the insurgents\\nhad about won the prize the Spaniard, with that simple diplo-\\nmacy they are always diplomatic with which they have always\\nconvinced the insurgents in revolution after revolution, persuaded\\nthem if they would only lay down their arms they would be bet-\\nter treated. Ten years at one time they stayed out. This time\\nthey have been out two years. Is it wonderful, Mr. President, is\\nit at all surprising, that to-day the brave leader of the insurgent\\narmy says he has no compromise to make? The Cubans have been\\nraxed and robbed until there is no choice but death or starvation.\\nAfter the boy married the girl and went into business he was\\ntaxed. The sign over his door was taxed. The Spaniard found\\nthat was not enough, and put a tax upon each letter of his sign.\\nThey taxed his clerks, his amount of business, and stopped only\\nwhen their grinding exactions threatened to crush out his life,\\nand thus put an end to extortion. The native-born Cuban, up to\\nsome two years ago, could not even teach school in his own baili-\\nwick, and has never been permitted to hold any office of honor or\\ntrust. Some_of their children came to our schools. They heard\\nthe music of Yankee Doodle, and they took back to their insurgent\\nfather and brother the story of Bunker Hill, and they have begun\\nto demand their right\u00e2\u0080\u0094 their right to govern themselves.\\nLet me say to you, Mr. President, whether we shall sit\\non and on; whether we shall continue, in this dignified body, to\\nbe silent when all the people ask us to speak; whether the United\\nStates shall do its duty or not. under the providence of God, Cuba\\nshall be free. There shall be no slave on the continent where our\\nflag floats. [Manifestations of applause in the galleries.]\\n2786", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "My friend from Maryland yesterday asked the question V/here\\nis the Cuban government? 1 am going to ask the Secretary to\\nread a statement -which will take hut two minutes. I propose to\\ngive my authority Mr. Decker, ono of those newspaper men who\\nlike to deal in fiction when they run short of facts, as my brother\\nsaid, which I do not agree with.\\nThe PRESIDING OFFICES (Mr. Shwell in the chair). The\\nSecretary will read as requested, in the absence of objection.\\nThe Secretary read as follows:\\nCUBAN GOVERNMENT.\\nSalvador Cisneros, President of the Republic of Cuba, lias his headquar-\\nters, witha full cabinet of officers (and has continuously maintained it there),\\nwithin 3 miles of Cubitas. Cubitas is a Spanish fortified town in the\\nprovince of Puerto Principe, and about 50 miles northwest of Puerto Prin-\\ncipe, the capital of that province. It is to the east of the trocha. In Janu-\\nary last President Cisneros and his cabinet crossed the trocha and joined\\nGomez and remained with him until the end of February, when, at Gomez s\\nsuggestion, he again crossed the trocha and returned to his headquarters,\\nGomez remarking: You know you are perfectly safe there. They have a\\nconstitution, a code of civil law, a code of military law, a military recruit-\\ning law, and an electoral law.\\nUnder that law twenty -four delegates are now being elected to a central\\ncongress which is to convene September 2, 1897, for the purpose of electing a\\nPresident and for the transaction or such ether business as may come before\\nit. The island is divided into districts, which are again divided into prefec-\\ntures, and these into subprefectures. These prefects and subprefects are\\nadministering civil government according to the civil code. They also act as\\ncommissaries for the army and as postal officers. A very perfect and efficient\\npostal service is in operation. Mr. Earl Decker, who is authority for these\\nstatezn aa is, having just come from a two months sojourn with Gomez and\\nthe Cuban patriots, wrote and mailed through this insurgent postal service\\na letter to Consul General Lee at Iiabana detailing the death of Mr. Crosby\\nand started for Habana the same day. His letter reached iiabana six days\\nbefore he did.\\nMr. WELLINGTON. Will the Senator allow me one ques-\\ntion?\\nMr. MASON. Yes, sir.\\nMr. WELLINGTON. I wish to ask the Senator whether that\\nis the kind of information the Senate of the United States is to\\naccept as to the existence of a government in the Island of Cuba?\\nMr. MASON. Mr. President, when struggling humanity can\\nonly speak through its best methods; when the insurgent is sur-\\nrounded by the Spaniard, who sells his daughter and murders his\\nboy; when American correspondents of the newspapers go into\\nthe forests to find the news, and when the Spaniard covers every\\nport of entry on the Island of Cuba, we should, in the name of\\nhumanity, take the best we can get and be satisfied with that. If\\nthis account should overstate the facts; if it be not true that\\nthey have an election; if it be not true that they have a capital,\\nwe do know this: The wealth, of a nation is not measured by the\\ncapitol dome: the wealth of humanity is not measured by the\\nmoney in the banks or the miles of railroad, and if the govern-\\nment of struggling Cuba to-day holds its capital under the trees,\\nwith nothing but God and the stars for a shelter, 1 am for that\\ngovernment just the same. [Manifestations of applause in the\\ngalleries.]\\nThe information, of course, has not been conveyed by an am-\\nbassador nor other representative of the insurgent government,\\nfor none is here; he has not yet been received by our Executive;\\nwe have not yet declared that such government exists, and the\\neffort to-day is, upon the information we have, to lend a helping\\nhand to this extent, by acknowledging their belligerent rights and\\ngiving the insurgents who fight for liberty the same right to buy\\nS7S6", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "our wheat, the same right to buy our corn, and the same right to\\nbuy our guns that the Spaniard has in our open markets.\\nMr. GALLINGER. If theSenator -will permit me, in addition\\nto the testimony given by Mr. Karl Decker, I hold in my hand\\nDocument No. 19, published by the Senate, which shows the ab-\\nsolute existence of a government in the Island of Cuba, and not\\nonly that, but gives the constitution of the Republic of Cuba and\\ncertain laws which have been passed. Perhaps the Senator has\\noverlooked the existence of this document.\\nMr. MASON. I had heard of the document, but have never\\nseen it.\\nMr. GALLINGiiR. I think it would be well for the Senator\\nfrom Maryland to see it.\\nMr. MASON. A government on paper, says the Senator\\nfrom Maryland. That is more than Washington had at Valley\\nForge.\\nMr. W ELLINGTON. I beg the Senator s pardon.\\nMr. MASON. I will give you nardon, but that is true.\\n[La n^hter. 1\\nMr. WELLINGTON. I deny it.\\nMr. MASOZs I do not care what you deny; it is true.\\nMr. WELLINGTON. Oh, but stick to facts. Mr. President, I\\ninsist upon having fairness in this discussion, it is not neces-\\nsary to go outside of the truth and. start in upon fiction. You\\nknow, sir, and I know, that when Washington was at Valley\\nForge he had a government back of him. He had a government\\nback of him before he went to Valley Forge. We know very\\nwell that when Washington was at Valley Forge it was the\\ndarkest hour of the Revolution. It is true that he was then sur-\\nrounded by his Continentals, barefooted, hatless, ragged, and torn,\\nbut back of them there was a government, back of them was a\\nContinental Congress, which had appointed Washington to be\\nthe Commander in Chief of that army. The Senator very well\\nknows it. Let us be fair in this discussion. So far as I am con-\\ncerned, I am willing to stand by fairness, but I will not be mis-\\nrepresented upon the floor of the Senate. I will not have Amer-\\nican history falsified upon the floor of the Senate for the benefit\\nof even the Cuban insurgents.\\nMr. MASON. Mr. President, I am extremely surprised that my\\nfriend should get excited. I made the statement that Washington\\nat Valley Forge had a paper government, and it was a paper gov-\\nernment. That paper was not worth a continental damn. [Laugh-\\nter.] The money of your Government was not worth more than\\nwaste paper in the markets of the world, and you would not have\\nhad the power at Valley Forge to stem the incoming tide of the\\nEnglish if it had not been for Lafaj-ette and public sentiment that\\ncame to our relief from all over the world. We propose now to\\ngive to Cuba what Lafayette gave to Washington at Valley Forge.\\n[Applause in the galleries.]\\nMr. WELLINGTON. Mr. President, one question more.\\nThe PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland will\\nsuspend a moment. Occupants of the galleries are reminded that\\nthey occupy their seats by the courtesy of the Senate, and any\\ninfringement of the rules of the Senate which require order will\\nnecessitate having the galleries cleared by the Presiding Officer.\\nMr. WELLINGTON. Mr. President, I am sure that my friend\\nthe Senator from Illinois is carried away by his sympathy for\\nCuba into making statements that will not be verified by written\\nhistory. He. knows when Washington was at Valley Forge there\\n2783", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "stood back of him not only a central Government tinder tlie Con-\\ntinental Congress, but there was back of that Continental Congress\\nthirteen State governments which had been built upon the colo-\\nnies which formed the United States of America. He knows full\\nwell that there were thirteen colonies that had been formed into\\nStates by the will of the people on each and every occasion. His-\\ntory will tell that the State of Maryland had been formed, and\\nthat the governor of Maryland, a civil officer of that State, sent\\nthe first regiment that left the Southern colonies to go to the as-\\nsistance of Massachusetts in the great Revolutionary struggle\\nthe Alleghany Riflemen, from my own section of the State. The\\nSenator must know this.\\nI want to emphasize, sir, here and now, that there is not in Cuba\\nto-day, and there never has been since the beginning of this re-\\nbellion or revolution, such a government as you can look to.\\nThere have been no jury trials, and you know that. Sir, there is\\nnot in existence there anywhere, in a province or in a central port,\\nany government whatsoever that can be so denominated accord-\\ning to law.\\nLet us be fair. Let us discuss this. I know I am here in defense\\nof a proposition that does not seem to be popular in the country\\nto-day. I am willing to wait for vindication, because I am for\\nmy country and its best interests.\\nMr. GALLlNGER. You will wait forever.\\nMr. WELLINGTON. The Senator says we can wait forever.\\nMr. GALLlNGER. No; you will wait forever, I say.\\nMr. WELLINGTON. No; I am not going to wait forever.\\nMr. GALLlNGER. You will die waiting.\\nMr. WELLINGTON. No; I am not going to die at present.\\n[Laughter.] Oh, no; but if you are in favor of liberty and free-\\ndom, I will tell you how you can best get it for Cuba, and how\\nyou can best get it for all the countries around you make repub-\\nlican institutions respectable, say when there is a republic that\\nthere shall be back of it conservatism and law.\\nI am proud of my country, and i do not intend to be placed in a\\nfalse position upon this matter. I am as much an Am erican as is\\nthe Senator from Illinois. I believe in liberty as much as he does.\\nI believe in the flag of the country as much as he does, and when\\nit comes to waving the American flag I can do that as well as he\\ncan.\\nBut that is not the question. We are now cliscussiiig as to\\nwhether it is best that the United States of America should recog-\\nnize the belligerency of Cuba. In my humble opinion, it is not\\nbest to do so, and for that reason I have taken the position that I\\ntook yesterday. One thing I did accomplish yesterday^ It seems\\nto have stirred up the gentlemen on the other side, it seems to\\nhave brought to the fore and front this morning the Senator from\\nRlinois. it has brought him so far that he has left the land of\\ntruth back of him and is wandering in the land of romance and\\nfiction created by himself Unfortunately, that is not good ground\\nto stand upon when you go into international questions. It is not\\na question of what the sympathies of this people may be, but it is\\na question, and a great question, to know as to what the effect will\\nbe upon the United States of America.\\nMr. President, so far as I am concerned, the applause of the\\ngalleries or their hootings and laughter make but very little differ-\\nence to me. I am here to carry out for the State I represent the\\nfeeling and sentiment I have and what I believe to be just, honest,\\nand correct, and for the best interests of my country,\\n3788", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "9\\nMr. MASON, Mr. President, the statement of fact by my col-\\nleague from Maryland that he will not die is quite sufficient to\\ngratify my most sanguine hopes. I hope it is true, but it is like\\nsome 6f his other statements in regard to the provisional or the\\npresent government of Cuba. This document, reported by the\\nSenator from Minnesota [Mr. Davis] and the papers accompany-\\ning the report submitted by Hon. J. D. Cameron from the Com-\\nmittee on Foreign Relations of the United States Senate on Decem-\\nber 21, 1896, on a joint resolution acknowledging the independence\\nof Cuba, gives a full statement of the officers of that government;\\nit shows what part of the island is under their control, and shows\\nhow they collect their taxes.\\nIt is conceded that we gained our independence with but 3,000,-\\n000 of inhabitants. In the Island of Cuba to-day there are a mil-\\nlion and a half at least; but the Senator would measure in his\\nscales of .-justice and equity the divine question of liberty by mere\\nquestions of numbers It follows, therefore, that if 3,000,000\\nAmericans were entitled to liberty, a million and a half of Cubans\\nare only entitled to 50 per cent of liberty. [Laughter.]\\nHere is their government. There is a report made by a com-\\nmittee before you and I became statesmen [laughter] before we\\ntook the oath of office at that desk and began to draw our salaries\\nwith great regularity [laughter]\u00e2\u0080\u0094 speaking for myself. There is\\nthe report; there is the evidence. The Senator speaks of the great\\nduty of the United States Senate. I call his attention to a pub-\\nlication in. this morning s newspapers. I know, from the state-\\nment of the Senator and from many of my colleagues, that a news-\\npaper statement is like a gentle breeze against the great Eock of\\nGibraltar; but here is the breeze, here is a petition signed by the\\nleading merchants of the great cities in your country and mine.\\nLet me read you just one line of it. Let me show to the Senator\\nthat the Republican party was right in its convention platform\\nwhen it said the great question to be settled in the future was to\\nrecognize belligerency and declare the independence of the Island\\nof Cuba. You were elected on that platform, and so was 1. The\\nPresident of the United States accepted that platform in every\\ndetail, was elected on that platform, and I am here to stand by\\nthat platform while I continue on the pay roll. [Laughter.]\\nThe subscribers to this memorial, citizens of the United States, doing\\nbusiness as banters, merchants, manufacturers, steamship owners, and\\nagents m the cities of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Savannah,\\nCharleston, Jacksonville, New Orleans, and other places, and also other citi-\\nzens of the United States, who have been for many years engaged in the ex-\\nport and import trade with the Island of Cuba, finding that their several\\ninterests are suffering severely from the long continuance of the struggle\\nnow going on in the Island of Cuba.\\nOh, there is no struggle there. They are mistaken. They have\\nnot been informed so officially by the Spanish minister in Wash-\\nington. Every merchant who signed this petition was probably a\\ncommon-sense American citizen. He did not have to wait to be\\nnotified officially that his cargoes could not go in or come out at\\nthe ports of entry, lie did not need a telegram from the descend-\\nants of Queen Isabella that he could not do business in the State\\nof ISTew York and in the Island of Cuba. This is their petition. It\\nis too long to read in full.\\nThe magnitude of the American commerce with the Island of Cuba is read-\\nily shown bv citing the volume of our trade with that island for the three\\nvious years, during the reciprocity treaty of the United States with Spain.\\n2786", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "10\\nWhen you read it you can see we have some financial and com-\\nmercial interests in this little island as well as the sentiment that\\nmy friend likes to talk about\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that sentiment, that splendid sen-\\ntiment which is not moved at the sale of women and children, but\\nthat sentiment that brings tears to the eye at the thought of the\\ngreat-great-great-grandmother who pawned her jewels for Colum-\\nbus to cross the ocean. [Laughter.] Yes; she did. We have\\ndone her all the honors we can, and to her memory. It is not\\nagainst Isabella; but let me call the Senator s attention to the fact,\\nin passing, that the Spaniard in 1492 was a Spaniard and a Span-\\niard true. She sent Columbus across the water, risking her\\nmoney against his life, to find gold for the queen; but when he\\ncould not produce the thing that the Spaniard wanted he was put\\nin irons; and he died a pauper; and he is not buried in Spanish\\nsoil, thank God! who doeth all things well.\\nI am not familiar with the practice of the Senate, hut I am grow-\\ning somewhat familiar with some of its practices. [Laughter.]\\nI desire, if it is proper, to save the time of the Senate, that this\\nsplendid petition, containing names of leading merchants in the\\ngreat cities of New York, Philadelphia, and in Bethlehem, Pa. St.\\nLouis, signers in Boston, signers in New Orleans, signers in Mo-\\nbile, signers in Pensacola, Fla., signers in Brunswick, Ga., and so\\non to the end of the chapter I shall be pleased, if it is proper\\n(and if it is not, I shall ask the Secretary to read it, so that it may\\ngo into the Record, not all the names to encumber the Record),\\nthat it be printed in the Record, so that the Senators of the United\\nStates may know what the business men of this country think of\\nthis proposition, that the time has come that America should\\ndefend her own in the Island of Cuba.\\nMr. MORG-AN. I will suggest to the honorable Senator, if he\\nwill allow me, that he print that document as an appendix to his\\nremarks, and put in all the names.\\nMr. MASON. I ask unanimous consent to do so.\\nThe PRESIDING- OFFICER, If there be no objection, the doc-\\nument will be printed in the Record, as suggested.\\nMr. MASON. Speaking again of the government of Cuba, I\\nhave here a half dozen newspapers printed there; in the woods,\\nthey say. I can not read them. I can not even tell the dates. I\\nhave only the word of the gentleman who gave me them, and be-,\\ncause I happen to be a Senator of the United States I do not think\\nI ought to get so far on top of the Capitol that I can not receive\\ncommon, ordinary, intelligent communications. The Spanish min-\\nister has not sent with his seal the statement that that [indicat-\\ning] is a Cuban paper, but I believe it and you believe it.\\nIt is common sense we are after. It is the common sense that our\\nfriends on the other side seek to avoid. I want it understood here\\nnow, as I present this petition from the merchants and the busi-\\nness men of these great cities, that it finds echo in every hamlet\\namong the people where I live. During the political campaign\\njust closed, during the great struggle for supremacy of the two\\ngreat parties, I felt the pulse of thousands of people. There are\\nno Senate rules among the people. In Illinois, if they do not like\\nwhat you say they say so, and if they do, they let you know it.\\nIn Illinois, from Cairo to Dunleith, 400 miles of the best State\\nin the Union, the plain people there, as well as the merchants,\\nin response to the proposition that the Cubans should be free,\\nagreed with one acclaim whenever it was mentioned; and, while\\nto-day the people are waiting with bated breath and financial\\naffairs are dependent upon our action on the tariff, when you get at\\n27SC", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "11\\nthe deep undertone of the conscience of the Christian people oi\\nthis conntry it says Let ns have freedom in Cuba. Let the Span-\\niard go back to his own land, and let us have no slaves upon our\\ncontinent.\\nNot that alone makes me make this plea. My friend the Sena-\\ntor from Maryland [Mr. Wellington] miclerstands that I appre-\\nciate and honor him for his convictions, and I ask at his kind and\\ngenerous hands only the same consideration I give to him. I have\\nnot called names. I shall not indulge in that, and I shall not per-\\nmit it. Yon can call jingo as long as yon like. You may define\\njingo as long as yon please. Patrick Henry was a jingoist accord-\\ning to the definition of the gentlemen who are trying to defeat the\\ninsurgents in Cuba. Every man who would rather fight than buy\\npeace at the price of the dishonor of his wife or his child has been\\ncalled a jingo from the days of early republics until now.\\nI am for the liberty, for the independence of Cuba on a better\\nand broader ground. I propose such action as shall secure for\\nthat island and for ourselves a better environment, not only for\\ntrade or commerce, not at all for the extension of territory and\\nthat is the difference between the ordinary English lawmaker and\\nourselves. A friend of mine who was entertained at a dinner in\\nLondon within three months related to me that when one of the\\ngreat officers of the English navy said, We are as ready as ever\\nto extend English trade with the English navy, the merchants of\\nLondon jumped into their chairs and put their napkins above their\\nheads. That is not the sentiment of the American citizen. For\\nnineteen hundred years we have professed to follow the Eazarene.\\nO it is not the sentiment that comes from an American conscience.\\nI would not extend our trade one dollar nor sell one pound of Amer-\\nican com at the point of a bayonet, I would not steal the Island\\nJ of Cuba, nor seek the acquisition of territory by force which is\\nanother name for grand lareeny and 1 would not put the Ameri-\\ncan flag in Hawaii or Cuba, or on the smallest island of the sea, to\\nadd glory to the flag, without the consent of the poorest inhab-\\nitant who lived in that island. That is the difference._ i do not\\nwant Cuba. I am not praying for annexation. I hope i have one\\nglimpse of the divine thought that was in Lincoln s mind when,\\ndriving along one day, he saw a stiuggling bug upon its back and\\ngot cut of the carriage and with his cane tnrned~the insect to its\\nfeet, and when he got back said, Well, 1 have given him a show,\\nan equal show with all the other bugs. [daughter.]\\nI wish to give Cuba an equal show. She is not getting it to-day.\\nYou are keeping it from her. To-day Spain can come into your\\nmarket and buy every gun you have to sell, if she has the money.\\nLast night a little band started out to cross the water to take gnus\\nand ammunition and dynamite to the insurgents. We witched\\nit like hawks. We have filled our prisons with them. We are\\npaying taxes to-day to keep native Cubans from going back to fight\\nfor their own country; and this is America, and this is the United\\nStates Senate!\\nEqual before the law is the demand of the joint resolution.\\nEqual rights of belligerency that is all that is asked for in the\\njoint resolution by the Senator who has offered it not preference,\\nnot help to the insurgents, but simply to give them a chance, one\\nstraggling chance, to come to our shores and with then- money\\nbuy our goods. When you do it, when the sanctity of law is above\\nit, in the providence of God there is a Lafayette in this country\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -I\\ndo not know his name, but somewhere among men who have\\ngrown weary of worshiping the millions some American will\\n8786", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "12\\nhave told to him by his boy the story of Lafayette and he will\\nbuild the ship if the Government refuses to do so. He will bring\\nships, he will furnish the courage to the insurgents, he will stand\\nfor equal rights before the law; and all we ask is this simple propo-\\nsition, that hereafter when the Cuban government, so called, offers\\nto buy in our markets, offers to set sail from our ports, we will\\ntreat her exactly as we do the Spanish Government.\\nWe hesitate because of an ancient barnacle known as interna-\\ntionallaw Presidential prerogative, Congressional jurisdiction\\nand we mingle words with the divine principles of liberty, forget-\\nting for the time that we come from the great liberty-loving peo-\\nple of all the world.\\nMr. President, I was going to read extracts from what purported\\nto be instructions of the Assistant Secretary of State to one of our\\nconsuls in Cuba. Most of you are familiar with them. I do not\\nbelieve it is fair to put into the Record those statements when\\nthe gentleman is said to deny them. The only denial I see is in\\nthe press this morning, which says that the State Department says\\nthat Mr. Rockhill never sent any such letters.\\nTherefore it is but fair to him, it is but fair to myself, and but\\nfair to the cause I represent, not to quote those things and make\\nthem a part of the Record. It is charged; he denies it; the proof\\nis not here. 1 leave it with his conscience, but I call his atten-\\ntion to one fact: In the communication yesterday received from\\nthe Executive Mansion, the facts of which were furnished to the\\nPresident presumably from the State Department, it is stated\\nthat official information from our consuls in Cuba establishes\\nthe fact that a large number of Americans, etc. When did this\\ngentleman get that information to furnish the Executive? Let\\nhim answer the people through the press to-morrow. He says\\nhe never told a United States consul to shade a report; he never\\ntold him to mark it confidential to keep the Senate from get-\\nting it.\\nLet him make answer through the press and over his name\\nto-night or to-morrow, if he will. When, Mr. Rockhill, did you\\nget the information that you sent to the Senate that 800 American\\ncitizens are starving in Cuba? Did you get it yesterday? Did\\nyou get it last night? Did you get it last month? You know what\\nwe know. Let him answer. He may deny, if he will, directing\\nthe United States consuls to withhold reports, but he can not\\ndeny, and show the file mark of his office upon the proposition\\nthat we believe to be true, that for days and months he has had\\npossession of that information and that it never went to the\\nExecutive until Saturday.\\nOne word, Mr. President, and I shall conclude. My good friend\\nthe Senator from Maryland [Mr. Wellington] who is always in\\nearnest and always good-natured, and who wrested the great\\nState he represents from the fallacies of free silver and free trade,\\nseemed to think yesterday, and has intimated to-day, that no\\nnewspaper reports can be relied upon. My rule in that regard is\\nthis: When they speak well of me, I am sure it is true, and if they\\nspeak ill, everybodj^ knows it is false. [Laughter.] So we are\\nxerj apt to act, I admit, when we read these reports from Cuba in\\nthe newspapers. When they do not happen to fit his idea of inde-\\npendence, of belligerency, he can not possibly believe them, and I\\ncan not help believing them. It is the way we are made.\\nBut as to his general statement in regard to them, he did not\\nmean to be unfair, but he was. Chicago had a rerjorter on the\\n278S", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "18\\nfield of a three-clays engagement^ in Cuba. Charles Crosby was\\nkilled in the Island of Cuba. He was not there to write ro\\ninanees. He was there to furnish the great, throbbing 70,000,000\\nof people with news, news of struggling Cuba; to put a light upon\\nthe watch tower of the liberty-loving people of America that they\\nmight know whether liberty was dead or whether on this con-\\ntinent the slave should still be held. Crosby was not a romancer.\\nHe answered to his profession with his life. Of ten of the corre-\\nspondents of theU nited States newspapers who have gone to Cuba,\\nfive have left their lives there. Fifty per cent of the ten we know.\\nFour are dead, one of them is standing to-day in the shadow of\\nthe grave, and yet, going into a climate that is dangerous, going\\ninto the very field of battle, as the old war correspondents used\\nto do in 1860 to 1805, they have stood where the fight was hot, and\\nno man who carried a gun earned more honor in many a field than\\nthe brave newspaper lad who sent the news, sent home tidings of\\nvictory for the Union flag.\\nI insist that while newspaper reports are often conflicting, often,\\nit may be, exaggerated, I insist that after eighteen months of\\nrepeated statements, after eighteen months of conflicting news\\nnot conflicting apon one proposition after eighteen months of\\nregular reports from the scene of conflict, it is time for gentlemen\\nto say we have got to accept the newspaper reports. There is no\\ncontradicting it. I do not deny the fact that they are often en-\\nlarged upon, but I do say that the best means of information we\\nhave comes from that source, and I am sure my distinguished\\nfriend did not mean, in the heat of his argument, to cast a reflec-\\ntion upon a class of men whose profession is as honorable as his\\nor mine, and more laborious, involving much more suffering,\\nGod knows, to that class of them certainly who have to sit in the\\ngallery at about \u00c2\u00a740 a week and listen to the speeches we make on\\nthis floor.\\nMr. GALLINGER. Will the Senator from Illinois permit an\\nobservation?\\nMr. MASON. Certainly.\\nMr. GALLINGSB. As I remember the matter, Mr. Crosby,\\nthe correspondent of the Chicago newspaper, lost his life while he\\nwas on the field observing a battle between the Spanish and Cuban\\nforces. Is that correct?\\nMr. MASON. Yes, sir. He stood within 6 feet of the insurgent\\ngeneral. He was shot by a sharpshooter. It is the first time I\\nhave ever known a Chicago newspaper man to get the worst of\\nit. [Laughter.] He always gets the news and never gets hurt;\\nbut this brave boy, who was reporting for one of our Chicago\\ndailies, was struck here [indicating] and the bullet came out there\\n[indicating] and he fell, mortally wounded. He was a news-\\npaper man, not a writer of fiction.\\nMr. GALijlNGES. Yet we seem to be hesitating, and some\\nSenators are declaiming against our acknowledging a state of\\nwar in Cuba. _ They say it does not ezist.\\nMr. MASOlS! Mr. President, one word and I shall be through.\\nI am sorry to have taken so long. I have felt that I wanted to\\nvote upon_ this question, and following my platform, every line\\nof which 1 read and a part of which I wish to insert in my speech\\nI intend to vote upon this question if it takes all summer.\\nMy friend says that the four years of depression came from a\\nlack of confidence in Europe. It is true to a certain extent.\\nMr. WELLINGTON. I beg the Senator s pardon, if he will\\n278G", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "14\\npermit me right here again. I am sure he does not want to be\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0unfair.\\nMr. MASON. Not at all.\\nMr. WELLINGTON. I said it arose from a lack of confidence\\nboth anions ourselves and in European countries.\\nMr. MASON. All right. I will accept the amendment. Still\\nhe has not told it all. It came from the widespread dissatisfac-\\ntion and distrust; hut it came principally because the money of the\\ncountry would not circulate among the arteries of trade.\\nMr. WELLINGTON. Why was that?\\nMr. MASON. Because of the passage of the bill that encour-\\naged Americans to give labor to foreigners when it should have\\nbeen given to the American people. ~Y ou preached that doctrine\\nfrom every stump in Maryland, and believe it as well as I do.\\nMr. WELLINGTON Certainly. I merely wished to empha-\\nsize the fact of the lack of confidence.\\nMr. MASON. Yes; but it was not produced by anything we\\nhad clone by way of demanding our rights among the nations of\\nihe world. Fear of Europe! Afraid of war! He suggested how\\ngunboats would clean eur frontier.\\nMr. President, if we did not have a ship in the world, if every\\ngun was melted into a plowshare, if every bayonet was buried, if\\nevery ship we ever had was sunk in the middle of the sea, there is\\nno nation in the world, much less Spain, that would ever dare\\nstrike our colors or invade American soil. [Applause in the gal-\\nleries.]\\nHere is my doctrine at St. Louis. Its location was a trifle bad.\\n[Laughter.] Cuba is the heading. I am reading to you, my\\ncolleagues upon this floor, the platform I submitted to the intelli-\\ngent people of Illinois as a reason why McKinley should be Presi-\\ndent and I, or some other good Republican, should be Senator from\\nthat State. I read it, and I want every gentleman on this side of\\nthe Chamber to remember it and those of you who have changed\\nyour minds, say so when you help to filibuster against the joint\\nresolution. Oh, filibuster is a harsh word! It jars upon the sensi-\\ntive minds and the delicate touch of those of us who are popular in\\nSpanish quarters, but filibuster is the word. You have indulged\\nin it with a grave and gentle smile. You have kept from a vote\\nwith a filibuster, covered with a masked face and kid gloves, but\\nI give you notice that when you get a filibuster from Illinois there\\nwill be no mask, there will be no kid gloves, it will be a straight\\nfilibuster from the start to the finish.\\nHere is my platform that I was pledged to when I came here:\\nCuba.\\nYou remember how the great hall rang. The great, struggling,\\nliberty-loving people of the world said: At last the Republican\\nparty is on the high road to success. McKinley, sure! .Liberty\\nfor Cuba will come. The Republican party spoke, and from the\\ndays of Lincoln to the days of McKinley it has never stepped\\nbackward from one plank of its platform, ancj it will not do so\\nnow.\\nCuba! at St. Louis when we wanted votes. [Laughter.]\\nListen, my good Republican brother. There is here no question\\nof Presidential jurisdiction or Congressional jurisdiction. The\\njurisdiction of the convention decided it the jurisdiction of the\\nconvention and there never has been a convention since Lincoln\\nwas nominated that came closer from the hearts of the people than\\nthe convention at St. Louis, Hear what the jurisdiction of the\\n\u00c2\u00a3786", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "15\\npeople was. Hear the decree of a court that always has jua\\ntion once in four years:\\nThe Government of Spain having lost control of Cuba\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nWhat\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nhaying lost control of Cuba\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n2Tow, as a Republican, I ask tkstBepabiieaHS wkQ live upon Sihat\\nplatform, have you lost control, or do you rise to tlie dizzy h\\nof Senatorial jurisdiction and forget your promises made before\\nelection and in convention?\\nSpain having lost jurisdiction\\nhaving lost control of Cuba, and being unable to-jroteet theproTertv lives\\nof resident American citizens\\nWas it not true? In the name of God and the light of prophecy,\\nhave yon read the message of McKinley? Then go back and read\\nthe first chapter (our platform) and see whether, in the light of\\nprophecy, taking Mr. AlcKinley*s message, our splendid President\\nand our splendid convention, it was not true. Did he not tell you\\nthat 800 American citizens are starving there? Did we not tell\\nyou in our convention that they had so lost control of Cuba that\\nthey could not protect American citizens?\\nJust let me read this plank:\\nCUBA.\\nFrom the hour of achieving their own independence the people of the\\nUnited States have regarded with sympathy the struggles of other American\\npeoples to free themselves from European domination. We -watch with deep\\nana abiding interest the heroic battle of the Cuban patriots against cruelty\\nand oppression, and our best hopes go out for the full success of their deter-\\nmined contest for liberty.\\nThe Government of Spain having lost control of Cuba and being unable\\nto protect the property or lives of resident American citizens, or to comoly\\nwith its treaty obligations, we believe that the Government of the United\\nshould actively use its influence and good offices to restore -oeace- and\\ngive independence to the island.\\nIn convention pledged to the loaf of independence, in the hour of\\nsuccess we hesitate to give the crumb of belligerency. I am proud\\nto be a member of the party that never broke its pledge. Yes, it\\nhas once or twice, because the Senate was in the control of the\\nminority. But from the days of .Lincoln to the days of McKimv\\nMy\\ndistinguished friend the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge]\\nwas on the committee to draw up the resolution, and when it was\\nheard, reciprocity shook the rafters, protection set everybody to\\nworkwich hands and feet; but when we spoke the broad, deep tone\\nof liberty, when we said we remembered Valley Forge, and by the\\neternal freedom there won, by everything dear to Americans,\\nAre you as good as your promises before election? Did you be-\\nlieve m the platform then? There is not one on this side of the\\nChamber who did not speak for it in all its planks, and to-day you\\nstand here idle, not like Republicans, but like men who seem to\\niiave gone to sleep, men who seem to have forgotten the pledges\\ntheir party made.\\nMr. President, I had intended to read one or two instances\\nwhere we do not rely altogether on newspaper reports. Kb one\\ncioubts the statement of John McCullough, an American who\\nowns his own farm .20 miles east of Sagua la Grande. In Feb-\\nruary, 600 refugees were upon his farm starving, sick with fever.\\n2786", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n015 819 525 2\\n16\\nHe rode to tlie officers of the Spanish army at Sagua begging to buy\\nquinine and other medicines, and the reply was: Let them suffer.*\\nMr. McCullough protested in the name of humanity, and said they\\nwere pacific, innocent peasants. But they are Cubans, are they\\nnot? asked the Spaniard. Mr. McCullough said they were\\nCubans, yes. Then let them die. So much the better. The\\nquicker the breed is exterminated the better i like it.\\nNo one doubts his statement. He is not a newspaper corre-\\nspondent writing fiction. No one doubts the statement made by\\nthat woman who has spoken in many places, who saw the out-\\nrages in the past. No one doubts that they took the Cuban boy,\\n15 or 18 years old, and stood him in the line and shot him like a dog,\\nnot for what he had done, but that the blood of an insurgent was\\nin his veins. You remember it possibly, about the time we came\\nhere; when I thought I saw the grandest gathering in the world\\nunder one roof. I saw my colleagues come in one by one. I saw\\nthe Representatives Of the House, and recognized that here was\\nthe lawmaking power of the greatest nation in the world. I saw\\nthe Supreme Court, in its dignity and its great equipment for\\nwork, file in one by one, and remembered that that judiciary, in\\nall the annals of the past, had never had its character impugned\\nor_its reputation assailed.\\n1 saw the representatives of the Army and Navy come in and\\ntake their seats here. I saw our wives and our children in the\\ngalleries, and i was inspired with the thought that this is the great-\\nest nation in the world, strong in war or in peace; and at that very\\nmoment I remembered the Cuban boy, without a name, taken out\\nthe day before by the Spaniard to be shot to death, lie asked only\\none privilege, that his eyes might be uncovered, that he might\\nturn his eyes to the hills from whence he came. I have been out-\\nraged and shocked by the cruelties ofthe past, but I was inspired\\nby the death of that Cuban boy, and 1 have been silent too long to\\ncarry out the wishes of the plain people who sent me here.\\nI hold my commission, Mr. President, from no set of men. I\\ngot my seat from no boss. I hold my place, your equals politically,\\nthrough the machinations or dictations of no machine. By the\\neternal power I hold my commission from the people. I promised\\nthe people I would speak, and if I have been too long silent or too\\nlong speaking I shall answer to my people and my people alone.\\nYou know the outrages. You do not need official returns. You\\nknow them from the reports of women of our own country who have\\nseen them pass the daughters of the Cuban out of the windows as\\na prey to the brutal licentiousness of the Spanish soldier, and we,\\nfathers of daughters, gather our children about our own hearth-\\nstone and lock the outside door and say, Am I my brother s\\nkeeper? I am my brother s keeper! Then we march back to the\\nSenate of the United. States, with the voices of children and women\\nin our ears, innocent girls ravished and murdered by the Spanish\\nsoldiery, and not denied; we gather around in our dignified way\\nand talk about Presidential jurisdiction, Congressional jurisdiction\\nMr. President, no one expects war, but if to keep our promises\\nwith Cuba and protect her means war, let it come. If to protest\\nagainst the butchery of women and children means war, let it\\ncome. If to defend the honest daughters of brave patriots means\\nan insult to Spain and war, in the name of God, let it come, and\\ncome quickly. Whether you sleep bound hand and foot by the\\nrules of order, or whether you speak like American brave men,\\nthe spirit of the Nazarene is upon us; liberty shall prevail, and\\nthe Island of Cuba, under the providence of God, shall be free.\\nsrso o", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3474", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n015 819 525 2\\nConservation Resources\\nLig-Frce\u00c2\u00ae Type I", "height": "3969", "width": "2453", "jp2-path": "cuba00maso_0020.jp2"}}