{"1": {"fulltext": "/fn", "height": "3671", "width": "2444", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3671", "width": "2236", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "E 713\\n.H52\\nCopy 1\\nPROPOSED ANNEXATION OF HAWAII.\\nSPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. CHARLES L. HENRY,\\nOF INDIANA.\\nHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIYES,\\nMonday, June 13, 1898.\\nTVASIII] fGTON\\n1898.", "height": "3736", "width": "2257", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "f5\\n5^\\n68129", "height": "3671", "width": "2236", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "SPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. CHAELES L. HENEY,\\nThe Hoiiso Laving under consideration the joint resolution (H. Res. .?a9) to\\nprovide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nMr. HENRY of Indiana said:\\nMr. Speaker: We are gravely told tliat the proposition pre-\\nsented by the resolution for the annexation of Hawaii is the com-\\nmencement of a new policy of the United States for the acquisition\\nof colonial territory. It is said that following this will come the\\nannexation of the Philippine Islands, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, and\\nthat finally the nation will so extend her boundaries that it will\\nfall by reason of the fact that so many diverse nationalities are\\nbrought under the flag that our republican form of government\\ncan not ijcssibly be maintained. All this sounds like an echo\\nfrom the past.\\nThe prophets of evil who so loudly declaim upon the disasters\\nand woes which are to come if we pass these resolutions are but\\nthe lineal successors of those who told the people of this country\\nin former years, when annexations of territory were being dis-\\ncussed, that evil and destruction must surely follow. Men even\\nstood lip and solemnly declared that any such annexation as that\\nof Florida or Louisiana would be sufficient cause for severance\\nof the bonds of union between the States.\\nIt would be profitable, if time would permit, to call to mind in\\ndetail the various objections that have been urged in the years\\npast to each and every proposition of annexation which has been\\nbefore the American people. Not one argument has been ad-\\nvanced in the course of this debate against the annexation of Ha-\\nwaii that was not made when former annexations of territory\\nwere under consideration. Grave statesmen then, as now, iu-\\n3467 3", "height": "3696", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "sisted that the boiiiularies of the United States should not be ex-\\ntended, that compactness of territorj^ was necessarj that it woukl\\nnot do to annex any teiritory where the inhabitants were not\\nhomogeneous and suited to American citizenship, that to com-\\nmence the extension of our boundai ies meant aggrandizement and\\nwould surely weaken the bonds of our Union.\\nA caref 111 perusal of the history of the past will soon satisfy any-\\none that in the opposition to this resolution nothing new has been\\ndeveloped. To assert and reassert that the action jDroposed is a\\ndeparture from the traditions of the fathers is no argument.\\nLook, if you please, at the small territory covered originally by\\nthe thirteen colonies and compare it with the vast extent of terri-\\ntory now embraced within the boundaries of the United States.\\nRemember that the original small territory has grown to the pres-\\nent vast expanse by no other means whatever than annexation.\\nRemember that Florida was annexed by purchase from Spain;\\nthat Louisiana, with the great Northv/est, was secured in like\\nmanner from France; that a vast exjianse of territory came to us\\nby conquest from Mexico; that Texas was admitted into the sister-\\nhood of States after she had secured her independence from Mex-\\nico; that icebound Alaska was ceded to us by Russia, and that in\\neach and every case the people of the United States were told that\\nit was unconstitutional and would prove ruinous to the country.\\nIt has been well said that our territory to-day is smaller in com-\\nparison with the population than it was a half century ago. The\\nterritory now proposed to be annexed by these resolutions is in-\\ndeed very small in extent, but its position makes it very impor-\\ntant to the United States. So important has it always been con-\\nsidered, from the time it was first brought to the attention of the\\nAmerican people, more than half a century ago, that at no time\\nsince then has it been thought possible that this nation would al-\\nlow these islands to drift into the hands of any foreign nation.\\nIt is remarkable as well as interesting that a close study of tho\\nhistory of the last fifty years will not disclose a single line or a\\nsingle word from any of the Presidents of the United States or\\nthe Secretaries of State upon this subject, that looks for one mo-\\nment with favor upon the idea that any foreign nation should be\\nallowed to control these islands in the Pacific Ocean, which Ave", "height": "3671", "width": "2236", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "now px opose to annex, am.l yet, Mr. Speaker, during the course of\\ntills debate it has been asserted over and over again that this\\npolicy is a new one, and that it is bat the comniencement of a\\nproposed colonial policy. Gentlemen who make these statements\\nhave closed their eyes to the history of their country.\\nAllov\\\\ me to call your attention to some of the expressions of\\nPresidents and their Secretaries of State. In 1842 Daniel Web-\\nster, as Secretary of State under President Tyler, said:\\nThe United States are more interested, in the fate of the islands\\nand of their Government than any other nation can be, and this considera-\\ntion induces the President to be quite willing to declare, as the sense of the\\nGovernment of the United States, that the Government of the Sandwich\\nIslands ought to be respected; that no power ought either to take possession\\nof the islands as a conquest or for the puri oso of colonization, and that no\\npower ought to seek for any undue control over the existing Government,\\nor any exclusive privileges or preferences in matters of commerce.\\nIn 1843 Secretary of State Legare, in a dispatch to Edward Ev-\\nerett, minister at London, said:\\nIt is well known that we have no wish to plant or to acquire col-\\nonies abroad. Yet there is something so entirely peculiar in the relations\\nbetween this little commonwealth, Hawaii, and ourselves that we might even\\nfeel justified, consistently with our own principles, in interfering by force\\nto prevent its falling into the hands of one of the great powers of Europe.\\nIn 1843 James Buchanan, in a dispatch to our minister at Hono-\\nlulu, said:\\nWe ardently desire that the Hawaiian Islands may maintain their inde-\\npendence. It would be highly injurious to our interests if, tempted by their\\nweakness, they should bo seized by Great Britain or France; more especially\\nso since our recent acquisitions from Mexico on the Pacific Ocean.\\nIn 1850 Secretary of State Clayton, in a dispatch to our minister\\nat Paris, said:\\nIf, however, in your judgment it should be warranted by circumstances,\\nyou may take a proper opportunity to intimate to the minister for foreign\\naffairs of France that the situation of the Sandwich Islands, in respect to our\\npossessions on the Pacific, and the bonds commercial and of other descriptions\\nbetween them and the United States are such that we could never, with in-\\ndifference, allow them to pass under the dominion or exclusive control of any\\nother power.\\nIn 1854 Secretary of State Marcy. in his special instructions to\\nour minister at Honolulu, said:\\nIn your general instructions you were furnished with the views of this\\nGovernment in regard to any change in the political affaii-s of the Sandwich\\nIslands. The President was aware, when those instructions were prepared,\\nthat the question of transferring the sovereignty of those islands to the\\nUnited States had been raised and favorably received by many influential\\nindividuals residing therein. It was foreseen that at some period, not f.ar\\n34ftT", "height": "3696", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "distant, such a change would take place, and that the Hawaiian Islands would\\ncome under the protectorate of or be transferred to some foreign power.\\nYon were informed that it was not the policy of the United States to ac-\\ncelerate such a change; but if, in the course of events, it became unavoidable,\\nthis Government would much prefer to acquire the sovereignty of these\\nislands for the United States rather than to see it transferred to any other\\npower. If any foreign connection is to be formed, the geographical position\\nof these islands indicates that it should be with us. Our commerce with them\\nfar exceeds that of all other countries; our citizens are embarked in the most\\nimportant business concerns of that country, and some of them hold im\\nportant piiblic positions. In view of the large American interests there es-\\ntablished and the intimate commercial relations existing at this time, it\\nmight be well regarded as ttie duty of this Government to prevent these\\nislands from becoming the appendage of any other foreign power.\\nAllow me to call the attention of gentlemen who claim that the\\nannexation of HaAvaii is a new proposition to the words of Secre-\\ntar} Marcy in these instructions: He clearly sets out that the\\nHawaiian Islands can not long remain a separate power and that\\nthe United States would much prefer to annex them, rather than\\nto see them transferred to any other power. This statement was\\ngravely made in an official communication fortj--four j-ears ago.\\nMr. CLARK of Missouri. Will it disturb my friend to ask him\\none question?\\nMr. HENRY of Indiana. I think not.\\nMr. CLARK of Missouri. Do you know the purpose William L.\\nMarcy had in the annexation of the Sandwich Islands was to in-\\ncrease the slave territory of the United States? Was not that the\\nwhole thing they were after?\\nMr. HENRY of Indiana. I think that was not the whole thing\\nthey wanted, but that he contemplated if they were annexed they\\nwould become slave territory.\\nBut, Mr. Speaker, the annexation of slave territory to the United\\nStates is no longer a bugaboo to the people of this country. That\\nquestion is settled, settled by the war, now more than a quarter\\nof a century past. Moreover, if Mr. Marcy s opinion was the\\nonly one favoring annexation there would be some force in the\\nsuggestion of the gentleman trom Missouri; but let us look fur-\\nther and see what others have said on the subject. After the close\\nof tlie civil war, and slavery had been abolished, that great Secre-\\ntary of State, William H. Seward, in a communication to our\\nminister at Honolulu, said:\\nSecond. You will be governed in all your proceedings by a proper respect\\nand courtesy to the Government and people of the Sandwich Islands; but it\\n^107", "height": "3671", "width": "2236", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "7\\ni3 proper that you should know, for your own information, that a lawful and\\npeaceful annexation of the islands to tho United States, with the consent of tho\\npeople of the Sand wich Islands, is deemed desirable by this Government; and\\nthat if the policy of annexation should really conflict with tho policy of reci-\\nprocity, annexation is in every case to be preferred.\\nIn 1888, ditriiii? the first Democratic Admiuistration after tlie\\nclose of the war, Thomas F. Bayard, then Secretary of State, said\\nin referring to the reciprocity treaty negotiated in 187.j:\\nIt was my idea that the policy originating in the Fish treaty of the Grant\\nAdministration in 1875 should be permitted to work out its proper results.\\nThe obvious courso was to wait quietly and patiently and let the islands fill\\nup with American planters and American industries until they should ba\\nwholly identified in business interests and political sympathies with the\\nUnited States. It was simply a matter of waiting until the apple should\\nripm and fall.\\nMr. Speaker, I might give many more quotations of the same\\ncharacter, but I will content myself with these, which cover more\\nthan half a century, and show that the Secretaries of State during\\nall that time have advocated and looked forward to the annexa-\\ntion of these islands. And now, Mr. Speaker, in the language of\\nMr. Bayard, the apple has ripened and has fallen, and the\\nAmerican people propose to take it up and put it in the basket.\\nMr. GAINES. We do not want sour apples.\\nMr. HENRY of Indiana. No; we do not want sour apples, nor\\ndo the American people want that disposition that will make those\\napples sour whether sweet or not.\\nWhat are the conditions to-day? Has the apple ripened, has it\\nfallen, and is it ready to be taken up and put into the American\\nbasket? Tho American policy regarding Hawaii has always been\\nthat it shotild not be allowed to pass under the control of a foreign\\npower, and that in good time it should become a part of American\\nterritory.\\nThe total population of the islands, according to the census of\\n189G, is 109,030, distributed as follows:\\nNative Hawaiians 31,000\\nJapanese 24,400\\nPortuguese 15,100\\nChinese j\\nPart Hawaiian and part foreign blood 8,400\\nAmericans\\n,000\\nBritish 2,300\\nGerman l\\nNorwegian and French 4i9\\nAll other nationalities 1,055\\n34CT", "height": "3696", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "8\\nThe pi-oportion of the various kinds of i)opulation is as follows:\\nPer cent\\nNative Hawaiian 28\\nJapanese _ 23\\nChinese 21)\\nAmericans, and Europeans by birth or descent 2Z\\nMixed blood _ g\\nMuch has been said about the Chinese and Japanese portion of\\nthe population, but it seems to me that what has been stated on\\nthat subject as an argument against the annexation of Hawaii is\\nstrong argument in favor of this annexation. It does not follow\\nbecause there is a large amount of cheap labor in Hawaii, repre-\\nsented by the Japanese and Chinese, that its annexation to the\\nUnited States will increase or continue this kind of labor upon\\nthe islands, or that any of this cheap labor will be transferred to\\nany other United States territory. Upon the contrary, the policy\\nof the United States is firmly fixed upon the question of cheap\\nMongolian labor.\\nUntiler the new treaty with Japan, commencing with the year\\n1899, the United States will have the right to control importation\\nof cheap Japanese labor, and we have already solved the question,\\nso far as the Chinese are concerned. It is evident, therefore, that\\nby a strict enforcement of United States laws against Chinese and\\nJapanese immigration into the Sandwich Islands it will be but a\\nfew years until the Japanese and Chinese population now in the\\nislands will be decreased, and they will no longer be an import-\\nant factor upon the islands.\\nOf the Portuguese population, about one-half have been born on\\nthe islands and have been educated in the English language under\\nAmerican influences, and by those who have visited the islands\\nwe are told that these people are very industrious and do not\\nform an undesirable portion of the population. They readily\\nacquire American habits, understand American institutions, and\\nhave availed themselves of the opportunities to educate their chil-\\ndren in American schools. So strong has been the American\\ninfluence in the islands that their schools have been patterned\\nafter the systems of the States, in which the English language is\\ntaught and learned by all.\\nAmericans in the islands own nearly all the property and have\\npractically made them an American community. The population\\n3467", "height": "3671", "width": "2236", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "9\\nis much more favorable to American institutions than was the\\npopulation of Florida when it became a part of the United States\\nterritory, and when Louisiana was annexed to the United States\\nher population was not nearly so suited for American citizenship\\nas to-day are the people of the Islands of Hawaii. But we are\\ntold that these islands are so far from our shores that they can\\nnot be made a part of the country without requiring us to go to\\ngreat exjoense in protecting them.\\nMr Speaker, distance is no longer measured by miles, but by the\\ntime required to travel it. Measured in this way, HaAvaii to-day\\nis nearer to us than was California when we acquired that terri-\\ntor 3% and much nearer than Alaska when Russia ceded it to us. It\\nis only about six days travel by ordinary steamer from our western\\ncoast, and nearly twice as far to the shores of any other nation.\\nHawaii is indeed geographically a part of the United States, Her\\nposition only about one-third of the way across the great Pacific\\nmakes her a natural outpost for our western coast. This was the\\ncontrolling reason that has led all of our statesmen in recent years\\npast to the one conclusion that no foreign nation should ever be\\nallowed to occupy the Hawaiian Islands.\\nFrom a military and naval point of view these islands are\\nnecessary to the j)rotection of our western coast. All of our mili-\\ntary and naval authorities have uniformly advocated the acquisi-\\ntion of these islands. A careful examination of their utterances\\nfrom time to time will disclose that not a single one of them has\\never held the view that the islands ought not to become a part of\\nthe United States. I shall not take up the time of the House in\\nquoting from the various opinions of our naval and military men,\\nbut will content myself with calling attention to the opinions of\\nGeneral Schofield, as expressed in a letter written last January\\nto Senator Morga upon this subject. It so clearly states the\\nsituation that I beg to read it all as a part of my remarks:\\nSt. Augustine, Fla., January 13, ISOS.\\nMy Deau Senator: In compliance with the request contained in your let-\\nter of January 9, 1 do not hesitate to write you without reserve in respect to\\nmy views upon the pending question of annexation of the Hawaiian Islands.\\nFrom the time, twenty-five years ago, when I made a personal examination\\nfor the purpose of ascertaining the value of those islands to this country for\\nmilitary and naval purposes, I have always regarded ultimate annexation of\\nthe islaiads to this country as a public necessity. But the time when this\\n34iJ7", "height": "3696", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "10\\nslioiild be ac comiiliahetl had to depend on natural political devoloiimont. In\\nthe meantime onr national interests should be secured by the exclusive right\\nto occupy, imi^rove, and fortify Pearl River Harbor so as to insure our posses-\\nsion of that hai bor in time of war.\\nTo illustrate my views on this subject, I have likened that harbor to a com-\\nmanding position in front of a defensive line which an army in the field is\\ncompelled to occupy. The army must occupy that advanced position and\\nhold it at whatever cost, or else tho enemy will occupy it with his artillery\\nand thus dominate the main line. If wo do not occupy and fortify Pearl\\nKiver Harbor, our enemy will occupy it as a base from which to conduct\\noperations against our Pacific coast and the isthmian canal, which must of\\ncourse in due time be constructed and controlled by this country. The pos-\\nsession of such a base at a convenient distance from our Pacific coast would\\nbe a great temptation to an unfriendly nation to undertake hostile opera-\\ntions against us.\\nOne of tho greatest advantages of Pearl River Harbor to us consists in tho\\nfact that no navy would be required to defend it. It is a deep, land-locked\\narm of the sea, easily defended by fortifications placed near its mouth, with\\nits anchorage beyond the reach of guns from tho ocean. Cruisers or other\\nwar ships which might be overpowered at sea, as well as merchant vessels,\\nw juld find there behind the land defenses absolute security against a naval\\nattack. A moderate garrison of regular troops, with the militia on tho\\nisland, would give sufficient protection against any landing jiarties from a\\nhostile fleet. Of cour.se an army on transports, supported by a powerful\\nfleet, could land and capture the place, but that would bo an expensive op-\\neration, one much less likelj to be undertaken than tho occupation of an\\nimdofended harbor, as a necessary preliminarj to an attack on our coast or\\nupon our commerce.\\nTho value of such a place of refuge and of suv plies for our merchant\\nmarine and our cruisers in time of war can hardly be overestimated, yet the\\ngreatest value to us of that wonderful harbor consists in the fact that its\\npossession and adequate defense by us prevents the possibility of an enemy\\nusing it against us.\\nSo far as I know, tho leading .statesmen, no leas than the military and\\nnaval authorities of this country, have always been in accord on this subject.\\nWhile it has not been proposed to interfere with the continued occupation\\nby foreign nations of their military strongholds in this hemisphere, it has\\nbeen publicly and emphatically declared that none of those strongholds shall\\never be allowed to pass into the possession of any other nation whoso inter-\\nests might bo antagonistic to ours. Now for tlio first time the occasion\\nhas arisen to carry into effect our long-declared national policy. A little\\nState like Hawaii can not stand alone among tho great nations, all of whom\\ncovet her incomparable harbor. She must have tho protection of this coun-\\ntry or some other great nation. But a protectorate without sovereignty is\\nthe last thing this country could afford to assume. In tho absence of aiithor-\\nity to regulate and control the intercourse between tho islands and other\\ncountries controversies must arise which would lead to war or to the loss of\\nour invaluable military pos.session in the islands. No halfway measures will\\nsuflice. Wo must accept tho islands and hold and govern them or else lot\\nsome other great nation do it. To fail now to carry into effect our own gi-eat\\nnational policy upon tho first occasion offered to us would, in my judgment,\\nbe ono of those blunders which are worse than crimes.\\nTo my mind what may be regarded perhaps as tho sentimental aspect of\\ntho question is entitled to consideration. A colony of intelligent, virtuous,\\nand patriotic Americans have rescued a country from barbarism and raised\\nit to a high state of civilization and prosjicrity, until in the natural course of", "height": "3671", "width": "2236", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "d\\n11\\nevents the government of that country has fallen entirely into their hands.\\nThey now ask the privilege of adding that country to their own native land,\\nof returning with their new possessions to the parental fold. Can they bo\\nturned away to seek a home among strangers? Not without violating one of\\nthe most sacred laws of nature and incurring the penalty which must, sooner\\nor later, necessarily follow.\\nI am, dear Senator, with great respect, sincerely yours,\\nJ. M. SCHOFIELD.\\nnou. John T. Morg.\\\\n,\\nUnited States Senate, Washington, D. C.\\ncan add nothing to the convincing argument presented in this\\nletter.\\nCriticism has been offered from time to time in this debate to\\nthe effect that this is an attempt to annex the Hawaiian Islands\\nunder the pretense of a war measure. Mr. Speaker, the passage\\nof these resolutions is not a war measure. As I have already\\nshown, for moi c than half a century this nation has held that we\\nare more interested in the Hawaiian Islands than any other nation,\\nthat they must vilthnately become a part of the United States.\\nTwenty-five years ago General Schofield examined the islands\\nwith a view to determine their usefulness from a naval and mili-\\ntary point of view. Three times treaties have been negotiated for\\nthe annexation of the islands, first in 1854, next in 1893, and last\\nin 1897. At the time each of these three treaties was negotiated\\nno idea of the war with Spain entered into the minds of the con-\\ntracting parties. Mr. Speaker, the only bearing which the present\\nwar has upon the question is that it is like a great searchlight\\nwhich has been turned upon the question and brought it more\\nclearly to the attention of the American people.\\nAs soon as it was understood that Admiral Dewey was to at-\\ntack the Spanish fleet at Manila every American could but ask\\nthe question: How can we sticcor him in case of defeat, or how\\ncan we reenforce him in the event of victory? Anticipating the\\nneeds of the hour, the Government of the United States piled up\\ncoal at Honolulu for the use of our vessels, and to-day, when we\\nare sending reenforcements to Dewey, not one of our vessels could\\nsail from San Francisco to Manila without stopping at Honolulu\\nto take on additional coal. Suppose, Mr. Speaker, that to-day\\nHawaii were hostile to us, or even neutral, with no right within\\nher harbors, how could we succor our brave seamen in Manila\\nBay?", "height": "3696", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "12\\nBut we are told that Pearl Harbor Jiow b3longs to this nation\\nand that there is nothing else on the island that we need for naval\\npurposes. Without stopping to discuss this question, I beg to call\\nattention to one controlling fact so clearly set forth in the testi-\\nmony of General Schofield when he appeared before our Commit-\\ntee on Foreign Affairs, and that is that even if we had Pearl\\nHarbor, in case of hostilities, with the Government of the islands\\nunfriendly, it would be easy to land a military force and capture\\nthe harbor from within; but if the islands ai e in our possession,\\na small force of soldiers in addition to the fortifications at the\\nmouth of the harbor would enable us to hold it against allcomers.\\nPearl Harbor, landlocked as it is, fortified at its entrance and\\nlirotected by our possession of the islands themselves, would give\\nto our Navy, in time of war, absolute security from a navy even\\nof superior strength. Looking at it from the enemy s point of\\nview, the islands are of much greater importance to us. As ships\\nare now constructed, no nation from the East can send its ships\\nacross the Pacific and attack our western coast without having a\\nbase of supplies and a place from which to operate nearer to our\\nshores. With Hawaii in our possession and well fortified, the\\nnavy of a possible Eastern foe would be practically powerless to\\nmake a successful attack upon our western coast.\\nThe minority of the committee in the resolutions which they\\npresent practically concede that it is necessary that no foreign\\npower should gain control of the Islands of Hawaii, but in the\\nplace of annexation they recommend a resolution declaring that\\nthe islands shall remain a separate power. Mr. Speaker, the time\\nfor such declarations as this is past. The question that confronts\\nthe American people to-day is a plain, simple one. If Hawaii is\\never to be annexed to the United States, it must be done now;\\notherwise it is sure to pass under the control of the Japanese.\\nTo-day nothing prevents this but the fact that the Government\\nof Hawaii has announced its desire and intention to have the\\nislands annexed to the United States.\\nIf annexed, the United States will settle all questions raised by\\nthem, and there need be no fear of the result. Refuse to annex\\nthem, and the weak little Republic of Hawaii can not hope to stand\\nout against the demands of Japan that her people shall become", "height": "3671", "width": "2236", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "13\\ncitizens and have a right to vote. Once given the right to vote, it\\ndoes not take a prophet to tell what will be the result. Already\\nthere are nearly 25,000 Japanese in the islands. Nearly all of\\nthese are men, strong, courageous, as loyal to their nationality as\\nAmericans are to theirs. What good, Mr. Speaker, would come\\nof a resolution passed by Congress to the effect that the Hawaiian\\nGovernment should remain a separate pov^er, if that Government\\npassed entirely under the control of Japanese citizens? It might\\nremain an independent Government, and yet, being controlled by\\nthe Japanese, would, for all purposes, be a part of the Japanese\\nEmpire.\\nSuppose that to-day, instead of being controlled by Americans,\\nwith American institutions and American inclinations, the islands\\nwere in the hands of the Japanese, and the Japanese were un-\\nfriendly to us in the war with Spain, how, under such circum-\\nstances\u00e2\u0080\u0094tell me, if you can\u00e2\u0080\u0094 would we send ships with troops and\\nsupplies to aid Dewey in the far-off waters of Manila Bay? Nor\\nis it an improbability, much less an impossibility, that the future\\nmay bring about such complications as will cause a war between\\nthis countiy and Japan herself. In case of such a war, will any\\none for a moment contend that it would be better for the Japa-\\nnese to have control of the islands than for them to be a part of\\nAmerican territory? From such a base of operations, Japan\\nwould be so strong in naval warfare against us that our western\\ncoast would be at her mercy.\\nMr. Speaker, I have not taken occasion to discuss the question\\nraised that we have no constitutional right to annex these islands,\\nnor will I take up the time of the House in discussing it. It must\\nbe perfectly evident to anyone that the right to extend its terri-\\ntory is inherent in any nation, and that it requires no special pro-\\nvision of the Constitution to enable us to annex additional terri-\\ntory. It is true this constitutional question has been raised over\\nand over again in years past, and it is now gravely asserted in\\nthis debate that the annexation would be unconstitutional, but it\\nis nevertheless no longer an open question.\\nFive times before this the question has been before the Ameri-\\ncan people for decision; five times they have decided in favor of\\nthe right to annex territory, and five times have they extended\\n3467", "height": "3696", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "14\\ntlio ljouudarit 3 of the Uuitcd States. It is too late for anyone to\\ntake an appeal from these decisions; they are settled law, and the\\nquestion can no longer be raised. A discussion of the question at\\nthis time and hereafter may be interesting from a historical point\\nof view, but it can not now be made nor will it ever again become\\na practical, living question before the American people.\\nMr. Speaker, 3,100 miles out in the Pacific Ocean, to the west of\\nSan Francisco, lies this group of islands, so beautiful and so at-\\ntractive that they have been properly designated the pearls of\\nthe Pacific. Lying beneath the tropical sun, yet surrounded by\\nocean currents which bring the cool waters of the Northvv-est\\nabout them, rendering the climate so pleasant that it is not injuri-\\nous to anyone and is admired by all; with soil productive far be-\\nyond the conception of our own people; with beautiful lakes and\\nsparkling rivers, and with everything that goes to make them an\\nearthly paradise, is it any wonder that these islands proved so at-\\ntractive to Americans that they made them their home, and that\\nthey are now anxious that they should become a part of their\\nnative land?\\nSmall though the American population is, yet strong and dom-\\ninant, the islands are now practically within their control. With\\nAmericans owning a large portion of the property and leading in\\nall matters of biisiuess and enterprise, it was but natural that the\\nprofligate monarchy should be followed by a republican govern-\\nment in the hands of the Americans upon the islands. Long\\nyears ago their influences were asserted under the old monarchies,\\nand for decades of the past their power has been felt in everything\\nthat has been done upon the islands. American schools were es-\\ntablished and have flourished, until to-day the schools of the\\nisland are as well managed and as prosperous as in any American\\ncommunity, and compare favorably with those of the grand old\\nState of Pennsylvania, represented by my venerable friend [Mr.\\nGrow],\\nMr. Speaker, this gallant baud of Americans who have thus\\ngained control of these islands come to lis now and make us a\\nfree offering of them as a part of our national domain. True\\nAmericans at heart, they have declined to declare the neutrality\\nof the islands during our war with Spain, and to-day our Ameri-\\nol07", "height": "3671", "width": "2236", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "15\\ncan ships eutor the harbor of Honolulu with the same freedom\\nand with the same feeling of security as they could any harbor\\nunder the domination of our own Government. The request of\\nthese brave men must not be turned aside.\\nWe want these islands because of their value from a naval and\\nmilitary point of view; we want them on account of the rich pro-\\nductiveness of the soil; we want them on account of the commer-\\ncial advantages which they will bring to our country; wo want\\nthem in order that no foreign power may use them as a base of\\noperations against us in time of war; we want them because they\\nare more contiguous to our territory than to that of any other\\nnation; we want them because thej are geographically a part of\\nthe United States; but, Mr. Speaker, we want them more than all\\non account of the true Americans who have made their homes\\nupon the islands and now seek to present these islands as a free\\noffering to their mother country. Let us pass these resolutions,\\nsecure Hawaii, add to our naval and military strength, extend\\nour commerce, and bring back again into the family fold the peo-\\nple who have been away from us establishing a home in these\\ndelightful islands.\\n^3407", "height": "3696", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "LIBKHKY Uh CUNUKtbb\\n013 744 603", "height": "3671", "width": "2236", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3696", "width": "2328", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "013 744 603\\nHoIIinger\\npH 8 J\\nMill PiT\u00c2\u00abi vmi yjAi", "height": "3671", "width": "2236", "jp2-path": "proposedanexatio00henr_0020.jp2"}}