{"1": {"fulltext": "1181\\n6\\n1", "height": "4240", "width": "2908", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\nII I III! I\\n027 272 762 4", "height": "4174", "width": "2579", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "K66\\n^Copy 1\\nELECTION OF SENATORS BY THE PEOPLE.\\nTIRTTSTS.\\nLet us tear down the intermediary wall and take from the legislatures\\nthe selection of United States Senators and we will destroy one of the most\\npotent powers through which corporate power now holds its sway, and it\\ncan then be no longer said that it is as difficult for a poor man to enter\\nthe Senate of the United States as for a rich man to enter the kingdom of\\nheaven.\\nSPEECHES\\nOF\\nHON. THEODORE F.KLUTTZ,\\ni OF NORTH CAROLINA,\\nIN THE\\nHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,\\nThursday, April 12, and Friday, June 1, 1900.\\nWASHINGTON.\\n1900.\\nF25", "height": "4174", "width": "2579", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "s*\\nElection of United States Senators by the People.\\nSPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. THEODORE E. KLUTTZ,\\nof north carolina,\\nIn the House of Representatives,\\nApril 12, 1900.\\nThe House having under consideration H. J. Resolution No. 28, proposing\\nan amendment to the Constitution of the United States providing for the\\nelection of Senators by the people-\\nMr. KLUTTZ said:\\nMr. Speaker: I am glad that we have enough of the Constitu-\\ntion left for purposes of amendment; and as we have kept the\\nremains of that venerated instrument so resolutely at home, it\\nbehooves us to amend it as resolutely for the best interests of our\\nown home people. I am an old-fashioned believer in the Constitu-\\ntion.\\nWhile it remains the supreme law of the land it should be\\nobeyed, and those of us who have sworn to observe it should be\\ncareful in all things to conform both to its letter and spirit. Un-\\nfortunately, bath have been grievously violated in the election of\\nSenators of the United States, and the time has long since come\\nwhen its provisions in that behalf have demonstrably shown the\\nneed of amendment. [Applause.]\\nOur fathers, honest themselves, too implicitly believed that\\ntheir descendants would always remain so.\\nThe honest people of a State, electing supposedly honest mem-\\nbers of their State legislatures, likewise mistaken! y believe, as is\\ntoo often proven, that they will remain honest after election.\\nThe most superficial perusal of the records of Congress for many\\nyears, including the present session down to this very date, dem-\\nonstrates that if wise at the time of its adoption, the method of\\nelecting United States Senators by the legislatures of the several\\nStates has long since become an evil which cries aloud for amend-\\nment. [Applause.]\\nThe people of this country, in tones not to be mistaken, demand\\nthat they be allowed to elect Senators by their own direct vote,\\nand the legislatures of the great States of Ohio, Pennsylvania,\\nMontana, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Indiana,\\nIllinois, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan, Minne-\\nsota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina, North\\nDakcta, Oregon, Utah, Washington, Wisconsin, Wyoming, and\\notheis, thirty-four in all, have voiced this demand in petitions\\nand memorials to Congress and in resolutions of instructions to\\ntheir representatives here.\\nIn the light of recent scandalous events, the petitions from some\\nof these States are absolutely pathetic. If the people could have\\ndirectly elected Senators, the obloquy which in the popular esti-\\n2 4582\\nP7\\nCong. Record Of f#^", "height": "4174", "width": "2579", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "3\\nniation\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and too justly so beclouds the title to many seats in that\\naugust body could never have had foundation.\\nThe report of the majority of the committee shows that under\\nthe present system several vacancies now exist, due to the corrupt\\nmanipulations of State legislatures by wealthy aspirants for Sen-\\natorial honors. Very recent exposures made by committees of\\nthe Senate are such as to emphasize the absolute need for speedy\\namendment to the Constitution in this regard.\\nIt is enough for me that the people demand it, that all the peo-\\nple demand it, for everybody is wiser than anybody, even if\\nanybody happens to be the Senate of the United States. [Ap-\\nplause.] I quote these axiomatic truths from the committee s re-\\nport:\\nThe fundamental principle of a republican form of government is based\\nupon the idea that it derives its just powers from the consent of the governed.\\nAgain\\nIf the people have the wisdom to elect governors and State officers, our\\nState judiciary (and Representative in Congress), why may they not be per-\\nmitted to enjoy the right of electing United States Senators?\\nWhat divinity doth hedge about these august Senators that the\\ncommon people may only vote for them indirectly and by proxy?\\nLet us tear down the intermediary wall and take from the leg-\\nislatures the selection of United States Senators, and we will\\ndestroy one of the most potent powers (to quote again the lan-\\nguage of the committee) through which corporate influence now\\nholds its sway, and it can then no longer be said that it is as diffi-\\ncult for a poor man to enter the Senate of the United States as\\nfor a rich man to enter the Kingdom of Heaven.\\nThere are rnany honorable men in the Senate, and therefore I\\nshall make no application of the story of the old darkey preacher,\\nwho, before beginning his sermon, raised a large rock aloft with\\nthe startling announcement, Thar is a nigger in this congregation\\nwhat s been stealing chickens last night, and I m gwine to heave\\nthis here rock at his head, when every male head before him at\\nonce ducked behind a bench. [Laughter and applause.]\\nI will not say that a somewhat similar announcement, varied\\nonly to suit the environment, would be followed by similar action\\nin the Senate.\\nMr. Speaker, in supporting this proposition I am not merely\\ngiving expression to my individual views, but I am speaking for\\nthe whole people of North Carolina, as I believe, without regard\\nto party.\\nI am but obeying a resolution of instructions from the legisla-\\nture of my State, which was passed unanimously, as I recollect,\\nwithout party distinction or division, and I am bat trying to give\\neffect to one of the planks to the Democratic platform of my State.\\nNeither of the propositions before the House is exactly what I\\ncould wish, but I am so heartily in favor of the general proposi-\\ntion that I shall heartily support the substitute offered on behalf\\nof the minority by the distinguished gentleman from Missouri\\n[Mr. Rucker] amende^ to accord with the suggestions of the\\ngentleman from Vermont [Mr. Powers]\\nI am reminded of the homely wisdom of a young fellow in my\\ndistrict, who, on his first venture at courting, was discarded, or,\\nas we say in North Carolina, was kicked. Of course he was\\nawfully surprised, for every young fellow thinks that any girl\\nought to be glad to get him and can hot understand why he\\nshould be rejected. So, stunned and smarting, he insisted upon\\n4582", "height": "4174", "width": "2579", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "knowing why she would not have him. Finally she said, Johnny,\\nit s because I love somebody else better. Oh, yes, Sally, said\\nhe. so do T, but we can t get them, you know. [Laughter.]\\nThat young man had very nearly sounded the depths of the\\nsafer philosophy of life; and it is generally wise to do the best we\\ncan under any given circumstances.\\nActing upon this principle, I shall support the substitute of the\\nminority, amended to meet the views of gentlemen, amended in\\nany and every minor detail, so only that it maintains and holds\\nout to the American people a genuine, general, and feasible plan\\nof electing Senators by a direct vote without intermediary. I\\nhave hope, sir, that the quickened conscience of the Senate will\\njoin us in submitting such an amendment to the Constitution,\\nand if submitted to the legislatures of the several States its adop-\\ntion is as certain as the rising of the morrow s sun. [Applause.]\\nI now yield five minutes to the gentleman from Louisiana [Mr.\\nBreazeale],\\nTrusts.\\nSPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. THEODORE F. KLTJTTZ,\\nOP NORTH CAROLINA,\\nIn the House of Eepbesentatives,\\nFriday, June 1, 1900.\\nThe House having under consideration the joint resolution (H. J. Res. 138)\\nproposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States for the\\nregulation of trusts\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nMr. KLUTTZ said:\\nMr. Speaker: I regard the proposal of this amendment by the\\nmajority at this time as one of the most remarkable of all the\\nphenomena of legislation.\\nFor six long months the Republican majority, with absolute\\ncontrol of this House, with a stalwart in the chair, with carefully\\nconstituted committees, with iron-clad rules, has sat here stolid,\\nindifferent alike to appeal and abuse; deaf to the remonstrances\\nof the minority and to the demands of the people for legislation\\nfor the extirpation, or at least the repression, of trusts.\\nDeaf, dumb, and blind for six long months, that majority, in the\\nvery closing hours of the session, just six days before the time\\nfixed for adjournment, has at last awakened to the fact that the\\ndemands of an outraged and indignant public must, in show at\\nleast, be heard. The smitings of guilty conscience, the realiza-\\ntion that something must be done, coupled with the fear that\\nsomething might be done to curb the trusts, has found hypocrit-\\nical and fraudulent expression in both the matter and the manner\\nof this proposed constitutional amendment.\\nLet me quote it in full:\\nArticle XVI.\\nSection 1. All powers conferred by this article shall extend to the several\\nStates and Territories, the District of Columbia, and all territory under the\\nsovereignty and subject to the jurisdiction of the United States\\n4582", "height": "4174", "width": "2579", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to define, regulate, prohibit, or dissolve\\ntrusts, monopolies, or combinations, whether existing in the form of a cor-\\nporation or otherwise.\\nThe several States may continue to exercise such power in any manner\\nnot in conflict with the laws of the United States.\\nSec. 3. Congress shall have power to enforce the provisions of this article\\nby appropriate legislation.\\nSection 1 seeks to write into the Constitution the false and im-\\nperialistic theory which in the recent Porto Rican discussion was\\nso ably combated not only by the Democratic minority, but also\\nby such able lawyers on the Republican side as McCall, Little-\\nfield, Crumpacker, Smith. Lorimer, and others, that the Consti-\\ntution does not ex proprio vigore extend over all territory under the\\nsovereignty and subject to the jurisdiction of the United States.\\nNo constitutional amendment has ever contained such language\\nor admission, and none ever will so long as the American people\\nare mindful of the teachings of the fathers and the traditions of\\nliberty. To enact this section into law would be to admit that\\nterritory may be acquired, held, and governed by the United\\nStates outside of and without regard to the Constitution unless\\nthat instrument shall be expressly extended to such territory by\\nCongress or by constitutional amendment. It would admit all\\nthe claims of the imperialists and make the President imperator\\nindeed.\\nEven a cursory reading of section 2 will expose its true charac-\\nter and intent. It strikes down the power of the States, does\\naway with the last fragment of the doctrine of States rights, and\\nlodges in Congress the sole power\\nto define, regulate, prohibit, or dissolve trusts, monopolies, or combinations,\\nwhether existing in the form of a corporation or otherwise.\\nMark the language! If this amendment be adopted, the Con-\\ngress has this awful, exclusive, controlling power, and has it ab-\\nsolutely. With a Congress controlled and dominated by the\\ntrusts, as this Congress is, can any sensible man doubt how that\\npower would be exercised? Corrupt combinations of capital for\\nthe oppression of labor would go unscathed, while combinations\\nof labor for protection against such corrupt combinations would\\nbe defined as unlawful with a vengeance.\\nThe tobacco trust would have nothing to fear, while the tobacco\\ngrowers and manufacturers who dared combine to resent its\\nrapacity would soon find themselves defined into the peniten-\\ntiary. But why multiply illustrations?\\nUnder this amendment the trusts would need but to buy and\\ncontrol one house of Congress to effectually prevent any legisla-\\ntion whatever against them.\\nAnd how transparently deceitful and fraudulent is the second\\nparagraph of this section:\\nThe several States may continue to exercise such power in any manner\\nnot in conflict with the laws of the United States.\\nThe merest tyro in the law can not be deceived by false pre-\\ntense like this.\\nCongress will have the power not only to regulate the interstate\\noperations of the trusts\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and it has this power now but it will\\nhave the right to invade the States and to define and crush any\\ncorporation or combination in any State, whether engaged in inter-\\nstate or foreign commerce or not, regardless of the laws of such\\nState.\\nWhen Congress legislates it makes the laws of the United\\nStates, and under this amendment no State may make any law\\n4582", "height": "4174", "width": "2579", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "6\\nin conflict therewith. Thus supreme power is sought to he con-\\nferred upon Congress and the States stripped of all power over\\ntheir own corporations or those of other States doing business\\nwithin their borders. Trust-ridden, trust-controlled, trust sup-\\nported, trust-loving, as the Republican party is, do you expect\\nany sane man to believe that you intend, expect, or desire this\\namendment to become a part of the organic law of the land?\\nDelude not yourselves thus. If you had intended or desired to\\nsecure its passage, why did you hold this amendment back to the\\nclosing days of the session? Why did you refuse the Democratic\\nminority of the committee the poor privilege of even seeing it\\nuntil it was ready for introduction into the House? Why did you\\nbring it in under a cast-iron rule, which permitted no opportunity\\nof amendment and which allowed time for only the most meager\\ndiscussion? Why did you, purposely, so objectionably frame it\\nas to render its acceptance by the Democratic minority impos-\\nsible?\\nThe poor explanation of the distinguished gentleman from Ohio\\n[Mr. Grosvenor] that it is the plan of the majority, that the\\nmajority must take the responsibility, and that therefore the mi-\\nnority must have no voice in framing it, but be content to vote for\\nor against it without power of amendment, is so weak as to dem-\\nonstrate the absence of all possible excuse or explanation for this\\nremarkable course of the majority.\\nTrue, the majority must take the responsibility for legislation,\\nbut here a two-thirds majority is required. You have no such\\nmajority, and can therefore have no hope of passing this amend-\\nment without large help from the minority; yet you deny that\\nminority all help in framing or considering it, and deliberately\\nframe it so as to render their support impossible.\\nOut upon such humbug.\\nThen, again, you can not but know that even if the gantlet of\\nthis House was run, your amendment could not possibly pass the\\nSenate at this session, and would hang up for service in the next\\nPresidential election; after which, if you again succeed in delud-\\ning the people and buying the Presidency, you could easily have\\nit defeated in the Senate, and the farce would be over. Eesides,\\nyou might use it as a threat to fry more fat out of the trusts. You\\nknow, too, and the country knows, that even if this amendment\\nshould pass both House and Senate, there can be no hope of its\\nratification by three-fourths of all the States, without which it\\ncan never become a part of the Constitution.\\nUnless I am greatly mistaken in the temper and patriotism of\\nthis House, your proposed measure will be ignominionsly defeated\\nhere and that defeat will have the approval of the people of this\\ngreat Republic.\\nYou are indulging in a cheap play to the grandstand. but,\\nostrich-like, you are befooling only yourselves. As evidence of\\nthis I call attention to but two of the many unmistakable utter-\\nances of the press on this question.\\nFirst, I commend this extract from the Washington Post, a\\ngreat independent paper, which supports the Administration\\nwhenever it can do so without stultification.\\nDEMOCRATIC POSITION ON TRUSTS.\\nOur Democratic friends in Congress are to be congratulated upon the atti-\\ntude they have assumed toward the constitutional amendment proposed by\\nthe House Committpe on the Judiciary, of which Hon. George W. Ray, of\\nNew York, is the chairman. Mr. Ray s proposition is obviously impracti-\\ncable, and, as many believe, was intended to be so. By supporting it the\\n458:2", "height": "4174", "width": "2579", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "Democrats would have deliberately connived at a virtually permanent retire-\\nment of the trust issue; withdrawn it from the campaign, and thereby robbed\\ntheir party of one of its most powerful engines of war. They express their\\nutter disbelief in the sincerity of any representative Republican effort to cur-\\ntail the power of the trusts. It would have been, therefore, suicidal on their\\npart to commit themselves to an arrangement most palpably calculated to\\nserve the alleged purposes of their antagonists.\\nThere was still another serious objection, which is set fourth in clause 3 of\\nthe resolution adopted by the Democratic caucus on Tuesday night:\\n3. We oppose and urge Democrats in Congress to vote against the consti-\\ntutional amendment proposed by the Reptiblican majority of the Judiciary\\nCommittee unless amended by striking out section 1 thereof and adding thereto\\nin section 2, in lieu of these words, The several States may continue to exer-\\ncise such power in any manner not in conflict with the laws of the United\\nStates, the following: Nothing in this article, nor any act of Congress in\\npursuance thereof, shall operate to abridge or impair any of the rights or\\npowers held by any of the States prior to its adoption. 1\\nIt seems to be the case, therefore, that the Democrats regarded the Ray\\nproposition not only as a scheme to postpone, perhaps indefinitely, all gov-\\nernmental action against the trusts, and incidentally to entrap the Democrats\\ninto withdrawing the issue of the campaign of 1900, but also, in case the\\namendment should be finally adopted, as an abridgment of the rights and\\npowers of the States. Certainly, holding such opinions, they could not have\\ntaken any course other than that referred to. Their present position, in\\nthis matter at least, seems to be unassailable.\\nI further beg to commend to your prayerful consideration the\\nfollowing from the Washington Times, and particularly to the\\nextract therein contained from the rabid, radical Administration\\norgan, the New York Sun:\\nTHE SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT.\\nThe agents of the Administration in the House of Representatives will be\\nwelcome to whatever satisfaction is coming to them on account of their cheap\\npolitical trick in taking up a proposed constitutional amendment ostensibly\\naimed at their masters, the trusts, six days before the date set for adjourn-\\nment.\\nSome of the majority leaders in the House are hugging themselves over\\nthe achievement, believing it to be a monster of ingenuity which will put\\nthe Democrats in a hole; but it will do nothing of the kind. Its hypocrisy\\nis so barefaced and its object so clear that it will serve to bring the richly\\ndeserved contempt of the country upon its authors and supporters. This\\nview of the matter is held by eminent Republican as well as Democratic\\nauthorities. The leading organ of the party in the country, the New York\\nSun, yesterday editorially referred to the Jenkins joint resolution in these\\nterms:\\nWhen we say plainly that this is the most dishonest and therefore the\\nmost discreditable piece of work achieved during the present session by the\\nleaders of Republican policy in the House, we are not speaking of the merits\\nof the proposed amendment. Its revolutionary character, the sweeping\\nchange it would effect in the entire system of our institutions, the bestowal\\nupon Congress of an unlimited and arbitrary power over all private business\\nin all the States and without regard to State lines or State rights, need not\\neven be discussed. There is no more prospect of its adoption by a two-thirds\\nvote of both House and Senate, and of its ratification by the legislatures of\\nthree-fourths of the forty-five States than there is of the adoption of a con-\\nstitutional amendment vesting in the Federal Government the direct man-\\nagement of all the myriad industries of this land.\\nThe dishonesty of the performance lies in the fact that there was no\\nexpectation on the part of the author of this resolution, or of the Republic-\\nans on the Judiciary Committee who favorably reported it, or of the Repub-\\nlicans in the House who were willing to vote for it, that the proposed six-\\nteenth amendment will ever amount to more than a campaign trick of the\\ncheapest and unworthiest description.\\nWhen one of its chief est exponents denounces its actions, as the Sun does,\\nthe Republican party need not indulge in any celebration over its blank-\\ncartridge shot at the monopolistic elements which own and control it and\\nfurnish the money with which it expects to carry the next Presidential elec-\\ntion. A more doddering piece of campaign idiocy than the sixteenth pre-\\ntendment proposed against the trusts, by the men who are in Congress only\\nby the grace and money of the trusts, is not to be found in all the pages of a\\nnot overclean American political history.\\nNo, gentlemen of the majority, your little piece of peanut\\npolitics will only bring down upon you the deserved contempt of\\n4582", "height": "4174", "width": "2579", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n027 272 762 4*\\n8\\nan outraged and long-suffering people. They know that your\\nparty is, and has been, the piomoter, the friend, the shield and\\nbuckler of the trusts. They know that your Attorney-General,\\npurposely selected, with ample power in the laws already on the\\nstatute book, has utterly failed to proceed against or prosecute a\\nsingle one of the trusts. They know that it was with the money\\ncontributed by the trusts that you debauched election officers,\\nbribed and intimidated voters, bought States, and stole the Presi-\\ndency and the Congress; and they know you are playing to do it\\nagain.\\nThey have suffered under the insolence and arrogance, the\\nheartlessness and grinding cruelty of these corrupt and criminal\\naggregations of i.l-gotten capital; they have traced the evil to its\\nsource, and know whence comes this brood of hell. They wage\\nno war on capital as such; they welcome and would foster pro-\\nductive industry and enterprise, but they have determined in\\ntheir righteous wrath that the trust must go. They have listened\\nto their sorrow to the siren song of Republican promise, and they\\nknow that the only hope of relief irom the domination of the\\ntrusts, the only hope of the salvation of the plain people of this\\ncountry from industrial slavery, lies in the rout and defeat of the\\nRepublican party and the election of a Democratic President and\\nCongress.\\nWell may you trim and dissemble: well may you try to deceive\\nyet once again, by feigning to legislate against your makers and\\nmasters. The people are aroused to the importance of this mighty\\ncontest, and though the odds are great, right will prevail against\\nmight, truth against falsehood, the people against the trusts.\\nNor is this the only count in the mighty indictment which you\\nwill have to answer at the ballot box in November.\\nYour frequent and flagrant infractions of the Constitution,\\nyour disregard of solemn promises to the Porto Ricans; your\\nmurder of our brave soldiers in the Philippines by incompetent\\ngeneralship; your determination to crush out liberty in these\\nislands; your anglomania. which has committed you to the obso-\\nlete Hay-Pauncefote treaty and renounced our right to build,\\nfortify, and protect an American isthmian canal; your utter\\ndenial of even an expression of American sympathy for the suf-\\nfering South African Republics: the reign of loot and plunder\\nin which your officials have reveled in Cuba and the Philippines;\\nyour ill- smelling scandal of Gage and the City National Bank;\\nyour absolute refusal to lighten any part of the burdens of the\\nwar taxes; all these, and many others of like ilk, are the sins for\\nwhich you will be called to answer at the bar of en ightened and\\noutraged public opinion. Your record is such as no party can\\nsuccessfully face. If your eyes were not holden, you would even\\nnow see, what all he world sees, the handwriting on the wall, the\\nMene, mene, tekel, upharsin of tlie Republican party.\\n4582\\no", "height": "4174", "width": "2579", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "iS RARY 0F CONGRESS\\n027 272 762 4", "height": "4174", "width": "2579", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n027 272 762 4", "height": "4174", "width": "2579", "jp2-path": "electionofsenato00klut_0012.jp2"}}