{"1": {"fulltext": "o", "height": "5150", "width": "3382", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f\\nOK", "height": "5211", "width": "3244", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "ANNEXATION OF HAWAII\\nSPEECH\\nOP\\nHON. HENRY M. TELLER,\\nOF COLORADO,\\nIN THE\\nSENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nJUXK 25, 1898\\nWASHINOTOM.\\n1898.", "height": "4952", "width": "2874", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "4\\n68.6.5_4", "height": "4611", "width": "2721", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "1\\nr^^\\n.^^K\\nK^\\nSPEECH\\nHON. HENRY M. TELLER.\\nThe Senate having under consideration the joint resolution (H. Res. 259) to\\nprovide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States-\\nMr. TELLER said:\\nMr. President: I am one of those who voted against an adjourn-\\nment and against an executive session. I did not do so for the\\npurpose of forcing any Senator into unfair debate at a late hour\\nof the night. I had not myself heard that any Senator desired\\nthat there should be a postponement for his convenience. I have\\nbeen one of those who have absented themselves from the Senate a\\ngood deal to-day, because I have been executing an order of the\\nSenate; but I have managed to get here, I think, at every roll\\ncall.\\nMr. President, I do not believe there is a necessity for any great\\nheat over this question. It seems to me that we who are in favor\\nof the admission of the Hawaiian Islands, who expect it will be\\naccomplished during this session of Congress, might as well make\\nup our minds to wait until the debate is exhausted and to give to\\nthe other side fair debate. I am prepared to do that, although it\\nis very inconvenient for me to do so. I am prepared to do it, be-\\ncause I believe it is very important that we should act upon the\\nsubject at this session, perhaps not so very important that we\\nshould act upon it at this immediate hour or within the next two\\nor three weeks.\\nI said the other day that I was one of those who would not have\\nobjected to a postponement to a day fixed and certain upon which\\na vote could be taken at the next session, if that could have been\\nhad, although I can see that some complications might arise by a\\nfailure to act upon the subject at this session.\\nI do not agree with the Senator from Alabama [Mr. Morgan]\\nthat the President of the United States has invaded the Hawaiian\\nIslands. I understand that the Government of that country has\\nnot declared neutrality with reference to our affairs with Spain,\\nand by the laws of nations, that being so, we have an unques-\\ntioned right to her hospitality if she sees fit to extend it, and no\\nnation in the w^orld can complain of that except Spain. Spain\\nhas a right to complain, and it might be made a subject of war on\\nthe part of Spain against the Hawaiian Islands. The Government\\nof Hawaii took that chance when they said to us, Land your\\nsailors and your soldiers on our shores and coal your ships in our\\nharbors. They did that, and a friendly government can extend\\nthat hospitality, and the same might have been extended to us by\\nGreat Britain if she had seen fit to do so, and it w^ould not have\\nbeen a cause of complaint by any government in the world except\\nthe Government of Spain.\\n35ir 3", "height": "4611", "width": "2721", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "The President has not done anything out of the ordinary. There\\nare plenty of precedents in the history of controversies of this\\ncharacter where such things have been done by friendly nations,\\neven to the extent sometimes of allowing an armed force to pass\\nacross the border line and through a portion of the country to\\nassail another state.\\nI repeat that the only Government which has a right to be heard\\nto complain as to this matter is Spain. France has no right to\\nsay anything, and Germany has no right to say anything. They\\nmaybe oif ended; they may think it is partiality that ought not\\nto be exhibited; but thsyare notgoingto complain. But, suppose\\nthey do complain. Suppose France or Germany or Russia should\\nsay to the Hawaiian Government: You must no longer extend\\nto the United States the hospitality that you have heretofore ex-\\ntended, or, if you do, you must reckon with us, and, Mr. Presi-\\ndent, they would have to reckon then with us, that is, and not\\nwith the Government of Hawaii. Common decency on our part\\nwould require us to stand in front of and between these islands\\nand any other power in the world, no matter how big it might\\nbe. The Government of Hawaii has a right under the law of na-\\ntions to do what it has done.\\nMr. President, 1 wish we could get to a vote on this question; I\\nwish we could settle it. I wish we could settle it, because I be-\\nlieve it would be for the peace of this country. I do not believe\\nanybody who has spoken against this joint resolution has intended\\nby so doing to delay or to hinder in the slightest possible manner\\nthe conduct of this war; nor do I think because Senators do not\\nbelieve in the acquisition of these islands and exercise a Senato-\\nrial right to contend against it that we have any right to say that\\nthey are doing it for the purpose of impairing the power of the\\nGovernment of the United States with relation to this war; and\\nyet, Mr. President, it might do that. It has not done it up to the\\npresent time, and I am frank enough to say that I do not believe\\nit will at any time.\\nI do not believe that that question is going to be a factor in our\\nrelations in this controversy with Spain; and yet I should like to\\nhave it settled. I should like to have it settled before we come to\\nsettle some other great questions which we have got to settle. I\\nam myself of the opinion that the American people are to be\\nbrought face to face with questions such as have never been pre-\\nsented to them before.\\nMr. President, I am not one of those who lie awake at night or\\nwho worry about what will be the conduct of the American people.\\nI have an abiding faith in the good sense of the great masses of\\nmy countrymen. I know that their intuitions are correct. _ I\\nknow when you submit to them a question involving the great in-\\nterests of this nation, they will settle it properly, and they will\\nsettle it righteously, too. If it becomes necessary for the American\\npeople to change their policy and to do that which we have here-\\ntofore declined to do if, in the interests of the American people\\nor in the interests of humanity, such a policy becomes necessary,\\nthey will be found solving that question in the right direction.\\nI am one of those who do not believe that any evil wnll ever come\\nlo the Republic by the exercise of that great spirit of humanity\\nwhich induced us to go into this war. I do not believe when you\\nrally the American people in the interests of freedom, you will\\ndo anything to debase them. I do not believe that will be pos-\\nsible, though w^e may take in Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Hawaiian\\n3517", "height": "4611", "width": "2721", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "Islands, and the Philippine Islands. I do not believe you will\\nendanger the solidity or the iDerpetuity of American institutions,\\nbecause I believe that we are capable of settling these questions\\nand settling them righteously and properly.\\nAs I said the other evening\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and I am going to repeat it\\nevery time we have acquired territory we have had this same con-\\ntroversy, honestly made, I have no doubt. I have before me now\\nthe debate which occurred in 1811, when the Territory of New\\nOrleans was admitted as the State of Louisiana. Mr. President,\\nthere have not been any such prognostications of evil from our\\nfriends who are opposed to this joint resolution as then came from\\nMassachusetts, from Virginia, and from various other States when\\nit was proposed to admit the new State of Louisiana. All the\\nevils that are predicted now were predicted then.\\nIt was said we would not know where to stop; it was said we\\nshould continue until we had extended our empire clear to the\\nPacific; and, Mr. President, thank God they were prophets when\\nthey stated that. But it was then stated as a threatened evil, as\\none of the things which were going to endanger the perpetuity of\\nthis Republic of States.\\nMr. President, we did extend our territory in spite of Josiah\\nQuincy, who declared, in substance, that it was the right of all\\nStates to take themselves out of the Union, and the duty of some\\nto do so if Lousiana should be admitted. It was denied that the\\nUnited States Government possessed the power either from the\\nConstitution or without it to take in a foot of territory that did\\nnot belong to the ancient colonies. They rung the changes on\\nthe ancient limits; that you could not go beyond the ancient\\nlimits; and that the provision for the admission of States was a\\nprovision for the admission of the territory that was ours, and\\nnone other.\\nThat is what worried Mr. Jefferson, who was a strict construc-\\ntionist. He did not doubt our power to bring in the State after\\nwe had acquired the territory, but he doubted whether there was\\npower under the Constitution to bring in any more territory at\\nall. Yet he solved that doubt, Mr. President, in favor of bring-\\ning it in. We have erected monuments to Jefferson, and Fourth\\nof July orators have been singing his praises ever since, and none\\ntoo highly; but of all the great things he did for the country and\\nfor humanity, he never did anything comparable with that of the\\nacquisition of Louisiana. It was the beginning of the expansion\\nthat has put twenty-eight Senators on this floor; it was that which\\nsecured to us the advent of the States on the gi-eat Pacific sea; it\\nwas that which changed us from a third-rate power to a great\\nnation.\\nMr. President, when Texas came in there was the same argu-\\nment that has been heard on the other side within the last few\\ndays, of the lack of constitutional power. There was then the cry\\nthat it was without constitutional authority or constitutional right.\\nAs I said the other evening\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and I want to say it again; it is\\nsimply a plain utterance which I think any lawyer ought to agree\\nto\u00e2\u0080\u0094 it is the prerogative of nationality, of sovereignty, to have the\\nright to add to its territory. There is not a nation in the world\\nthat does not assert it. It could have been taken from us only by\\npositive constitutional prohibition; and if that had been sug-\\ngested, do you believe the great men of that day would have agreed\\nthat we were to be bound by the province of Spain or France on the\\nwest and by the province of Great Britain on the north, and that\\nunder no circumstances were we to expand our territory?\\n3317", "height": "4611", "width": "2721", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "Oh, no, Mr. President, they would not have put that into the\\nConstitution, and they did not. put it in. He who hunts the Con-\\nstitution over will find no authority for the admission of new ter-\\nritory, for the admission of a new State, outside of that which\\nexisted at the time. You get that power in the power of sov-\\nereignty; you get that power as you get many other powers which\\na great nation must exert; you get it because this is a nation and\\nbecause such a power is essential to its preservation and to its\\nprosperity. Every great power that belongs to every other nation\\nbelongs to us.\\nDo you believe that our fathers, who expected some day we\\nwould be great, but perhaps not in a hundred years so great as\\nnow, wanted to hedge us in? Josiah Quincy objected to the\\nexercise of that power because it created a disparity between the\\nStates. He said the power would be transferred from one section\\nto the other. Others objected for the same reason.\\nMr. President, I promised at one time that I would not debate\\nthe Hawaiian question, and I shall not. I debated that question\\nin 1894 quite to my satisfaction. These are not new questions to\\nme. I have considered for forty years the question of what is the\\npower of the Government of the United States with reference to\\nthese islands and to acquire what may be called foreign lands.\\nI have been a student of these questions. I came into active\\nlife as a voter, I mean when these great questions were before\\nthe American people and when there were grsyat men in public\\nlife when there were men like Marcy, of New York, of whom I\\nhave often spoken here, because he was a citizen of the State of\\nwhich I was then a citizen, and a member of the political party\\nwith which I commenced my political life. He was then con-\\ntending for the admission of these islands. You have not had a\\ngreater constitutional lawyer in the Democratic party since he\\ndied. You have not had a purer man. You have not had a man\\nwho was more democratic in his sentiments than Mr. Marcy.\\nI was following his flag. I was a Democrat of the Marcy stripe,\\nand I have been following that flag ever since. I have been be-\\nlieving that it was a mission which we had to take in these islands,\\nbecause they are needful to us and because of the great develop-\\nment that 1 believe is to come to us when we have 200,000,000 peo-\\nple on this continent; more than that, when we shall have a popu-\\nlation equal to that of China, maintained here, as I believe it can\\nbe, in comfort, in happiness, in liberty, and when our trade to the\\nPacific sea and across it will be the great trade of the world and\\na great boon to this great population when it shall be overflowing\\nand filling the land with just such people as we have to-day, only,\\nI trust, a little better.\\nMr. President, we want those islands. We want them because\\nthey are th e stopping way across the sea. Senators may talk about\\nAlaska. They may tell us that you have a better coaling station.\\nIt is not true. Why do not your ships go there? They go the\\nother way because the God who made the winds and the waves\\ndecreed that the ships shall go in the line of water as it rushes and\\nthe wind as it blows. That is why they go to Honolulu. Seven\\nout of eight of the great lines that go across the water go there.\\nEvery sailing ship that goes out of San Francisco goes there, and\\nit goes there because the wind and the tide decree that it shall.\\nMr. President, those islands are necessary to our safety, they are\\nnecessary to our commerce, and we can give to those people the\\nblessings of a free government and not injure ourselves. On the\\n3517", "height": "4611", "width": "2721", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "other hand, there lies on onr border the richest island of its size,\\nsave one, in the world, an island cursed for four hundred j^ears by\\na government such as few countries have ever had. There ought\\nto be a population there of 20,000,000. Java, no bigger and but\\nlittle richer, has 20,000,000 under the kindly administration of\\nHolland. On that island, with a government such as we shall\\ngive them or a government such as they shall establish and we\\nshall assist them in maintaining, there will be in a few years the\\nmost industrious population of the world, where labor will be the\\nbest rewarded because of the richness of the soil. It can be made\\na source of great benefit to us and we can be the agency of great\\ngood to them.\\nWill we let any other power have it? All say not. We have\\ngone to war not to acquire it, but to give those people a govern-\\nment such as they are entitled to and to avoid the annoyance and\\nthe damage and the dangers to us that a contest of that kind kept\\nup for years brings on. I do not know what the government will\\nbe. I repeat, as I said before, I will leave it to the American peo-\\nple to do justice and right when the time comes, and I do not care\\nwhat party is in power, whether it be the one which is now in\\npower or another one. The American people will see to it that\\njustice is done the people there and that justice is done tons here.\\nMr. President, we will be met in December with another ques-\\ntion farther from our doors, more difficult infinitely than these\\nothers. The question we are debating is of no consequence perhaps\\ncompared with what you will meet then. Will you take from Spain\\nthe 2,000 islands that are now Spain s and return them to Spain?\\nI have been studying the history of those islands. There is not\\nmuch to be learned about them. I found some difficulty in get-\\nting at the facts, but I will venture to say that within two hun-\\ndred years the sun has not shone in any other portion of the world\\non such a government as was found in those islands\u00e2\u0080\u0094 on such\\nwickedness, such oppression, such imbecility and fraud as has\\nbeen exhibited by the Spanish Government of those islands for\\ntwo hundred years. Having gone to war to free Cuba with 1,500,-\\n000 people, are we going to return to the tender mercies of Spain\\n8,000,000 men as good in every respect as the people who inhabit\\nthe Island of Cuba, and in my judgment a great many of whom\\nare infinitely better?\\nMr. President, that is one phase of the question. I will dismiss\\nthat by saying that the party which will propose to return those\\nislands will go out of power in the American nation and will\\nremain out for a generation. The American people will never\\nsubmit to it and no Administration will propose it. No Senator\\nwill stand here and advocate it, either, when the time comes.\\nWhat shall we do with them? Shall we trade them off? Shall\\nwe become a peddler, and shall we say to some great power,\\nDoubting our ability to maintain a good government for these\\npeople, doubting their ability to maintain a government for them-\\nselves, will you take the islands off our hands and try your hand\\nat it and see how you will get along, and give us something in\\nreturn? That would be a spectacle for the gods. It never will\\nhappen. No man will disgrace us by proposing it.\\nIf some newspaper writer has suggested it, no statesman will;\\nand if he did, the American people would declare we have not\\nsacrificed our men in Manila for the purpose of returning the\\nislands to Spain or trading them off to anybody else. Where the\\nAmerican soldier dies and is buried and the American flag is put\\n3517", "height": "4611", "width": "2721", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n019 944 349 5\\n8\\nTip, I say there it will stay, and we will grapple with the great\\nproblem whether we are capable of managing colonies or not and\\ntry it; and if we fail, it will be the first time that the Anglo-Saxon\\nrace has failed when these great problems have been presented.\\nIt will be the first time that the American people have failed when\\ngreat questions were presented to them to solve them properly\\nand righteously and in the interest of their own people and the\\nworld.\\nMr. President, let us meet it. Let us say to the world, let us\\nsay to everybody, We are going to do the right thing w^hen the\\nright time comes. If these people are fit for local government,\\nand can stand alone according to the principles that we have pro-\\nclaimed, it will be our duty to see that they do. If they can not,\\nit will be our duty to see that they have such a system and such\\neducation as will put them in line where ultimately they can en-\\njoy the blessings of a free flag.\\nMr. President, you hear mutterings of Germany, of Japan, of\\nRussia, and of France. They tell us that Germany has a squad-\\nron there, and they do not know what it means. I saw the other\\nday that Prince Henry said to Dewey something that indicated\\nthat he might want to have a hand in the protection of German\\ninterests in Manila, and Admiral Dewey, who understood the laws\\nof war, knew we were there in control, and that nobody else had\\na right except with our consent to land marines, said: Prince, I\\nhope you will not get your ships between my ^ms and the enemy;\\nand he will not.\\nLet us give the world to understand that we did not seek this\\nwar: that we did i ot go into it for conquest; that we went ir to it\\ntor the purpose of enlarging the area of human freedom, and that\\nwe can enlarge it at home and abroad; that if our duty required\\nus to do it in Cuba, it requires us to do it in the Philippine Islands,\\nand that we will settle this question for ourselves. We will say\\nto Spain when she gets out, Everything you or your people have\\ngot here shall be kindly cared for. We will say to Germany,\\nYour people shall have our protection, but you keep your hands\\noff. We will not tolerate your interference, because we are capa-\\nble of taking care of your people as well as you are yourselves.\\nI would say to the world, when this war is over, We will set-\\ntle with Spain. We want no interference. We want no concert\\nof powers; and if I was President, I would not allow any con-\\ncert of powers to address me on the subject of peace. I would say\\nto them, The American nation is big enough to conduct this war\\nto a successful issue. She is generous enough and good enough\\nwhen it is through to make an honorable and proper peace with\\nthe enemy that she has subdued. Our honor and reputation\\namong the nations of the world are at stake.\\nWith the greatest population, save one, of any country that\\nmay be called harmonious or homogeneous\u00e2\u0080\u0094 in fact, I think I may\\nsay the only homogeneous population of 75,000,000\u00e2\u0080\u0094 with a wealth\\nthat no other nation possesses, with a history for fairness and\\ngood treatment of friend and foe equal to that of any other nation\\nin the world, we can say to the world, Let us solve this problem\\nunaided and unassisted, and we will do it in accordance with\\nright and in accordance with justice, keeping in mind at all times\\nnot only the interest of the American people, but every one of the\\npeople whom we invite or bring under the influence of our flag.\\n3517", "height": "4611", "width": "2721", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4611", "width": "2721", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n019 944 349 5\\nHollinger Corp.\\npH8.5", "height": "5131", "width": "3265", "jp2-path": "annexationofhawa00tell_0012.jp2"}}