{"1": {"fulltext": "F\\nrr.^\\n^7", "height": "4066", "width": "2508", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Digitized by the Internet Archive\\nin 2011 with funding from\\nThe Library of Congress\\nhttp://www.archive.org/details/independenceofcuOOtill", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "2786\\n57\\npy 1\\nINDEPENDENCE OF CUBA.\\nNO EECOJiTSTEirCTIOX OR CAEPET-BAG GOVERNMENT\\nUNDER PRETENSE OF PATRIOTIC M0TIVT:S.\\nCUBAN PATRIOTS MUST NOT BE MADE TO PAT\\nSPAIN S WAR DEBT.\\nSPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. B. R. TILLMAN,\\nOF SOUTH CAROLINA,\\nIN THE\\nSENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nFRIDAY, APRIL IS, 1898.\\nWA-SHINGrXO^r.\\n1898.", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": ".TfJ\\n68640\\n^^^cfQ\\n6-", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "SPEECH\\nOF\\nHO^. B. E. TILLMAlSr.\\nThe Senate having under consideration the joint resolution (S. R. 140) fox\\nthe recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding that\\nthe Government of Spain relinquish its authority and government in the\\nIsland of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and\\nCuban waters, and directing the President of the United States to use the\\nland and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions into\\neffect-\\nMr. TILLMAN said:\\nMr. President: This is a grave, a solemn crisis in the nation s\\naffairs. It is not a time for words to be lightly spoken. What-\\never we may do, whichever of the resolutions we have under\\nconsideration shall be adopted, the only possible ending to them\\nor to such action will mean war. There is to be war in any event\\nunless Spain ignominiously backs down.\\nWe were told last night, and no doubt the American people feel\\nit is true, that this is a time for action and not for words. But,\\nMr. President, the exigency is not so pressing but that we can\\nmake the issues clear and say to the world what we mean to do,\\nand say it in words that can not be misconstrued.\\nI shall address myself to this question in no partisan spirit. We\\ngave an exhibition here some weeks ago of a unanimous House\\nand a unanimous Senate voting $50,000,000 for the public defense.\\nPopiilists, Democrats, Republicans are we,\\nBut we are all Americans to make Cuba free.\\nI feel that I can claim this for the American people with the ex-\\nception of a few thousand who live within the purview or within\\nthe influence of boards of trade and chambers of commerce and\\nbanking houses, and that that sentiment now pulsates in the breast\\nof every true American.\\nIf I shall in my speech present facts and utter words that may\\nhave the appearance of partisan bias I disclaim any such purpose,\\nbut I hope I shall be able to so measure my words that I will be\\n\u00c2\u00a3240 3", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "given the credit for trying simply to present my views in a clear\\nand tinmistakable manner and have those views based on facts\\nand their necessary deductions.\\nI regret that I can not rise to the high and pure plane which\\nthe Senator from Delaware [Mr. Gray] claimed yesterday to oc-\\ncupy. I have suspicion in my nature, Mr. President, and it\\nhas been driven into me by the fact that my association with men\\nhas led me to know that the angels in this world are very few and\\nfar between, and I have heard none of their pinions fluttering in\\nthis Chamber since I have been here. [Laughter.] I am frank,\\nand have always been so. I speak that which I feel, and I have\\nalways judged other men so until I have been forced by sad ex-\\nperience to know that there are many who, like Talleyrand, use\\nlanguage to conceal their thoughts.\\nThe Senator from Delaware, after announcing in the most posi-\\ntive language his absolute confidence in the President of the\\nUnited States, and after proclaiming his purpose to cooperate\\nwith and assist with all his official power and influence the Exec-\\nutive, seems to forget or to have forgotten that a Washington\\nevening paper of yesterday had in it an account of a conference\\nwhich he attended yesterday morning, which is part and parcel of\\nthe facts from which I shall draw deductions. The Evening Star\\nsays:\\nAn important conference was held at tlie White House this morning, and\\nthe subject is believed to have been the question of the Senate and House\\nresolutions. Those engaged were Senators Gorman, Faulkneb, and Gray\\n(Democrats), and Aldrich and Allison (Republicans). They had been\\nsent for by the President. They were with the President nearly an hour,\\nand when they left hurried away in carriages to the Capitol.\\nThe Senators admitted that an effort would be made to have the House\\nresolution substituted for that of the Senate when it is passed. They did\\nnot, however, say that the President desired this to be done.\\nIt is perfectly legitimate and proper for Senators to confer with\\nthe President. The predecessor of the present Executive very\\nrarely conferred with Senators [laughter] and it is an improve-\\nment in our public affairs that we have now an Executive who will\\ndeign to con f er with Senators. However, the milk in the cocoanut\\nis the fact that this conference had as its purpose the substitution\\nof the House resolution for the Senate resolution. Upon that I\\nwill comment later on.\\nMr. President, the bone of contention here is as to the form of\\nthe resolution which we shall adopt which will lead to war. We\\nare told that the House has acted with practical unanimity; that\\nthe Executive is ready; and that it is time for the Senate to stop\\ntalking and to act, and let slip the dogs of war. It is with no view\\nof defending the Senate\u00e2\u0080\u0094 for it needs no defense that I desire to\\n3240", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "direct the attention of the country to the fact that two years a^o\\nthis body, by a vote of 64 to 6, passed the following resolution:\\nConcurrent resolution.\\nResolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring therein).\\nThat, in the opinion of Congress, a condition of public war exists between\\nthe Government of Spain and the Government proclaimed and for some time\\nmaintained by force of arms by the people of Cuba; and that the United\\nStates of America should-maintain a strict neutrality between the contend-\\ning powers, according to each all the rights of belligerents in the ports and\\nterritory of the United States.\\nResolved further, That the friendly offices of the United States should fcs\\noffered by the President to the Spanish Government for the recognition of\\nthe independence of Cuba.\\nThere we proclaimed by a nearly unanimous vote that there\\nwas a government in Cuba, and that was not the Spanish Govern-\\nment.\\nMr. STEWART. And a similar resolution passed the House of\\nRepresentatives.\\nMr. TILLMAN. Wait, my friend. 1 will come to the history\\nof the facts if the Senator from Nevada will just allow me.\\nThis resolution was sent to the House of Representatives, and\\nthat body, by a vote of 262 to 17, passed a siibstitute, and I will\\nread it. It is as follows:\\nThat in the opinion of Congress a state of public war exists in Cuba, the\\nparties to which are entitled to belligerent rights, and the United States\\nshould observe a strict neutrality between the belligerents.\\nResolved, That Congress deplores the destruction of life and property\\ncaused by the war now waging in that island, and believing that the only\\npermanent solution of the contest, equally in the interests of Spain, the peo-\\nple of Cuba, and other nations, would be in the establishment of a govern-\\nment by the choice of the people of Cuba, it is the sense of Congress that the\\nGovernment of the United States should use its good offices and friendly\\ninfluence to that end.\\nResolved, That the United States has not intervened in struggles between\\nany European governments and their colonies on this continent; but from the\\nvery close relations between the people of the United States and those of\\nCuba, in consequence of its proximity and the extent of the commerce be-\\ntween the two peoples, the present war is entailing such losses upon the\\npeople of the United States that Congress is of opinion that the Government\\nof the United States should be prepared to protect the legitimate interests\\nof our citizens by intervention, if necessary.\\nYou see that the House then, with its majority of 150 of the\\npresent President s party in power, went further than the Senate.\\nThe man who then stood in the way was a so-called Democratic\\nPresident. Both Houses of Congress by practically unanimous\\nvotes declared that there was a government in Cuba, because\\nthe House later on having failed to have the Senate accept its sub-\\nstitute, concurred in the Senate resolution and passed it. There-\\nfore we have both Houses of that Congress committed to the prop-\\n32i0", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "6\\nosition that even two years ago there existed a government\\nin Cuba. What has become of that government? I pause for a\\nreply.\\nBut, Mr. President, the Senate did not stop there. When the\\nPresident failed to act, there was some mention made in this body\\nof passing a joint resolution and sending it to the President, but\\nit did not obtain much support and di opped out of sight. But\\nlast year, after the party which at St. Louis declared in its plat-\\nform for the independence of Cuba had assumed control of the\\nGrovernment, the Senate, the citadel of liberty in America t(?-day,\\npassed another resolution, and this time it was a joint resolution.\\nMay 20, 1897, by a vote of 41 yeas, to 14 nays, but 2 Democrats\\nvoting in the negative, this resolution passed the Senate:\\nJoint resolatioii declaring tliat a Gondltion of pnlilic war exists in Cuba, and\\nthat strict neutrality shall be maintained.\\nResolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of\\nAmerica in Congress assembled. That a condition of public war exists between\\nthe Government of Spain and the government proclaimed and for some time\\nmaintained by force of arms by the people of Cuba, and that the United\\nStates of America shall maintain a stiict neutrality between the contending\\npowers, according to each all the rights of belligerents in the ports and terri-\\ntory of the United States.\\nThere the Senate again acted. Where has that resolution slept\\nfor a year? You all know. It is not my purpose to criticise the\\nmen who have their duties to perform at the other end of this\\nCapitol; but, gentlemen, let us keep the record straight. The\\nSenate has acted once, and acted twice, and we are told by the\\ncommittee of the Senate in its report, which is here accompanying\\nthe pending resolution, that if belligerent rights had been granted\\nto Cuba two years ago all of this difficulty would have been ob-\\nviated and the Cubans would have achieved their own independ-\\nence. The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge], one of the\\nmembers of that committee, has announced the same proposition\\nin his speech of yesterday in the strongest possible language.\\nWho is responsible for the condition of war into which we are\\nfast hastening? The Executive, after exhansting diplomacy and\\nbeing exhausted by diplomacy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 because he has got to the end of\\nhis rope [laughter] under the whip and lash of outraged public\\nopinion, after withholding his message time and again, and being\\ntold by the members of the two Houses that he must act, sends a\\nmessage looking to intervention, and the House of Representa-\\ntives, which has had this resolution of belligerency in its keeping\\nsince last May, at last decides to act, and then, with indecent haste\\nand only forty minutes debate, as though it were the ukase of a\\nczar at the White House, passes a resolution declaring for inter-\\nvention and probable war, and sends it to this body. Are we to\\nSSiO", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "sit here silent and not discuss the conditions under which this war\\nshould be conducted and carried on? No, Mr. President, we have\\nwaited long enough; too long. If any harm shall come by reason\\nof waiting, it does not lie with the Senate or at our door. If tho\\nSpanish flotilla and the accompanying fleet shall get into Amer-\\nican waters and some of our battle ships shall be sent to join tho\\nMaine, it will not be our fault.\\nWe have acted once. We have besn ready to act for a month\\nor more, but other branches of the Government have delayed.\\nLet the responsibility rest there. Now let us decently and in\\norder, and with proper elucidation of the facts and the conditions,\\ndiscuss this question calmly and in a spirit of patriotism, and ar-\\nrive at a just and proper conclusion; in other words, let us be\\nsure we are right and then go ahead.\\nMr. President, what is the contention here? What are we dis-\\ncussing? Why the delay? Simply about the form of the resolu-\\ntion which we shall adopt, the results of which are so momentous\\nboth to ourselves and to the people to whom we pretend, or to vchom\\nwe intend, to give relief. It is whether we shall recognize a gov-\\nernment which two years ago we declared existed, and which one\\nyear ago we reiterated existed, or whether we shall, in obedience\\nto the influences at the White House, leave the matter in a nebu-\\nlous condition, so that there maybe any interpretation put upon\\nit that the Executive hereafter chooses.\\nThe message of the President has been read so often and com-\\nmented on at such length that I hope the Senate will bear with\\nme if 1 feel constrained to read a few of these same hackneyed\\nphrases once more and give my comment on them, understand-\\ning, gentlemen, that, being a man who means what he says, or tries\\nto I do not always do it, because I am not immaculate; I am noth-\\ning but a sinner, a common ordinary human being but, as I said,\\ntrying to mean what I say and say what I mean, and knowing the\\nimportance in a great public paper like this, at a crisis like this,\\nof having the Executive mean what he says and of saying what\\nhe means, and having this Senate in its resolutions say what it\\nmeans and mean what it says, I must, in the performance of a\\nduty, as I said, read some of these extracts and give my deduc-\\ntions from them.\\nBriefly stated, and culling out the sentences and stringing them\\ntogether which embrace the recommendations and the opinions\\nof the Executive, we may put it in this way: That the President\\nasked Congress to authorize and empower him to take measures\\nto secure a full and final termination of the hostilities between\\nthe Government of Spain and the people of Cuba, imposing a\\nrational compromise between the contestants by hostile constraint\\n3310", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "apon both parties, as well as to impose a trace to insure peace\\nand tranquillity, and for the purpose of securing in the island the\\nestablishment of a stable government, and to use the Army and\\nNavy to enforce those recommendations.\\n1 have culled sentences from the message and strung them\\ntogether in one consecutive sentence. I know the unfairness of\\nusing garbled extracts; but, Mr President, study the message as\\nyou may, and, interpreted according to the ordinary meaning of\\nEnglish words, you can not make the message mean anything else\\nthan what those words convey. Coupled with the facts that have\\nbeen brought out here and through the newspapers and in the\\noflacial reports, I think I can say that the President of the United\\nStates has, by his own words and acts, proclaimed that he is not a\\nfriend to the idea of free Cuba. He does not believe in the re-\\npublic, and he has not wanted a republic. It is that belief, im-\\nplanted in my mind by his own language, which leads me to\\nwant this Senate to make the meaning of the cause of this war\\nand its pui pose as clear as sunlight.\\nWhat are the causes which have led the House of Representa-\\ntives to linger so long, to wait before recognizing belligerent\\nrights? What are the causes which have prevented one Execu-\\ntive elected by one party and his successor of another party, not-\\nwithstanding the obligations of its platform, which he accepted\\nwhen he was nominated what, I say, are the influences which\\nhave made these men linger and put off the day of redemption for\\nCuba? I wish to God that I had no suspicion. I would that\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0the circumstances were not such as to compel suspicion; but I see\\nin every line of this message a purpose to impose upon the Cubans\\na recognition of the Spanish debt owned by the American bond-\\nholders.\\nWhy does the President want the House resolution passed instead\\nof the Senate resolution? Why, gentlemen, we are even threat-\\nened with a veto in the event that we see proper to act according\\nto the responsibilities which have been placed upon us. I say we\\nare threatened with a veto if we dare go forward and proclaim\\nthe independence of the Republic of Cuba and fix beyond cavil\\nthe status of that people. It is an obligation before the world\\nwhich we can not shirk.\\nThe Evening Star of yes.erday said, and the newspapers of this\\nmorning repeated the statement, that\\nShould Congress pass a resolution directly recognizing tlie independence\\nof the Island ot Cuba, as proposed in the Senate and House minority resolu-\\ntions, it is strongly hinted that the President might veto it as interfering\\nwith his prerogative to do this. He would, it is intimated, consider it an\\nencroachment upon his functions and rights.\\nWe have recognized the belligerency of the government of\\nCuba twice in this body. Now, when we come to the crucial\\n3210", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "9\\ntest as to whether we shall recognize the independence of the re-\\npublic, we are told that we will be met with a veto. Ai-e we to\\nbe intimidated by that threat? Are we to hesitate and halt and\\nrefuse to ratify our previous acts, and to put our resolution in\\nlanguage that means only one thing, and that is that there shall\\nbe no reconstruction in Cuba under the auspices of the United\\nStates Government?\\nThe newspapers told us\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and the Washington newspapers, I\\nfind, are nearly always correct in their news that the House\\nand Senate Committees on Foreign Affairs, pending the send-\\ning of the President s message, had practically agreed upon a\\nresolution which recognized the independence of the Republic\\nof Cuba. If that was not true, some member of the committee,\\nif he feels disposed to give out committee secrets\u00e2\u0080\u0094 we have\\nhad some of them given out, and I do not know why this one\\nshould not be\u00e2\u0080\u0094 if it is not true, I should be glad to have it denied.\\n[A pause.] I can not, of course, say that silence gives consent,\\nbut we certainly have silence. Why did the Senate committee\\nchange the phraseology of the resolution? Why did the House\\ncommittee come as near as possible to granting to the President\\nall he ashed except that they provide for an independent govern-\\nment of the Cuban people by themselves? They gave everything\\nelse he asked except that, and then, if that could be reached by\\nintervention, without the use of the Army and the Navy, it would\\nbe permissive only; it would not be mandatory to so use them.\\nThe Senate resolution, which we seek to amend so as to purge\\nit of the slightest ambiguity, says that the people of Cuba are,\\nand of right ought to be, free. Who are the people of Cuba?\\nThe President, under his recoustruction policy, which we grant\\nhim if this resolution be adopted, will have the right to determine\\nwho are the people of Cuba. The Army of the United States once\\nin possession of the island and Spain expelled, we will have the\\nnecessity imposed upon the Executive by our consent and through\\nhis own wish of having elections held under the auspices of the\\nofficers of the Army. Who is going to appoint the returning\\nboards? Who is to count the votes?\\nMr. President, perhaps the fact that the State which I have the\\nhonor in part to represent has been through that mQl once causes\\nme to be more suspicious in regard to the possible outcome of\\nthis action and to look forward to a repetition of the scenes which\\nwe had in our State when we were reconstructed. God forbid\\nthat I should lend by any vote of mine any countenance to any\\nsuch scheme.\\nThe people who have on the eastern end of the Island of Cuba\\nmaintained their independence and kept the Spanish soldiers out\\nfor three years during this last war and for ten years during the\\n3340", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "10\\nprevious war, whether they have a government which is station-\\nary or not, have a government such as we have declared existed\\nonce, which we have recognized as having the rights of bellig-\\nerents once, and which we can now well afford to recognize again.\\nIs it possible that in all the western half of that island, which\\nhas been so cruelly devastated, a great many thousands, and pos-\\nsibly hundreds of thousands, of refugees have not escaped death\\nby starvation within the trochas? Did they not escape and flee to\\nthe east and scatter throaghout that country which has been always\\nheld by the patriots? I am almost sure that many of the younger\\nand abler men in fact, almost all of them are to-day in the east-\\nern end with rifles in their hands, and they have sworn by the\\nAlmighty God to avenge the wrongs of their starving wives and\\nchildren and of their outraged daughters; and yet yoti propose to\\nhave those gallant soldiers told Y o;i are not the free people of\\nCuba, but the Spaniards who are in Havana and in the other cities,\\nwho have ruined your homes, who have burned your houses and\\ndestroyed yotir industries in truth, they are to be brought in and\\nrecognized as the people of Cuba.\\nThe question appears to be whether we shall recognize the ex-\\nisting government, whatever may be its obligations, or whether\\nwe shall recognize no government, but declare in general terms\\nthat the people of Cuba are free, and then go there and have an\\nelection under our control and direction so as to set up a govern-\\nment of our making. Will that government have any carpetbag-\\ngers among its officers?\\nFor the President of the United States I have a profound respect\\nas a man. His pirsonal record is as clean as that of any man in\\nthis country and his honor is above suspicion. But, Mr. Presi-\\ndent the President of the United States is surrounded by men\\nwhom I do suspect, whom I do mistrust. He has, so to speak,\\nsome very wicked partners [laughter], and I have seen proof,\\nto my mind absolutely conclusive, that the Spanish bondholders\\nhave kept down, through their influence in New York and else-\\nwhere, any action by the Executive or by the two bodies of\\nCongress by the House when it had an opportunity to act in ah\\neffective way, and it only acts now because obliged to. I say, hav-\\ning seen evidence of these things, I am compelled to have suspi-\\ncions.\\nThe issue appears to be whether the Cuban bonds, issued by\\nthat government through its instrumentality in New York to\\nsecure the independence of the island, or the Spanish bonds issued\\nby Spain to conquer the island shall be paid. I do not want, and,\\nso help me God, I will never vote for any proposition which even\\nwinks at proposing to impose upon that bleeding island a debt\\nissued by Spain to secure its conquest. We have been told by the\\n3343", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "o\\n11\\nSenator from Massaclmsetts [Mr. HoarJ that bonds are things\\nwhich now come around babies necks when born, and it seems\\nthat the people of the whole world are becoming slaves to bond-\\nholders of one kind or another; that international syndicates pos-\\nsess more influence than governments; that governments declare\\npeace or levy war at theii- dictation, or that the governments can\\nnot help themselves, and we are to present the spectacle here of\\nleaving the suspicion in the minds of even our own people that\\nsuch a syndicate exists and our own action is predicated upon\\ntheir demand, Armenia has been left to the tender mercies of\\nthe brutal and fanatical Turk. Greece was struck down and lies\\nbleeding at every pore while the CHRISTIAN POWERS stand\\nidly by held back by the bondholders who hold the Turkish debt.\\nIs this great Republic to be thus disgraced? God forbid that it\\nshould sink so low!\\nMr. President, this is the first time in our history that we have\\never interfered with any of the colonies of a foreign power in the\\nWestern Hemisphere except to recognize their independence.\\nWe fought the Mexican war more as a war of conquest than a\\nnecessity, because Texas had successfully defended her liberty,\\nand it was not doubtful as to whether or not she could continue to\\nmaintain it. While men proclaim that there is no suspicion or\\npurpose or intent to annex Cuba the world outside, which does\\nnot judge men by any other code than that which obtains in this\\nday and which is the essence of greed, will say that you do not\\nmean that when you pass this resolution without recognizing the\\ngovernment now in existence. If we go down there and set up a\\ncarpetbag government of our own, or if there are no carpetbag-\\ngers among them and we set up a Cuban government, what do we\\nentail upon ourselves?\\nI desire first to lay down the proposition\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the clear, unmistak-\\nable docti-ine\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and let it be recalled to the minds of Senators as\\nto what Monroe meant and said and what we are contending for\\nas the true American policy. I read from President Monroe s\\nfamous message:\\nWe owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing be-\\ntween the United States and those powers to declare that we should con-\\nsider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this\\nhemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies\\nor dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not\\ninterfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence\\nand maintained it, and whose independence we have on great consideration\\nand on just principles acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for\\nthe purpose of oppressing them or controlling in other manner theii- destiny\\nby any European power ia any other light than as a manifestation of an un-\\nfriendly disposition toward the United States.\\nThere we proclaimed that we would not interfere with the col-\\nonies of other powers, and yet we are now going to interfere and\\n32i0", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "-\u00c2\u00bb12\\nwe are going to interfere without first having recognized the\\nindependence of the men who brought on the war and maintained\\nit for thirteen years.\\nI am not going to get into a discussion with well- trained law-\\nyers as to what would be oiir international obligations under the\\nconditions which they suggest, but I contend that if we do not\\nrecognize the independence of the Cuban Government in some\\nform, though that government may be peripatetic, may be moving\\nabout, \u00c2\u00a30 to speak, we lay ourselves open to the accusation of the\\nEuropean powers of intending something else besides the mere\\nsetting up of an independent, stable government of the Cuban\\npeople for themselves. The President says:\\nSuch recognition is not necessary in order to enable the United States to\\nintervene and pacify the island. To commit this country now to the recog-\\nnition of any particular government in Cuba might subject us to embarrass-\\ning conditions of international obligation toward the organization so recog-\\nnized. In case of intervention our conduct would be subject to the approval\\nor disapproval of such government. We would be required to submit to its\\ndirection and to assume to it the mere relation of a friendly ally.\\nHe speaks further down in his message of the attributes of\\nnationality and of the interests and relations of the United\\nStates with such a government.\\nWe were told by the Senator from Ohio [Mr. Foraker] that large\\nnumbers of these Spanish bonds, for which the Cuban revenues are_\\nhypothecated as security, are held in America. Are the holders\\nof those Spanish bonds, who bought them in the open market\\nknowing the danger of their being repudiated or lost by war, here\\nwith their agents on this floor and in the other end of the Capitol\\ntrying to saddle this debt upon those people? I can not believe it;\\nbut what am I to believe?\\nThe papers have told us\u00e2\u0080\u0094 I do not know how true the story is\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nthat there have been midnight conferences between Senators and\\nthe Spanish minister. There is nothing in the President s mes-\\nsage which seeks to make clear his purpose to recognize the inde-\\npendence of these people at all except the brief sentence at the\\nend, which I will now read:\\nIn view of these facts and of these considerations, I ask the Congress to\\nauthorize and empower the President to take measures to secure a full and\\nfinal termination of hostilities between the Government of Spain and the\\npeople of Cuba, and to secure in the island the establishment of a stable gov-\\nernment, capable of maintaining order and observing its international obli-\\ngations, insuring peace and tranquillity and the security of its citizens as\\nwell as our own.\\nThere is the only possible sentence in the message that looks to\\nCuban independence at all, and here we have to strain the mean-\\ning of his language and take as a fact what can only be implied\\nas to his meaning. All of his other language leads us inevitably\\nto a contrary opinion, and the message must be construed as a\\nS240", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "13\\nwliole. He speaks about hostile constraint, and rational com-\\npromise, and so on, all looking to some species of psendo-\\nindependence or autonomy or some otker humbng by which the\\nSpanish bonds may be saddled npon this sorely distressed island\\nand its people. For the benefit of \u00e2\u0080\u00a2whom? The bond is stronger than\\nthe man; money talks; men are cheap. The sinister influence of\\ntlie dollar appears to be i^aramount in this Capitol, and we are to\\nput ourselves on record as to whether we indorse the proposition\\nthat the Spanish bonds can by any possibility be saddled on these\\npeople under the reconstruction government which is proposed.\\nBut, Mr. President, aside from the m.oral and legal obligations\\nto other nations which would be imposed on us in the event that\\nwe go there and set up a government, taking the island, the corpus,\\nso to speak, and setting up a stable government of our own\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to\\nwhich the President himself alludes\u00e2\u0080\u0094 even if we recognize such\\ngovernment, with that recognition will go the demand that they\\nmust pay our American bondholders, and if we demand that they\\nshall pay bonds held by our citizens, in God s name will not\\nGermany and France and England demand that they shall pay\\ntheirs? Suppose that condition of affairs arises, what will be the\\nresult?\\nWe expel the Spaniards. We will pa,cify the island. We will\\ngo there ignoring the present Cuban government. We will order\\nan election; we will say it will be an honest election; that there\\nshall be no cheating; no counting in or counting out; no military\\ninterference, except to see a free vote and a fair count. And when\\nthe representatives of that government meet, who can recognize\\nit as a stable government? Can this Congress do it? Will this\\nCongress act? Under the hypnotic influences which seem abroad\\nin this land, is it at all probable that anything will be done here-\\nafter, after that settlement has been made, except that there will\\nbe dicker and barter and trade and coercion on the part of this Gov-\\nernment to force a recognition of a part at least of this debt?\\nThen suppose that we force it, and it becomes one of the infamies\\nfor which we will be responsible to God, who is going to collect\\nthe interest? The Cubans who are to-day in arms, and most of\\nwhom have been for thirteen years, have been driven to the moun-\\ntains and fastnesses of the forests of Cuba by oppression which\\nmeant for them either to become robbers and guerrillas, so to\\nspeak, or slaves. They had no alternative. They have resisted\\noppressive taxation and tyranny in the same manner that the\\nAmerican people resisted it in 1775 and 1776. We will say that\\nyou set up a reconstruction government under this scheme which\\nwe have coming here from the House, and which is permissible\\neven under the Senate joint resolution as reported by the commit-\\ntee, then what follows?\\n3310", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "14\\nFor a time the debt will be recognized and the interest collected,\\nbut so sure as men are men like we are and the Cubans believe that\\ndebt is dishonest and oppressive and ought never to have been\\nsaddled on them, there will be a revolution and that government\\nwill be overthrown, and the refusal to pay the interest and the obli-\\ngation which will have been imposed on them under this proposition\\nof reconstruction and infamy will entail on us the necessity of\\nentering upon the island and enforcing the obligation just as\\nEgypt has been seized by England to collect the interest on the\\nbonds which her citizens hold as the result of loaning money to\\nthe Khedive. Then we will have a nice situation.\\nThe island for a quarter of a century, almost, has been in a state\\nof chronic insurrection, with the Spanish Government trying to\\nmaintain supremacy. We propose to take Spain s place and be-\\ncome the policeman of the Western Continent and keep in order\\non that island the Latin races that have settled there. We can\\nnot afford it. Duty demands that we expel the Spanish robbers\\nand tyrants. There our duty ends. We can not afford, Mr. Presi-\\ndent, to set up any government there. We can not afford to do\\nanything except to recognize the existing government and let them\\nwork out their own redemption, as the other Spanish- American\\nRepublics have had to do.\\nThey have had their revolutions and counter revolutions. I do\\nnot believe the people of that race are capable of self-govern-\\nment. While Mexico has under the great and magnificent states-\\nman who now dominates her affairs had tranquillity and peace\\nand a stable government for a long time, and is moving forward\\nrapidly in progress, we can not undertake to say that the Cuban\\npeople must have a stable government, and that we will make for\\nthem a stable government, if we are going there and say in order\\nto have this stable government you must pay the Spanish debt\\nor some part of it.\\nIf we go there recognizing the existing condition and the gov-\\nernment which we have already recognized once, we will approach\\nthose people in a spirit of amity and friendliness and fairness and\\njustice which will appeal to them, and we can have influence\\nwith them even with bandits and mulattoes, and the worstele-\\nment of those struggling for liberty and we can appeal to them\\nby moral obligation, if nothing else, to be law abiding and civi-\\nlized. But if we undertake to say that we will set up a stable\\ngovernment loaded down with the Spanish debt, and enforce sta-\\nbility by maintaining peace, then we will have to increase our\\nstanding Army, and we will have to maintain an army there time\\nout of mind to enforce the collection of an unjust obligation put\\nupon those people. In a word, we will take Spain s place as the\\noppressor and tyrant.\\n3240", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "15\\nMr. President, recognition is an Executive act. It is ti-ne we\\nare undertaking now, and I understand that is what the President\\nobjects to, to recognize independence which he has reftised to\\nrecognize. He even refuses to recognize belligerent rights, which\\nwould carry with it the legal right to refnse to pay this debt.\\nThrough every line of the message and the policy outlined in it\\nthere appears nothing to me btit bonds, bonds, bonds. And it is\\nbecause we of Sonth Carolina have had so many bonds of that\\nkind foisted on us in the dreary years of the past, during the era\\nof reconstruction, that I, for one, stand here an-d protest in the\\nname of American freemen, in the name of decency, of Christian-\\nity, of fairness and justice and peace, which can not be maintained\\non any other basis, against any policy, against the adoption of\\nany resolution, against the leaving out of any word which ought\\nto go in to make it absolutely plain and clear and unmistakable\\nthat we do not intend to annex the island; and that we do not in-\\ntend to interfere with their internal affairs, other than to expel\\nSpain and enable the Cuban patriots to inaugurate, under their\\nown auspices and under their own machinery, a government of\\nthe people, by the people, and for the people.\\nI say I will not vote for any proposition which does not contain\\nthese declarations. I will even reject and vote against, in my\\nbounden duty to my people, the Senate joint resolution, unless\\nthere is incorporated in it the amendment proposed by the mi-\\nnority, or unless the Senate shall supplement those resolutions\\nfor free Cuba by a declaration on our part and I do not see why\\nwe can not do that that the Spanish debt shall be settled by the\\nCuban people of their own volition and in their own way, with-\\nout any coercion on our part. We can not afford to do less. If\\nwe recognize the independence, the question of bonds need not\\narise. We have recognized it once, not independence, but the\\nfact that a government exists there. If we meant what we said\\nthen, why not go forward and repeat those words?\\nMr. President, I said that whatever happens here, it did not\\nmatter what resolution was passed, we are going to have war. I\\ndo not want any war. I have not wanted it at all. My people do\\nnot want it. The North has had war and had thousands and hun-\\ndreds of thousands of the flower of its manhood sent home to be\\nburied as the result of that war. We of the South had our own\\njewels sent back to us in the same waj^ Both in the Revolution-\\nary war, when my State was overrun from sea to mountain and\\nwhen her people suffered untold wrong and villainy and oppres-\\nsion, such as no other colony endured, and fought more battles\\nfor liberty than were fought in almost all the other States put to-\\ngether; and in the last war, when we passed beneath the harrow,\\n3240", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS\\n015 819 608 6 i\\n16\\nwe have had otir fill of bloodletting and of war in its most dread-\\nful form.\\nWe do not want any war. But while the feeling among our\\npeople was that of sympathy for the suffering Cubans, such as\\nexisted almost everywhere, it could not take shape and did not\\nassume form until that flaming fuse was sent abroad throughout\\nthis land which followed the explosion of the torpedo or mine\\nunder the Maine. That fuse flamed and flared and si^ed while\\nthe people held their breath. There was no bomb attached at\\nthe time. The Senator from Vermont [Mr. Proctoe], by his\\ncalm, dispassionate, and almost judicial statement of facts, which\\nappealed to the sentimentality and Christian charity and philan-\\nthropy and sympathy and mercy of every man worthy the name,\\nfurnished the bomb.\\nThe bomb is here, the fuse is attached to it and lighted, and it\\nis approaching an explosion. The explosion will come whether I\\nvote for the pending joint resolution or not. I hope to God I will\\nbe able to get the Senate to incorporate something in it or to\\namend it so as to allow me to vote for it. But, as I said, whether\\nI vote for it or not, the people I represent are to-day a unit, the\\nAmerican hearts within us throb and pulsate with the sense of\\nwrong and indignation, and the blood which we inherited from\\nRevolutionary sires tingles with the demand for justice upon the\\nassassins who sent those American sailors to their death.\\nIn the war that is now inevitable South Carolinians will not be\\nlaggards in upholding the flag of our country or in carrying it to\\nVictory in so righteous a cause.\\n3310", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3566", "width": "2051", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n015 819 608 6\\nConservation Resources\\nLig-Free\u00c2\u00ae Type I\\nPh 8.^. Buffered", "height": "3968", "width": "2420", "jp2-path": "independenceofcu00till_0020.jp2"}}