{"1": {"fulltext": "DS 681\\n.5\\nU4 1123\\nCopy 1", "height": "3614", "width": "2234", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3638", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "The Philippine Islands.\\nSPEECH\\nhon. prj*\\nP K.\\n\u00c2\u00a5cC UMBER,\\nof north dakota,\\nIn the Senate of the United States,\\nFriday, May IS, 1900.\\nate^,^SSn\\\\\u00e2\u0080\u009e M 5 of Sen-\\nIne Secretary read the joint resolution (S. R. 53) defining the\\nFollows theUlllted States ^tivetothe philippiieSa!^\\nMr McCUMBER. Mr. President, so exhaustive have been the\\ndebates and discussions upon this floor and in the nress of the\\ncountry pertaining to the financial and commeret/ benefits to\\nbe obtained by holding and governing the Philippine Island, 5?\\nAmerican territory that it setms to me tobe whSfiy uW essa?v\\nsssssssftsssssr upon that important \u00c2\u00abss\u00c2\u00bbs5\\nSeliSSe SE^ 7 ha St si f ht at least to some extent of\\nconfronted. qUe8tl0n Wlth wn ch the co \u00e2\u0084\u00a2try is to-day\\noblSSfS T to me have t0 some ext ^t been\\noDscurea in the great maze of presented facts and claims and\\nsS^Twfi SCUr l and somewhat technfcal legal propo\\nsitions I wish therefore, to restate and, in a few words consider\\ntn? S? 1\u00c2\u00b0* f 8 belieVe 4t P resents ifcself to the grelt maSv of\\nSSj ^S tTea%^ e Sp M a\u00c2\u00a3 ^Vjtf\\nAs a matter of justice, however, I wish to sav ri\u00c2\u00b0ht her P t},,t t\\nam not prepared tocomcide with many of thosJ whfb^eve wfth\\ns m o?eSn eatfonhis a ^t anta f S Wh j ch V chan f ortte\\nKK thl na tlon nave P laced in our hands to lay upon\\nWn?fl^ h f J? 6 mostarden t opponents the blood of all our soldieS\\nSI Si ba tle nor upon their shoulders the entire re\u00c2\u00b0ponsibilftv\\nl\u00e2\u0084\u00a2 th onti nuance of this war; and even if I believed it vv is rn\\nlonged because of their utterances, I could not but lay thlt it had\\n\\\\\u00c2\u00b01(MI", "height": "3638", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "2\\nbetter be continued one hundred years than that to be expedited\\nat the expense of absolute freedom of speech\u00e2\u0080\u0094 of the denial of the\\nsacred right to express an honest opinion or conviction, springing\\nfrom patriotic motives, no matter how erroneous.\\nBut, in acknowledging the patriotic motives of those who have\\nso ardently and strenuously opposed the course of the Administra-\\ntion in relation to the .Philippine Islands, I do not wish to be re-\\ngarded as countenancing the very few covert attacks, made from\\nbehind, a painted shield, labeled, patriotism. It j has been a\\nsource of great gratification and no little pride to me to know and\\nfeel that there has been in the great array of talent displayed on\\nopposite sides, and in support of opposite views, concerning the\\nadvisability of entering upon this new course of extraterritorial\\nexpansion such high patriotic motives. In some very few in-\\nstances, however, it has seemed to me that too airy has been the\\ngauze thrown around the demon of venom to cover or hide his\\nhideous distorted form, much less to transform him into a goddess\\nof human liberty.\\nIn taking up this argument, which should have for its single\\nobject the determination of what course or which of the few\\ncourses open to discussion should be pursued by our Govern-\\nment in relation to the territory acquired by treaty from Spain,\\nwe should proceed from some point on which all reasonable per-\\nsons are agreed, or at least where no disagreement based on good,\\nsubstantial reason can properly find place.\\nThe question of what might have been said or done prior to the\\ntreaty made with Spain seems to me not to be per tinent at this time.\\nThe constitutional right to receive and hold these islands has\\nbeen determined by this body in the solemn ratification of our\\ntreaty. If the action of this court is without authority under the\\nConstitution of the United States, there is a clear remedy. The\\nfailure to invoke that remedy is an acknowledgment of the right.\\nThere is but one principal question to be considered. What is\\nto be done with these islands\u00e2\u0080\u0094 retain and govern them or turn\\nthem over a prey to other powers or their own internal conflicts?\\nIn deciding this question we are confronted with but two others:\\nFirst, is this retention for the best interests of our own country?\\nSecond, is it for the best interests of the Philippine people? And\\nas by the very law of nature, neither wrong nor injustice can be\\nfor the real interest of any people, right and justice must be in-\\ncluded in the word interest.\\nThat it is for our financial and commercial welfare not the most\\nardent opponent of the Administration will deny. That our com-\\nmercial interest demands their retention, that our naval inter-\\nest demands their retention, must be admitted. That the financial\\nbenefits to be derived in the near future are beyond calculation\\nmust also be admitted. When I realize that in two years, from\\n1897 to 1899, our exports to the Philippine Islands alone increased\\nfrom $89,400 in the former year to \u00c2\u00a71,663,000 in the latter,\\nan increase of over 240 per cent; when I note the proximity\\nof these islands to the shore of the most densely populated\\nregion on earth, with its capability of absorbing many times\\nover the vast surplus of manufactured and agricultural pro-\\nducts of the world, its people now being environed on all sides\\nwith the influence of the present century, awakening to its\\ndemands in food and raiment, so that the value of our future\\ncommercial relations can with almost mathematical accuracy\\n4456", "height": "3626", "width": "2008", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a05\\n,U4\\n\\\\\\\\Z$\\nbe measured not by millions but by hundreds of millions of dol-\\nlars; when I realize that in our new possessions we have planted\\nourselves at the very gateway of this commerce, and are in\\nposition to demand of the world that the door of entrance thereto\\nbe swung wide open and all our treaty rights respected; as I\\nlook over the mighty expanse of the Orient, that inexhaustible\\nheld which for thousands of years has furnished the riches of\\nthe great conrnercial nations of the world; as I view the stupen-\\ndous efforts that are being made by the great manufacturing and\\ncommercial nations to extend their sphere of influence and to o-ain\\ncontrol over that country and over its commerce; as I look upon the\\ngreat and growing surplus in our own manufactured and agri-\\ncultural products, ever demanding an increasing and widemn\u00c2\u00b0-\\nmarket; as I view the enormous energies that are displayed in the\\ngreat nations of the world to-day for commercial supremacy I\\ncan not but feel that he who would throw aside this wonderful\\nopportunity of the present time must surrender all claims to far-\\nseeing statesmanship.\\nTurning now to the next question that confronts the American\\npeople: Is the retention of the islands for the benefit of the Fili-\\npino people themselves? Speaking again from a purely commer-\\ncial and financial standpoint, I can conceive of no benefit that may\\nbe derived by us that will not also be shared in by them. Our in-\\nterest will depend, in a direct way at least, upon the development\\nol their great internal resources, and that development, with its\\nconcurrent commerce, can not but be of inestimable value to\\nthem, not only financially but because it carries with it a higher\\na broader, and a better civilization. Both propositions\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that it is\\ntor our financial and commercial benefit and that it is also equally\\nfor the like benefit of the Filipino people-must be answefed in\\nthe affirmative. But admitting all of this, the opponents of Amer-\\nican expansion challenge the righteousness of our course, and if\\ntheir contention is correct, if our course or contemplated course is\\nwrong or unjust or without the pale of strict honor and integrity\\nthen no matter what may be the financial and commercial benefits\\nto be derived therefrom duty would demand that we desist\\nBut I maintain, Mr. President, that the attitude of this Govern-\\nment toward the Filipino people is not only honorable and honest,\\nbut it is just and generous beyond measure; and upon this I am\\nwilling to meet the opponents of the Administration fairly and\\nsquarely These islands are now in law and in fact territory be-\\nlonging to the United States, and to a certain extent at least part\\nand parcel of ourselves, as much so as Alaska, Porto Rico, the\\nHawaiian Islands or any other of the territory acquired by us by\\ntreaty or by purchase. To be sure, we can eliminate-them from\\nour jurisdiction; we can release them from our sovereignty; but\\nto-day they are American territory, and right here must be the\\nstarting point of our argument.\\nNow, it is claimed that some of these people-and I do not know\\nhow many of them-wish to be separated irom the United States.\\ninis is an important question, one that affects not only the pres-\\nent generation-the present people of those islands-but one which\\n\\\\vill have its influence upon them in all the ages vet to come. It\\nlm P. orta nt question, one that requires not the exercise of\\nmere sentimentality, but one that requires our practical iudg-\\np?trmt S em supported by the best impulses of our\\n4456", "height": "3626", "width": "2008", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "4\\nIt is a question whether that which they seek and how many\\nare seeking it I am not prepared to say would in reality be for\\ntheir true interest, would be a blessing or a curse. Some one\\nmust answer that question. Who is to be the judge whether\\nseparation from us would in reality be for the best interests of the\\nFilipino people? Who is the better qualified to pass upon the\\nsubject, the most enlightened, the most progressive, the most\\nliberty-loving people on the face of the earth, or a band of mis-\\nguided and misinformed people of a half civilization? Which is\\nthe better qualified, I say, to pass upon that subject? Let your\\nown conscientious judgment and patriotic hearts answer that\\nquestion.\\nIn 1861 we refused to allow a highly intelligent portion of our\\nown people to decide that question according to their view. In\\n1900 we are asked to allow the most ignorant of our population to\\ndetermine it for themselves. Why this inconsistency? What\\nlogical reason can there be given for refusing to allow a highly\\nintelligent people as intelligent a people as the world possessed\\nto determine that our sovereignty over them was not for their\\ninterest, were we at this time to admit that a people having no\\nknowledge of our free institutions could determine that their\\ninterest demanded separation?\\nMr. President, there seems to be a contention here on the part\\nof the most radical opponents of our foreign policy in relation to\\nthe Filipinos that these people are to-day, now, in their present\\ncondition, entitled to absolute independence and the right to\\nwork out their own destiny. And they say that we commit a\\nwrong, a most heinous wrong, in denying them this privilege.\\nThat depends entirely upon whether that deprivation will in\\nreality be for the best interests of these people or whether it will\\nbe an injury to them. As an enlightened, as an experienced na-\\ntion, we know well what qualities are absolutely necessary for the\\nfoundation of self-government.\\nWe know also what inherent tendencies, if unrestrained and\\nunbridled, will necessarily lead to the subversion of the very prin-\\nciples of self-government, of the very life of liberty. We say that\\nthese people have not yet sufficiently advanced in the scale of civi-\\nlization where they are capable of determining with any degree\\nof accuracy the true line between liberty and license, and there-\\nfore we do not approach them, as was suggested by the senior\\nSenator from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] as a young giant in the\\nstrength of his manhood, to stifle the longing after liberty in the\\nbreast of this child of freedom, but as a father, well knowing\\nthe direful conditions which will result from these unrestrained\\npassions and desires, forcibly yet kindly seeks to guide the nobler\\nqualities into channels of usefulness and utility while he checks\\neach wayward step.\\nBut we are met in this debate with the assertion and this is\\nan important matter that we can not, consistently with our theory\\nof government and the inherent right of man, govern these people\\nwithout their consent; and to sustain this contention we have\\nheld up before us that clause in the Declaration of Independence\\nwhich declares that governments are instituted among men, deriv-\\ning their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that\\ntherefore, without the consent of these people, we can not either\\njustly or legally exercise any governmental control over them.\\nBut the construction which these persons place upon that clause\\n4456", "height": "3620", "width": "2173", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "of the Declaration of Independence would destroy any govern-\\nment. It so happens, however, that these words have already in\\nthe life of our nation been construed, and such construction has\\nbecome by precedent the law and policy of the land. We have\\nexercised that control without the consent of the governed in one\\nform or another over all the Territories carved out of our vast\\ndomain. We have made war upon a weaker nation and taken from\\nher a portion of her own territory, possibly with the consent of the\\npeople of the portion taken, but certainly not with the consent of\\nthe other portion thereof; and if Senators seek to justify this\\nnarrow, literal construction with the claim or assertion that we\\nexercised our control over the portion in dispute between Texas\\nand Mexico with the consent of those people alone, and thereby\\nadmit the right of a minor portion to consent to estrange them-\\nselves from the major portion thereof without the consent of the\\nlatter, by the same law of logic must they also admit the right of\\nthe rebellion, for none can deny that the government of the South-\\nern Confederacy had the full consent of the people governed\\nthereby. That same narrow, literal construction which you ask\\nus to adopt to-day was adopted by the people of the Southern\\nStates when they withdrew themselves from our sovereignty.\\nWe denied their interpretation, repudiated their claim, and to\\nsustain our contention for four years we lavishly poured out\\nthe blood and treasure of the nation in support of a just, true,\\nand intelligent interpretation.\\nWe claimed here was the crucial test that the right of dis-\\nsent or consent was not merely capricious or chimerical, but\\nmust be justly, rightly, and intelligently exercised. That is now\\nthe policy and law of the country and the construction of those\\nwords by this Government, written in the very heart s blood of\\nthe nation itself. We said to the Southern people, Your want\\nof consent is not rightly, is not intelligently, is not justly exer-\\ncised. We know our own just and generous intentions toward you.\\nWe know that you are in error, and we alone, confident that\\nour sovereignty over you ever will mean liberty, justice, and\\nprogress, must determine this question for ourselves and not\\nleave it to your biased judgment. And the great majority of\\nthese same people who, without their consent, were forced to yield\\nto our laws, forced to return to our sovereignty, forced to come\\nback to the arms that in fact and in reality ever would shield and\\nguard their real and their true interests, now almost without ex-\\nception proclaim the righteousness of our course, the error of\\ntheir own in that great conflict. With tenfold ardor will the peo-\\nple of the Philippine Islands applaud this exercise of our best\\njudgment, supported by the best impulses of the great sympa-\\nthetic American heart for their real interest, when they once\\ncome to fully understand and comprehend its true meaning.\\nNow, Mr. President, I can not agree with the opponents of the\\nAdministration that the character of the American people has so\\nchanged that we can no longer trust them to follow or maintain\\nthe grand traditions of the country. I can not agree with them\\nthat our banner stands for any different principle now than it has\\nin all our past history; that it has a different meaning on one side\\nof the ocean than on the other.\\nThough denied by the foes of the country, it meant for human-\\nity and human liberty, when our soldiers fought beneath its\\nfolds, in the long years of the civil war. As history has justified\\n44 6", "height": "3620", "width": "2173", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "6\\nits claim at that time, so just as surely will history justify the\\npresent just, honorable, and noble purpose of the President of\\nthis country toward these people.\\nWhat is that purpose? To grant them, and not only to grant\\nthem but to guarantee them, liberty and protection. You say\\nthey are entitled to liberty. If by that you mean self-government,\\nand you certainly can mean nothing more\u00e2\u0080\u0094 you can not mean\\nthat they are entitled as a matter of right to anarchy then we\\nanswer, we can give them self-government to the highest, fullest\\nextent of their capabilities. We can give them the only true lib-\\nerty, namely, the broadest exercise of individual right consistent\\nwith the equal rights of all others.\\nBut we go further; we not only purpose to give them that lib-\\nerty, but to guarantee it; and by what other method can that guar-\\nanty be maintained than bj r reserving to oursleves, the right the\\nsupreme right to shape and control.\\nAs I have stated before, I think you must admit that these peo-\\nple have not yet reached that advanced state in the march of\\ncivilization where they are capable of understanding the true\\nprinciples of self-government, the true reciprocal relations between\\nthe government and the governed.\\nWe promise to guide their ship of state into the haven of human\\nliberty. Can we, without violation of that promise, turn it over\\nto a random crew who have not the slightest idea either of ship-\\ncraft or of the location of that harbor? If, as assumed by some,\\nthey are capable of self-government and by that 1 mean a gov-\\nernment capable of guaranteeing life, liberty, and property rights\\nit will not take long to find it out; and if it be demonstrated that\\nthey comprehend the true meaning of liberty and free institutions\\nand have back of that comprehension the sturdy character of the\\ngreat Germanic and Anglo-Saxon races, the foundation on which\\nmust ever rest the structure of free government, then I have con-\\nfidence in my country that there will be accorded them amplo\\nopportunity in which to freely exercise the rights and privileges\\nof an intelligent and liberty-loving people.\\nIf, on the other hand, as we claim, they have not yet reached\\nthat degree of civilization requisite for proper self-government,\\nthat they are not yet capable of forming a government and con-\\nducting it in such manner that it will give to its people these\\nrights of life, liberty, and property so sacredly guarded in all\\nnations of Teutonic or Anglo-Saxon origin, but have within the\\ngerm from which all this may be evolved, then I want to say to\\nthe opponents of the Administration s policy that I know of no\\natmosphere more conducive to the growth of the tender flower of\\nhuman liberty than that in which floats its holiest emblem, the\\nbanner of our own country. I know of no richer soil than that\\nwhich has been baptized with the blood of freedom s sons. I\\nknow of no influence more potent for good, for right, for justice,\\nfor civilization than the practical administration by this great\\nexponent of human rights, the only republic in spirit as well as\\nin name, of its equal laws, conceived in equity and enforced with\\nrigid justice and equality, in all the commercial and business\\nrelations of the country. Fifty years of such influence in these\\nislands will produce more advancement, a greater civilization,\\nthan can be evolved by them in a thousand years if left a prey\\nto other great powers and their own internal dissensions.\\nI have noticed, as a rule, that the pessimist always ignores every\\n4456", "height": "3620", "width": "2173", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "rule of logic in arriving at his direful conclusions. And the pes-\\nsimistic objectors to American expansion are no exception to the\\nrule. In one breath they talk of how up to the present time the\\npeople of this country have always in their character represented\\nthe greatest generosity, the broadest and noblest idea of humanity,\\nof human liberty, and the inherent rights of mankind the world\\nhas ever known; they talk of the grandeur of the character of the\\nfounders of this Republic, of the people who rose in righteous in-\\ndignation against the tyranny of monarchy; they tell us how this\\npeople, the descendants of those great fathers and the children of\\nother climes, who, breathing the pure air of political and personal\\nfreedom, and becoming imbued and permeated with its spirit,\\nhave unto this day, maintained the sturdy, national character,\\nthat characteristic spirit of benevolence, of justice, to all people.\\nAnd then they tell us of the injustice, the crime, that will be\\ncommitted by our country, by these same people, against the in-\\nhabitants of this island, of the greed and love of power, of em-\\npire, that is back of our intention; that these people, now\\namounting to about 80,000,000, born of such parents, have by\\nsome unknown, some unaccountable freak of nature suddenly\\nbecome arrested in their moral development; that the great law\\nof heredity has for the first time in the history of creation been\\nviolated by the Creator Himself; that the old, stanch, Ameri-\\ncan spirit is suddenly found to be dead, and that a servile people\\nlost to all the virtues of their ancestors, and all of their own,\\nwhich existed up to December, 1898, that the people who in April,\\nwith hearts bursting in sympathy for human suffering, waged a\\nwar and gave their blood and treasure for humanity only, in\\nDecember are waging a war for conquest only, and, like demons,\\nare hunting down people for prey alone.\\nAnd they proclaim that these people, now numbering about\\n80,000,000, will bow like slaves beneath the arm of a military\\npower of 100,000 drawn from their own ranks and representing\\ntheir own character, and that militarism will become the govern-\\ning power of the nation. That the people whose ancestors, against\\nfearful odds, with an almost superhuman energy, so strong were\\ntheir convictions of right, threw off the yoke of monarchy of\\ntheir own accord are now ready to embrace again this galling\\nburden.\\nMr. President, do not these opponents know that such a sud-\\ndenly changed condition would be as impossible as that the rose\\nshould bear a thistle or the acorn a willow?\\nNever in the history of the world has a people worthy of liberty\\nlost their freedom through the acts of their own government. It\\nhas been only when corruption, effeminacy, and lack of manly\\nvirtue, through long years of accumulation, had become the\\ndominant character of a people that it became possible to trample\\non their rights.\\nIt was only when they had become servile and cowardly by\\nnature that their standing armies became their masters rather than\\ntheir servants. I emphatically deny that any such condition, or\\neven the germ of it, exists in our country.\\nI assert that the standard of patriotism, of honor, of integrity, and\\njustice is just as strong to-day as ever in our history, and upon\\nthat foundation of American character I believe I can safely\\nbuild my hopes for a glorious outcome of every advanced step in\\nour national life, including our territorial expansion.\\n4156", "height": "3620", "width": "2173", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n027 531 536 9\\n8\\nI have a right, therefore, to present these direct questions to the\\nopponents of our Philippine policy. Have you not faith in the\\nhonor of your country? Do you believe that its sovereignty over\\nany people on earth will be a detriment to that people? Do you\\nnot believe that a better civilization will be developed in those\\nislands under American control than under any other possible\\nconditions? Have you still faith in the sense of justice of the\\nAmerican people; and if you have, can not you trust to the future,\\ntrust your own people, your own country, to do that which is\\nright and just and honorable by these people, as a closer acquaint-\\nance with their needs and conditions shall show proper?\\nIf you lack this faith, if you believe that we have degenerated\\nto such a degree that we can not be trusted if that is your fear,\\nthen by that spirit of sincerity which should govern every argu-\\nment, by the soul of honesty which should influence every rea-\\nson, you should tell the American people of their sad divergence\\nfrom the path of political honor and rectitude, that they may with\\nintrospective view appreciate the sudden abortion of their moral\\nfaculties. If you do not believe this, if you do not lack faith in\\nthe people, then trust them in this matter as in all others.\\nIf the time ever comes when right, justice, interest, or humanity\\nrequires that we should release our control, I have confidence in\\nmy country to do that which is absolute justice.\\nBelieving myself that the great majority of the American peo-\\nple feel that our country can be trusted in all questions of moral\\nduty and right, I am willing to test their faith in a vote of confi-\\ndence on this question in the coming campaign.\\n4456\\no", "height": "3620", "width": "2173", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3620", "width": "2173", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\nII II Hill 111 II Hill mi, PI IHII III Hill I Illl k\\n027 531 536 9", "height": "3620", "width": "2173", "jp2-path": "philippineisland00mccu_0012.jp2"}}