{"1": {"fulltext": "E.7ZI\\n.652\\nl84f", "height": "3824", "width": "2544", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n013 785 903 8\\nHollinger Corp.\\npH 8.5", "height": "3808", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "4r J? f*.\\nE 721\\nB32\\nCopy 1\\nKECOGNITION 01 THE INDEPENDENCE 01 CUBA.\\nSPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. \u00c2\u00a5M. B. BATE\\nOF TENNESSEE,\\nIN THE\\nSENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nSaturday, April 16, 1898-\\n1808.", "height": "3438", "width": "2263", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "73004", "height": "2620", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "SPEECH\\nHON. WM. B. BATE.\\nThe Senate having under consideration the joint resolution (S. R. 149) frtr\\nthe recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding thafr\\nthe Government of Spain relinquish its authority and government in the\\nIsland of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and\\nCuban waters, and directing the President of the United States to use the\\nland and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions into\\neffect-\\nMr. BATE said:\\nMr. President: I suppose, according to the arrangement of last\\nnight when I was not here, time was allotted to me of fifteeD\\nminutes without any request of mine. It is proper, however,\\nupon an occasion of this kind, so momentus, so fateful, that\\nevery Senator who desires should he heard in regard to it and let\\nhis position be known to his constituents and the country. I feel\\nmuch interest, as do my constituents, in this measure, and I would\\nnot he candid were I not to say I approach it with a degree of em-\\nbarrassment.\\nI have no hesitation, however, in giving my voice and my vote\\nfor the independence of Cuba, and I am glad that my colleague\\nand I agree upon this. I believe, in doing so, that we not only do\\nthat which is right, but reflect the will of our constituents, what-\\never they may think upon the subject of peace. I believe that the\\nindependence of Cuba should be acknowledged according to the\\nminority resolution presented by the Senator from Indiana [Mr.\\nTurpie] and it is to that that I propose to speak. Under all the\\ncircumstances, I approve of it, and expect to cast my vote for\\nthat report known as the minority report, and principally for the\\nreason that it acknowledges the independence of Cuba, and does\\nit promptly and without equivocation.\\nMr. President, for years and years you and I and all of us have\\nbeen hearing of the troubles in the Island of Cuba. It is a part\\nof the current history of the times. There was a time when the\\nUnited States was solicitous to take Cuba as a part of her Govern-\\nment. But it seems not to be so now. But it has, however, be-\\ncome the sentiment of this country that Cuba should be cared for\\nby the United States.\\nHer wrongs, her grievances, perpetrated by Spanish rule, have\\nbecome more or less personal. She has had a war period of many\\nyears. But an angry and ominous one has hung over her, filled\\nwith wrath, for the last three years. The Government of Spain\\nhas so long held Cuba by the throat that she thinks her grip can\\nnot be loosed, and resists with violence every effort in that direc-\\ntion, and especially so of any effort by the Cubans themselves.\\n3217 3", "height": "3407", "width": "2091", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "in iirgonts have sprung up and for the lasl three years held .-it.\\n|,.n |,;iiii:;Ii |iuurr. I have !N I ioisill 1 1 J Hi llielll I in a usi I I hey\\nrebelled against i he powor of a tyranl\\nInsurgents and rebels are synonymous terms, and they have tny\\nsympathies.\\ni\\\\ir. President, yon may searoh history sacred and profi\\ntindont and modern and you will And thai wherever the word\\nliberty Is I I there are the words rebel and In urgenl\\non the page in front of It. Rebels and Insurgents are the fore-\\nrnnnors oi liberty, and history so writes It. I have no criticism\\nto make upon the Cuban Insurgents. They did the best they\\noould under the circumstances. Oi E the best evidences of their\\npatriotism consists In the fad thai they fought those battles with-\\nout mi v and hold the territory without outside aid. They have\\nsustained their cause and have governed the Larger part of the\\nbeautiful Island of Cuba. Two of the states and three or four\\nof the provinces are under the control of the Insurgents and have\\nbeen for I hree years.\\nBui we are told In this Chamber thai we can uol reoognlze their\\nIndependence before intervention for fear that when our fore\\nthere Gonoi rtl toinez will take command of them and will govern\\ni in- (undue i i i he wa r. Mr. President, thai Is not a patriotic idea.\\nThai is iii 1 1 the view for a man to take who wants to see Cuba free,\\nh is not the view thai Lafayette took when he brought his fortune\\nand bis men to Aineiui. He did m i ask, Shall l command?\\nor Shall the French nation dictate the conduct of the war. He\\naskod no such question, bul tendered his sword unconditional to\\nWall nm, 1 1 hi and teek the part assigned him.\\nWhen, in the crowning aol of our old Revolution, at STorktown,\\nthe ti icolor of France fluttered In front while Lafayette was with\\nWashington in the rear of Corn wall is. neither D Estaing nor Count\\nDe Grasse liesitated to oooperate with the American Army and\\nrepoii io an Amenean general. No, Mr. President, should our\\ntroops go to Cuba there would be no friction as to c aanders.\\nThat would soon be adjusted to perfect satisfaction, it is not\\none of t hose matters about which we need have apprehension.\\nThe insurgents for the last three years maintained themselves.\\nThey have nut had, in a strict sense, a government de jure, 1ml it\\ncan nut be questioned, in the face of the fact of the reports which\\nhave i ecu m.uie to us from official authorities, thai there was and\\ncovernment de facto, one thai we must recognize, and one\\nwhich has been able to maintain its aut hunt v o\\\\ er t lie territory of\\nthai Government in defiance of the power of Spain, notwithstand-\\ning her 800,000 t roups which were upon luban soil. The ui ans\\nhave held that territory until this day; they have defendedit; they\\nhave kept up their little Bag for three years in actual warfare\\na; rail, si I hem. And why is it said t hey are not a power to t real Willi 1\\nWhy need we hesitate upon the ground that General Gomez\\nmay take ohOTge Of the troops that may be senl there? There is\\nnothing in it other than mere suspicion, and I dismiss it.\\nHistory is not without precedents where, under similar circum-\\nstances, independence has been acknowledged and recognition\\ngiven by the nations r the earth, [give a precedenl in poinl\\nfrom our own country,\\nPassing i the Ostend manifesto, which pointed to interven-\\ntion in Cuba, it must not be forgotten when Maximilian was\\ni i or of Mexico, possessed of the capital and at theheadofa", "height": "3203", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "Government, Juarez was a fugitive in the mountains and hia\\ngovernment as itinerant as that of Cuba at present. The United\\nStates maintained diplomatic relations with Juarez as far as was\\npracticable with a government which, like that of Cuba at pres-\\nent, had neither local habitation nor abiding place.\\nThis country did not stop to inquire where the capital was, nor\\nwhat seaports were held by Juarez, nor whether his legislature\\nwas in session or otherwise, but, regarding Maximilian as a Eu-\\nropean potentate invadjng an American State, we gave our moral\\ninfluence and were prepared to add physical force to the fugitive\\nand peripatetic government of Juarez without drawing the fino\\ndistinctions of international law.\\nA great nation makes precedents and discovers principles suit-\\nable and applicable to its own conditions and necessities. The\\nUnited States called into existence the Monroe doctrine, which, it\\nnot yet written in the books of international law, stands as un-\\nchangeable as the laws of the Medes and Persians.\\nThis country, in the case of Maximilian, made Europe under-\\nstand that no foreign prince shall ever sit permanently on an\\nAmerican throne, and tho time has now come to further empha-\\nsize the fact that the despotism of a European State shall not con-\\ntinue on the Island of Cuba, almost in touch with our shores.\\nThe opportunity has offered to enforce this doctrine, and we\\nshould embrace it with promptness and vigor and let consequences\\ntake care of themselves.\\nThis is an example, Mr. President, which is on all tours witii\\nthe one now before us in the case of the insurgents of !uba. But\\nit is said that these Cuban insurgents and rebels are without ships\\nand without forts. They needed no ships, and they could not use\\nthem if they had them, for the reason that the insurgent govern-\\nment has not been acknowledged by the world; but if their inde-\\npendence had been acknowledged by the United States or by other\\nnations, Cuba could have provided herself with ships to carry her\\ncommerce and she could have had all the relations with the outer\\nworld necessary for an independent government.\\nNeither was it so in the South American republics. \\\\V hen Mr.\\nMonroe recognized them they were without ships of war and had\\nbut little commerce, and yet, sir, in the name of liberty, Presi-\\ndent Monroe did acknowledge them; and if that means anything,\\nit means recognition. The doctrine known as the Monroe doc-\\nwliich, although I believe it is not known on the pages of\\non international law, yet the Monroe doctrine is now known\\nand recognized everywhere, and is as fixed and unchangeable as the\\nlaws of the Modes and Persians. The Senate so recognizes it.\\nMr. President, the right to recognize the independence of a peo-\\nple struggling bravely for national existence appeals so strongly\\nto the American people that the shadowy principles of inter-\\nnational law will hardly counterbalance that sympathy which\\nsprings in the hearts of a people who won their independence de-\\nspite the law of nations and the power of Great Britain. Tha\\nwrongs against which the American colonies revolted were mat-\\nters of political principle; those against which the Cubans have\\nbeen in arms these many years have superadded to the same\\nprinciples the horrors of a warfare hitherto unknown among\\ncivilized nations, involving the very existence of the people.\\nRecognition of independence is always a question of fact, the\\ncriterion suggested by publicists being whether the old govern-\\n3347", "height": "3407", "width": "2091", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "6\\nmerit had recognized the independence of the new. But no such\\nprinciple is recognized by this country. Our independence pre-\\nceded by eight years England s recognition. Frame in recogniz-\\ning the United States disregarded the principles noninterfer-\\nence, and the practice of European governments has for a century\\nbeen that of interference.\\nThe nations of Europe in 1792 interfered in French affairs and\\nattempted to set up another government for the people of France.\\nThe principle of interference to stop the effusion of blood, or to\\nput an end to anarchy, such as that which has existed in Cuba,\\nwas, in 1827, .-justified by England, France, and Russia, when\\nthese nations intervened between the Sultan of Turkey and his\\nrebellious subjects, the people of Greece.\\nThe Porte rejected the overtures of the nations, as Spain does\\nthose of the United States, and the great naval victory of Navarino\\nbecame the precedent which it is to be hoped will follow in\\nHavana Harbor. In 1823 France intervened between the Govern-\\nment of Spain and her rebellious subjects, and the army of France\\ninched to Madrid. Again, in 1839, England intervened between\\nthe Government of Spain and her rebellious subjects, the Carlists.\\nIn 1825 Mr. Canning intervened between Spain and her rebellious\\ncolonies in South America, and called the New World into ex-\\nistence to redress the balance of the old.\\nThe late abortive attempt at intervention of the nations of Eu-\\nrope between Turkey and Armenia recognized the principle of in-\\ntervention, but it is to be hoped that the fiasco will not be repeated\\nin our intervention between Spain and the Cubans. History is\\nreplete with examples and precedents which justify our action\\nand intervention in Cuba, but on no page of history is recorded a\\nparallel act of perfidy and treachery to that which sunk the Maine\\nin the harbor of Havana.\\nA crime so recent, a horror so appalling, requires of me no\\nrepetition of its circumstances. It stands without a precedent\\nand, happily for humanity, without a parallel among nations. Too\\ngross in its iniquity for arbitration, too infamous in its character\\nto be canceled by money, our people approve the Administration\\nin its silence as to indemnity. The mangled forms of American\\nsailors, the shattered wreck of our American battle ship, the dis-\\nhonor of our flag, admit neither arbitration nor indemnity, but\\ndemand of this country prompt recognition of independence for\\nCuba and immediate active intervention, if necessary, to secure it.\\nI fully comprehend the responsibility that rests on those who\\nappeal to war. I am familiar with its suffering, its cost, its hor-\\nrors, but I fully agree with that sentiment expressed so epigram-\\nmatically by the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. Mitchell] that,\\nThere is something worse than war; something better than\\nmoney. I add to it by saying that dishonor is worse than war\\nand liberty better than money. Intervention in Cuba and inde-\\npendence for the Cubans may be a matter for debate and discus-\\nsion, but the crime which sunk the Maine cries aloud for punish-\\nment swift, sure, and severe. My vote for those resolutions is\\ngiven more because of the crime against our flag, our battle ship,\\nand our gallant sailors, than for any other cause.\\nHowever much I may desire to see Cuba free and independent\\nby her own efforts, my indignation over the perfidy which delib-\\nerately selected the best place in the Havana Harbor to destroy\\nan American ship, and perpetrated a crime without a parallel,\\n3347", "height": "3203", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "carries my judgment for certain, swift, and severe punishment.\\nThe ghastly sight will not down at my bidding.\\nGo for a moment to the harbor of Havana and see the wreck of\\nthat vessel. You are Americans who are proud of your sailors\\nand proud of the flag under which they were. Look there and see\\nthe misfortune that overcame them. I believe it was treachery.\\nI do not charge the Spanish Government was a party to it, but I say\\nthey had placed those mines there. They knew that fact, and they\\nshould have given notice to any of the vessels of another friendly\\npower coming within the purview of such a danger, just as a rail-\\nroad engineer is required to blow his whistle at a crossing or as a\\nflag is held up to indicate where there is a point of danger.\\nThey knew the clanger was there; they had placed the mines\\ntherefor a purpose: they were silent as to their location, and the\\nauthorities certainly directed our battle ship Maine to be towed\\nto that point and fastened to that buoy, without giving us notice\\nthat the danger was there. The captain of the Maine did not\\nknow the parts of the bay in which mines were located. He did\\nnot know they were there.\\nHe did not have the least intimation that there was danger\\nthere; and I say that the death of those sailors of our country cries\\nout in the face of all the civilized world for vengeance. I seek not\\nvengeance; yet I say that under such circumstances we can not\\noverlook what has occurred. No man who loves the flag of his\\ncountry, no man who loves its honor, believes that that outrage\\ncan be wiped out by the payment of rnoney. It is the trembling\\ncoward, the sordid huckster, who teaches such doctrine. Our peo-\\nple believe in maintaining the honor of this country, and they\\nfeel that this midnight assassination needs rebuke.\\n1 have never thought since the sinking of that vessel that we\\ncould keep out of war. As I regard it, it is in itself a casus belli.\\nIn my judgment it was the dutyof the United States Government\\nto have promptly demanded satisfactory explanation, and. Mr.\\nPresident, as so much has been said in this debate about Andrew\\nJackson in recognition of the independence of Texas. I venture to\\nsay that if he had been at the head of affairs, old Hickory, by\\nthe eternal, would have let loose the dogs of war on Morro Castle\\nin forty-eight hours after the destruction of the Maine and murder\\nof our sailors, and perhaps would by this time have made peace\\nwith Spain with Cuba free.", "height": "3407", "width": "2091", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "LABKHKY Uh CUIMOKL^\\n013 785 903 8", "height": "3203", "width": "2023", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\nIII I\\n013 785 903 8\\nHollinger Corp.\\npH8.5", "height": "3974", "width": "2517", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n013 785 903 8\\nHollinger Corp.\\npH8.5", "height": "3844", "width": "2288", "jp2-path": "recognitionofind00bate_0012.jp2"}}