{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2764", "width": "1715", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Class\\nBook ,M\\nGqpgM?__\\nCOPYRIGHT DEPOSrr.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "StesCfL^i/", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "THE\\nIMPENDING CKISIS\\nOF\\nTHE SOUTH:\\nHOW TO MEET IT.\\nENLARGED EDITin\\nBY\\nHINTON ROWANS ilELPER\\nOF NORTH CAROLINA.\\nCountrymen I sue for simple justice at your ban K,\\nNaught else I ask, nur less will have\\nAct right, therefore, and yieM my claim,\\nOr, by the great God that made all things,\\nI ll fight, till from my bones my flesh be hack d 1 Shafts\\nThe liberal deviselh liberal things,\\nAnd by liberal things shall he stand,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Isaiah.\\nONE HUNDRED AND FORTIETH THOUSAND.\\nNEW YORK:\\nA. B. BURDICK, No. 145 NASSAU STREET", "height": "2656", "width": "1804", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0009.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "Enteked according to Act of Congress, in the year 1SG0, by\\nHINTON ROWAN HELPER,\\nIn the Clerk s Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York.\\nW. II. Tinson Stereotypes Geo. Russell Ji Co., Printers.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0010.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "cassitjs m. clay,\\nOF KENTUCKY,\\nFEANCIS F. BH.A.IR, Jr.,\\nOF MISSOURI,\\nBENJ^JMI^ST S. HEDRICK,\\nOF NORTH CAROLINA,\\nAND TO THE\\nNOX-SLAVEHOLDING WHITES OF THE SOUTH, GENERALLY,\\nWHETHER AT HOME OR ABROAD,\\nTHIS WORK IS MOST CORDIALLY DEDICATED\\nBY THEIR\\nSLNCEEE FRIEND AND FELLOW-CITIZEN,\\nTHE AUTHOR.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0011.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0012.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PKEFACE TO THE FIKST EDITION.\\nIf my countrymen, particularly my countrymen of the South, still more\\nparticularly those of them who are Non-slaveholders, shall peruse this work,\\nthey will learn that no narrow nor partial doctrines of political or social\\neconomy, no prejudices of early education, have induced me to write it.\\nIf, in any part of it, I have actually deflected from the tone of true patri-\\notism and nationality, I am unable to perceive the fault. What I have\\ncommitted to paper is but a fair reflex of the honest and long-settled con-\\nvictions of my heart.\\nIn writing this book it has been no part of my purpose to cast unmer-\\nited opprobrium upon slaveholders, nor to display any special friendliness or\\nsympathy for the blacks. I have considered my subject more particularly\\nwith reference to its economic aspects as regards the whites not with\\nreference, except in a very slight degree, to its humanitarian or religious\\naspects. To the latter side of the question, Northern writers have already\\ndone full and timely justice. The genius of the North has also most ably\\nand eloquently discussed the subject in the form of novels. New Eng-\\nland wives have written the most popular anti-slavery literature of the day.\\nAgainst this I have nothing to say it is all well enough for women to\\ngive the fictions of slavery men should give the facts.\\nI trust that my friends and fellow-citizens of the South will read this\\nbook nay, proud as any Southerner though I am, I entreat, I beg of them\\nto do so. And as the work, considered with reference to its author s\\nnativity, is a novelty\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the South being my birth-place and my home,\\nand my ancestry having resided there for more than a century so I", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0013.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "VI PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.\\nindulge the hope that its reception by my fellow-Southrons will also be\\nnovel that is to say, that they will receive it, as it is offered, in a reason-\\nable and friendly spirit, and that they will read it and reflect upon it as\\nan honest and faithful endeavor to treat a subject of vast import without\\nrancor or prejudice, by one who naturally comes within the pale of their\\nown sympathies.\\nAn irrepressibly active desire to do something to elevate the South to a\\nmore honorable and powerful position among the enlightened quarters of the\\nglobe, has been the great leading principle that has actdated me in the\\npreparation of the present volume and so well convinced am I that the\\nplan which I have proposed is the only really practicable one for achieving\\nthe desired end, that I earnestly hope to see it prosecuted with energy and\\nzeal, until the fair Flag of Freedom shall wave triumphantly alike over\\nthe valleys of Virginia and the mounds of Mississippi.\\nH. R. H.\\nJune, 1857.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0014.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PREFACE TO THE ENLARGED EDITION.\\nIn the deep and still increasing interest awakened, within the last threo\\nyears, in regard to certain views of my own on the subject of Slavery, as\\nexpressed in the main body of this book, I find ample excuse for making\\nsome additional remarks, prefatory to the one hundred and fortieth edition,\\nwhich I have the honor herewith to submit to the public, much enlarged,\\nand, as I trust, correspondingly improved. As early as the year 1857,\\nonly about three months after the first edition was issued from the press,\\na gentleman, who resides in Providence Rhode Island, came to New York,\\nand through John Bigelow, Esq., associate editor of The New York\\nEvening Tost, made to my publisher and myself overtures for one hun-\\ndred thousand copies of a compendium of the work, for gratuitous distri-\\nbution. Terms were soon agreed upon, and it is probable that the enter-\\nprise would have been consummated within nine weeks from the time of\\nits inception, had it not been for the great financial crisis of that year,\\nwhich, under the ruinous policy of miscalled Democracy, began its work\\nof prostration within less than ten days after I first received from Mr.\\nBigelow a note requesting me to meet him at his office. Thus unfavora-\\nbly affected by the exigencies of the times, the undertaking lapsed into a\\nstate of almost complete suspension, until March, 1859, when the following\\ncircular, in all respects explanatory of the objects contemplated in its\\nissue, became, as much as any other general news of the day, the property\\nof every one who was disposed to read it\\nNew York, March 9lh, 1859.\\nDear Sir: If you have read and critically examined the work, you\\nwill probably agree with us, that no course of argument so successfully\\ncontroverting the practice of Slavery in the United States, and enforcing\\na precise and adequate view of its prostrating effects, material and moral,\\nhas equaled that of the volume entitled The Impending Crisis of the\\nSouth How to Meet it, by Hinton Rowan Helper, of North Carolina.\\nNo other volume now before the public, as we conceive, is, in all re-\\nspects, so well calculated to induce in the minds of its readers a decided\\nand persistent repugnance to Slavery, and a willingness to cooperate in", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0015.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "V1H PKEFACE TO THE ENLARGED EDITION.\\nthe effort to restrain the shameless advances and hurtful influences of that\\npernicious institution.\\nThe extensive circulation of a copious compcnd of the work in ques-\\ntion, among the intelligent, liberty-loving voters of the country, irrespec-\\ntive of party or locality, would, we believe, be productive of most beneficial\\nresults and to this end we trust that you will assist us in carrying out a\\nplan we have devised, for the gratuitous distribution of One Hundred\\nThousand copies of such a compend which, if contracted for and pub-\\nlished, will contain about 200 pages, and be bound in pamphlet form.\\nOne hundred thousand copies of the contemplated compend, which, on\\nabout two hundred pages, would contain very nearly all the matter now\\nembraced in the regular volume (which sells for one dollar per copy), can\\nbe had, well printed on good paper, for sixteen cents each $16,000 in the\\naggregate. This amount we propose to raise in such sums as you and\\nother good friends of a good cause feel disposed to subscribe.\\nIn all cases, when convenient, contributors to the cause will please\\nmake their subscriptions in the form of drafts, or certificates of deposit,\\npayable to the order of the Hon. Wm. H. Anthon, 16 Exchange Place, New\\nYork city, our Treasurer and Disburser, who will regularly, through the\\ncolumns of the Tribune, acknowledge receipts of the same.\\nEvery person who subscribes Ten Dollars or more, will, if timely\\napplication be made, be entitled to as many copies of the compend for\\ndistribution as he may desire, not exceeding the number that the amount\\nof his subscription would pay for at net cost.\\nCorrespondence or personal interviews in relation to this enterprise,\\nmay be had with any one of the undersigned, who will be pleased to re-\\nceive subscriptions in aid of its speedy consummation.\\nAn early response from you is respectfully solicited.\\nWm. II. Anthon, Treasurer, 16 Exchange Place, New York.\\nSamuel E. Skwall, Boston, Mass.\\nSktu Padklford, Providence, R. I.\\nWm. B. Thomas, Philadelphia, Pa.\\nWm. McCaulley, Wilmington, Bel.\\nWm. Gunnison, Baltimore, 3rd.\\nLewis Clephane, Washington, D. C.\\nCassius M. Clay, Whitehall, Kg.\\nFrank P. Blair, Jr., St. Louis, Mo.\\nThe undersigned having been appointed a Committee in New York,\\nto aid in the circulation of Mr. Helper s book, on the plan proposed above,\\nbeg leave to recommend the object to the public and ask their co iperation.\\nSubscriptions may be sent to the Hon. Wm. II. Anthon, No. 16 Ex-\\nchange riace, New York, directly, or through either of the undersigned", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0016.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "PREFACE TO THE ENLARGED EDITION.\\nIX\\nCharles W. Elliott,\\nDavid Dddlky Field,\\nCharles A. PEAisoDr,\\nR. II. McCurdy,\\nWm. Curtis Notes,\\nCOMMITTEE\\nEdgar Ketchum,\\nAi?ram Wakeman,\\nJames Kelly,\\nBenj. F. Manierre,\\nJames A. Bkiggs.\\nWe, the undersigned, members of the ITouse of Representatives of the\\nNational Congress, do cordially indorse the opinion, and approve the en-\\nterprise, set forth in the foregoing circular\\nSchuyler Colfax,\\nAnson Burlingame,\\nOwen Lovejoy,\\nAmos P. Granger,\\nEdwin B. Morgan,\\nGalusha A. Grow,\\nJoshua R Giddings,\\nEdward Wade,\\nCalvin C. Chaffee,\\nWilliam II. Kelsey,\\nWilliam A. Howard,\\nHenry Waldron,\\n-John Sherman,\\nGeorge W. Palmer,\\nDaniel W. Gooch,\\nHenry L. Dawes,\\nJustin S. Morill,\\nIsrael Washburn\u00c2\u00a9, Jr.,\\nJohn A. Bingham,\\nWilliam Kellogg,\\nElihu B. Washburne,\\nBenjamin Stanton,\\nEdward Dodd,\\nCydnor B. Tompkins,\\nJohn Covode,\\nCadw. C. Washburne,\\nSamuel G. Andrews,\\nAbraham B. Olin,\\nSydney Dean,\\nNathaniel B. Durfee,\\nEmory B. Pottle,\\nDeWitt C. Leach,\\nJohn F. Potter,\\nTimothy Davis, (Mass.)\\nJohn F. Farnsworth,\\nChauncey L. Knapp,\\nReuben E. Fenton,\\nPhilemon Bliss,\\nMason W. Tappan,\\nCharles Case,\\nTimothy Davis, (Iowa),\\nJames Pike,\\nHomer E Royce,\\nIsaiah D. Clawson,\\nAmbrose S. Murray,\\nRobert B Hall,\\nValentine B. Horton,\\nFreeman II. Morse,\\nDavid Kilgore,\\nWilliam Stewart,\\nSamuel R. Curtis,\\nJohn M. Wood,\\nJohn M. Parker,\\nStephen C. Foster,\\nCharles J. Gilman,\\nCharles B. Hoard,\\nJohn Thompson,\\nJudson W. Sherman,\\nWilliam D. Brayton,\\nJames Buffington,\\nOrsamus B. Matteson,\\nRichard Mott,\\nGeorge R. Robbins,\\nEzekiel B. Walton,\\nJames Wilson,\\nSamuel A. Purviance.\\nFrancis K. Spinner,\\nSilas M. Burroughs.\\nMr. Helper is a native of North Carolina, who, as the result of careful\\nobservation and extensive inquiry, has reached the very obvious and just\\n1*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0017.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "X PEEFACE TO THE ENLARGED EDITION.\\nconclusion that Human Slavery is the great primary curse and peril of the\\nSouth, impeding its progress in morals, intelligence, industry, and wealth.\\nThis conclusion, with the facts on which it is founded, is embodied in his\\nbook, entitled The Impending Crisis of the South a work everywhere\\nreceived and hailed by the advocates of Tree Labor, as one of the most\\nimpregnable demonstrations of the justice of their cause, and the vital\\nimportance of its triumph to our national and general well-being. Were\\nevery citizen in possession of the facts embodied in this book, we feel con-\\nfident that slavery would soon peacefully pass away, while a Republican\\ntriumph in 1860 would be mAally certain.\\nIt is believed that this testimony of a Southern man, born and reared\\nunder the influence of slavery, will be more generally listened to and\\nprofoundly heeded, whether in the Slave or in the Free States, than an\\nequally able and conclusive work written by a Northern man. And it is\\nvery desirable, therefore, that a cheap compend of its contents, fitted for\\ngratuitous circulation, be now made and generally diffused in those States\\nPennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, and Illinois which are to decide\\nthe next Presidential contest.\\nHorace Greeley,\\nJohn Jay,\\nWm. Henry Anthon,\\nThurlow Weed,\\nJames Kelley, Chairman of\\nthe State Central Com.,\\nWm. C. Bryant,\\nMarcus Spring,\\nE. Delafield Smith,\\nB. S. Hedrick,\\nJohn C. Underwood,\\nR. H. McCurdy,\\nJohn A. Kennedy,\\nAbram Wakeman,\\nWm. Curtis Notes.\\nIn connection with garbled extracts from the book itself garbled by\\nthe unregenerate propagandists of slavery the publication of this circular,\\nas will long be remembered, created intense excitement throughout the\\nentire country, especially in Congress. Sixty-eight members of the lower\\nbranch of the National Legislature, whose names appear above, had, every\\none of them in his own peculiar hand-writing, indorsed the enterprise and\\nagainst all of those gentlemen, in particular, and against many others in\\ngeneral including the author of course there were at once raised and\\nuniversally promulgated by mismanaged gazettes, charges of treason, in-\\nsurrection, blood and murder! The Hon. John Sherman, of Ohio, who,\\non the assembling of the present Congress, received from his friends the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0018.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "PREFACE TO THE ENLARGED EDITION. XI\\nnomination for Speaker of the House of Representatives, found himself at\\nonce opposed and most wrongfully abused and insulted by the entire pro-\\nslavery party, North as well as South, solely on the ground of his having,\\nwith his signature, approved the long-previously proposed plan for circu-\\nlating the book. In the following extract from a resolution introduced by\\nthe Hon. John B. Clark, one of the representatives from Missouri, may be\\nseen the ground-work of the absolute and ungenerous opposition against\\nwhich the Republican nominee for the Speakership, and all his worthy\\ncolleagues who had signed the circular, had to contend\\nResolved That no person who has indorsed and recommended\\nthe book, or the Compend from it, is fit to be Speaker of this House.\\nThe downright proscription proposed in this resolution was regarded by\\nits supporters as but a too graciously moderate penalty, which no one who,\\nunfortunately, was so far behind the age as to prefer liberty to slavery,\\nshould for a moment hesitate to pay. Indeed, one of the chivalric repre-\\nsentatives from Virginia is reported as having asserted that, in his opinion,\\nevery signer of the circular, or indorser of the book, so far from fitness\\nfor the Speakership, was unfit to live Characteristic example of the\\njustice and magnanimity of slavery Striking instance of pro-slavery\\ncharity Accurate and never-varying illustration of slavery s ill-treatment\\nof every one whose manhood restrains him from doing obeisance to the\\nblack god\\nAfter a severe contest of eight weeks, Mr. Sherman, whose friends\\nduring that period of momentous suspense, adhered to him with a pa-\\ntriotic devotion worthy of all praise, arose from his seat in the House, and\\nwithdrew his name as a candidate for the Speakership, whereupon the\\nHon. William Pennington, of New Jersey (a good, staunch Republican,\\nwho had steadily voted for Mr. Sherman) was at once put in nomination\\nfoV the office, and duly elected. And so our much-beloved Union, like\\nfar-distant Uranus, moves on undeviatingly in its course, and will never\\ndo otherwise.\\nA word or two now in regard to the undisguisedly anti-slavery char-\\nacter of my book, and I shall then leave the reader to the noiseless mus-\\nings of his own mind. I regard slavery as the essence of all meanness,\\nthe combination of all evils, the crime of the nation, the curse of the South,\\nthe entailer of death worse than mortal and so regarding the system\\nhaving long since so regarded it I am, in all respects, as eager and in-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0019.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "XH PREFACE TO THE ENLARGED EDITION.\\nexorable for its extirpation from the States as I am for its rejection from\\nthe Territories. Herein, then, consists the difference, as I understand it,\\nbetween most Northern Republicans, and all true Southern Republicans.\\nUnder the mistaken idea that the Constitution of the United States sanc-\\ntions slavery, Northern Republicans are, in the main, anti-slavery only\\nto the extent of keeping slavery out of the Territories while Southern\\nRepublicans those of them who are so in reality are not only hostile to\\nthe extension of slavery into Territories now free, but they are, as is their\\nright and duty to be, equally hostile to its perpetuation in the States all\\nthe Southern States, in fact which are now failing and festering and tot-\\ntering under its ruinous control.\\nAnd so all the speculations and disputes in regard to what the Compendium\\nof the book was to be, amount simply to this Gentlemen, chiefly at the\\nNorth, but some also at the South, wished me to furnish them, from my\\nradically anti-slavery volume The Impending Crisis of the South, a Re-\\npublican document that would operate against slavery in the territories only\\nI, on the other hand, wished to furnish them, and the people at large, a\\nRepublican document that would operate against slavery everywhere in\\nthe States, no less than in the Territories. Parleys and remonstrances\\nensued between us, and, in the salutary destinies of the day, as was right\\nand proper, I finally triumphed. The result is that, up to the present time,\\none hundred and thirty-seven thousand copies of the work, in its various\\nforms, are already in the hands of readers, teaching, according to my\\nconception, the true doctrine a doctrine which, if thoroughly investigated\\nand rightly understood, will, in time, in the light of both reason and reli-\\ngion, impel good men and women, throughout all the world, to the utter\\nabhorrence and annihilation of slavery.\\nThus, by faithful adherence to the line of duty, by earnestly combating\\nslavery everywhere, especially on the domains of its usurpations and tyran-\\nny, and by refusing to fight slavery only where there is no slavery, have I\\nsaved myself free from the folly of flailing the wind. And, as I have\\ncombated slavery heretofore, so will I continue to combat it hereafter. So,\\nin the good providence of God, let it ever be combated until, in all the\\nbroad area of our country, there shall nowhere be left, as a stigma of\\nreproach to mankind, an acre or even an inch of ground, or other resting\\nplace, to afford foothold for either slave or slaveholder,\\nH. R. H.\\nMay, 1860.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0020.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS, ALPHABETICALLY ARRANGED.\\nAdams, John Quincy, 198.\\nAddison, Joseph, 367, 382.\\nAgassiz, Louis, 17\\nAgricultural Products, 37, 52, CO, 61.\\nAlexander II. of Russia, 220, 250.\\nAmerican Emigrant Aid and Homestead\\nCo., 383.\\nAndrews, Stephen Pearl, 279.\\nAnimal Products, 52, 61.\\nAnimals Slaughtered, Value of, 66.\\nArea of the several States and Territories,\\n115, 117.\\nAristotle, 223.\\nAttorneys-General, 353.\\nBailey, Gamaliel, 303.\\nBa ley, William S., 318.\\nBaltimore Past, Present, and Future, 376.\\nBank Capital of the several States, 335.\\nBanks, Nathaniel P., 260.\\nBapst, M., 230.\\nBaptist Testimony, 231.\\nBarley, 37\\nBarlow, Joel, 409.\\nBarnes, Albert, 227.\\nBates, Edward, 262.\\nBeans and Peas, 33.\\nBeattie, James, 213.\\nBeecher, Henry Ward, 292\\nBeeswax and Honey, 61.\\nBellows, Henry W., 296.\\nBenton, Thomas H., 164.\\nBerdan, Hiram, 113.\\nBible Testimony, 244-243.\\nBible and Tract Cause, 341.\\nBirney, James G., 170.\\nBirney, William, 280.\\nBlackstone, Sir William, 210.\\nBlair, Francis P., Sen., 264.\\nBlair, Francis P., Jr., 265.\\nBolivar, 3S2.\\nBoiling, Philip A., 16!).\\nBook Making in America, 418.\\nBooth, Abraham, 235.\\nBreckenridge. Robt. J., 271.\\nBrisbane, William H., 232.\\nBrissot, 204.\\nBrougham, Lord, 204.\\nBrown, B, Gratz, 2S7.\\nBrowne, R. K 360.\\nBryant, William Cullen, 299.\\nBuckwheat, 38.\\nBuffon. 215.\\nBurke, Edmund, 211.\\nBurleigh, C. C, 324\\nBurleigh, Wm. Henry, 323.\\nBurlingame, Anson, 270.\\nBurns, Robert, 409\\nBushel\u00e2\u0080\u0094 measure Products, 39.\\nButler, Bishop, 230.\\nbutter and Cheese, 61.\\nByron, 3S2.\\nCameron, Paul C, 47\\nCanals and Railroads, Miles of, 835.\\nCane Sugar, 61.\\nCarey, Henry C, 28S.\\nCartwright, D of New Orleans, 346.\\nCatholic Testimony, 233.\\nChandler, Mr., of Vi, ginia, 169.\\nChanning, Wm. E 194.\\nChapin, E. H 295.\\nChapman, Maria Weston, 310.\\nChase, Henry, and C. H. Sanborn, 433.\\nChase, Salmon P., 253.\\nCheese and Butter, 61.\\nCheever, George B., 293, 432.\\nChild, Lydia Maria, 304.\\nChurches, Value of, 340.\\nCicero, 222.\\nCities, nine Free and nine Slave, 371.\\nClarke, Dr. Adam, 235\\nClarke, Judge, of Mississippi, 179.\\nClay, Henry, 163.\\nClav, Cassius M 249, 254, 346.\\nClay, C C, 55.\\nCleveland, C D., 228.\\nClingman, T. L 406.\\nCI Qton, DeWitt, 2ol.\\nClover and (Jrass Seed, 33.\\nCoke, Sir Kdward, 210\\nColonization Movements, 143.\\nCommercial Cities Southern Commerce,\\n867-881.\\nComparisons between the North and tho\\nSouth, 17-100.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0021.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "XIV\\nCONTENTS.\\nConway, M D 814.\\nCorn, Indian, 31.\\nCorwin, Thomas, 2S6.\\nCotton, 61.\\nCowper, William, 209.\\nCrops per Acre. 64.\\nCm-ran, John Philpot, 211.\\nCurtis, Mr., of Virginia, 87.\\nDa ien, (Georgia) Resolution, 190.\\nDarwin, Dr., 332.\\nDavis, Thomas, 32T.\\nDeaths in the several States in 1850, 343.\\nDe bow, J. D B., 33, 48.\\nDecrease of Agricultural Products, 72.\\nDe Tocqueville, Alexis, 215.\\nDouglass, Margaret, 3U7.\\nDublin University Magazine, 213.\\nElliott, Chas. W 322.\\nEme son, Ralph Waldo, 2S4.\\nEmigration to Libe ia, 144.\\nEmperor of Russia, 220, 250.\\nEngland, Voice of, 205\\nEpiscopal Testimony, 229.\\nEtheridge, Emerson, 136\\nExpenditures of the several States, 73.\\nExports and Imports, 334.\\nFacts and Arguments by the Wayside,\\n3S2-10S.\\nFarms, Cash Value of, 66\\nFaulkner, Charles James, 86, 138.\\nFee, John G 315.\\nFive Points, Klection at the, in 1856, 134.\\nFlax, 60\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Flax Seed, 88.\\nFortescue, Sir John, 211.\\nFox, Charles James, Ml.\\nFrance, Voice of, 214.\\nFranking Privilege, availed of, 431.\\nFranklin, Benjamin, 195.\\nFree Cities, nine, 871.\\nFree Figures and Slave, 332-343.\\nFree Labor Movements in the South, 3S7.\\nFree hite Agriculturists in the Slave\\nStates, 343.\\nFreedom and Slavery at the Fair, 861.\\nFremont, John Charles, 255.\\nFrothingham, O. B 820.\\nFry, William Henry, 283.\\nFurness, Wm. Henry, 325.\\nGarden Products, Value of, 83.\\nGarrison, Wm Lloyd, 291.\\nGaston, Judge, of North Carolina, 181.\\nGay, Sydney Howard, 275.\\nGeo gia, Slavery in, L89.\\nGe many, oice of, 217\\nGiddings, Joshua R 2(i7.\\nGodwin, Parke, 321.\\nGoethe, 217.\\nGoodell, William, 298, 132\\nGoodloe, Daniel i: 812- 182.\\nGreece, Voire of,\\nGreeley, Horace, 800\\nGregg, William, 4ill.\\nGregory XYI., 233.\\nGriffith, Mattie, 306.\\nGrimke, Sarah M., 309.\\nGrotius, 217\\nGrow, Galusha A., 271.\\nHale, John P., 25S.-\\nHamilton, Alexander, 196.\\nHammond, Gov., of South Carolina, 130,\\n346.\\nHampden, John, 211.\\nHarper Brothers Establishment, 419.\\nHarrington, James, 211.\\nHay, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 60.\\nHedrick, B. S., 313.\\nHemp, 60.\\nHenry, Patrick, 148, 158.\\nHildreth, Richard, 318.\\nHill, Rowland, 208.\\nHoney and Beeswax, 61.\\nHops, 60.\\nHorseley, Bishop, 229.\\nHow Slavery could be Abolished, 101-147.\\nHuddlestone, M. P., 207.\\nHugo, Victor, 216.\\nHumboldt, 204, 217.\\nHunt, FVeeman, 373.\\nHurlbut, William Henry, 1S7, 355.\\nIlliterate Poor Whites of the South, 344, 394,\\n403\\nIlliterate White Adults, 338, 433.\\nImports and Exports, 334.\\nInd.an Corn, 37.\\nInhabitants to the Square Mile, 115.\\nInventions, New, Patents issued on, 340.\\nIredell, Judge, of North Carolina, 167.\\nIreland, Voice of, 211.\\nItaly, Voice of, 222.\\nJanney, Samuel M., 274.\\nJay, John, Chief Justice, 196.\\nJay, John, Esq., 33, 230.\\nJay, William, 198, I\\nJefferson, Thomas, 153,\\nJohnson, Oliver, 226.\\nJohnson, Samuel, Dr., 210.\\nKansas, Aid for, 356.\\nKapp, Frederick, 219.\\nLactantius, 223.\\nLafayette, Gen., 214\u00e2\u0080\u00940. Lafayette, 214.\\nLangenschwarz, Dr. Max, 219.\\nLawrence. Abbott and Amos, 89.\\nEeavitt, Joshua, 297.\\nLegislative Acts against Slavery, 3S4.\\nLeigh, Mr, of Virginia, 168.\\nLeo X.. 223\\nLetters from Southern Correspondents, 394.\\nLiberia, Emigration to, 144.\\nLibraries other than Private, 337.\\nLieber, Francis, 101.\\nLincoln, Abram, 263.\\nLive Stock, Value of, 66.\\nLocke, John, 206.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0022.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nXV\\nLong, John Dixon, 317.\\nLouis X., 215.\\nLovejoy, Owen, 267.\\nLumpkin, J. II., 4(15.\\nLuther, Martin, 21S.\\nMcDowell, Gov. of Virginia, 1G6.\\nMcKim, J. Miller, 324.\\nMcLane, Louis, 171.\\nMacaulay, T. Babington, 206.\\nMacknight, James, 214.\\nMadison, James, 15T.\\nMansfield, Lord, 206.\\nManufactures, products of, 334.\\nMaple Sugar, 60.\\nMarion, Francis, 1S6.\\nMarshall, Chief Justice, 1GG.\\nMarshall, Thomas. 106.\\nMartin, Luther, 172.\\nMartineau, Harriett, 210.\\nMaryland, Slavery in, 171.\\nMason, James M.. 178.\\nMason, Col., of Virginia, 165.\\nMassachusetts and North Carolina, 20.\\nMattison, Hiram, 236.\\nMaury, M. F 274.\\nMay, Samuel J., 29S.\\nMayo, A. D., 326.\\nMecklenburg Declaration of Independence,\\n176.\\nMethodist Testimony, 235.\\nMilitia Force of the Several States, 386.\\nMiller, Prof of Glasgow, 214.\\nMilton, John, 209.\\nMissionary Cause Contributions, 341.\\nMonroe, James, 15S.\\nMontesquieu, 214.\\nMontgomery, James, 332.\\nMoore, Mr., of Virginia, 83.\\nMorgan, Edwin D., /01.\\nMortality in the Several States, 343.\\nMott, Lucretia, 310.\\nNewspaper and Periodical Statistics, 33S.\\nNew York and Virginia, IS.\\nNew York and North Carolina, 362, 363.\\nNew York Courier and Enquirer, 302.\\nNew York Herald, 414.\\nNew York Times, 89, 301.\\nNew Y ork Tribune, 414.\\nNorth American and United States Gazette,\\n93, 95.\\nNorth Carolina, Slavery in, 173.\\nNorth Carolina and Massachusetts, 20.\\nNorth Carolina and New York, 362, 363.\\nNorthern Testimony, 191\u00e2\u0080\u0094203.\\nNortherners, numbers of, in the Slave\\nStates, 349.\\nNott, Dr. .1. G, 347, 348.\\nNoyes, William Curtis, 276.\\nOats, 37.\\nO Connell, Daniel, 212, 240.\\nOdd Fellow Contributions, 342.\\nOglethorpe, Gen., 189.\\nOlmsted, Fred. Law, 328.\\nOrchard Products, Value of, 33.\\nParker, Theodore, 291.\\nPauloff, M.,221.\\nPatents Issued on New Inventions, 340.\\nPeas and Beans, s\\nPennsylvania and South Carolina, 22.\\nPerry, B. 1 188.\\nPettyjohn, Charles, 3S5.\\nPli ladelphia No th American, 93, 95.\\nPhilips, Wendell, 2S9.\\nPierpont, John, 244.\\nPinkneV, William, 16S.\\nPitt, William, 207.\\nPlai o,224.\\nPolitical Power of the Several States, 339.\\nPollok, Robert, 226.\\nPolvbius, 224.\\nPoor Whites of the South, 344, 394, 403.\\nPoor White Laborers, number of, engaged in\\nAgricultural and other out-door pursuits\\nin the Slave States in 1S50, 343.\\nPope, Alexander, 332.\\nPope Gregory XVI., 238.\\nPope Leo X., 223.\\nPopular Vote for President in 1S56, 339.\\nPopulation of the Several States and Terri-\\ntories, 116, 117.\\nPorteus, Bishop, 230.\\nPostmasters General, 352.\\nPost-Office Statistics, 336.\\nPotatoes, 37.\\nPound-Measure Products, 62.\\nPowell, Mr., of Virginia, 88.\\nPresbyterian Testimony, 227.\\nPresidents of the United States, 350.\\nPresidential Elections since 1796, 306.\\nPreston, Mr., of Virginia, 170.\\nPrettyman, James D., 316.\\nPrice, Dr of London, 210.\\nProducts per Acre, 64.\\nPublic Documents franked by U. S. Sena-\\ntors, 431.\\nPublic School Statistics, 337.\\nQueen Victoria, 207.\\nP.ailroads and Canals, miles of, 335.\\nRandolph, John of Roanoke, 159.\\nRandolph, Thomas M., 160.\\nRandolph, Thomas Jefferson, 160.\\nRandolph, Peyton, 162.\\nRandolph, Edmund, 162.\\nRaymond, Henry J., 301.\\nRaynal, The Abbe, 240.\\nReal and Personal Property, 73.\\nReid, Mr., of Georgia, 190.\\nRepublican Newspapers in the South,\\n390.\\nRevenue of the Several States, 73.\\nRice, 61.\\nRichmond Enquirer, 80.\\nRives, Mr., of Virginia, 88.\\nRousseau, 215.\\nRuflin, Judge of North Carolina, 179.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0023.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "XVI\\nCONTENTS.\\nRuffner, Henry, 277.\\nRussia, Voice of, 220.\\nRye, 37.\\nSanborn, C. n., and Henry Chase, 483\\nSchiller, 217.\\nScl Is, Public, 337.\\nSchu z, Carl, 218.\\nScotland, Voice of, 213.\\nScott, Thomas, Commentator,) 230.\\nSecretaries of State, 351.\\nSecretaries of the Inte ior, 352.\\nSecretaries of the Treasury, 853.\\nSecretaries of War, 354.\\nSecretaries of the Navy, 354.\\nSettlement of the Several States, Period of,\\nand their admission into the Union, 860.\\nSeward, IVm. H.,251.\\nShakspeare, 203.\\nSherman, John, 269.\\nSlave Cities, nine, 372.\\nSlaveholders, Number of, in the U S 117\\nSlaveholders Classified, 117.\\nSlaves, Value of, at .$400 per head, 349.\\nSlavery, how it might be Abolished, Hll-147\\nSlavery Thoughtful-Signs of Contrition,\\n8S6.\\nSmith, Adam, 367.\\nSmith, Gerrit, 266.\\nSnodgrass, J. E 315.\\nSocrates, 223.\\nSouth Carolina and Pennsylvania, 22.\\nSouth Carolina, Slavery in, 184.\\nSouthern Literature, 409-433.\\nSouthern Testimony against Slavery, 143\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nSoutherners, Number of, in the Free States,\\n349.\\nSpeakers of the House of Representatives,\\nSpooner, Lysander, 280, 432.\\nSpurgeon, Chas. Haddon, 231.\\nStates, the Several, when First Settled 360\\nStatistics, Science of, 82,33, 34.\\nSteadman, Mr., of Tennessee, 406\\nStewart, Alvan, 282.\\nStowe, Harriet lieecher, 305.\\nSugar, Cane, 61.\\nSugar, Maple, 60.\\nSummers, Mr., of Virginia, 169.\\nSumner, Charles, 256.\\nSunday School Cause, 342.\\nSupreme Court, Judges of, 851.\\nSwaim, Uenjamin, 131.\\nTappan, Lewis, 297.\\nTarver, M., 130.\\nTaylor, J. H.,405.\\nTaylor, Wm. C LL.D., 32.\\nTerrito ies, the Area and Population of, 117.\\nTestimony of the South 141-898.\\nTestimony of the North, 1114-203.\\nTestimony of the Nations, 204-225.\\nTestimony of the Churches 2 JO 243\\nTestimony of the Uihle, 244-248.\\nTestimony of our Contemporaries 249-331.\\nThome, James A., 409.\\nThompson, Joseph P., 294.\\nTilton, Theodore, 319.\\nTobacco, 60.\\nTonnage of the Several States, 834.\\nTract Cause Contributions, 341.\\nUnderwood, John C, 311, 390.\\nVictoria, Queen, 207.\\nVirginia\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Bill of Rights, 172.\\nVirginia and New Vork, I s\\nVotes cast for President in 1856, 339.\\nWade, Edward, 261.\\nWarren, Joseph, 201.\\nWash ngton, George, 150.\\nWay land, Francis, 233.\\nWealth of the Several States. 73.\\nWealth Concenti ated in Cities, :I7 M-\\nWebb, J. Watson, 302.\\nWebster, Daniel, 199.\\nWebster, Noah, 200.\\nWeed, Thu low, 301.\\nWeld, Angelina E., 809.\\nWeld, Theodore D.,329.\\nWesley, John, 285.\\nWeston, George M 129-132.\\nWheat, 37.\\nWilberforce, William, 205.\\nWilson, Henry, 257.\\nWirt, William, 167.\\nWise, Henry A., 19,79.\\nWool, 61.\\nWorth, Pev. Daniel, 395.\\nWythe, George, 167.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0024.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER I.\\nCOMPARISONS BETWEEN THE EREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\nComparisons are at the bottom of all philosophy. It is by comparisons that\\nwe ascertain the difference which exists between things, and it is by compa-\\nrisons, also, that we ascertain the general features of things, and it is by com-\\nparisons that we reach general proposition?. Without comparisons we never\\ncan generalize. Without comparisons we never could go beyond the know-\\nledge of isolated, disconnected facts. Agassiz.\\nIt is not our intention in this chapter to enter into an elabo-\\nrate ethnographical essay, to establish peculiarities of differ-\\nence, mental, moral, or physical, in the great family of man.\\nNeither is it our design to launch into a philosophical disqui-\\nsition on the laws and principles of light and darkness, with\\na view of educing any additional evidence of the fact, that as\\na general rule, the rays of the sun are more fructifying and\\ncongenial than the shades of night. Nor yet is it our pur-\\npose, by writing a formal treatise on ethics, to draw a broad\\nline of distinction between right and wrong, to point out the\\npropriety of morality, and its advantages over immorality,\\nnor to waste time in pressing a universally admitted truism\\nthat virtue is preferable to vice. Self-evident truths require\\nno argumentative demonstration.\\nWhat we mean to do is simply this to take a survey of\\nthe relative position and importance of the several States of\\nthis confederacy, from the adoption of the national compact\\nand when, of two sections of the country starting under the\\nsame auspices, and with equal natural advantages, Ave find the\\nIT", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0025.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "18 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\none rising to a degree of almost unexampled power and emi-\\nnence, and the other sinking into a state of comparative im-\\nbecilit}* and obscurity, it is our determination to trace out\\nthe causes which have led to the elevation of the former, and\\nthe depression of the latter, and to use our most earnest and\\nhonest endeavors to utterly extirpate whatever opposes the\\nprogress and prosperity of any portion of the Union.\\nThis survey we have already made we have also instituted\\nimpartial comparisons between the cardinal sections of the\\ncountry, north, south, east, and west and as a true-hearted\\nsoutherner, whose ancestors have resided in North Carolina\\nbetween one and two hundred years, and as one who would\\nrather have his native clime excel than be excelled, we feel\\nconstrained to confess that we are deeply abashed and cha-\\ngrined at the disclosures of the comparisons thus instituted.\\nAt the time of the adoption of the Constitution in 17S9, we\\ncommenced an even race with the North. All things con-\\nsidered, if either the North or the South had the advantage,\\nit was the latter. In proof of this, let us introduce a few\\nstatistics, beginning with the States of\\nNEW YORK AND VIRGINIA.\\nIn 1790, when the first census was taken, New York con-\\ntained 340,120 inhabitants; at the same time the population\\nof Virginia was 748,308, being more than twice the number\\nof New York. Just sixty years afterward, as we learn from\\nthe census of 1850, New York had a population of 3,097,394\\nwhile that of Virginia was only 1,421,661, being less than\\nhalf the number of New York! In 1791, the exports of\\nNew York amounted to $2,505,465 the exports of Virginia\\namounted to S3, 130,865. In 1852, the exports of New York\\namounted to $87,484,456 the exports of Virginia, during the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0026.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 19\\nsame year, amounted to only $2,724,657. In 1790, the im-\\nports of New York and Virginia were about equal in 1853,\\nthe imports of New York amounted to the enormous sum of\\n$178,270,999: while those of Virginia, for the same period,\\namounted to the comparatively pitiful aggregate of only\\n$399,004. In 1850, the products of manufactures, mining and\\nthe mechanic arts in New York amounted to $237,597,249;\\nthose of Virginia amounted to only $29,705,387. At the\\ntaking of the last census, the value of real and personal pro-\\nperty in Virginia, including negroes, was $391,046,438 that\\nof New York, exclusive of any monetary valuation of human\\nbeings, was $1,080,309,216.\\nIn August, 1859, the real and personal estate assessed in\\nthe city of New York amounted in valuation to $551,923,122,\\nshowing that New York city alone is worth far more than\\nthe whole State of Virginia.\\nWhat says one of Virginia s own sous He still lives\\nhear him speak. Says Gov. Wise\\nIt may be painful, but nevertheless, profitable, to recur occasion-\\nally to the history of the past to listen to the admonitions of expe-\\nrience, and learn lessons of wisdom from the efforts and actions of\\nthose who have preceded us in the drama of human life. The records\\nof former days show that at a period not very remote, Virginia stood\\npreeminently the first commercial State in the Union when her\\ncommerce exceeded in amount that of all the New England States\\ncombined when the city of Norfolk owned more than one hundred\\ntrading ships, and her direct foreign trade exceeded that of the city\\nof New York, now the centre of trade *8nd the great emporium of\\nNorth America. At the period of the war of independence, the com-\\nmerce of Virginia was four times larger than that of New York.\\nThe cash value of all the farms, farming implements and\\nmachinery in Virginia, in 1850, was $223,423,315 the value\\nof the same in New York, in the same year, was $576,631,568.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0027.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "20 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nIn about the same ratio does the value of the agricultural\\nproducts and live stock of New York exceed the value of\\nthe agricultural products and live stock of Virginia. But we\\nwill pursue this humiliating comparison no further. With\\nfeelings mingled with indignation and disgust, we turn from\\nthe picture, and will now pay our respects to\\nMASSACHUSETTS AND NOETH CAROLINA.\\nIn 1790, Massachusetts contained 378,717 inhabitants; in\\nthe same year North Carolina contained 393,751 in 1850,\\nthe population of Massachusetts was 994,$ 14, all freemen,\\nwhile that of North Carolina was only 869,039, of whom\\n288,548 were slaves. Massachusetts has an area of only\\n7,800 square miles; the area of North Carolina is 50,704\\nsquare miles, which, though less than Virginia, is considerably\\nlarger than the State of New York. Massachusetts and\\nNorth Carolina each have a harbor, Boston and Beaufort,\\nwhich harbors, with the States that back them, are, by na-\\nture, possessed of about equal capacities and advantages for\\ncommercial and manufacturing enterprise. Boston has grown\\nto be the second commercial city in the Union; her ships,\\nfreighted with the useful and unique inventions and manufac-\\ntures of her ingenious artisans and mechanics, and bearing\\nupon their stalwart arms the majestic flag of our country,\\nglide triumphantly through the winds and over the waves of\\nevery ocean. She has done, and is now doing, great honor\\nto herself, her State and the nation, and her name and fame\\narc spoken with reverence in the remotest regions of the\\nearth.\\nHow is it with Beaufort, in North Carolina, whose harbor\\nis said to be the safest and most commodious anywhere to be\\nfound on the Atlantic coast south of the harbor of New", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0028.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 21\\nYork, and but little inferior to even that? Has anybody ever\\nheard of her Do the masts of her ships ever cast a shadow\\non foreign waters Upon what distant or benighted shore\\nhave her merchants and mariners ever hoisted our national\\nensign, or spread the arts of civilization and peaceful indus-\\ntry What changes worthy of note have taken place in the\\nphysical features of her superficies since the evening and\\nthe morning were the third day But we will make no\\nfurther attempt to draw a comparison between the populous,\\nwealthy, and renowned city of Boston, and the obscure, des-\\npicable little village of Beaufort, which, notwithstanding\\nthe placid bosom of its deep and well-protected harbor,\\nhas no place in the annals or records of the country, and has\\nscarcely ever been heard of fifty miles from home.\\nIn 1853, the exports of Massachusetts amounted to $16,-\\n895,304, and her imports to $41,367,956 during the same\\ntime, and indeed during all the time, from the period of the\\nformation of the government up to the year 1853, inclusive,\\nthe exports and imports of North Carolina were so utterly\\ninsignificant that we are ashamed to record them. In 1850,\\nthe products of manufactures, mining and the mechanic arts\\nin Massachusetts, amounted to $151,137,145 those of North\\nCarolina, to only $9,111,245. In 1856, the products of these\\nindustrial pursuits in Massachusetts had increased to some-\\nthing over $288,000,000, a sum more than hcice the value of\\nthe entire cotton crop of all the Southern States! In 1850,\\nthe cash value of all the farms, farming implements and ma-\\nchinery in Massachusetts, was $112,2S5,931 the value of\\nthe same in North Carolina, in the same year, was only\\n$71,823,298. In 1850, the value of all the real and per-\\nsonal estate in Massachusetts, without recognizing property\\nin man, or setting a monetary price on the head of a single\\ncitizen, white or black, amounted to $573,342,286 the value", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0029.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "22 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nof the same in North Carolina, including negroes, amounted\\nto only $226,800,472. In 1856, the real and personal estate\\nassessed in the city of Boston amounted in valuation to\\nwithin a fraction of $250,000,000, showing conclusively that\\nso far as dollars and cents are concerned, that single city\\ncould buy the whole State of North Carolina, and by right\\nof purchase, if sanctioned by the Constitution of the United\\nStates, and by State constitutions, hold her as a province.\\nIn 1850, there were in Massachusetts 1,861 native white and\\nfree colored persons over twenty years of age who could not\\nread and write in the same year, the same class of persons\\nin North Carolina numbered 80,063 while her 288,548 slaves\\nwere, by legislative enactments, kept in a state of absolute\\nignorance and unconditional subordination.\\nHoping, however, and believing, that a large majority of\\nthe most respectable and patriotic citizens of North Carolina\\nhave resolved, or will soon resolve, with unyielding purpose,\\nto cast aside the great obstacle that impedes their progress,\\nand bring into action a new policy which will lead them\\nfrom poverty and ignorance to wealth and intellectual great-\\nness, and which will shield them not only from the rebukes\\nof their own consciences, but also from the just reproaches\\nof the civilized w r orld, we will, for the present, in deference\\nto their feelings, forbear the further enumeration of these\\ndegrading disparities, and turn our attention to\\nPENNSYLVANIA AND SOUTH CAROLINA.\\nAn old gentleman, now residing in Charleston, told us, but\\na short while since, that he had a distinct recollection of the\\ntime when Charleston imported foreign fabrics for the Phila-\\ndelphia trade, and when, on a certain occasion, his mother\\nwent into a store on Market street to select a silk dress for", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0030.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 23\\nherself, the merchant, unable to please her fancy, persuaded\\nher to postpone the selection for a few days, or until the\\narrival of a new stock of superb styles and fashions which he\\nhad recently purchased in the metropolis of South Carolina.\\nThis was all very proper. Charleston had a spacious harbor,\\na central position, and a mild climate and from priority of\\nsettlement and business connections, to say nothing of other\\nadvantages, she enjoyed greater facilities for commercial\\ntransactions than Philadelphia. She had a right to get cus-\\ntom wherever she could find it, and in securing so valuable a\\ncustomer as the Quaker City, she exhibited no small degree\\nof laudable enterprise. But why did she not maintain her\\nsupremacy If the answer to this query is not already in\\nthe reader s mind, it will suggest itself before he peruses the\\nwhole of this work. For the present, suffice it to say, that\\nthe cause of her shameful insignificance and decline is essen-\\ntially the same that has thrown every other Southern city\\nand State in the rear of progress, and rendered them tribu-\\ntary, in a commercial and manufacturing point of view, almost\\nentirely tributary, to the more sagacious and enterprising\\nStates and cities of the North.\\nA most unfortunate day was that for the Palmetto State,\\nand indeed for the whole South, when the course of trade\\nwas changed, and she found herself the retailer of foreign\\nand domestic goods, imported and vended by wholesale\\nmerchants at the North. Philadelphia ladies no longer look\\nto the South for late fashions, and fine silks and satins no\\nQuaker dame now wears drab apparel of Charleston importa-\\ntion. Like all other centres of trade in our disreputable part\\nof the confederacy, the commercial emporium of South Caro-\\nlina is sick and impoverished her silver cord has been loosed;\\nher golden bowl has been broken and her unhappy people,\\nwithout proper or profitable employment, poor in pocket,", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0031.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "24 COMPAKISONS BETWEEN THE\\nand few in number, go mourning or loafing about the streets\\nHer annual importations are actually less now than they were\\na century ago, when South Carolina was the second commer-\\ncial province on the continent, Virginia being the first.\\nIn 17G0, as we learn from Benton s Thirty Fears 1 View,\\nthe foreign imports into Charleston were \u00c2\u00a72,662,000 in 1855,\\nthey amounted to only $1,750,000! In 1854, the imports\\ninto Philadelphia, which, in foreign trade, ranks at present\\nbut fourth among the commercial cities of the Union, were\\n121,963,021. In 1850, the products of manufactures, mining,\\nand the mechanic arts, in Pennsylvania, amounted to $155,-\\n044,910 the products of the same in South Carolina, amounted\\nto only $7,063,513.\\nAs shown by the census report of 1850, which was pre-\\npared under the superintendence of a native of South Caro-\\nlina, who certainly will not be suspected of injustice to his\\nown section of the country the Southern States the cash\\nvalue of all the farms, farming implements, and machinery in\\nPennsylvania, was $422,598,640 the value of the same in\\nSouth Carolina, in the same year, was only $86,518,038.\\nFrom a compendium of the same census, we learn that the\\nvalue of all the real and personal property in Pennsylvania,\\nactual property, no slaves, amounted to $729,144,998 the\\nvalue of the same in South Carolina, including the estimated,\\nwe were about to say fictitious, value of 384,925 negroes,\\namounted to only $288,257,694. We have not been able to\\nobtain the figures necessary to show the exact value of the\\nreal and personal esta te in Philadelphia, but the amount is\\nestimated to be not less than $300,000,000 and as, in 1850,\\nthere were 408,762 free inhabitants in the single city of\\nPhiladelphia, against 2S3,544 of the same class in the whole\\nState of South Carolina, it is quite evident that the former is\\nmore powerful than the latter, and far ahead of her in all the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0032.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 25\\nelements of genuine and permanent superiority. In Penn-\\nsylvania, in 1 850, the annual income of public schools amounted\\nto $1,348,249 the same in South Carolina, in the same year,\\namounted to only $200,600 in the former State there were\\n393 libraries other than private, in the latter only 26 in\\nPennsylvania 310 newspapers and periodicals were pub-\\nlished, circulating 84,898,672 copies annually; in South Caro-\\nlina only 46 newspapers and periodicals were published,\\ncirculating but 7,145,930 copies per annum.\\nThe incontrovertible facts we have thus far presented are,\\nwe think, amply sufficient, both in number and magnitude, to\\nbring conviction to the mind of every candid reader, that there\\nis something wrong, socially, politically and morally wrong,\\nin the policy under which the South has so long loitered and\\nlanguished. Else, how is it that the North, under the opera-\\ntions of a policy directly the opposite of ours, has surpassed\\nus in almost everything great and good, and left us standing\\nbefore the world, an object of merited reprehension and\\nderision\\nFor one, we are heartily ashamed of the inexcusable weak-\\nness, inertia and dilapidation everywhere so manifest through-\\nout our native section but the blame properly attaches\\nto a usurping minority of the people, and we are deter-\\nmined that it shall rest where it belongs. More on this\\nsubject, however, after a brief but general survey of the\\ninequalities and disparities that exist betAveen those two\\ngrand divisions of the country, which, without reference to\\nthe situation that any part of their territory bears to the\\ncardinal points, are every day becoming more familiarly\\nknown by the appropriate appellation of\\nTHE FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\nIt is a fact well known to every intelligent Southerner,\\n2", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0033.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "26 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nthat we are compelled to go to the North for almost every\\narticle of utility and adornment, from matches, shoepegs\\nand paintings, up to cotton-mills, steamships and statuary\\nthat we have no foreign trade, no princely merchants, nor\\nrespectable artists that, in comparison with the Free States,\\nwe contribute nothing to the literature, polite arts and inven-\\ntions of the age that, for want of profitable employment at\\nhome, large numbers of our native population find themselves\\nnecessitated to emigrate to the West, whilst the Free States\\nretain not only the larger proportion of those born within\\ntheir own limits, but induce, annually, hundreds of thousands\\nof foreigners to settle and remain amongst them that almost\\neverything produced at the North meets with ready sale,\\nwhile, at the same time, there is no demand, even among\\nour own citizens, for the productions of Southern industry\\nthat, owing to the absence of a proper system of business\\namong us, the North becomes, in one way or another, the\\nproprietor and dispenser of all our floating wealth, and that\\nwe are dependent on Northern capitalists for the means\\nnecessary to build our railroads, canals and other public\\nimprovements that if we want to visit a foreign country,\\neven though it may lie directly south of us, we find no con-\\nvenient way of getting there except by taking passage\\nthrough a Northern port; and that nearly all the profits\\narising from the exchange of commodities, from insurance\\nand shipping offices, and from the thousand and one indus-\\ntrial pursuits of the country, accrue to the North, and ore\\nthere invested in the erection of those magnificent cities and\\nstupendous works of art which dazzle the eyes of the South,\\nand attest the superiority of free institutions\\nThe North is the Mecca of our merchants, and to il they\\nmust and do make two pilgrimages per annum one in the\\nspring and one in the fall. All our commercial, mechanical,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0034.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 27\\nmanufactural, and literary supplies come from there. We\\nwant Bibles, brooms, buckets and books, and we go to the\\nNorth we want pens, ink, paper, wafers and envelopes, and\\nwe go to the North we want shoes, hats, handkerchiefs, um-\\nbrellas and pocket knives, and we go to the North we want\\nfurniture, crockery, glassware and pianos, and we go to the\\nNorth we want toys, primers, school-books, fashionable ap-\\nparel, machinery, medicine, tombstones, and a thousand other\\nthings, and we go to the North for them all. Instead of\\nkeeping. our money in circulation at home, by patronizing our\\nown mechanics, manufacturers, and laborers, we send it all\\naway to the North, and there it remains it- never falls into\\nour hands again.\\nIn one way or another we are more or less subservient to\\nthe North every day of our lives. In infancy we are swaddled\\nin Northern muslin; in childhood we are humored with\\nNorthern gewgaws in youth we are instructed out of\\nNorthern books at the age of maturity we sow our wild\\noats on Northern soil in middle-life we exhaust our wealth,\\nenergies and talents in the dishonorable vocation of entailing\\nour dependence on our children and on our children s chil-\\ndren, and, to the neglect of our own interests and the inte-\\nrests of those around us, in giving aid and succor to every\\ndepartment of Northern power in the decline of life we\\nremedy our eye-sight with Northern spectacles, and support\\nour infirmities with Northern canes; in old age we are\\ndrugged with Northern physic and, finally, when we die,\\nour inanimate bodies, shrouded in Northern cambric, are\\nstretched upon the bier, borne to the grave in a Northern\\ncarriage, entombed with a Northern spade, and memorized\\nwith a Northern slab\\nBut it can hardly be necessary to say more in illustration\\nof this unmanly and disgraceful dependence, which is so gla-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0035.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "28 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nring that it cannot fail to be apparent to even the most care-\\nless and superficial observer. All the world sees, or ought\\nto see, that in a commercial, mechanical, manufactural, finan-\\ncial, and literary point of view, we are as helpless as babes\\nthat, in comparison with the Free States, our agricultural re-\\nsources have been greatly exaggerated, misunderstood and\\nmismanaged and that, instead of cultivating among ourselves a\\nwise policy, of mutual assistance and cooperation with respect\\nto individuals, and of self-reliance with respect to the South\\nat large, instead of giving countenance and encouragement to\\nthe industrial enterprises projected among us, and instead of\\nbuilding up, aggrandizing and beautifying our own States,\\ncities and towns, we have been spending our substance at the\\nNorth, and are daily augmenting and strengthening the very\\npower which now has us so completely under its thumb.\\nIt thus appears, in view of the preceding statistical facts\\nand arguments, that the South, at one time the superior of\\nthe North in almost all the ennobling pursuits and conditions\\nof life, has fallen far behind her competitor, and now ranks\\nmore as the dependency of a mother country than as the\\nequal confederate of free and independent States. Following\\nthe order of our task, the next duty that devolves upon us\\nis to trace out the causes which have conspired to bring\\nabout this important change, and to place on record the rea-\\nsons, as we understand them,\\nWHY THE NORTH HAS SURPASSED THE SOUTH.\\nAnd now that we have come to the very heart and soul of\\nour subject, we feel no disposition to mince matters, but\\nmean to speak plainly and to the point, without any equivo-\\ncation, mental reservation, or secret evasion, whatever. The\\nson of a venerated parent, who, while he lived, was a con-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0036.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 29\\nsiderate .and merciful slaveholder, a native of the South, born\\nand bred in North Carolina, of a family whose home has\\nbeen in the valley of the Yadkin for nearly a century and a\\nhalf, a Southerner by instinct and by all the influences of\\nthought, habits and kindred, and with the desire and fixed\\npurpose to reside permanency within the limits of the\\nSouth, and with the expectation of dying there also we feel\\nthat we have the right to express our opinion, however hum-\\nble or unimportant it may be, on any and every question that\\naflects the public good and, so help us God, sink or swim,\\nlive or die, suxwive or perish, we are determined to exercise\\nthat right with manly firmness, and without fear, favor or\\naffection.\\nAnd now to the point. In our opinion, an opinion which\\nhas been formed from data obtained by assiduous researches\\nand comparisons, from laborious investigation, logical reason-\\ning, and earnest reflection, the causes which have impeded\\nthe progress and prosperity of the South, which have dwin-\\ndled our commerce and other similar pursuits, into the most\\ncontemptible insignificance sunk a large majority of our\\npeople in galling poverty and ignorance, rendered a small mi-\\nnority conceited and tyrannical, and driven the rest away\\nfrom their homes entailed upon us a humiliating dependence\\non the Free States disgraced us in the recesses of our own\\nsouls, and brought us under reproach in the eyes of all civi-\\nlized and enlightened nations may all be traced to one com-\\nmon source, and thei;e find solution in the most hateful and\\nhorrible word, that was ever incorporated into the vocabu-\\nlary of human economy Slavery.\\nReared amid the system of slavery, believing it to be\\nwrong both in principle and in practice, and having seen and\\nfelt its evil influences upon individuals, communities and\\nstates, we deem it a duty, no less than a privilege, to enter", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0037.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "I\\n30 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nour protest against it, and, as a Southern man, to use all con-\\nstitutional means and our most strenuous efforts to overturn\\nand abolish it.\\nOur repugnance to slavery springs from no one-sided idea,\\nor sickly sentimentality. We have not been hasty in making\\nup our mind on the subject; *ve have jumped at no conclu-\\nsions we have acted with perfect calmness and deliberation\\nwe have carefully considered, and examined the reasons for\\nand against the system, and have also taken into account\\nthe probable consequences of our decision. The more we\\ninvestigate the matter, the deeper becomes the conviction\\nthat we are right and with this to impel and sustain us, we\\npursue our labor with love, with hope, and with constantly\\nrenewing vigor.\\nThat we shall encounter opposition we consider as certain\\nperhaps we may even be subjected to insult and personal vio-\\nlence. From the cruel and conceited defenders of slavery we\\ncould look for nothing less. But we shall shrink from no\\nresponsibility, and do nothing unbecoming a man we know\\nhow to repel indignity, and if assaidted, shall not fail to make\\nthe blow recoil upon the aggressor s head. The road we have\\nto travel may be a rough one, but no impediment shall cause\\nus to falter in our course. The line of our duty is clearly\\ndefined, and it is our intention to follow it faithfully, or die in\\nthe attempt.\\nBut, thanks to heaven, we have no ominous forebodings of\\nthe result of the contest now pending .between Liberty and\\nSlavery in this confederacy. Though neither a prophet nor\\nthe son of a prophet, our vision is sufficiently penetrative to\\ndivine the future so far as to be able to see that the peculiar\\ninstitution has but a short and, as heretofore, inglorious\\nexistence before it. Time, the lighter of every wrong, is\\nripening events for the desired consummation of our labors", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0038.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 31\\nand the fulfillment of our cherished hopes. Each revolving\\nyear brings nearer the inevitable crisis. The sooner it comes\\nthe better may heaven, through our humble efforts, hasten\\nits advent.\\nThe first and most sacred duty of every Southerner, who\\nhas the honor and the interest of his country at heart, is to\\ndeclare and prove himself at once an unqualified and uncom-\\npromising enemy of human bondage. No conditional or half-\\nway declaration will avail no mere threatening demonstra-\\ntion will succeed. With those who desire to be instrumen-\\ntal in bringing about the triumph of Liberty over Slavery,\\nthere should be neither evasion, vacillation, nor equivocation.\\nWe should listen to no modifying terms or compromises that\\nmay be proposed by the proprietors of the unprofitable and\\nungodly system. Nothing short of the complete abolition\\nof slavery can save the South from falling into the vortex of\\nutter ruin. Too long have we yielded a submissive obedience\\nto the tyrannical domination of an inflated oligarchy too long-\\nhave we tolerated their arrogance and self-conceit too long\\nhave we submitted to their unjust and savage exactions.\\nLet us now wrest from them the sceptre of power, establish\\nliberty and equal rights throughout the land, and henceforth\\nand forever guard our legislative halls from the corruptions\\nand usurpations of pro-slavery demagogues.\\nWe have stated, in a cursory manner, the reasons, as we\\nunderstand them, why the North has surpassed the South,\\nand have endeavored to show, we think successfully, that the\\nhighest future welfare of the South can be attained only by\\nthe speedy abolition of slavery. We will not, however, rest\\nthe case exclusively on our own arguments, but will again\\nappeal to incontrovertible facts and statistics to sustain us in\\nour conclusions. But before we do so, we desire to fortify\\nourself against a charge that is too frequently made by care-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0039.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "32 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nless and superficial readers. We allude to the objections so\\noften urged against the use of tabular statements and statis-\\ntical facts. It is worthy of note, however, that those objec-\\ntions never come from thorough scholars or profound thinkers.\\nAmong the majority of mankind, the science of statistics is\\nonly beginning to be appreciated when well understood, it\\nwill be recognized as one of the most important branches of\\nknowledge, and, as a matter of course, be introduced and\\ntaught as an indispensable element of practical education in\\nall our principal institutions of learning. One of the most\\nvigorous and popular transatlantic writers of the day, Win.\\nC. Taylor, LL.D., of Dublin, says\\nThe cultivation of statistics must be the source of all future im-\\nprovement in the science of political economy, because it is to the\\ntable of the statistician that the economist must look for his facts\\nand all speculations not founded upon facts, plough they may be ad-\\nmired and applauded when first propounded, will, in the end, assur-\\nedly be forgotten. Statistical science may almost be regarded as the\\ncreation of this age. The word statistics was invented in the middle\\nof the last century by a German professor,* to express a summary\\nview of the physical, moral, and social condition of States he justly\\nremarked, that a numerical statement of the extent, density of popu-\\nlation, imports, exports, revenues, etc., of a country, more perfectly\\nexplained its social condition than general statements, however gra-\\nphic or however accurate. When such statements began to be col-\\nlected, and exhibited in a popular form, it was soon discovered that\\nthe political and economical sciences were likely to gain the position\\nof physical sciences that is to say, they were about to obtain records\\nof observation, which would test the accuracy of recognized prin-\\nciples, and lead to the discovery of new modes of action. But the\\ngreat object of this new science is to lead to the knowledge of human\\nnature that is, to ascertain the general course of operation of man s\\nmental and moral faculties, and to furnish us with a correct standard\\nAchenwall, a native of Elbing, Prussia. Born 1719, died 1792", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0040.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 33\\nof judgment, by enabling us to determine the average amount of the\\npast as a guide to the average probabilities of the future. This science\\nis yet in its infancy, but has already produced the most beneficial\\neffects. The accuracy of the tables of life have rendered the calcu-\\nlations of rates of insurance a matter of much greater certainty than\\nthey were heretofore the system of keeping the public accounts has\\nbeen simplified and improved and finally the experimental sciences\\nof medicine and political economy, have been fixed on a firmer foun-\\ndation than could be anticipated in the last century. Even in private\\nlife this science is likely to prove of immense advantage, by directing\\nattention to the collection and registration of facts, and thus prevent-\\ning the formation of hasty judgments and erroneous conclusions.\\nThe compiler, or rather the superintendent of the seventh\\nUnited States census, Prof. De Bow, a gentleman of more\\nthan ordinary industry and practical learning, who, in his\\nexcellent Review, has, from time to time, displayed much\\ncommendable zeal in his efforts to develop the industrial\\nresources of the Southern and Southwestern States, and who\\nis, perhaps, the greatest statistician in the country, says\\nStatistics are far from being the barren array of figures ingeni-\\nously and laboriously combined into columns and tables, which\\nmany persons are apt to suppose them. They constitute rather the\\nledger of a nation, in which, like the merchant in his books, the\\ncitizen can read, at one view, all of the results of a year or of a\\nperiod of years, as compared with other periods, and deduce the\\nprofit or the loss which has been made, in morals, education, wealth\\nor power.\\nThe present John Jay, of New York (it is hoped that the\\ncity may never be without a John Jay), in a most ingenious\\nand masterly presentation of The Statistics of American\\nAgriculture, recently made in the form of an address before\\nthe American Geographical and Statistical Society, says\\n2*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0041.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "34 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nIn England, the labors of the Statistical Society, whose elaborate\\nand most valuable publications enrich our library, through the\\ncourtesy of the British government, have aroused the attention of\\nthe people and of Parliament to the truth, that the science of politics\\nfinds in the statistical element its most solid foundation.\\nImpressed with a sense of the propriety of introducing, in\\nthis as well as in the succeeding chapters of our work, a\\nnumber of tabular statements exhibiting the comparative\\ngrowth and prosperity of the Free and Slave States, we have\\ndeemed it eminently proper to adduce the testimony of these\\ndistinguished authors in support of the claims which official\\nfacts and accurate statistics lay to our consideration. And\\nhere we may remark, that the statistics which we propose to\\noffer, like these already given, have been obtained from\\nofficial sources, and may, therefore, be relied on as correct.\\nThe object we have in view in making a free use of facts and\\nfigures, if not already apparent, will soon be understood. It\\nis not so much in its moral and religious aspects that Ave\\npropose to discuss the question of slavery, as in its social and\\npolitical character and influences. To say nothing of the sin\\nand the shame of slavery, Ave believe it is a most expensive\\nand unprofitable system and if our brethren of the South\\nwill but throw aside their unfounded prejudices and precon-\\nceiA r ed opinions, and give us a fair and patient hearing, avc\\nfeel confident that Ave can bring them to the same conclusion.\\nIndeed, we believe Ave shall be enabled not alone by our\\nOAvn contributions, but Avith the aid of incontestable facts and\\narguments which Ave shall introduce from other sources to\\nconvince all true-hearted, candid and intelligent Southerners,\\nAvho may chance to read our book (and Ave hope their name\\nmay be legion), that slavery, and nothing but slaA T ery, has\\nretarded the progress and prosperity of our portion of the\\nUnion depopulated and impoA erished our cities by forcing", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0042.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 35\\nthe more industrious and enterprising natives of the soil to\\nemigrate to the Free States brought our domain under a\\nsparse and inert population by preventing foreign immigra-\\ntion made us tributary to the North, and reduced us to the\\nhumiliating condition of mere provincial subjects in fact,\\nthough not in name. We believe, moreover, that every\\npatriotic Southerner thus convinced will feel it a duty he\\nowes to himself, to his country, and to his God, to become\\na thorough, inflexible, practical Abolitionist. So mote it be\\nNow to our figures. Few persons have an adequate idea\\nof the important part the cardinal numbers are now playing\\nin the cause of liberty. They are working wonders in the\\nSouth. Intelligent business men, from the Chesapeake to\\nthe Rio Grande, are beginning to see that slavery, even in a\\nmercenary point of view, is impolitic, because it is unprofitable.\\nThose unique, mysterious little Arabic sentinels on the watch-\\ntowers of political economy, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 0, have\\njoined forces, allied themselves to the powers of Freedom,\\nand are hemming in and combating Slavery with the most\\nsignal success. If let alone, we have no doubt the digits\\nthemselves would soon terminate the existence of human\\nslavery but we do not mean to let them alone they must\\nnot have all the honor of annihilating the monstrous iniquity.\\nWe want to become an auxiliary in the good work, and\\nfacilitate it. The liberation of six millions of non-slavehold-\\ning* whites from the second degree of slavery, and of three\\nmillions of miserable kidnapped negroes from the first degree,\\ncannot be accomplished too soon. That it was not accom-\\nplished many years ago is our misfortune. It now behooves\\nus to take a bold and determined stand in defence of the\\ninalienable rights of ourselves and of our fellow men, and to\\navenge the multiplicity of wrongs, social and political, which\\nwe have suffered at the hands of a most selfish and domi-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0043.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "36 COMPAKISONS BETWEEN THE\\nneeriiig oligarchy. It is madness to delay. We cannot be\\ntoo hasty in carrying out our designs. Precipitancy in this\\nmatter is an utter impossibility. Now is the time for action\\nlet us work.\\nBy taking a sort of inventory of the agricultural products\\nof the Free and Slave States in 1850, we now propose to cor-\\nrect a most extraordinary and mischievous error into which\\nthe people of the South have unconsciously fallen. Agricul-\\nture, it is well known, is the sole boast of the South and,\\nstrange to say, many pro- slavery Southerners who, in our lati-\\ntude, pass for intelligent men, are so puffed up with the idea\\nof our importance in this respect, that they speak of the North\\nas a sterile region, unfit for cultivation, and quite dependent\\non the South for the necessaries of fife Such gross, rampant\\nignorance deserves no audience. We can prove that the\\nNorth produces greater quantities of breadstuffs than the\\nSouth. Figures shall show the facts. Properly, the South\\nhas nothing left to boast of; the North has surpassed her in\\neverything, and is going further and further ahead of her\\nevery day. We ask the reader s careful attention to the fol-\\nlowing tables, which we have prepared at no little cost of\\ntime and trouble, and which, when duly considered in connec-\\ntion with the foregoing and subsequent portions of our work,\\nwill, we believe, carry conviction to the mind that the down-\\nward tendency of the South can be arrested only by the abo-\\nlition of slavery.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0044.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\n37\\nTABLE 1.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE FREE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nSTATES.\\nWheat.\\nbushels.\\nOats,\\nbushels.\\nIndian Corn,\\nbushels.\\nPotatoes,\\n(I. and S.)\\nbushels.\\nEye,\\nbushels.\\nBarley,\\nbushels.\\n17,228\\n41,762\\n9,414,575\\n6,214,458\\n1,530,531\\n296,259\\n31,211\\n4,925,S89\\n1S5,653\\n1,601,190\\n13,121,498\\n14,4S7,351\\n15,367,691\\n49\\n535,955\\n4,286,131\\n1,258,738\\n10,087,241\\n5,655,014\\n1,524,345\\n2,181,037\\n1,165,146\\n2,866,056\\n973,3S1\\n8,373,063\\n26,552,814\\n13,472,742\\n21,538,156\\n215,232\\n2,307,734\\n3,414,672\\n12,236\\n1,935,043\\n57,646,984\\n52,964,363\\n8,656,799\\n1,750,056\\n2,345,490\\n5,641,420\\n1,573,670\\n8,759,704\\n17,858,400\\n59,078,695\\n19,835,214\\n539,201\\n2,032,396\\n1,983,979\\n10,292\\n2,6S9,S05\\n2,672,294\\n2,285,048\\n2S2,363\\n3,436,040\\n3,585,3S4\\n2,361,074\\n4,307,919\\n3,715,251\\n15,403,997\\n5,245,760\\n6,032,904\\n651,029\\n4,951,014\\n1,402,956\\n600,S93\\n83,364\\n78,792\\n19,916\\n102,916\\n481,021\\n105,871\\n183,117\\n1,255,57S\\n4,148,1S2\\n425,81S\\n4,805,160\\n26,409\\n176,233\\nt 81,253\\n9,712\\n19 099\\n110J95\\n45.4S3\\n25,093\\n151,731\\nMassachusetts\\nMichigan,\\nNew Hampshire,\\nNew York,\\n112,385\\n75,249\\n70,256\\n6,492\\n3,5S5,059\\n354,353\\nPennsylvania,\\nRhode Island,\\nVermont,\\n165,5S4\\n1S.875\\n42,150\\n209,692\\n72,157,486 96,590,371\\n242,613,650\\n59,033,130\\n12,574,623\\n5,002,013\\nTABLE 3.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF TIIE SLAVE STATES--1S50,\\nSTATES.\\nWheat,\\nbushels.\\nOats,\\nbushels.\\nIndian Corn,\\nbushels.\\nPotatoes,\\n(I. find s.)\\nbushels.\\nRye,\\nbushels.\\nBarley,\\nbushels.\\n294,044\\n199,639\\n482,511\\n1,027\\n1,08S,534\\n2,142,822\\n417\\n4,494,630\\n187,990\\n2,981,652\\n2,130,102\\n1,066,277\\n1,619,336\\n41,729\\n2,965,696\\n656,1 S3\\n604,513\\n66,586\\n3,820,044\\n8,201,311\\n89,637\\n2,242,151\\n1,503,283\\n5,278,079\\n4,052,078\\n2,322,155\\n7,703,086\\n199,017\\n10,179,144\\n28,754,048\\n8,893,939\\n3,145,542\\n1,996,S09\\n30,080,099\\n53,672,591\\n10,266,373\\n10,749,858\\n22,446,552\\n30,214,537\\n27,941,051\\n16,271,454\\n52,276,223\\n6,028,s70\\n35,254,319\\n5,721,205\\n981,981\\n305,985\\n765,054\\n7,213,So7\\n2,490,666\\n1.524,085\\n973,932\\n5,003,277\\n1,274,511\\n5,716,027\\n4,473,960\\n3,845,560\\n1,426,803\\n3,130,567\\n17,261\\n8,047\\n8,066\\n1,152\\n53,750\\n415,073\\n475\\n226,014\\n9,606\\n44,268\\n229,563\\n43,790\\n89,137\\n3,108\\n458,980\\n8,958\\n177\\n56\\n11,501\\n95,848\\n745\\n223\\n9,631\\nNorth Carolina,..\\nSouth Carolina,.\\n2,735\\n4,583\\n2,737\\n4,776\\n11,212,616\\n25,437\\n27,893,426\\n49,882,973\\n343,992,271\\n44,847,420\\n1,608,240\\n161,907", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0045.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "38\\nCOMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nTjSUBLE 3.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE FREE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nSTATES.\\nHuckwheat,\\nbushels.\\nBeans and\\nI eas, bush\\nClover and\\nGrass Seeds\\nbushels.\\nFlaxseed,\\nbushels.\\nValue of\\nGarden\\nProducts.\\nValue of\\nOrchard\\nProducts.\\nIowa,\\n229,297\\n184,509\\n149,740\\n52,516\\n104,523\\n105,S95\\n472,917\\n65,265\\n878,934\\n8,183,955\\n638,060\\n2,193,092\\n1,245\\n209,819\\n79,878\\n2,292\\n19,090\\n82,814\\n35,773\\n4,475\\n205,541\\n43,709\\n74,254\\n70,856\\n14,174\\n741,546\\n60,168\\n55,231\\n6.S46\\n104,649\\n20,457\\n30,409\\n17,807\\n30,271\\n2,438\\n18,311\\n6,087\\n26,274\\n8,900\\n91,331\\n164,715\\n140,501\\n178,943\\n5,036\\n15,696\\n5,4S6\\n703\\n10,787\\n36,888\\n1,959\\n580\\n72\\n519\\n189\\n16,525\\n57,963\\nl^,s-0\\n41,728\\n989\\n1,191\\n$75,275\\n196,874\\n127,494\\n72,864\\n8,848\\n122,387\\n600,020\\n14,738\\n56,810\\n475,242\\n912,047\\n214,004\\n6S8,714\\n98,298\\n16,853\\n82,142\\n$17,700\\n175,118\\n446,049\\n324,940\\n8,484\\n842,865\\n463,995\\n182,650\\n248,560\\n607,268\\n1,761,950\\n695,921\\n723,8*9\\n63,994\\n315,255\\n4,828\\nMassachusetts,\\nNew Hampshire,\\nOhio,\\nPennsylvania,\\nRhode Island,\\n8,550,245\\n1,542,075\\n702,265\\n358,923\\n$3,714,610\\n$6,332,911\\nTABLE 4.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nSTATES.\\nBuckwheat,\\nbushels.\\nBeans and\\nPeas, bush.\\nClover and\\ni rrass Seeds\\nbushels.\\nFlaxseed,\\nbushels.\\nValue of\\nGarden\\nProducts.\\nValue of\\nOrchard\\nProducts.\\n34S\\n175\\n8,615\\n55\\n250\\n10,097\\n3\\n103,671\\n1,121\\n23,641\\n16,704\\n2S3\\n19,427\\n59\\n214,89S\\n892,701\\n285,738\\n4,120\\n135,359\\n1,142,011\\n202,574\\n161,732\\n12,816\\n1,072,757\\n46,017\\n1,584,252\\n1,026,900\\n369,321\\n179,351\\n521,579\\n6S5\\n526\\n3.92S\\n2\\n500\\n24,711\\n99\\n17,778\\n617\\n4,965\\n1,851\\n406\\n14,214\\n10\\n53,155\\n69\\n321\\n904\\n622\\n75,801\\n2,440\\n20\\n13,090\\n88,196\\n55\\n18,904\\n26\\n52,318\\n$84,821\\n17,150\\n12,714\\n8,721\\n70,5(10\\n803,120\\n1 |s,:v. 9\\n200,809\\n46,250\\n99,454\\n89,462\\n47,286\\n97,1*1\\n12,854\\n188 oi7\\n$15,408\\n40,141\\n46,574\\n1,880\\n92,776\\n106,230\\n22 259\\n164,051\\n50,405\\n511,711\\n84,848\\n85,108\\n52,894\\n12,505\\nNorth Carolina,..\\nSouth Carolina,\\n405,847\\n7,637,22S\\n123,507\\n203,384\\n$1,377,260 $1,855,827", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0046.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 39\\nRECAPITULATION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 FREE STATES.\\nWheat, 72,157,486 bushels, $1 50, $108,236,229\\nOats, 96,560,371\\nIndian Coin, 242,618,650\\nPotatoes (I. S.), 59,033,130\\nRye, 12,574,623\\nBarley, 5,002,013\\nBuckwheat, 8,550,246\\nBeans and Peas, 1,542,075\\nClover and Grass Seeds, 762,265\\nFlax Seeds, 35S.923\\nGarden Products, 8,714J610\\n40, 88,686,148\\n60, 145,571,190\\n8S, 22,432 589\\n1 00, 12,574,623\\n90, 4,501,S11\\n50, 4,275,122\\n1 75, 2,097,631\\n3 00, 2,286,795\\n1 25, 44S,047\\nOrchard Products, 6,332,911\\nTotal, 499,189,7S1 bushels, valued as above at $351,708,316\\nRECAPITULATION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 SLAVE STATES.\\nWheat, 27,S93,426 bushels, $1 50, $41,810,139\\nOats, 49,SS2,973 40 19,958,1S9\\nIndian Corn, 348,992,271 60, 209,395,362\\nPotatoes (I. S.), 44,847,240 38, 16,042,019\\nRye, 1,608,420 100, 1,608,240\\nBarley 161,907 90, 145,716\\nBuckwheat, 405,347 50, 202,073\\nBeans and Peas, 7,637,22S 175, 13,365,149\\nClover and Grass Seeds,.... 123,507 3 00, 370,521\\nFlaxseeds, 203,384 125, 254,230\\nGarden Products, 1,877,260\\nOrchard Products, 1,355,827\\nTotal, 481,755,703 bushels, valued, as above, at $305,910,325\\nTOTAL DIFFERENCE\u00e2\u0080\u0094 BUSHEL-MEASURE PRODUCTS.\\nBnsliels. Value.\\nFree States, 499,189,781 $351,708,316\\nSlaveStates, 481,755,703 305,910,325\\nBalance in bushels 17,434,078 $45,797,991\\nSo much for the boasted agricultural superiority of the\\nSouth Mark well the balance in bushels, and the difference\\nin value Is either in favor of the South No Are both in\\nfavor of the North Yes! Here we have unquestionable proof\\nthat of all the bushel-measure products of the nation, the free\\nStates produce far more than one-half; and it is worthy of par-\\nticular mention, that the excess of Northern products is of the\\nmost valuable kind. The account shows a balance against the\\nSouth in favor of the North, of seventeen million four hun-\\ndred and thirty-four thousand and seventy-eight bushels, and\\na difference in value of forty-five million seven hundred and\\nninety-seven thousand nine hundred and ninety-one dollars.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0047.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "40 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nPlease bear in mind these facts, for, in order to show posi-\\ntively how the Free and Slave States do stand upon the great\\nand important subject of rural economy, we intend to take an\\naccount of all the other products of the soil, of the live-stock\\nupon farms, of the animals slaughtered, and, in fact, of every\\nitem of husbandry of the two sections and if, in bringing our\\ntabular exercises to a close, we find Slavery gaining upon\\nFreedom a tiling it has never yet been known to do we\\nshall, as a matter of course, see that the above amount is\\ntransferred to the credit of the side to winch it of right be-\\nlongs.\\nIn making up these tables we have two objects in view\\nthe first is to open the eyes of the non-slaveholders of the\\nSouth to the system of deception that has been so long prac-\\ntised upon them, and the second is to show slaveholders\\nthemselves we have reference only to those who are not too\\nperverse, or ignorant, to perceive naked truths that free\\nlabor is far more respectable, profitable, and productive, than\\nslave labor. In the South, unfortunately, no kind of labor is\\neither free or respectable. Every white man who is under\\nthe necessity of earning his bread, by the sweat of his brow,\\nor by manual labor, in any capacity, no matter how unassum-\\ning in dejjortment, or exemplary in morals, is treated as if he\\nwere a loathsome beast, and shunned with disdain. His soul\\nmay be the very seat of honor and integrity, yet without\\nslaves himself a slave he is accounted as nobody, and\\nwould be deemed intolerably presumptuous, if he dared to\\nopen his lips, even so wide as to give faint utterance to a\\nthree-lettered monosyllable, like yea or nay, in the presence\\nof an august knight of the whijD and the lash.\\nThere are few Southerners who will not be astonished at\\nthe disclosures of these statistical comparisons, between the\\nFree and the Slave States. That the astonishment of the more", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0048.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "I\\nFREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 4:1\\nintelligent and patriotic non-slaveholders will be mingled with\\nindignation, is more than we anticipate. We confess our own\\nsurprise, aud deep chagrin, at the result of our investigations.\\nUntil we examined into the matter, we thought and hoped\\nthat the South was really ahead of the North in at least one\\nparticular, that of agriculture but our thoughts haA r e been\\nchanged, and our hopes frustrated, for instead of finding our-\\nselves the possessors of a single advantage, we behold our\\ndear native South stripped of every laurel, and sinking deeper\\nand deeper into the depths of poverty and shame while, at the\\nsame time, we see the North, our successful rival, extracting\\nand absorbing even the few elements of wealth yet remaining\\namong us, and rising higher and higher in the scale of fame,\\nfortune, and invulnerable power. Thus our disappointment\\ngives way to a feeling of intense mortification, and our soul\\ninvoluntarily, but justly, we believe, cries out for retribution\\nagainst the treacherous slaveholding legislators, who have so\\nbasely and unpatriotically neglected the interests of their poor\\nwhite constituents and bargained away the rights of posterity.\\nNotwithstanding the fact that the white non-slaveholders of\\nthe South are in the majority, as six to one, they have never\\nyet had any uncontrolled part or lot in framing the laws un-\\nder which they live. There is no legislation except for the\\nbenefit of slavery, and slaveholders. As a general rule, poor\\nwhite persons are regarded with less esteem and attention\\nthan negroes, and though the condition of the latter is\\nwretched beyond description, vast numbers of the former are\\ninfinitely worse off A cunningly devised mockery of free-\\ndom is guaranteed to them, and that is all. To all intents\\nand purposes they are disfranchised, and outlawed, and the\\nonly privilege extended to them, is a shallow and circumscribed\\nparticipation in the political movements that usher slavehold-\\ners into office.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0049.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "42 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nWe have not breathed away nine and twenty years in the\\nSouth, without becoming acquainted with the demagogical\\nmanoeuverings of the oligarchy. Their intrigues and tricks\\nof legerdemain are as familiar to us as household words in\\nvain might the world be ransacked for a more precious junto\\nof flatterers and cajolers. It is amusing to ignorance, amaz-\\ning to credulity, and insulting to intelligence, to hear them in\\ntheir blustering efforts to mystify and pervert the sacred\\nprinciples of liberty, and turn the curse of slavery into a\\nblessing. To the illiterate poor whites made poor and igno-\\nrant by the system of slavery they hold out the idea that\\nslavery is the very bulwark of our liberties, and the founda-\\ntion of American independence For hours at a tune, day\\nafter day, will they expatiate upon the inexpressible beauties\\nand excellences of tins great, free and independent nation\\nand finally, with the most extravagant gesticulations and rhe-\\ntorical flourishes, conclude their nonsensical ravings, by attri-\\nbuting all the glory and prosperity of the country, from Maine\\nto Texas, and from Georgia to California, to the invaluable\\ninstitutions of the South On the part of the intelligent\\nlistener, who cherishes a high regard for truth and justice, it\\nrequires no small degree of patience and forbearance to rest\\nquietly under the incoherent, truth-murdering declamations\\nof these subtle-tongued champions of slavery.\\nThe lords of the lash are not only absolute masters of the\\nblacks, who are bought and sold, and driven about like so\\nmany cattle, but they are also the oracles and arbiters of all the\\nnon-slaveholding whites, whose freedom is merely nominal,\\nand whose unparalleled illiteracy and degradation is purposely\\nand fiendishly perpetuated. Plow little the poor white\\ntrash, the great majority of the Southern people, know of\\nthe real condition of the country, is, indeed, sadly astonishing.\\nThe truth is, they knoAV nothing of public measures, and little", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0050.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "FEEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 43\\nof private affairs, except what their imperious masters, the\\nslave-drivers, condescend to tell, and that is but precious little,\\nand even that little, always garbled and one-sided, is never\\ntold except in public harangues for the haughty cavaliers of\\nshackles and handcuffs will not degrade themselves by hold-\\ning private converse with those who have neither dimes nor\\nhereditaiy rights in human flesh.\\nWhenever it pleases, and to the extent it pleases, a slave-\\nholder to become communicative, poor whites may hear with\\nfear and trembling, but not speak. They must be as mum as\\ndumb brutes, and stand in awe of their august superiors, or\\nbe crushed with stern rebukes, cruel oppressions, or down-\\nright violence. If they dare to think for themselves, their\\nthoughts must be forever concealed. The exju ession of any\\nsentiment at all conflicting with the gospel of slavery, dooms\\nthem at once in the community in which they live, and then,\\nwhether willing or unwilling, they are obliged to become\\nheroes, martyrs, or exiles. They may thirst for knowledge,\\nbut there is no Moses among them to smite it out of the\\nrocks of Horeb. The black veil, through whose almost im-\\npenetrable meshes light seldom gleams, has long been pendent\\nover their eyes, and there, with fiendish jealousy, slaveholding\\nofiicials sedulously guard it. Non-slaveholders are not only\\nkept in ignorance of what is transpiring at the North, but\\nthey are continually misinformed of what is going on even in\\nthe South. Never were the poorer classes of a people, and\\nthose classes so largely in the majority, and all inhabiting the\\nsame country, so basely duped, so adroitly swindled, or so\\nunpardonably outraged.\\nIt is expected that the stupid and sequacious masses, the\\nwhite victims of slavery, will believe, and, as a general thing,\\nthey do believe, whatever the slaveholders tell them and\\nthus it is that they are cajoled into the notion that they are", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0051.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "44 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nthe freest, happiest, and most intelligent people in the world,\\nand are taught to look with prejudice and disapprobation upon\\nevery new principle or progressive movement. Thus it is,\\nthat the South, woefully inert and inventionless, has lagged\\nbehind the North, and is now weltering in the cesspool of\\nignorance and degradation.\\nWe have already intimated that the opinion is prevalent\\nthroughout the South that the Free States are quite sterile and\\nunproductive, and that they are mainly dependent on us for\\nbreadstuffs and other provisions. So far as the cereals, fruits,\\ngarden vegetables and esculent roots are concerned, we have,\\nin the preceding tables, shown the absolute falsity of this\\nopinion and we now propose to show that it is equally erro-\\nneous in other particulars, and very far from the truth in the\\ngeneral reckoning. We can prove, and we intend to prove,\\nfrom facts in our possession, that the hay crop of the Free\\nStates is worth considerably more in dollars and cents than\\nall the cotton, tobacco, rice, hay and hemp produced in the\\nfifteen Slave States. This statement may strike some of our\\nreaders with amazement, and others may, for the moment,\\nregard it as quite incredible but it is true, nevertheless, and\\nwe shall soon proceed to- confirm it. The single Free State of\\nNew York produces more than three times the quantity of\\nhay that is produced iu all the Slave States. Ohio produces\\na larger number of tons than all the Southern and South-\\nwestern States, and so does Pennsylvania. Vermont, little\\nand unpretending as she is, does the same thing, with the ex-\\nception of Virginia. Look at the facts as presented in the\\ntables, and let your own eyes, physical and intellectual, con-\\nfirm you iu the truth.\\nAnd yet, forsooth, the slaveholding oligarchy would whip\\nus into the belief that agriculture is not one of the leading and\\nlucrative pursuits of the Free States, that the soil there is an", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0052.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 45\\nuninterrupted barren waste, and that our Northern brethren,\\nhaving the advantage in nothing except wealth, population,\\ninland and foreign commerce, manufactures, mechanism, inven-\\ntions, literature, the arts and sciences, and their concomitant\\nbranches of profitable industry miserable objects of charity\\nare dependent on us for the necessaries of life.\\nNext to Virginia, Maryland is the greatest Southern hay-\\nt producing State and yet it is the opinion of several of the\\nmost extensive hay and grain dealers in Baltimore, with whom\\nwe have conversed on the subject, that the domestic crop is\\nscarcely equal to one-third the demand, and that the balance\\nrequired for home consumption, about two-thirds, is chiefly\\nbrought from New York, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts.\\nAt this rate, Maryland receives and consumes not less than\\nthree hundred and fifteen thousand tons of Northern hay every\\nyear and this, as we are informed by the dealers above men-\\ntioned, at an average cost to the last purchaser, by the time\\nit is stowed in the mow, of at least twenty-five dollars per\\nton it would thus appear that this most popular and valuable\\nprovender, one of the staple commodities of the North, com-\\nmands a market in a single Slave State, to the amount of\\nseven millions eight hundred and seventy-five thousand dol-\\nlars per annum.\\nIn this same State of Maryland, less than one million dollars\\nworth of cotton finds a market, the whole number of bales\\nsold here in 1850 amounting to only twenty-three thousand\\nthree hundred and twenty-five, valued at seven hundred and\\nforty-six thousand four hundred dollars. Briefly, then, and\\nin round numbers, we may state the case thus Maryland\\nbuys annually seven million dollars worth of hay from the\\nNorth, and one million dollars worth of cotton from the\\nSouth. Let slaveholders and their fawning defenders read,\\nponder and compare.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0053.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "46 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nThe exact quantities of Northern hay, rye, and buckwheat\\nflour, Irish potatoes, fruits, clover and grass seeds, and other\\nproducts of the soil, received and consumed in all the slave-\\nholding States, Ave have no means of ascertaining but for all\\npractical purposes, we can arrive sufficiently near to the\\namount by inference from the above data, and from what Ave\\nsee with our eyes and hear AA T ith our ears AA r herever we go.\\nFood from the North for man or for beast, or for both, is for\\nsale in eA ery market in the South. Even in the most insigni-\\nficant little A r illages in the interior of the SLave States, where\\nbooks, newspapers, and other mediums of intelligence are\\ncomparatively unknown, where the poor Avhites and the\\nnegroes are alike bowed down in heathenish ignorance and\\nbarbarism, and AvLere the neAvs is received but once a week,\\nand then only in a Northern-built stage-coach, drawn by\\nhorses in Northern harness, in charge of a driver dressed cap-\\na-pie in Northern habiliments, and Avith a Northern whip in\\nhis hand the agricultural products of the North, either crude,\\nprepared, pickled or preserved, are eA T er to be found.\\nMortifying as the acknoAvledgment of the fact is to us, it\\nis our unbiased opinion an opinion which Avili, Ave believe, be\\nindorsed by every intelligent person Avho goes into a careful\\nexamination and comparison of all the facts in the case that\\nthe profits arising to the North from the sale of provender\\nand provisions to the South, are far greater than those arising\\nto the South from the sale of cotton, tobacco, and breadstuff s\\nto the North. It follows, then, that the agricultural interests\\nof the North being not only equal but actually superior to\\nthose of the South, the hundreds of millions of dollars which\\nthe commerce and manufactures of the former annually yield,\\nis just so much clear and independent gain over the latter.\\nIt folloAVS, also, from a corresponding train or system of de-\\nduction, and with all the foregoing facts in view, that the dif-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0054.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 47\\nfereuce between Freedom and Slavery is simply the difference\\nbetween sense and nonsense, wisdom and folly, good and evil,\\nright and wrong.\\nAny observant American, from whatever point of the com-\\npass he may hail, who will take the trouble to pass through\\nthe Southern markets, both great and small, as we have done,\\nand inquire where this article, that and the other came from,\\nwill be utterly astonished at the variety and quantity of\\nNorthern agricultural products kept for sale. And this state\\nof things is growing worse and worse every year. Exclusively\\nagricultural as the South is in her industrial pursuits, she is\\nbarely able to support her sparse and degenerate population.\\nHer men and her domestic animals, both dwarfed into shabby\\nobjects of commiseration under the blighting effects of slavery,\\nare constantly feeding on the multifarious products of Nor-\\nthern soil. And if the whole truth must be told, we may\\nhere add, that these products, like all other articles- of mer-\\nchandise purchased at the North, are generally bought on\\ncredit, and, in a great number of instances, by far too many,\\nnever paid for not, as a general rule, because the purchasers\\nare dishonest or unwilling to pay, but because they are im-\\npoverished and dej ressed by the retrogressive and deadening\\noperations of slavery, that most unprofitable and pernicious\\ninstitution under which they live.\\nTo show how well we are sustained in our remarks on hay\\nand other special products of the soil, as well as to give cir-\\nculation to other facts of equal significance, we quote a single\\npassage from an address by Paid C. Cameron, before the\\nAgricultural Society of Orange County, North Carolina. This\\nproduction is, in the main, so powerfully conceived, so cor-\\nrect and plausible in its statements and conclusions, and so\\nwell^ calculated, though, perhaps, not intended, to arouse the\\nold North State to a sense of her natural greatness and ac-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0055.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "48 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nquired shame, that we could wish to see it published in pam-\\nphlet form, and circulated throughout the length and breadth\\nof that unfortunate and degraded heritage of slavery. Mr.\\nCameron says\\nI know not when I have been more humiliated, as a North Caro-\\nlina farmer, than when, a few weeks ago, at a railroad depot at the\\nvery doors of our State capital, I saw wagons drawn by Kentucky\\nmules, loading with Northern hay, for the supply not only of the\\ntown, but to be taken to the country. Such a sight at the capital of\\na State whose population is almost exclusively devoted to agriculture,\\nis a most humiliating exhibition. Let us cease to use everything,\\nas far as it is practicable, that is not the product of our own soil\\nand workshops not an axe, or a broom, or bucket, from Connecti-\\ncut. By every consideration of self-preservation, we are called to\\nmake better efforts to expel the Northern grocer from the State\\nwith bis butter, and the Ohio and Kentucky horse, mule and hog\\ndriver, from our county at least. It is a reproach on us as farmers,\\nand no little deduction from our wealth, that we suffer the population\\nof our towns and villages to supply themselves with butter from an-\\nother Orange County in New York.\\nWe have promised to prove that the hay crop of the Free\\nStates is worth considerably more than all the cotton, to-\\nbacco, rice, hay and hemp produced in the fifteen Slave Stales.\\nThe compilers of the last census, as we learn from Prof. De\\nBow, the able and courteous superintendent, in making up\\nthe hay tables, allowed two thousand two hundred and forty\\npounds to the ton. The price per ton at which we should es-\\ntimate its value has puzzled us to some extent. Dealers in\\nthe article at Baltimore think it will average twenty-five dol-\\nlars, in their market. Four or five months ago they sold it\\nat thirty dollars per ton. At the very time we write, though\\nthere is less activity in the article than usual, Ave learn, from\\nan examination of sundry prices-current and commercial jour-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0056.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 49\\nnals, that hay is selling in Savannah at $33 per ton in Mo-\\nbile and New Orleans at $26 in Charleston at $25 in Louis-\\nville at $24 and in Cincinnati at $23. The average of these\\nprices is twenty-six dollars sixteen and two-third cents and\\nwe suppose it would be fair to employ the figures which\\nwould indicate this amount, the net value of a single ton, in\\ncalculating the total market value of the entire crop. Were\\nwe to do this and, with the foregoing facts in view, we sub-\\nmit to intelligent men whether we would not be justifiable in\\ndoing it the hay crop of the Free States, 12,690,982 tons,\\nin 1850, would amount in valuation to the enormous sum of\\n$331,081,695 more than four times the value of all the cot-\\nton produced in the United States during the same period\\nBut we shall not make the calculation at what we have\\nfound to be the average value per ton throughout the coun-\\ntry. What rate, then, shall be agreed upon as a basis of\\ncomparison between the value of the hay crop of the North\\nand that of the South, and as a means of testing the truth of\\nour declaration that the former exceeds the aggregate value\\nof all the cotton, tobacco, rice, hay and hemp produced in\\nthe fifteen Slave States Suppose we take $13 08^ just half\\nthe average value as the multiplier in this arithmetical exer-\\ncise. This we can well afford to do indeed, we might reduce\\nthe amount per ton to much less than half the average value,\\nand still have a large margin left for triumphant demonstra-\\ntion. It is not our purpose, however, to make an overwhelm-\\ning display of the incomparable greatness of the Free States.\\nIn estimating the value of the various agricultural products\\nof the two great sections of the country, we have been\\nguided by prices emanating from the Bureau of Agriculture\\nin Washington and in a catalogue of those prices noAV before\\nus, we perceive that the average value of hay throughout the\\nnation is supposed to be not more than half a cent per pound\\n3", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0057.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "50 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\n$11 20 per ton which, as we have seen above, is consider-\\nably less than half the present market value and this, too,\\nin the face of the fact that prices generally rule higher than\\nthey do just now. It will be admitted on all sides, however,\\nthat the prices fixed upon by the Bureau of Agriculture, taken\\nas a whole, are as fair for one section of the country as for\\nthe other, and that we cannot blamelessly deviate from them\\nin one particular without deviating from them in another.\\nEleven dollars and twenty cents ($11 20) per ton shall there-\\nfore be the price and, notwithstanding these greatly reduced\\nfigures, we now renew, with an addendum, our declaration\\nand promise, that We can prove, and tee shall now proceed\\nto prove, that the annual hay crop of the Free States is xoorth\\nconsiderably more in dollars and cents than all the cotton,\\ntobacco, rice, hay, hemp, and cane sugar, annually produced\\nin the fifteen Slave States.\\nHAY CROP OF THE FREE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\n12,690,982 tons, $11 20, $142,138,998\\nSUNDRY PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1S50.\\nCotton, 2,445,779 bales, $32 00, $78,264,928\\nTobacco, 185,023,906 lbs., 10, 18,502,890\\nRice(rougb), 215,313,497 lbs., 4, 8,612,539\\nHay, 1,137,784 tons, 11 20, 12,743,1S0\\nHemp, 34,073tons, 112 00, 3,8S3,376\\nCane Sugar, 237,133,000 lbs 7, 16,599,310\\nTotal, $138,605,723\\nRECAPITULATION.\\nHay crop of the Free States, $142,138,998\\nSundry products of the Slave States, 188,605,728\\nBalance in favor of the Free States, $3,583,275\\nThere is the account look at it, and let it stand conspicu\\nously forever in attestation of the exalted virtues and surpass\\ning powers of Freedom. Scan it well, Messieurs lords of tho\\nlash, and learn from it new lessons of the utter inefficiency,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0058.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 51\\nand despicable imbecility of. Slavery. Examine it minutely,\\nliberty-loving patriots of the North, and behold in it ad-\\nditional evidences of the beauty, grandeur, and super-excel-\\nlence of free institutions. Treasure it up Tin your minds, out-\\nraged friends and non-slaveholders of the South, and let the\\nrecollection of it arouse you to an inflexible determination to\\nextirpate the monstrous enemy that stalks abroad in your\\nland, and to recover the inalienable rights and liberties, which\\nhave been filched from you by an unscrupulous oligarchy.\\nIn deference to truth, decency and good sense, it is to be\\nhoped that the enemies of free institutions may never more\\nhave the effrontery to open their lips in extolling the ag-\\nricultural achievements of slave labor. Especially is it desi-\\nrable, that, as a simple act of justice to a grossly deceived\\npopulace, they may, at once and forever, cease their stale and\\nsenseless harangues on the importance of cotton. The value\\nof cotton to the South, to the North, to the nation, and\\nto the world, has been so grossly exaggerated, and so exten-\\nsive have been the evils which have resulted in consequence\\nof the extraordinary misrepresentations concerning it, that\\nwe should feel constrained to reproach ourself for remiss-\\nness of duty, if we failed to make an attempt to explode the\\npopular error. The figures above show what it is, and what\\nit is not. Recur to them, and learn the facts.\\nNote. The announcement of the fact, in all the former editions\\nof this work, that the annual hay crop alone of the Free States is, at\\nregular market prices, of greater monetary value than the entire cor-\\nresponding annual cotton and hay crops of all the Slave States, struck\\nthousands of persons all over the country with surprise, and many\\nof them regarded the statement, and still regard it, as incredible; but,\\nfrom data obtained exclusively from our very enemies, from pro-sla-\\nvery Democratic sources aye, from pro-slavery Democratic sources,\\nnot from Republican, or Abolition sources proof positive of the fact", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0059.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "52 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\ncan be established. In The United States Democratic Almanac,\\nfor 18G0, issued by Messrs. Parsons and Chapin, New York, may be\\nfound, republisbed merely as an item of general interest, the follow-\\ning tabular statement the last of the kind, perhaps put forth as\\nlong ago as 1855, from the (also pro-slavery Democratic) Agricultural\\ndepartment of the Patent Office in Washington\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OP THE UNITED STATES IN 1855.\\nAccording to the data from the Agricultural Department of the Patent Office, the fol-\\nlowing table shows nearly the amount and value of the Agricultural and Animal pro-\\nducts of the country for 1855\\nIndian Corn, 600,000,000 bush., (d $0 60, $360,300,000\\nWheat, 105,000,000 150, 247,500,000\\nRye, 14,000,000 100, 14,000,000\\nBarley, 6,600,000 90, 5,940,000\\nOats, 170,000,000 40, 68,000,000\\nBuckwheat, 10,000,000 50, 5,000,000\\nPotatoes, all sorts, 110,000,000 37$, 41,250,000\\nFlaxseed, 58,000 125, 72,500\\nDeans and Peas, 9,500,000 2 00, 19,000,000\\nClover and Grass Seed, 1,000,000 8 00, 8,000,000\\nRice, 250,000,000 lbs., 4, 10,000,000\\nSugar, cane, 505,000,000 7, 35.350,000\\nSugar, maple, 34,000,000 8, 2,720,000\\nMolasses, 14,000,000 gals., 80, 4,200,000\\nWine, 2,500,000 100, 2,500,000\\nHops, 3,500,000 lbs., 15, 525,000\\nOrchard Products, 25,000,000\\nGarden Products, 50,000,000\\nTobacco, 190,000,000 lbs., 10, 19,000,000\\nCotton, 1,700,000,000 8, 136.000,000\\nHemp, 84,500 tons, 100 00, 3,450,000\\nFlax, 800,000 lbs., 10, 80,000\\nHay and Fodder, 16,000,000 tons, 10 00, 100.umo.uuo\\nPasturage, 148,000,000\\nDOMESTIC ANIMALS AND ANIMAL PRODUCTS.\\nHorned Cattle, 21,000,000 $20 00, 1420,000,000\\nHorses, Asses, and Mules, 5,100,000 60 00, 806,600,000\\nSheep, 23,500,000 2 00, 47,000,000\\nSwine, 82,000,000 5 00, 160,000,000\\nPoultry, 20,000,000\\nSlaughtered animals, 200,000,000\\nButter and Cheese, 500,000,000 lbs., 15, 75,000,000\\nMilk, exclusive of that used\\nfor butter and cheese,.... 1,000,000,000 gals., 10, 100,000,000\\nWool, 60,000,000 lbs., 85, 21,000,000\\nBeeswax and Honey, 16,000,000 15, 2,400,000\\nSilk cocoons, 5,000 100, 5,000\\nGrand total $2,707,892,000\\nFrom an examination of the respective items above, it will be\\nseen that, while the total market value of cotton, for the year men-\\ntioned, was only $136,000,000, the like value of hay and fodder, for", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0060.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 53\\nthe same year, amounted to $100,000,000, showing a balance of\\n$24,000,000 in favor of the latter. Now, if the fodder, of which\\nour pro-slavery statisticians speak, be stacked separately from the\\nhay, as we may easily learn how to do by referring to the official re-\\nports of the seventh census, we shall have before us the weight and\\nworth of each article by itself, substantially corroborating, in every\\nparticular, all the foregoing and subsequent statements in these pages\\non the subject.\\nSo hyperbolically has the importance of cotton been mag-\\nnified by certain pro-slavery politicians of the South, that the\\nperson who would give credence to all their fustian and\\nbombast, would be under the necessity of believing that the\\nvery existence of almost everything, in the heaven above, in\\nthe earth beneath, and in the water under the earth, depended\\non it. The truth is, however, that the cotton crop is of but\\ncomparatively little value to the South. New England and\\nOld England, by their superior enterprise and sagacity, turn\\nit chiefly to their own advantage. It is carried in their ships,\\nspun in their factories, woven in their looms, insured in their\\noffices, returned again in their own vessels, and, with double\\nfreight and cost of manufacturing added, purchased by the\\nSouth at a high premium. Of all the parties engaged or\\ninterested in its transportation and manufacture, the\\nSouth is the only one that does not make a profit. Nor\\ndoes she, as a general thing, make a decent profit by produc-\\ning it.\\nWe are credibly informed that many of the farmers in the\\nimmediate vicinity of Baltimore, where we now write, have\\nturned their attention exclusively to hay, and that from one\\nacre they frequently gather two tons, for which they receive\\nfifty dollars. Let us now inquire how many dollars may be\\nexpected from an acre planted in cotton. Mr. Cameron, from\\nwhose able address before the Agricultural Society of Orange", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0061.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "54: COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nCounty, North Carolina, we have already gleaned some inte-\\nresting particulars, informs us, that the cotton planters in his\\npart of the country, have contented themselves with a crop\\nyielding only ten or twelve dollars per acre, and that the\\nsumming up of a large surface gives but a living result. An\\nintelligent resident of the Palmetto State, writing in De Bow s\\nReview, not long since, advances the opinion that the cotton\\nplanters of South Carolina are not realizing more than one per\\ncent, on the amount of capital they have invested. While in\\nVirginia, very recently, an elderly slaveholder, whose reli-\\ngious walk and conversation had recommended and promoted\\nhim to an eldership in the Presbyterian church, and who\\nsupports himself and family by raising negroes and tobacco,\\ntold us that, for the last eight or ten years, aside from the\\nincrease of his human chattels, he felt quite confident he had\\nnot cleared as much even as one per cent, per annum on the\\namount of his investment. The real and personal property\\nof this aged Christian consists chiefly hi a large tract of\\nland and about thirty negroes, most of whom, according to\\nhis own confession, are more expensive than profitable. The\\nproceeds arising from the sale of the tobacco they produce,\\nare all absorbed in the purchase of meat and bread for home\\nconsumption, and when the crop is stunted by drought, frost,\\nor otherwise cut short, one of the negroes must be sold to\\nraise funds for the support of the others. Such are the\\nagricultural achievements of slave labor; such are the results of\\nthe sum of all villainies. The diabolical institution subsists\\non its own flesh. At one time children are sold to procure\\nfood for the parents, at another, parents are sold to procure\\nfood for the children. Within its pestilential atmosphere,\\nnothing succeeds; progress and prosperity are unknown;\\ninanition and slothfulness ensue everything becomes dull,\\ndismal and unprofitable wretchedness and desolation stand", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0062.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "FREE AND TEIE SLAVE STATES. 55\\nor lie in bold relief throughout the laud an aspect of most\\nmelancholy inactivity and dilapidation broods over every city\\nand town ignorance and prejudice sit enthroned over the\\nminds of the people usurping despots wield the sceptre of\\npower; everywhere, and in everything, between Delaware\\nBay and the Gulf of Mexico, are the multitudinous evils of\\nslavery apparent.\\nThe soil itself soon sickens and dies beneath the unnatural\\ntread of the slave. Hear what the Hon. C. C. Clay, of Ala-\\nbama, has to say upon the subject. His testimony is emi-\\nnently suggestive, well-timed, and truthful and we heartily\\ncommend it to the careful consideration of every spirited\\nSouthron who loves his country, and desires to see it rescued\\nfrom the fatal grasp of the mother of harlots. Says he\\nI can show you, with sorrow, in the older portions of Alahama,\\nand in my native county of Madison, the sad memorials of the art-\\nless and exhausting culture of cotton. Our small planters, after\\ntaking the cream off their lands, unable to restore them by rest,\\nmanures, or otherwise, are going further West and South, in search\\nof other virgin lands, which they may and will despoil and impove-\\nrish in like manner. Our wealthier planters, with greater means\\nand no more skill, are buying out their poorer neighbors, extending\\ntheir plantations, and adding to their slave force. The wealthy few,\\nwho are able to live on smaller profits, and to give their blasted\\nfields some rest, are thus pushing off the many who are merely inde-\\npendent. Of the $20,000,000 annually realized from the sales of the\\ncotton crop of Alabama, nearly all not expended in supporting the\\nproducers, is re-invested in land and negroes. Thus the white popu-\\nlation has decreased and the slave increased almost pari passu in\\nseveral counties of our State. In 1825, Madison County cast about\\n3,000 votes now, she cannot cast exceeding 2,300. In traversing\\nthat county, one will discover numerous farm-houses, once the abode\\nof industrious and intelligent freemen, now occupied by slaves, or\\ntenantless, deserted and dilapidated he will observe fields, once", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0063.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "56 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nfertile, now unfenced, abandoned and covered with those evil har-\\nbingers, fox-tail and broomsedge he will see the moss growing on\\nthe moldering walls of once thrifty villages, and will find one only\\nmaster grasps the whole domain, that once furnished happy homes\\nfor a dozen white families. Indeed, a country in its infancy, where\\nfifty years ago scarce a forest tree had been felled by the axe of the\\npioneer, is already exhibiting the painful signs of senility and decay,\\napparent in Virginia and the Carolinas.\\nSome one has said that an honest confession is good for\\nthe soul, and if the adage be true, as we have no doubt it is,\\nwe think Mr. C. C. Clay is entitled to a quiet conscience on\\none score at least. In the extract quoted above, he gives us\\na graphic description of the ruinous operations and influences\\nof Slavery in the Southwest and we, as a native of Carolina,\\nand a traveller through Virginia, are ready to bear testimony\\nto the fitness of his remarks when he referred to those States\\nas examples of senility and decay. With equal propriety,\\nhowever, he might have stopped nearer home for a subject of\\ncomparison. Either of the States bordering upon Alabama,\\nor, indeed, any other slave States, would have answered his\\npurpose quite as well as Virginia and the Carolinas. Where-\\never slavery exists there he may find parallels to the destruc-\\ntion that is sweeping with such deadly influence over his own\\nunfortunate State.\\nAs for examples of vigorous, industrious and thrifty com-\\nmunities, they can be found anywhere beyond the Upas-\\nshadow of slavery nowhere else. ~New York and Massa-\\nchusetts, which, by nature, are confessedly far inferior to\\nVirginia and the Carolinas, have, by the more liberal and\\nequitable policy which they have pursued, in substituting\\nliberty for slavery, attained a degree of eminence and pros-\\nperity altogether unknown in the slave States.\\nAmidst all the hyperbole and cajolery of pro-slavery poli-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0064.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 57\\nticians who, as we have already seen, are the books, the\\narts, the academies, that show, contain and govern all the\\nSouth, we are rejoiced to see that Mr. Clay, Mr. Cameron,\\nand a few others, have had the boldness and honesty to step\\nforward and proclaim the truth. All such frank admissions\\nare to be hailed as good omens for the South. Nothing good\\ncan come from any attempt to conceal the unconcealable\\nevidences of poverty and desolation everywhere trailing in\\nthe wake of slavery. Let the truth be told on all occasions,\\nof the North as well as of the South, and the people will\\nsoon begin to discover the egregiousness of their errors, to\\ndraw just comparisons, to inquire into cause and effect, and\\nto adopt the more utile measures, manners and customs of\\ntheir wiser contemporaries.\\nIn willfully traducing and decrying everything North of\\nMason and Dixon s line, and in excessively magnifying the\\nimportance of everything South of it, the oligarchy have, in\\nthe eyes of all liberal and intelligent men, only made an\\nexhibition of their uncommon folly and dishonesty. For a\\nlong time, it is true, they have succeeded in deceiving the\\npeople, in keeping them humbled in the murky sloughs of\\npoverty and ignorance, and in instilling into their untutored\\nminds, passions and prejudices expressly calculated to\\nstrengthen and protect the accursed system of slavery but,\\nthanks to heaven, their inglorious reign is fast drawing to a\\nclose with irresistible brilliancy, and in spite of the interdict\\nof tyrants, light from the pure fountain of knowledge is now\\nstreaming over the dark places of our land, and, ere long\\nmark our words there will ascend from Delaware, and from\\nTexas, and from all the intermediate States, a huzza for\\nFreedom and for Equal Rights, that will utterly confound\\nthe friends of despotism, set at defiance the authority of\\n3*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0065.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "58 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nusurpers, and carry consternation to the heart of every\\nslavery-propagandist.\\nTo undeceive the people of the South, to bring them to a\\nknowledge of the inferior and disreputable position which\\nthey occupy as a component part of the Union, and to give\\nprominence and popularity to those plans which, if adopted,\\nwill elevate us to an equality, socially, morally, intellectually,\\nindustrially, politically, and financially, with the most flourish-\\ning and refined nation in the world, and, if possible, to place\\nus in the van of even that, is the object of this work. Slave-\\nholders, either from ignorance or from a willful disposition to\\npropagate error, contend that the South has nothing to be\\nashamed of, that slavery has proved a blessing to her, and\\nthat her superiority over the North, in an agricultural point\\nof view, makes amends for all her short-comings in other\\nrespects. On the other hand, we contend that many years of\\ncontinual blushing and severe penance would not suffice to\\ncancel or annul the shame and disgrace that justly attaches to\\nthe South in consequence of slavery the direst evil that e er\\nbefell the land that the South bears nothing like even a re-\\nspectable approximation to the North in navigation, com-\\nmerce, or manufactures, and that, contrary to the opinion en-\\ntertained by ninety-nine hundredths of her people, she is far\\nbehind the free States in the only thing of which she has ever\\ndared to boast agriculture. We submit the question to the\\narbitration of figures, which, it is said, do not lie. With\\nregard to the bushel-measure products of the soil, of which\\nAve have already taken an inventory, we have seen that thero\\nis a balance against the South in favor of the North of seven-\\nteen million four hundred and thirty-four thousand and\\nseventy-eight bushels, and a difference in the value of the same,\\nalso in favor of the North, of forty-five million seven hundred", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0066.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 59\\nand ninety-seven thousand nine hundred and ninety-one dol-\\nlars. It is certainly a most novel kind of agricultural supe-\\nriority that the South claims on that score\\nOur attention shall now be directed to the twelve principal\\npound-measure products of the Free and of the Slave States\\nhay, cotton, butter and cheese, tobacco, cane-sugar, wool, rice,\\nhemp, maple sugar, beeswax and honey, flax, and hops and\\nin taking an account of them, we shall, in order to show the\\nexact quantity produced in each State, and for the conveni-\\nence, of future reference, pursue the same plan as that adopted\\nin the preceding tables. Whether slavery will appear to bet-\\nter advantage on the scales than it did in the half-bushel,\\nremains to be seen. It is possible that the rickety old mon-\\nster may make a better show on a new track but if it makes\\na more ridiculous display, we shall not be surprised. A care-\\nful examination of its precedents, has taught us the folly of\\nexpecting anything good to issue from it in any manner what-\\never. It has no disposition to emulate the magnanimity of\\nits betters, and as for a laudable ambition to excel, that is a\\ncharacteristic altogether foreign to its nature. Languor and\\ninertia are the insanitary viands upon which it delights to\\nsatiate its morbid appetite and from bad to worse is the\\nill-omened motto under which, in all its feeble efforts and\\nachievements, it ekes out a most miserable and deleterious\\nexistence.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0067.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "60\\nCOMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nTABLE 5.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OP THE PREE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nHay, tons.\\nHemp,\\ntons.\\nHops, lbs.\\nFlax, lbs.\\nMaple Sugar,\\nlbs.\\nTobacco,\\nlbs.\\nCalifornia,.\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois,\\nIndiana,\\nIowa,\\nMaine,\\nMassachusetts,..\\nMichigan,\\nNew Hampsliire,\\nNew Jersey,\\nNew York,\\nOhio, _\\nPennsylvania,\\nRhode Island,\\nVermont,\\nWisconsin,\\n2,038\\n616,131\\n601,952\\n403,230\\n89,055\\n755,889\\n651,807\\n404,934\\n598,854\\n435,950\\n3,728,797\\n1,443,142\\n1,842,970\\n74,418\\n866,153\\n275,662\\n4\\n150\\n44\\n554\\n3,551\\n92,796\\n8,242\\n40,120\\n121,595\\n10,663\\n257,174\\n2,133\\n2,536,299\\n63,731\\n22,0S8\\n277\\n288,023\\n15,930\\n17,928\\n160,063\\n5S4.469\\n62,660\\n17,081\\n1,162\\n7,152\\n7,652\\n182,965\\n940,577\\n446,1132\\n530,307\\n85\\n20,852\\n50,796\\n248,904\\n2,921,192\\n7S,407\\n93,542\\n795,525\\n2,439,794\\n1,29S,863\\n2,197\\n10,357,484\\n4,58S,209\\n2,326,525\\n28\\n6,349,357\\n610,976\\n1,000\\n1,267,624\\n841,394\\n1,044,620\\n6,041\\n13S,246\\n1,245\\n60\\n310\\n83,1S9\\n10,454,449\\n912,651\\n1,268\\n12,690,9S2 198\\n3,463,176\\n3,048,278 32,161,799 14,752,0S7\\nTABLE 6.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OP THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nAlabama,\\nArkansas,\\nDelaware,\\nFlorida,\\nGeorgia,\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMississippi,\\nMissouri,\\nNorth Carolina,\\nSouth Carolina,.\\nTennessee,\\nTexas,\\nVirginia,\\nHay, tons.\\n82.\\n3.\\n80,\\n23.\\n113\\n25\\n157\\n12\\n110\\n145\\n20\\n74\\n8\\n889\\n(or.\\n9T6\\n159\\n510\\n149\\nTIT\\n752\\nkm;\\n504\\n,925\\n653\\n,091\\n,854\\n,098\\n1,187,784 84,678\\nHemp,\\ntons.\\n15\\n17,787\\n63\\n7\\n16.028\\n595\\ni39\\nHops, lbs.\\n276\\n157\\n848\\n14\\n261\\n4,309\\n125\\n1,870\\n473\\n4,130\\n9,246\\n26\\n1,032\\n7\\n11,506\\n33,780\\nFlax, lbs.\\n3,921\\n12,291\\n17,174\\n50\\n5,3S7\\n2,100,116\\n85,686\\n665\\n627,160\\n593,796\\n833\\n36S,131\\n1,048\\n1,000,450\\n4,766,208\\nMaple Sugar,\\nlbs.\\n643\\n9,330\\n50\\n487,405\\n255\\n47,740\\n178,910\\n27,932\\n200\\n158,557\\n1,227,665\\nTobacco,\\nlbs.\\n164,990\\n218,936\\n998,614\\n423,924\\n55,501,196\\n26,878\\n21,407,497\\n49,960\\n17,113,7S4\\n11,984,786\\n74,2S5\\n20,148,982\\n66,897\\n56,803,227\\n2,088,6S7 1S4,9S3,906", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0068.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\n61\\nTABLE 6 Continued.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OP THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nCotton,\\nbales of 400 lbs.\\nCane Sugar,\\nbhds. of 1,001) lbs.\\nRough Rice,\\nlbs.\\nAlabama,\\nArkansas,\\nDelaware,\\nFlorida,\\nGeorgia,\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMississippi,\\nMissouri,\\nNorth Carolina,\\nSouth Carolina,\\nTennessee\\nTexas,\\nVirginia,\\n564,429\\n65,344\\n45,131\\n499,091\\n75S\\n178,731\\n4S4.292\\n50,545\\n300,901\\n194,532\\n58,072\\n3,947\\n2,445,779\\n2,750\\n10\\n220,001\\n77\\n3\\n7,351\\n237,133\\n2,312,252\\n63,179\\n1,075,090\\n3S,950,691\\n5,6S8\\n4,425,349\\n2,719,856\\n700\\n5,465,S68\\n159,930,613\\n25S.S54\\n88,203\\n17,154\\n215,313,497\\nTABLE 7.\\nANIMAL PRODUCTS OP THE FREE AND OP THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1860.\\nANIMAL PRODUCTS OP THE FREE\\nANIMAL PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE\\nSTATES 1850.\\nSTATES 1850.\\nBntter\\nBeeswax\\nButter\\nBeeswax\\nWool,\\nWool,\\nand\\nand\\nlbs.\\nCheese,\\nHonev,\\nlbs.\\nCheese,\\nHoney,\\nlbs. lbs.\\nlbs.\\nlbs.\\nCalifornia,\\n5,520\\n855\\nAlabama,.\\n657,118\\n4,040,223\\n897,021\\nConnecticut,\\n497,454\\n11,861,396\\n93,304\\nArkansas,\\n182,595 1,884,327\\n192,838\\n2,150,113\\n13,804,768\\n869,444\\nDelaware,..\\n57,768 1,058,495\\n41,248\\n2,610,287\\n13,506,099\\n935,329\\nFlorida,\\n23,2471 389,513\\n18,971\\n373,898\\n2,381,028\\n321,711\\nGeorgia,\\n990,019 4,687,535\\n732,514\\nMaine,\\n1,364,03-1\\n11,678,265\\n189,618\\nKentucky,..\\n2,297,43310,161,477\\n1,158,019\\n585,136\\n15,159,512\\n59,50S\\nLouisiana,\\n109,8971 685,026\\n96,701\\nMichigan,\\n2,043,28J\\n8,077,390\\n359,232\\nMaryland,\\n477,438 3,810,135\\nT4,802\\nN. Hampshire\\n1,108,476! 10,173,619\\n117,140\\nMississippi,..\\n559,619, 4,367,425 897,400\\nNew Jersey,..\\n375,396 9,S52,966 156,694\\nMissouri,\\n1,627,164 8,037,931 1,828,9X2\\nNew York,.\\n10,071,301129,507,5071,755,830\\nN. Carolina,\\n970,738 4,242,211 512,289\\nOhio,\\n10,196,371 55,268,921, 804,275\\nS. Carolina,\\n487,233 2,986,820 216,281\\nPennsylvania\\n4,481,570 42,383,452: 839,509\\nTennessee,..\\n1,364,378 8,317,200 1,036,572\\nRhode Island,\\n129,692 1,312,178! 6,347\\nTexas,\\n131,917 2,440,199\\n380,820\\nVermont,\\n3,400,717) 20,85S,S14: 249,422\\nVirginia,\\n2,860,765 11,525,651\\n880,767\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Wisconsin,\\n253,963 4,034,033 131,005\\n1\\n39,647,211 349,S60,803 6,888,363\\nII\\n12,797,329 68,634,234\\n1\\n7,964,780", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0069.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "62 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nRECAPITULATION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 FREE STATES.\\nnay, 28,427,799,680 lbs., H cent, $142,138,998\\nHemp, 443,520 5 22,176\\nHops, 3,403,176 15 519,476\\nFlax, 3,048,278 10 304,S27\\nMaple Sugar, 32,161,799 8 2,572,943\\nTobacco, 14,752,0S7 10 1,475,20S\\nWool, 39,647,211 35 13,876,523\\nButter and Cheese, 349,860,S03 15 52,479,120\\nBeeswax and Honey, 6,888,368 15 1,033,255\\nTotal 28,878,064,922 lbs., valued as above, at $214,422,526\\nRECAPITULATION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 SLAVE STATES.\\nHay, 2,548,636,160 lbs., cent, $12,743,1S0\\nHemp, 77,667,520 5 3,883,876\\nHops, 33,780 15 5,067\\nFlax, 4,766,208 10 476,620\\nMapleSugar, 2,0SS,6S7 8 167,094\\nTobacco, 1S4,9S3,906 10 18,498,390\\nWool, 12,797,329 35 4,479,065\\nButter and Cheese, 68,634,234 15 10,295,135\\nBeeswax and Honey, 7,904,780 15 1,194,717\\nCotton, 978,311,600 8 7S,264,92S\\nCaneSugar, 237,133,000 7 16,599,310\\nRice (rough) 215,313,497 4 8,612,539\\nTotal, 4,334,040,701 lbs., valued as above, at $155,219,421\\nTOTAL DIFFERENCE\u00e2\u0080\u0094 rOUND-MEASURE PRODUCTS.\\nPounds. Value,\\nFree States, 28,S78,064,922 $214,422,^20\\nSlave States, 4,334,040,701 155,219,421\\nBalance in pounds, 24,544,024,221 Difference in value, $59,203,105\\nBoth quantity and value again in favor of the North\\nBehold also the enormousness of the difference In this com-\\nparison with the South, neither hundreds, thousands, nor\\nmillions, according to the regular method of computation, are\\nsufficient to exhibit the excess of the pound-measure products\\nof the North. Recourse must be had to an almost inconceiv-\\nable number; billions must be called into play; and there are\\nthe figures telling us, with unmistakable emphasis and distinct-\\nness, that, in this department of agriculture, as in every other,\\nthe North is vastly the superior of the South the figures\\nshowing a total balance in favor of the former of twenty-four\\nbillion five hundred and forty-four million twenty-four", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0070.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 63\\nthousand two hundred and twenty-one pounds, valued atfifty-\\nnine millions two hundred and three thousand one hundred\\nand five dollars. And yet the North, as we are unblushingly\\ntold by the fire-eating politicians of the South, is a poor, God-\\nforsaken country, bleak, inhospitable, and unproductive\\nWhat next Is it necessary to adduce other facts in order\\nto prove that the rural wealth of the Free States is far greater\\nthan that of the Slave States Shall we make a further de-\\nmonstration of the fertility of Northern soil, or bring forward-\\nnew evidences of the inefficient and desolating system of terra-\\nculture in the South Will nothing less than confirmation\\nstrong as proofs of holy writ, suffice to convince the South\\nthat she is standing in her own light, and ruining both body\\nand soul by the retention of slavery? Whatever duty and\\nexpediency require to be done, we are willing to do. Addi-\\ntional proofs are at hand. Slaveholders and slave-breeders\\nshall be convinced, confuted, convicted, and converted. They\\nshall, in their hearts and consciences, if not with their tongues\\nand pens, bear testimony to the triumphant achievements of\\nFree Labor. In the two tables which immediately follow these\\nremarks, they shall see how much more vigorous and fruitful the\\nsoil is when under the prudent management of free, white hus-\\nbandmen, than it is when under the rude and nature-murdering\\ntillage of enslaved negroes and in two subsequent tables they\\nshall find that the live stock, slaughtered animals, farms, and\\nfarming implements and machinery, in the Free States, are\\nworth at least one thousand million of dollars more than the\\nmarket value of the same in the Slave States In the face,\\nhowever, of all these most significant and incontrovertible\\nfacts, the oligarchy have the unparalleled audacity to tell us that\\nthe South is the greatest agricultural country in the world,\\nand that the North is a dreary waste, unfit for cultivation,\\nand quite dependent on us for the necessaries of life. How", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0071.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "64\\nCOMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\npreposterously false all such babble is, the following tables\\nwill show\\nTABLE 8.\\nACTUAL CROPS PER ACRE, ON TIIE AVERAGE, IN THE FREE AND IN\\nTHE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nACTUAL CROPS PER ACRE\\nON THE\\nACTUAL CROPS PER ACRE,\\nON THE\\nAVERAGE, IN THE FREE STATES 1850.\\nAVERAGE,. IN THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nj=\\nV,\\nc\\naf\\nj=\\nS\\nSTATES.\\n3\\n.a\\n3\\nja\\nOS\\nII\\nSTATES.\\n2\\n.a\\nn Coi\\nshels\\nPotat\\nshels\\nJ3\\no\\nt~.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u00a25-\u00c2\u00b0\\na\\ni\\nc\\n*S\\nConnecticut\\n21\\n40\\n85\\nAlabama,..\\n5\\n12\\n15\\n60\\nIllinois,\\n11\\n29\\n14\\n83\\n115\\nArkansas,.\\n18\\n22\\nIndiana,\\n15i\\n20\\n18\\n33\\n100\\nDelaware,.\\n11\\n20\\n20\\n14\\nSB\\n82\\n100\\nFlorida\\n15\\n175\\nMaine,\\n10\\n27\\n120\\nGeorgia,...\\n5\\nIS\\n7\\n16\\n125\\n16\\n2(5\\nVA\\n81\\n1T0\\nKentucky,.\\n8\\n18\\n11\\n24\\n130\\nMichigan,...\\n10\\n26\\n82\\n140\\nLouisiana,.\\n16\\nNew Hamp.,\\n11\\n80\\n80\\n220\\nMaryland,.\\n13\\n21\\n18\\n23\\n75\\nNew Jersey,\\n11\\n26\\n83\\nMississippi,\\n9\\n12\\n18\\n105\\nNew York,..\\n12\\n25\\nn\\n5H\\nioo\\nMissouri,\\n11\\n26\\n84\\n110\\nOhio,\\n12\\n21\\n25\\n86\\nN. Carolina\\n7\\n1(1\\n15-\\n17\\n65\\n18\\n20\\n75\\nS. Carolina\\n8\\n12\\n11\\n70\\nRhode Is.,..\\n30\\n100\\nTennessee,\\n7\\n19\\n7\\n21\\n120\\nVermont,.\\n13\\n20\\n82\\n178\\nTexas,\\n15\\n20\\n250\\nWisconsin,..\\n14\\n35\\n80\\nVirginia,...\\n7\\n13\\n5\\n18\\n75\\n101\\nS25\\n10T\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009e436\\n1,503\\n121\\n199\\nC3\\n275\\n1,360\\nRECAPITULATION OF ACTUAL CROPS PER ACRE, ON TIIE AVERAGE-1850.\\nFREE STATES.\\nWheat, 12 bushels per acre.\\nOats, 27\\nRye, 18\\nIndian Corn, 31\\nIrish Potatoes, 125\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nWheat, 9 bushels per acre.\\nOats, 17\\nRye, 11\\nIndian Corn, 20\\nIrish Potatoes, 118\\nWhat an obvious contrast between, the vigor of liberty and\\nthe impotence of slavery What an unanswerable argument\\nin favor of free labor Add up the two columns of figures\\nabove, and what is the result Two hundred and thirteen\\nbushels as the products of five acres in the North, and only\\none hundred and seventy bushels as the products of five acres", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0072.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 65\\nin the South. Look at each item separately, and you will\\nfind that the average crop per acre of every article enume-\\nrated is greater in the Free States than in the Slave States.\\nExamine the table at large, and you will perceive that while\\nMassachusetts produces sixteen bushels of wheat to the acre,\\nVirginia produces only seven that Pennsylvania produces\\nfifteen, and Georgia only five that while Iowa produces\\nthirty-six bushels of oats to the acre, Mississippi produces only\\ntwelve that Rhode Island produces thirty, and North Caro-\\nlina only ten that while Ohio produces twenty-five bushels of\\nrye to the acre, Kentucky produces only eleven that Vermont\\nproduces twenty, and Tennessee only seven that while Con-\\nnecticut produces forty bushels of Indian corn to the acre,\\nTexas produces only twenty; that New Jersey produces\\nthirty-three, and South Carolina only eleven that while New\\nHampshire produces two hundred and twenty bushels of\\nIrish potatoes to the acre, Maryland produces only seventy-\\nfive that Michigan produces one hundred and forty, and\\nAlabama only sixty. Noav for other beauties of slavery in\\nanother table", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0073.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "66\\nCOMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nTABLE 9.\\nVALUE OF FAKMS AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS IN THE FREE AND IN THE\\nSLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1S50.\\nVALUE OF FAKMS AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS\\nVALUE OF FARMS AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS\\nIN THE FREE STATES-\\n-1850.\\nIN THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nSTATES.\\nValue of\\nLive Stuck.\\nValue of\\nAnimals\\nSlaughtered.\\nCash Value of\\nFarms, Farm-\\ning Imp., and\\nMachinery.\\nSTATES.\\nValue of\\nLive Stock.\\nValue of\\nAnimals\\nSlaughtered.\\nCash Value of\\nFarms, Farm-\\ning Imp., and\\nMachinery.\\nCal.,...\\n$3,351,05S\\n$107,173\\n$3,977,524\\nAla.,..\\n$21,690,112\\n$4,823,485\\n$69,448,887\\nConn.,\\n7,407,49(1\\n2,202,266\\n74,618,908\\nArk.,\\n0,647,969\\n1,163,313\\n16,860,541\\nIII.,...\\n24,209,25S\\n4,972,2S6\\n102,538,851\\nDel.,...\\n1,849,281\\n373,665\\n19,390,310\\nInd.,..\\n22,478,555\\n6,567,935\\n143,0S9,617\\nFlo.,...\\n2,8S0,05S\\n514,685\\n6,9S1,904\\nIowa,.\\n3,089,275\\n821,164\\n17,830,430\\nGa.,...\\n25,728,416\\n6,339,762\\n101,647,595\\nMaine\\n9,705,726\\n1,646,773\\n57,140,305\\nKy.,...\\n29,661,436\\n6,462,59S\\n160,190,299\\nMass.,\\n9,047,710\\n2,500,924\\n112,285,981\\nLa.,\\n11,152,275\\n1,458,990\\n87,891,330\\nMich.,\\n3,00S,734\\n1,328,327\\n54,763,817\\nMd.,...\\n7,997,634\\n1,954,800\\n89,041,988\\nN. II.,\\n8,S71,901\\n1,522,S73\\n57,560,122\\nMiss.,.\\n19,403,662\\n3,636,582\\n60,501,561\\nN. J.,.\\n10,679,291\\n2,638,552\\n124,003,014\\nMo.,...\\n19,8S7,580\\n3,367,106\\n07, 207,008\\nN. Y.,\\n73,570,499\\n13,573,8S3\\n576,631,508\\nN. C.,.\\n17,717,647\\n6,767,866\\n71,828,298\\nOhio.,\\n44,121,741\\n7,439,243\\n371,509,188\\nS. c.,..\\n15,060,015\\n3,502,637\\n86,568,033\\nPenn.,\\n41,500,053\\n8,219,S48\\n422,598,640\\nTenn.,\\n29,978,016\\n6,401,765\\n103,211,422\\nR. I.,..\\n1,532,637\\n667.4S6\\n17,568,003\\nTexas,\\n10,412,927\\n1,116,137\\n18,701,712\\nVt.,...\\n12,643,22S\\n1,861,836\\n66,100,509\\nVa.,...\\n33,656,659\\n7,502,9S6\\n223,423,315\\nWis.,\\n4,897,385\\n920,178\\n30,170,131\\n$2,233,058,619\\n$2S6,374,541\\n$56,990,247\\n$253,723,687 $54,386,377\\n$1,1S2,995,274\\nRECAPITULATION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 FREE STATES.\\nValue of Live Stock, $286,374,541\\nValue of Animals Slaughtered, 56,990,247\\nValue of Farms, Farming Implements and Machinery, 2,233,058,019\\nTotal, $2,576,423,407\\nRECAPITULATION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 SLAVE STATES.\\nValue of Live Stock, $253,723,087\\nValue of Animals Slaughtered, 64,880,877\\nValue of F arms, Farming Implements and Machinery, 1,1S2,995,274\\nTotal, $1,491,105,83S\\nDIFFERENCE IN VALUE\u00e2\u0080\u0094 FARMS AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS.\\nFree States, $2,576,423,407\\njjlave States, 1,491,105,333\\nBalance in favor of the Free States, $1 ,085,818,069", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0074.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "FBEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 67\\nBy adding to this last balance in favor of the Free States\\nthe differences in value which we found hi their favor in our\\naccount of the bushel-and-pound-measure products, we shall\\nhave a very correct idea of the extent to which the undivided\\nagricultural interests of the Free States preponderate over\\nthose of the Slave States. Let us add the differences to-\\ngether, and see what will he the result.\\nBALANCES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ALL IN FAVOR OF THE NORTH.\\nDifference in the value of bushel measure products $45,797,991\\nDifference in the value of pound-measure products 59, 203, l05\\nDifference in the value of farms and domestic animals l,0S5ji318,OC9\\nBalance in favor of the Free States $1,190,319,105\\nNo figures of rhetoric can add emphasis or significance to\\nthese figures of arithmetic. They demonstrate conclusively\\nthe great moral triumph of Liberty over Slavery. They show\\nunequivocally, in spite of all the blarney and boasting of\\nslaveholding politicians, that the entire value of all the agri-\\ncultural interests of the Free States is very nearly twice as\\ngreat as the entire value of all the agricultural interests of the\\nSlave States the value of those interests in the former being\\ntwenty-five hundred million of dollars, that of those in the\\nlatter only fourteen hundred million, leaving a balance hi fa-\\nvor of the Free States of one billion one hundred and ninety\\nmillion three hundred and nineteen thousand one hundred\\nand sixty-Jive dollars I That is what we call a full, fair and\\ncomplete vindication of Free Labor. Would we not be cor-\\nrect in calling it a total eclipse of the Black Orb Can it be\\npossible that the slaveholding oligarchy will ever have the\\nhardihood to open their lips again on the subject of terra*\\nculture in the South Dare they ever think of cotton again\\nOught they not, as a befitting confession of their villainous\\nstatism, and as a reasonable expiation for the countless evils\\nwhich that statism has entailed on society, to clothe them,", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0075.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "68 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nselves in sackcloth and ashes, and, after a suitable season of\\ncontrition and severe penance, follow the example of one Ju-\\ndas Iscariot, and go and hang themselves\\nIt will be observed that we have omitted the Territories\\nand the District of Columbia in all the preceding tables. We\\ndid this purposely. Our object was to draw an equitable\\ncomparison between the value of free and slave labor in the\\nthirty-one sovereign States, where the two systems, compara-\\ntively unaffected by the wrangling of politicians, and, as a\\nmatter of course, free from the interference of the General\\nGovernment, have had the fullest opportunities to exert their\\ninfluence, to exhibit their virtues, and to commend themselves\\nto the sober judgment of enlightened and discriminating\\nminds. Had we counted the Territories on the side of the\\nNorth, and the District of Columbia on the side of the South,\\nthe result would have been still greater in behalf of free la-\\nbor. Though the sum of all villainies has.but a mere nomi-\\nnal existence in Delaware and Maryland, we have invariably\\ncounted those States on the side of the South and the con-\\nsequence is, that, in many particulars, the hopeless fortunes\\nof slavery have been propped up and sustained by an impos-\\ning array of figures which of right ought to be regarded as\\nthe property of freedom. But we like to be generous to an\\nunfortunate foe, and would utterly disdain the use of any un-\\nfair means of attack or defence.\\nWe shall take no undue advantage of slavery. It shall\\nhave a fair trial, and be judged according to its deserts. Al-\\nready has it been weighed in the balance, and found wanting\\nit has been measured in the half-bushel, and found wanting\\nit has been apprized in the field, and found wanting. What-\\never redeeming traits or qualities it may possess, if any, shall\\nbe brought to light by subjecting it to other tests.\\nIt was our desire and intention to furnish a correct table", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0076.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 69\\nof the gallon-measure products of the several States of the\\nUnion but we have not been successful in our attempts to\\nprocure the necessary statistics. Enough is known, however,\\nto satisfy us that the value of the milk, wine, ardent s|: irits,\\nmalt liquors, fluids, oils, and molasses, annually produced and\\nsold in the Free States, is at least fifty million of dollars\\ngreater than the value of the same articles annually produced\\nand sold in the Slave States. Of sweet milk alone, it is esti-\\nmated that the monthly sales in three Northern cities, New\\nYork, Philadelphia and Boston, amount to a larger sum than\\nthe marketable value of all the rosin, tar, pitch, and turpen-\\ntine, annually produced in the Southern States.\\nOur efforts to obtain reliable information respecting an-\\nother very important branch of profitable industry, the lum-\\nber* business, have also proved unavailing and we are left\\nto conjecture as to the amount of revenue annually derived\\nfrom it in the two grand divisions of our country. The per-\\nson whose curiosity prompts him to take an account of the\\nimmense piles of Northern lumber now lying on the wharves\\nand houseless lots in Baltimore, Richmond, and other slave-\\nholding cities, will not, we imagine, form a very flattering\\nopinion of the products of Southern forests. Let it be re-\\nmembered that nearly all the clippers, steamers, and small\\ncraft, are built at the North that large cargoes of Eastern\\nlumber are exported to foreign countries that nine-tenths of\\nthe wooden-ware used in the Southern States is manufactured\\nin New England that, in outrageous disregard of the natu-\\nral rights and claims of Southern mechanics, the markets of\\nthe South are forever filled with Northern furniture, vehicles,\\naxe-helves, walking-canes, yard-sticks, clothes-pins and pen-\\nholders that the extraordinary number of factories, steam-\\nengines, forges and machine-shops in the Free States, require\\nan extraordinary quantity of cord-wood; that a large majo-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0077.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "70 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nrity of the magnificent edifices and other structures, both pri-\\nvate and public, in which timber, in its various forms, is ex-\\ntensively used, are to be found in the Free States we say,\\nlet all these things be remembered, and the truth will at\\nonce flash across the mind that the forests of the North are\\na source of far greater income than those of the South. The\\ndifference is simply this At the North everything is turned\\nto advantage. When a tree is cut down, the main body is\\nsold or used for lumber, railing, or paling, the stump for\\nmatches or shoepegs, the knees for ship-building and the\\nbranches for fuel. At the South everything is either ne-\\nglected or mismanaged. Whole forests are felled by the\\nruthless hand of slavery, the trees are cut into logs, rolled\\ninto heaps, covered with the limbs andbrusb, and then burned\\non the identical soil that gave them birth. The land itself\\nnext falls a prey to the fell destroyer, and that which was\\nonce a beautiful, fertile, and luxuriant woodland, is soon de-\\nspoiled of all its treasures, and converted into an eye-offending\\ndesert.\\nWere we to go beneath the soil and collect all the mineral\\nand lapidarious wealth of the Free States actually developed\\nand in course of development we should find it so much\\ngreater than the corresponding wealth of the Slave States,\\nthat no ordinary combination of figures would suffice to ex-\\npress the difference. To say nothing of the gold and quick-\\nsilver of California, the iron and coal of Pennsylvania, the\\ncopper of Michigan, the lead of Illinois, or the salt of New\\nYork, the marble and free-stone quarries of JVcto England\\nare, incredible as it may seem to those unacquainted with the\\nfacts, far more important sources of revemee than cdl the sub-\\nterranea?i deiwsits of the Slave States. From the most reli-\\nable statistics within our reach, we arc led to the inference\\nthat the total value of all the precious metals, rocks, minerals", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0078.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 71\\nand medicinal waters, annually extracted from the bowels of\\nthe Free States, is not less than eighty-five million of dollars\\nthe whole value of the same substances annually brought up\\nfrom beneath the surface of the Slave States does not exceed\\ntwelve millions. In this respect to what is our poverty\\nascribable To the same cause that has impoverished and\\ndishonored us in all other respects the thriftless and degrad-\\ning system of human slavery.\\nNature has been kind to us in all tilings. The strata and\\nsubstrata of the South are profusely enriched with gold and\\nsilver, and precious stones, and from the natural orifices and\\naqueducts in Virginia and North Carolina, flow the purest\\nhealing waters in the world. But of what avail is all this\\nlatent wealth? Of what avail will it ever be, so long as\\nslavery is permitted to play the dog in the manger? To\\nthese queries there can be but one reply. Slavery must be\\nthrottled; the South, so great and so glorious by nature,\\nmust be reclaimed from her infamy and degradation; our\\ncities, fields and forests, must be kept intact from the unspar-\\ning monster the various and ample resources of our vast\\ndomain, subterranean as well as superficial, must be developed,\\nand made to contribute to our pleasures and to the necessities\\nof the world.\\nA very significant chapter, and one particularly pertinent\\nto many of the preceding pages, might be written on the De-\\ncline of Agriculture in the Slave States but as the press of\\nother subjects admonishes us to be concise upon this point,\\nwe shall present only a few of the more striking instances.\\nIn the first place, let us compare the crops of wheat and rye\\nin Kentucky, in 1850, with the corresponding crops in the\\nsame State in 1840\u00e2\u0080\u0094 after which, we will apply a similar rule\\nof comparison to two or three other slaveholding States.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0079.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "72\\nCOMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nKENTUCKY.\\nWheat, bus.\\nCrop of 1840 4,S03,152\\n1S50 2,142,S22\\nDecrease 2,660,330 bus.\\nTENNESSEE.\\nWheat, bus.\\nCrop of 1840 4,F.69,692\\n1850 1,619,386\\nDecrease 2,950,306 bus.\\nVIRGINIA.\\nRye, bus.\\nCrop of 1840 1,482,799\\n1850.. 458,930\\nDecrease 1,023,869 bus.\\nALABAMA.\\nWheat, bus.\\nCrop of 1840 838,052\\n1850 294,044\\nDecrease 544,008 bus.\\nRye, bus.\\n1,321,373\\n415,073\\nDecrease 906,300 bus.\\nTobacco, lbs.\\n29,550,432\\n20,14S,932\\nDecrease 9,401,500 lbs.\\nTobacco, lbs.\\n75,347,106\\n56,803,227\\nDecrease 18,543,379 lbs.\\nRye, bus.\\n51,000\\n17,261\\nDecrease 33,739 bus.\\nThe story of these figures is too intelligible to require\\nwords of explanation we shall, therefore, drop this part of\\nour subject, and proceed to compile a couple of tables that\\nwill exhibit on a single page the w r ealth, revenue and expendi-\\nture, of the several States of the confederacy. Let it be dis-\\ntinctly understood, however, that, in the compilation of these\\ntables, three million two hundred and four thousand three\\nhundred and thirteen negroes are valued as personal property,\\nand credited to the Southern States as if they were so many\\nhorses and asses, or bridles and blankets and that no mone-\\ntary valuation whatever is placed on any creature, of any age,\\ncolor, sex, or condition, that bears the upright form of man\\nin the free States.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0080.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\n73\\nTABLE lO.\\nWEALTH, REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE OF THE FREE AND OF THE SLAVE\\nSTATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nWEALTH, REVENUE AND EXPEN\\ntITURE OF\\nWEALTH, REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE\\nTHE FREE STATES 1850.\\nOF THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nReal and\\nExpendi-\\nSTATES.\\nReal and\\nPersonal\\nRevenue.\\nExpondi-\\nl roperty.\\n$925,625\\nAla.,..\\nProperty.\\nCal.,..\\n$22,161,S72\\n$366,825\\n$228,204,332\\n$65S,976\\n$513,559\\nConn.,\\n155,707,980\\n150,189\\n137,326\\nArk.,..\\n39,841,025\\n68,412\\n74,076\\n111.,...\\n156,265.00(5\\n736,030\\n192,940\\nDel.,...\\n18,855,863\\nInd.,..\\n202,650,264\\n1,283,064\\n1,061,605\\nFlor.,..\\n23,198,734\\n60,619\\n55,234\\nIowa,.\\n23,714,638\\n139.0S1\\n131,631\\nGeo.,..\\n335,425,714\\n1,142,405\\n597,882\\nMaine,\\n122,777,571\\n744, S79\\n624,101\\nKy.,\\n301,028,456\\n779,293\\n674,697\\nMass.,\\n573,342,28(5\\n59S,170\\n674,622\\nLa\\n233,998,704\\n1, 146,56s\\n1,09S,911\\nMich.,\\n59,767,255\\n548,326\\n431,918\\nMd.,...\\n219,217,304\\n1,279,953\\n1,300,458\\nN. H.,\\n103,652.885\\n141,686\\n149,S90\\nMiss.,..\\n228,951,130\\n221,200\\n223,637\\nN. J.,..\\n153,151,619\\n139,166\\n180,614\\nMo.,\\n187,247,707\\n326,579\\n207,056\\nN. Y.,.\\n1,0S0,309,216\\n2,698,310\\n2,520,932\\nN. C.,.\\n220,800,472\\n219,000\\n228,178\\nOhio,..\\n504,726,120\\n3,016,403\\n2,736,060\\nS. C.,..\\n288,257,694\\n532,152\\n468,021\\nPenn.,\\n729,144,998\\n7,716,552\\n6,S76,4S0\\nTenn.,\\n207,454,704\\n502,126\\n623,625\\nR.I.,..\\n80,50S,794\\n124,944\\n115,835\\nTexas,\\n55,862,840\\n140,6SS\\n156,622\\nVt\\n02,2ii5,049\\n185,830\\n1S8,05S\\nVa.,...\\n391,646,43S\\n1,265,744\\n1,272,882\\nWis.,..\\n42,956,565\\n135,155\\n136,096\\n$4,102,162,098\\n$18,725,211\\n$17,07S,733\\n$2,936,090,737$S,343,715\\n$7,549,983\\nEntire Wealth of the Free States, $4,102,162,093\\nEntire AVealth of the Slave States, including Slaves, 2,936,090,737\\nBalance in favor of the Free States, $1,166,071,361\\nWhat a towering monument to the beauty and glory of\\nFree Labor What irrefragable evidence of the unequalled\\nefficacy and grandeur of free institutions These figures arc,\\nindeed, too full of meaning to be passed by without comment.\\nThe two tables from which they are borrowed are at least a\\nvolume -within themselves and, after all the pains we have\\ntaken to compile them, we shall, perhaps, feel somewhat dis-\\nappointed if the reader fails to avail himself of the important\\ninformation they impart.\\nHuman life, in all ages, has been made up of a series of\\n4", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0081.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "74: COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nadventures and experiments, and even at this stage of the\\nworld s existence, Ave are, perhaps, almost as destitute of a\\nperfect rule of action, secular or religious, as were the erratic\\ncontemporaries of Noah. It is true, however, that we have\\nmade some progress in the right direction and as it seems\\nto be the tendency of the world to correct itself, we may-\\nsuppose that future generations will be enabled, by intuition,\\nto discriminate between the true and the false, the good and\\nthe bad, and that with the development of this faculty of the\\nmind, error and discord will begin to wane, and finally cease\\nto exist. Of all the experiments that have been tried by the\\npeople in America, slavery has proved the most fatal aud\\nthe sooner it is abolished the better it will be for us, for pos-\\nterity, and for the world. One of the evils resulting from it,\\nand that not the least, is apparent in the figures above.\\nIndeed, the unprofitableness of slavery is a monstrous evil,\\nwhen considered in all its bearings it makes us poor pov-\\nerty makes us ignorant ignorance makes us wretched\\nwretchedness makes us wicked, and Avickedness leads to\\nthe devil\\nIgnorance is the curse of God,\\nKnowledge the wing wherewith we fly to heaven.\\nFacts truly astounding are disclosed in the two last tables,\\nand Ave could heartily Avish that every intelligent American\\nwould commit them to memory. The total A T alue of all the\\nreal and personal property of the Free States, with an area of\\nonly 612,597 square miles, is one billion one hundred and\\nsixty-six million eighty-one thousand three hundred and\\nseventy-one dollars greater than the total A alue of all the\\nreal and personal property, including the price of 3,204,313\\nnegroes, of the Slave States, which have an area of 851,508\\nsquare miles! But extraordinary as this difference is in", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0082.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 75\\nfavor of the North, it is much less than the true amount.\\nOn the authority of Southrons themselves, it is demonstrable\\nbeyond the possibility of refutation that the intrinsic value\\nof all the property in the Free States is more than three\\ntimes greater than the intrinsic value of all the property in\\nthe Slave States.\\nJames Madison, a Southern man, fourth President of\\nthe United States, a most correct thinker, and one of the\\ngreatest statesmen the country has produced, thought it\\nwrong to admit the idea that there could be property in\\nmen, and we indorse, to the fullest extent, this opinion\\nof the profound editor of the Federalist. We shall not\\nrecognize property in men the slaves of the South are\\nnot worth a groat in any civilized community; no man\\nof genuine decency and refinement would hold them as\\nproperty on any terms in the eyes of all enlightened nations\\nand individuals, they are men, not merchandise. Southern\\npro-slavery politicians, some of whom have not hesitated to\\nbuy and sell their own sons and daughters, boast that the\\nslaves of the South are worth sixteen hundred million of dol-\\nlars, and we have seen the amount estimated as high as two\\nthousand milhon. Mr. De Bow, the Southern superintendent\\nof the seventh census, informs us that the value of all the\\nproperty in the Slave States, real and personal, including\\nslaves, was, in 1850, only $2,936,090,737; while, according\\nto the same authority, the value of all the real and personal\\nproperty in the Free States, genuine property, property that\\nis everywhere recognized as property, was, at the same time,\\n$4,102,162,098. Now all we have to do in order to ascer-\\ntain the real value of all the property of the South, independ-\\nent of negroes, whose value, if valuable at all, is of a local\\nand precarious character, is to subtract from the sum total\\nof Mr. De Bow s return of the entire wealth of the Slave", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0083.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "76 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nStates the estimated value of the slaves themselves and then,\\nby deducting the difference from the intrinsic value of all the\\nproperty in the Free States, we shall have the exact amount\\nof the overplus of wealth in the glorious land of free soil, free\\nlabor, free speech, free presses, and free schools. And now\\nto the task.\\nEntire Wealth of the Slave States, including Slaves, $2,930,000,737\\nEstimated Value of the Slaves, 1,000,000,000\\nTrue Wealth of the Slave States, $1,336,090,737\\nTrue Wealth of the Free States, $4,102,162,09S\\nTrue Wealth of the Slave States 1,336,090,737\\nBalance in favor of the Free States, $2,706,071,361\\nThere, friends of the South and of the North, you have\\nthe conclusion of the whole matter. Liberty and slavery are\\nbefore you choose which you will have as for us, in the\\nmemorable language of the immortal Henry, we say, give\\nus liberty, or give us death! In the great struggle for\\nwealth that has been going on between the two rival systems\\nof free and slave labor, the balance above exhibits the net\\nprofits of the former. The struggle on the one side has been\\ncalm, laudable, and eminently successful on the other, it has\\nbeen attended by tumult, unutterable cruelties and disgrace-\\nful failure. We have given the slave oligarchy every con-\\nceivable opportunity to vindicate their domestic policy, but\\nfor them to do it is a moral impossibility.\\nLess than three-quarters of a century ago, say in 1789, for\\nthat Avas about the average time of the abolition of slavery in\\nthe Northern States, the South, with advantages in soil, climate,\\nrivers, harbors, minerals, forests, and, indeed, almost every\\nother natural resource, began an even race with the North\\nin all the important pursuits of life and now, in the brief\\nspace of scarce three score years and ten, avc find her com-\\npletely distanced, enervated, dejected and dishonored. Slave-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0084.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 77\\nowners and slave-drivers are the sole authors of her disgrace\\nas they have sown, so let them reap.\\nAs we have seen above, a careful and correct inventory of\\nall the real and personal property in the two grand divisions\\nof the country, discloses the astounding fact, that in 1850, the\\nFree States were worth precisely two thousand seven hun-\\ndred and sixty-six million seventy-one thousand three hun-\\ndred and sixty-one dollars more than all the Slave States\\nTwenty-seven hundred million of dollars Think of it\\nWhat a vast and desirable sum, and how much better off the\\nSouth would be with it than without it Such is the enor-\\nmous amount out of which slavery has defrauded us during\\nthe space of sixty-one years from 1789 to 3 850 being an\\naverage of about forty-five million three hundred and fifty\\nthousand dollars per annum. During the last twenty-five or\\nthirty years, however, our annual losses have been far greater\\nthan they were formerly. There has been a gradual increase\\nevery year, and now the ratio of increase is almost incredible.\\nNo patriotic Southerner can become conversant with the\\nfacts without experiencing a feeling of alarm and indignation.\\nUntil the North abolished slavery, she had no advantage\\nof us whatever the South was more than her equal in every\\nrespect. But no sooner had she got rid of that hampering\\nand pernicious institution than she began to absorb our\\nwealth, and now it is confidently believed that the merchants\\nand slaveholding pleasure-seekers of the South annifally pour\\none hundred and twenty million of dollars into her coffers\\nTaking into account, then, the probable amount of money that\\nhas been drawn from the South and invested in the North\\nwithin the last nine years, and adding it to the grand balance\\nabove\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the net profits of the North up to 1850\u00e2\u0080\u0094 it may be\\nsafely assumed that, in the present year of grace, 1860, the\\nFree States are worth at least thirty-five hundred million of", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0085.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "78 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\ndollars more than the Slave States Let him who dares,\\ngainsay these remarks and calculations no truthful tongue\\nwill deny them no honorable pen can controvert them.\\nOne more word now as to the valuation of negroes. Were\\nour nature so degraded, or our conscience so elastic as to per-\\nmit us to set a price upon men, as we would set a price upon\\ncattle and corn, we should be content to abide by the appraise-\\nment of the slaves at the South, and would then enter into a\\ncalculation to ascertain the value of foreigners to the North.\\nNot long since it was declared, even in the South, that one\\nfree laborer is equal to five slaves, and as there are two mil-\\nlion five hundred thousand Europeans in the Free States, all\\nof whom are free laborers, we might bring Southern authority\\nto back us hi estimating their value at sixty-tic o hundred mil-\\nlion of dollars a handsome sum wherewithal to offset the\\naccount of sixteen hundred million of dollars, brought for-\\nward as to the value of Southern slaves It is obvious, there-\\nfore, that if we were disposed to follow the barbarian example\\nof the traffickers in human flesh, we could prove the North\\nvastly richer than the South in bone and sinew to say nothing\\nof mind and morals, which shall receive our attention hereaf-\\nter. The North has just as much right to appraise the Irish\\nimmigrant, as the South has to set a price on the African\\nslave. But as it would be wrong to do either, we shall do\\nneither. It is not our business to think of man as a merchant-\\nable commodity and we will not, even by implication, admit\\nthe wild and guilty fantasy, that the condition of chattel-\\nhood may rightfully attach to sentient and immortal beings.\\nFor the purpose of showing what Virginia, once the richest,\\nmost populous, and most powerful of the States, has become\\nunder the blight of slavery, we shall now introduce an extract\\nfrom one of the speeches delivered by Governor Wise, during\\na late gubernatorial campaign in that degraded commonwealth.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0086.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "FREE AND TIIE SLAVE STATES. 79\\nAddressing a Virginia audience, in language as graphic as it\\nis truthful, he says\\nCommerce has long ago spread her sails, and sailed away from\\nyou. You have not, as yet, dug more than coal enough to warm\\nyourselves at your own hearths you have set no tilt-hammer of Vul-\\ncan to strike Mows worthy of gods in your own iron-foundries you\\nhave not yet spun more than coarse cotton enough, in the way of\\nmanufacture, to clothe your own slaves. You have no commerce,\\nno mining, no manufactures. You have relied alone on the single\\npower of agriculture, and such agriculture! Your sedge-patchee\\noutshine the sun. Your inattention to your only source of\\nwealth, has seared the very hosom of mother earth. Instead of hav-\\ning to feed cattle on a thousand hills, you have had to chase the\\nstump-tailed steer through the sedge-patches to procure a tough\\nheef-steak. The present condition of things has existed too long in\\nVirginia. The landlord has skinned the tenant, and the tenant has\\nskinned the land, until all have grown poor together.\\nWith tears in its eyes, and truth on its lips, for the first time\\nafter an interval of twenty years, the Richmond Enquirer\\nhelps to paint the melancholy picture. In 1852, that journal\\nthus bewailed the condition of Virginia\\nWo have cause to feel deeply for our situation. Philadelphia\\nherself contains a population far greater than the whole free popula-\\ntion of Eastern Virginia. The little State of Massachusetts has an\\naggregate wealth exceeding that of Virginia hy more than\\n$126,000,000.\\nJust a score of years before these words were penned, the\\nsame paper, then edited by the elder Ritchie, made a most\\nearnest appeal to the intelligence and patriotism of Virginia,\\nto adopt an effectual measure for the speedy overthrow of\\ntte pernicious system of human bondage. Here is an extract", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0087.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "80 COMPARISONS BETWEEN TIIE\\nfrom an article which appeared in its editorial column under\\ndate of January 7th, 1832\\nSomething must be done, and it is the part of no honest man to\\ndeny it of no free press to affect to conceal it. When this dark\\npopulation is growing upon us when every new census is but gather-\\ning its appalling numbers upon us; when, within a period equal to\\ntfliat in which this Federal Constitution has been in existence, these\\nnumbers will increase to more than two millions within Virginia\\nwhen our sister States are closing their doors upon our blacks for\\nsale, and when our whites are moving westwardly, in greater num-\\nbers than we like to hear of, when this the fairest land on all this\\ncontinent, for soil, and climate, and situation, combined, might be-\\ncome a sort of garden spot, if it were worked by the hands of white\\nmen alone, can we, Ought we, to sit quietly down, fold our arms, and\\nsay to each other, Well, well this thing will not come to the worst\\nin our days; we will leave it to our children and our grandchildren,\\nand great-grandchildren, to take care of themselves, and to brave the\\nstorm! Is this to act like wise men? Means sure but gradual,\\nsystematic but discreet, ought to be adopted, for reducing the mass\\nof evil which is pressing upon the South, and will still more press\\nupon her, the longer it is put off. We say now, in the utmost sin-\\ncerity of our hearts, that our wisest men cannot give too much of\\ntheir attention to this subject, nor can they give it too soon.\\nBetter abolition doctrine than this is seldom heard. Why\\ndid not the Enquirer continue to preach it What potent\\ninfluence hushed its clarion voice, just as it began to be lifted\\nin behalf of a liberal policy and an enlightened humanity? Had\\nMr. Ritchie continued to press the truth home to the hearts\\nof the people, as he should have done, Virginia, instead of\\nbeing worth only $392,000,000 in 1850 negroes and all\\nwould have been worth at least $800,000,000 in genuine pro-\\nperty and if the State had emancipated her slaves at the time\\nof the adoption of the Constitution, the last census would no", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0088.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 81\\ndoubt have reported her wealth, and correctly, at a sum ex-\\nceeding a thousand million -of dollars.\\nListen now to the statement of a momentous fact. The\\nvalue of all the property, real and personal, including slaves,\\nin seven Slave States, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee,\\nMissouri, Arkansas, Florida and Texas, is less than the real\\nand personal estate, which is unquestionable property, in the\\nsingle State of New York. Nay, worse if eight entire slave\\nStates, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Maryland, Missouri, Mis-\\nsissippi, Tennessee and Texas, and the District of Columbia\\nwith all their hordes of human merchandise were put up at\\nauction, New York could buy them all, and then have one\\nhundred and thirty-three million of dollars left in her pocket\\nSuch is the amazing contrast between freedom and slavery,\\neven in a pecuniary point of view. When we come to com-\\npare the North with the South in regard to literature, general\\nintelligence, inventive genius, moral and religious enterprises,\\nthe discoveries in medicine, and the progress in the arts and\\nsciences, we shall, in every instance, find the contrast equally\\ngreat on the side of Liberty.\\nIt gives us no pleasure to say hard things of the Old Do-\\nminion, the mother of Washington, Jefferson, Henry, and\\nother illustrious patriots, who, as Ave shall prove hereafter,\\nwere genuine abolitionists but the policy which she has pur-\\nsued has been so utterly inexcusable, so unjust to the non-\\nslaveholding whites, so cruel to the negroes, and so disregard-\\nful of the rights of humanity at large, that it becomes the duty\\nof every one who makes allusion to her history, to expose her\\nfollies, her crimes, and her poverty, and to publish every fact,\\nof whatever nature, that would be instrumental in determin-\\ning others to eschew her bad example. She has willfully de-\\nparted from the faith of the founders of this Repuublic. She\\nhas not only turned a deaf ear to the counsel of wise men\\n4*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0089.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "82 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nfrom other States in the Union, but she has, in like manner,\\nignored the teachings of the great warriors and statesmen\\nwho have sprung from her own soil. In a subsequent chapter,\\nwe expect to show that all, or nearly all, the distinguished\\nVirginians, whose bodies have been consigned to the grave,\\nbut whose names have been given to history, and whose me-\\nmoirs have a place in the hearts of their countrymen, were\\nthe friends and advocates of universal freedom that they\\nwere inflexibly opposed to the extension of slavery into the\\nTerritories, devised measures for its restriction, and, with\\nhopeful anxiety, looked forward to the time when it should be\\neradicated from the States themselves. With them r the res-\\ncue of our country from British domination, and the establish-\\nment of the General Government upon a firm basis, were con-\\nsiderations of paramount importance they supposed, and no\\ndoubt earnestly desired, that the States, in their sovereign\\ncapacities, would soon abolish a system of wrong and despot-\\nism which was so palpably in conflict with the principles enun-\\nciated in the Declaration of Independence. Indeed, it would\\nseem that, among the framers of that immortal instrument\\nand its equally immortal sequel, the Constitution of the United\\nStates, there was a tacit understanding to this effect and the\\nNorthern States, true to their implied faith, abolished it\\nwithin a short period after our national independence had\\nbeen secured. Not so with the South. She has jiertinaciously\\nrefused to perform her duty. She has apostatized from the\\nfaith of her greatest men, and even at this very moment repu-\\ndiates the sacred principle that all men are endowed by\\ntheir Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which\\nare life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is evi-\\ndent, therefore, that the Free States are the only members\\nof this confederacy that have established republican forms\\nof government based upon the theories of Washington,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0090.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 83\\nJefferson, Madison, Henry, and other eminent statesmen of\\nVirginia.\\nThe great revolutionary movement which was set on foot\\nin Charlotte, Mecklenberg county, North Carolina, on the\\n20th day of May, 1775, has not yet been terminated, nor will\\nit be, until every slave in the United States is freed from the\\ntyranny of his master. Every victim of the vile institution,\\nwhether white or black, must be reinvested with the sacred\\nrights and privileges of which he has been divested by an in-\\nhuman oligarchy. What our noble sires of the revolution left\\nunfinished it is our duty to complete. They did all that true\\nvalor and patriotism could accomplish. Not one iota did they\\nswerve from their plighted faith the self-sacrificing spirit\\nwhich they evinced will command the applause of every suc-\\nceeding age. Not in vindication of their own personal rights\\nmerely, but of the rights of humanity not for their own gene-\\nration and age simply, but for all ages to the end of time, they\\ngave their toil, their treasure and their blood, nor deemed\\nthem all too great a price to pay for the establishment of so\\ncomprehensive and beneficent a principle. Let their posterity\\nemulate their courage, their disinterestedness, and their zeal,\\nand especially remember that it is the duty of every existing\\ngeneration so to provide for its individual interests, as to con-\\nfer superior advantages on that which is to follow. To this\\nprinciple the North has adhered with the strictest fidelity.\\nHow has it been with the South Has she imitated the\\npraiseworthy example of our illustrious ancestors? No!\\nShe has treated it with the utmost contempt she has been\\nextremely selfish\u00e2\u0080\u0094 so selfish, indeed, that she has robbed pos-\\nterity of its natural, inalienable rights. From the period of\\nthe formation of the government down to the present moment,\\nher policy has been downright suicidal,- and, as a matter of\\ncourse, wholly indefensible. She has hugged a viper to her", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0091.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "84 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nbreast her whole system has been paralyzed, her conscience\\nis seared, and, still holding in her embrace the cause of her\\nshame and suffering, she is becoming callous to every principle\\nof justice and magnanimity. Except among the non-slave-\\nholders, who, besides being kept in the grossest ignorance, are\\nunder the restraint of all manner of iniquitous laws, patriotism\\nhas almost ceased to exist within her borders. And here we\\ndesire to be distinctly understood, for Ave shall have occasion\\nto refer to this matter again. VYe repeat, therefore, the sub-\\nstance of oxir averment, that, at this day, there is scarcely a\\ngrain of pure patriotism in the South, except among the non-\\nslaveholders. Subsequent pages shall testify to the truth of\\nthis assertion. Here and there, it is true, a slaveholder,\\ndisgusted with the system, becomes ashamed of himself,\\nemancipates his negroes, and enters upon the walks of honor-\\nable life but these cases are exceedingly rare, and do not, in\\nany manner, disprove the general correctness of our remark.\\nAll persons who do voluntarily manumit their slaves, as men-\\ntioned above, are undeniably actuated by principles of pure\\npatriotism, justice and humanity and so believing, we delight\\nto do them honor.\\nOnce more to the Old Dominion. At her door Ave lay the\\nbulk of the evils of slavery. The first African sold in America\\nwas sold on James River, in that State, on the 20th of August\\n1620 and although the institution was fastened upon her and\\nthe other colonies by the mother country, she was the first to\\npei* eive its blighting and degrading influences, her wise men\\nAvere the first to denounce it, and, after the British power\\nwas overthrown at Yorktown, she should have been the first\\nto abolish it. Sixty years ago she A\\\\\\\\as the Empire State\\nnow, Avith half a dozen other slaveholding States thrown into\\nthe scale with her, she is far inferior to NeAv York, which, at\\nthe time Cormvallis surrendered his SAVord to Washington,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0092.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 85\\nwas less than half her equal. Had she obeyed thg counsels of\\nthe good, the great and the wise men of our nation espe-\\ncially of her own incomparable sons, the extendible element\\nof slavery would have been promptly arrested, and the virgin\\nsoil of nine Southern States, Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana,\\nMississippi, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, Florida, and Texas,\\nwould have been saved from its horrid pollutions. Confined\\nto the original States in which it existed, the system would\\nsoon have been disposed of by legislative enactments, and long\\nbefore the present day, by a gradual process that could have\\nshocked no interest and alarmed no prejudice, we should have\\nrid ourselves not only of African slavery, which is an abomi-\\nnation and a curse, but also of the negroes themselves, who,\\nin our judgment, whether viewed in relation to their actual\\ncharacteristics and condition, or through the strong anti-\\npathies of the whites, are, to say the least, an undesirable\\npopulation.\\nThis, then, is the ground of our expostulation with Vir-\\nginia that, in stubborn disregard of the advice and friendly\\nwarnings of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Henry, and a\\nhost of other distinguished patriots who sprang from her soil\\npatriots whose voices shall be heard before we finish our\\ntask and in utter violation of every principle of justice and\\nhumanity, she still persists in fostering an institution or sys-\\ntem which is so manifestly detrimental to her vital interests.\\nEvery Virginian, whether living or dead, whose name is an\\nhonor to his country, has placed on record his abhorrence of\\nslavery, and in doing so, has borne testimony to the blight\\nand degradation that everywhere follow in its course. One\\nof the best abolition speeches we have ever read was delivered\\nin the Virginia House of Delegates, January 20th, 1832, by\\nCharles James Faidkner, who still lives, and who has, we un-\\nderstand, generously emancipated several of his slaves, and", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0093.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "86 COMPAEISONS BETWEEN THE\\nsent them }o Liberia. Here follows an extract from his\\nspeech let Southern politicians read it attentively, and im-\\nbibe a moiety of the spirit of patriotism which it breathes:\\nSir, I am gratified to perceive that no gentleman has yet risen in\\nthis Hall, the avowed advocate of slavery. The day has gone by\\nwhen such a voice could he listened to with patience, or even with for-\\nbearance. I even regret, sir, that we should find those amongst us who\\nenter the lists of discussion as its ajwlogists, except alone upon the\\nground of uncontrollable necessity. And yet, who could have lis-\\ntened to the very eloquent remarks of the gentleman from Brunswick,\\nwithout being forced to conclude that he at least considered slavery,\\nhowever, not to be defended upon principle, yet as being divested of\\nmuch of its enormity, as you approach it in practice.\\nSir, if there be one who concurs with that gentleman in the\\nharmless character of this institution, let me request him to compare\\nthe condition of the slaveholding portion of this commonwealth\\nbarren, desolate and seared as ittcere by the avenging hand of Heaven\\nwith the descriptions which we have of this country from those\\nwho first broke its virgin soil. To what is this change ascribable\\nAlone to the withering and blasting effects of slavery. If this does\\nnot satisfy him, let me request him to extend his travels to the North-\\nern States of this Union, and beg him to contrast the happiness and\\ncontentment which prevail throughout that country, the busy and\\ncheerful sound of industry, the rapid and swelling growth of their\\npopulation, their means and institutions of education, their skill and\\nproficiency in the useful arts, their enterprise and public spirit, the\\nmonuments of their commercial and manufacturing industry and,\\nabove all, their devoted attachment to the government from which\\nthey derive their protection, with the derision, discontent, indolence\\nand poverty of the Southern country. To what, sir, is all this ascrib-\\nable? To that vice in the organization of society, by which one-half\\nof its inhabitants are arrayed in interest and feeling against the other\\nhalf\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to that unfortunate state of society in which freemen regard\\nlabor as disgraceful, and slaves shrink from it as a burden tyrannic-\\nally imposed upon them\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to that condition of things in which half a", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0094.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "FREE AND. THE SLAVE STATES. 87\\nmillion of your population can feel no sympathy with the society in\\nthe prosperity of which they are forbidden to participate, and no at-\\ntachment to a government at whose hands they receive nothing but\\ninjustice.\\nIf this should not be sufficient, and the curious and incredulous\\ninquirer should suggest that the contrast which has been adverted\\nto, and which is so manifest^ might be traced to a difference of cli-\\nmate, or other causes distinct from slavery itself, permit me to refer\\nhim to the two States of Kentucky and Ohio. No difference of soil,\\nno diversity of climate, no diversity in the original settlement of\\nthose two States, can account for the remarkable disproportion in\\ntheir natural advancement. Separated by a river alone, they seem to\\nhave teen purposely and providentially designed to exhibit in their\\nfuture histories the difference ichich necessarily results from a coun-\\ntry free from, and a country afflicted with, the curse of slavery.\\nVain and idle is every effort to strangle this inquiry. As well\\nmight you attempt to chain the ocean, or stay the avenging thunder-\\nbolts of Heaven, as to drive the people from any inquiry which may\\nresult in their better condition. This is too deep, too engrossing a\\nsubject of consideration. It addresses itself too strongly to our inte-\\nrests, to our passions, and to our feelings. I shall advocate no scheme\\nthat does not respect the right of property, so far as it is entitled to\\nhe respected, with a just regard to the safety and resources of the\\nState. I would approach the subject as one of great magnitude and\\ndelicacy, as one whose varied and momentous consequences demand\\nthe calmest and most deliberate investigation. But still, sir, I would\\napproach it aye, delicate as it may be, encompassed as it may be\\nwith difficulties and hazards, I would still approach it. The people\\ndemand it. Their security requires it. In the language of the wise\\nand prophetic Jefferson, You must approach it you must bear it\\nyou must adopt some plan of emancipation, or worse will follow.\\nMr. Curtis, in a speech in the Virginia Legislature in 1832,\\nsaid\\nThere is a malaria in the atmosphere of these regions, which the\\nnew comer shuns, as being deleterious to his views and habits. See", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0095.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "88 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nthe wide-spreading ruin which the avarice of our ancestral govern-\\nment has produced in the South, as witnessed in a sparse population\\nof freemen, deserted habitations, and fields without culture Strange\\nto tell, even the wolf, driven back long since by the approach of\\nman, now returns, after the lapse of a hundred years, to howl over\\nthe desolations of slavery.\\nMr. Moore, also a member of the Legislature of Virginia,\\nin speaking of the evils of slavery, said\\nThe first I shall mention is the irresistible tendency which it has\\nto undermine and dostroy everything like virtue and morality in the\\ncommunity. If we look back through the long course of time which\\nhas elapsed since the creation to the present moment, we shall\\nscarcely be able to point out a people whose situation was not, in\\nmany respects, preferable to our own, and that of the other States,\\nin which negro slavery exists.\\nIn that part of the State below tide-water, the whole face of the\\ncountry wears an appearance of almost utter desolation, distressing\\nto the beholder. The very spot on which our ancestors landed, a\\nlittle more than two hundred years ago, appears to be on the eve of\\nagain becoming the haunt of wild beasts.\\nMr. Rives, of Campbell county, said\\nOn the multiplied and desolating evils of slavery, he wa.. not dis-\\nposed to say much. The curse and deteriorating consequceoe were\\nwithin the observation and experience of the members of the House\\nand the people of Virginia, and it did not seem to him that there\\ncould bo two opinions about it.\\nMr. Powell said\\nI can scarcely persuade myself that there is a solitary gentleman\\nin this House who will not readily admit thai slavery is an evil, and\\nthat its removal, if practicable, is a consummation most devoutly to\\nbe wished. I have not heard, nor do I expect to hear, a voice raised\\nin this hall to the contrary.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0096.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "FEEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 89\\nIn the language of the New York Times, we might\\nmultiply extracts almost indefinitely from Virginia authorities\\ntestifying to the blight and degradation that have over-\\ntaken the Old Dominion, in every department of her affairs.\\nHer commerce gone, her agriculture decaying, her land lull-\\ning in value, her mining and manufactures nothing, her schools\\ndying out she presents, according to the testimony of her\\nown sons, the saddest of all pictures that of a sinking and\\ndying State. Every year leaves her in a worse condition\\nthan it found her; and as it is with Virginia, so it is with the\\nentire South. In the terse language of Gov. Wise, all have\\ngrown poor together. The black god of slavery, which the\\nSouth has worshipped for two hundred and thirty-nine years,\\nis but a devil in disguise and if Ave would save ourselves\\nfrom being ingulfed in utter ruin we must repudiate this foul\\ngod for a purer deity, and abandon his altars for a holier\\nshrine. No time is to be lost his fanatical adorers, the de-\\nspotic adversaries of human liberty, are concocting schemes\\nfor the enslavement of all the laboring classes, irrespective of\\nrace or color. The issue is before us we cannot evade it\\nAve must meet it Avith firmness, and Avith unflinching valor.\\nWe have been credibly informed by a gentleman from\\nPoAvhattan County in Virginia, that in the year 1836 or 37,\\nor about that time, the Hon. Abbott Lawrence, of Boston,\\nbacked by his brother Amos and other millionaires of New-\\nEngland, Avent doAvn to Richmond with the sole view of re-\\nconnoitering the manufacturing facilities of that place fully\\ndetermined, if pleased with the water-poAver, to erect a large\\nnumber of cotton-mills and machine-shops. He had been in\\nthe capital of Virginia only a day or tAVO before he discovered,\\nmuch to his gratification, that nature had shaped everything\\nto his liking and as he Avas a biisiness man, AA ho transacted\\nbusiness in a business-like manner, he lost no time in making", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0097.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "90\\nCOMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\npreliminary arrangements for the consummation of his noble\\npurpose. His mission was one of peace and promise others\\nwere to share the benefits of his concerted and laudable\\nscheme thousands of poor boys and girls in Virginia, instead of\\ngrowing up in extreme poverty and ignorance, or of having to\\nemigrate to the Free States of the West, were to have avenues\\nof profitable employment opened to them at home thus they\\nwould be enabled to earn an honest and rejratable living, to\\nestablish and sustain free schools, free libraries, free lectures,\\nand free presses, to become useful and exemjilary members of\\nsociety, and to die eventually fit candidates for heaven. The\\nmagnanimous New Englander was in ecstasies with the pros-\\npect that ojjened before him. Individually, so far as mure\\nmoney was concerned, he was perfectly independent his\\nindustry and economy in early life had secured to him the\\nownership and control of an ample fortune. With the aid of\\neleven other men, each equal to himself, he could have bought\\nthe whole city of Richmond negroes and all though it is not\\nto be presumed that he would have disgraced his name by\\nbecoming a trader in human flesh. But he was not selfish;\\nunlike the arrogant and illiberal slaveholder, he did not regard\\nhimself as the centre around whom everybody else should\\nrevolve. On the contrary, he was a genuine philanthropist.\\nWhile, with a shrewdness that will command the admiration\\nof every practical business man, he engaged in nothing that\\ndid not swell the dimensions of his own purse, he was yet\\nalways solicitous to invest his capital in a manner calculated\\nto promote the interests of those around him. Nor was he\\nsatisfied with simply furnishing the means Avhereby his less\\nfortunate neighbors were to become prosperous, intelligent,\\nand contented. With his generous heart and sagacious mind\\nhe delighted to aid them in making a judicious application of\\nhis wealth to their own use. Moreover, as a member of", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0098.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 91\\nsociety, he felt that the community had some reasonable\\nclaims upon him, and he made it obligatory on himself con-\\nstantly to devise plans and exert his personal efforts for the\\npublic good. Such was the character of the distinguished\\nmanufacturer Avho honored Richmond with his presence twenty\\nodd years ago such was the character of the men whom he\\nrepresented, and such were the grand designs which they\\nsought to accomplish.\\nTo the enterprising and moneyed descendants of the Pil-\\ngrim Fathers it was a matter of no little astonishment, that\\nthe immense water-power of Richmond had been so long\\nneglected. He expressed his surprise to a number of Vir-\\nginians, and was at a loss to know why they had not, long\\nprior to the period of his visit among them, availed them-\\nselves of the powerful element that is eternally gushing and\\nfoaming over the falls of James River. Innocent man He\\nwas utterly unconscious of the fact that he was interfering\\nwith the beloved institutions of the South, and little was he\\nprepared to withstand the terrible denunciations that were\\nimmediately showered on his head through the columns of the\\nRichmond papers. Few words will suffice to tell the sequel.\\nThose negro-driving sheets, whose hireling policy for the last\\nfive and twenty years has been to support the worthless black\\nslave and his tyrannical master, at the expense of the free\\nwhite laborer, wrote down the enterprise, and the noble son\\nof New England, abused, insulted and disgusted, quietly re-\\nturned to Massachusetts, and there employed his capital in\\nbuilding up the cities of Lowell and Lawrence, either of which,\\nin all those elements of material and social prosperity that\\nmake up the greatness of States, is already far in advance of\\nthe most important of all the seedy and squalid slave-towns in\\nthe Old Dominion. Such is an inkling of the infamous means\\nand measures that have been resorted to, from time to time,", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0099.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "92 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nfor the purpose of upholding and perpetuating in America\\nthe accursed system of human slavery.\\nHow any rational man in this or any other country, with\\nthe astounding contrasts between Freedom and Slavery ever\\nlooming in his view, can offer an apology for the existing\\nstatism of the South, is to us a most inexplicable mystery.\\nIndeed, we cannot conceive it possible that the conscience of\\nany man, who is really sane, would permit him to become the\\nvictim of such an egregious and diabolical absurdity. There-\\nfore, at this period of our history, with the light of the past,\\nthe reality of the present, and the prospect of the future, all\\nso prominent and so palpable, we infer that every person who\\nsets up an unequivocal defence of Human Bondage, must, of\\nnecessity, be either a fool, a knave, or a madman.\\nIt is much to be regretted that pro-slavery men look at but\\none side of the question. Of all the fanatics in the country,\\nthey have, of late, become the most unreasonable and ridi-\\nculous. Let them deliberately view the subject of slavery in\\nall its asjiccts and bearings, and if they are possessed of\\nhonest hearts and convincible minds, they will readily per-\\nceive the grossness of their past errors, renounce their\\nallegiance to a cause so unjust and disgraceful, and at once\\nenroll themselves among the hosts of Freedom and the\\nfriends of universal Liberty. There are thirty-three States\\nin the Union let them drop California, Minnesota and Ore-\\ngon, and then institute fifteen comparisons, first comparing\\nNew York with Virginia, Pennsylvania with Carolina, Mas-\\nsachusetts with Georgia, and so on, until they shall have\\nexhausted the catalogue. Then, for once, let them be bold\\nenough to listen to the admonitions of their own souls, and if\\nthey do not soon start to their feet demanding the abolition\\nof slavery, it will only be because they have reasons for sup-\\npressing their inmost sentiments. Whether we compare tlie", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0100.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 93\\nold Free States with the old Slave States, or the new Free\\nStates with the new Slave States, the difference, unmistakable\\nand astounding, is substantially the same. All the Free\\nStates are alike, and all the Slave States are alike. In the\\nformer, wealth, intelligence, power, progress, and prosperity,\\nare the prominent characteristics in the latter, poverty,\\nignorance, imbecility, inertia, and extravagance, are the dis-\\ntinguishing features. To be convinced, it is only necessary\\nfor us to open our eyes and look at facts to examine the\\nStatistics of the country, to free ourselves from obstinacy\\nand prejudice, and to unbar our minds to the convictions of\\ntruth. Let figures be the umpire. Close attention to the\\npreceding and subsequent tables is all Ave ask so soon as\\nthey shall be duly considered and understood, the primary\\nobject of this work will have been accomplished.\\nNot content with eating out the vitals of the South, slavery,\\nin keeping Avith the character which it has acquired for\\ninsatiety and rapine, is beginning to make rapid encroach-\\nments on neAv territory and as a basis for a few remarks on\\nthe blasting influence which it is shedding over the broad\\nand fertile domains of the West, Avhich, in accordance with\\nthe views and resolutions offered by the immortal Jefferson,\\nshould have been irrevocably dedicated to Freedom, Ave beg\\nleave to call the attention of the reader to a plain, faithful\\npresentation of the philosophy of free and slave labor. Says\\nthe North American and United States Gazette\\nWe have but to compare the States, possessing equal natural\\nadvantages, in which the two kinds of labor are employed, in order\\nto decide with entire confidence as to which kind is the more profit-\\nable. At the origin of the government, Virginia, with a much\\nlarger extent of territory than New York, contained a population of\\nseven hundred and fifty thousand, and sent ten representatives to\\nCongress while New York contained a population of three hundred", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0101.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "94 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\naud forty thousand, and sent six representatives to Congress. Be-\\nhold how the figures are reversed. The population of New York is\\nthree and a half millions, represented by thirty -three members in\\nCongress while the population of Virginia is but little more than\\none and a half millions, represented by thirteen members in Con-\\ngress. It is the vital sap of free labor that makes the one tree so\\nthrifty and vigorous, so capable of bearing with all ease the fruit of\\nsuch a population. And it is slave labor which strikes a decadence\\nthrough the other, drying up many of its branches with a fearful\\nsterility, and rendering the rest but scantily fruitful really incap-\\nable of sustaining more. Look at Ohio, teeming with inhabitants,\\nits soil loaded with every kind of agricultural wealth, its people\\nengaged in every kind of freedom s diversified employments, abound-\\ning with numberless happy homes, and with all the trophies of civi-\\nlization, and it exhibits the magic effect of free labor, waking a\\nwilderness into life and beauty; while Kentucky, with equal or\\nsuperior natural advantages, nature s very garden in this Western\\nworld, which commenced its career at a much earlier date, and was\\nin a measure populous when Ohio was but a slumbering forest, but\\nwhich in all the elements of progress, is now left far, very far,\\nbehind its young rival, shows how slave labor hinders the develop-\\nment of wealth among a people, and brings a blight on their pros-\\nperity. The one is a grand and beautiful poem in honor of free\\nlabor. The other is an humble confession to the world of the\\ninferiority of slave labor.\\nWere we simply a freesoiler, or anything else less than a\\nthorough and uncompromising abolitionist, Ave should cer-\\ntainly tax our ability to the utmost to get up a cogent argu-\\nment against the extension of slavery over any part of our\\ndomain where it does not now exist but as our principles\\nare hostile to the institution even where it does exist, and,\\ntherefore, by implication and in fact, more hostile still to its\\nintroduction into new territory, we forbear the preparation of\\nany special remarks on this particular subject.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0102.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 95\\nWith regard to the unnational and demoralizing system of\\nslavery, we believe the majority of Northern people are too\\nscrupulous. They seem to think that it is enough for them\\nto be mere freesoilers, to keep in cheek the diffusive element\\nof slavery, and to prevent it from crossing over the bounds\\nwithin which it is now regulated by municipal law. Remiss\\nin their National duties, as we contend, they make no posi-\\ntive attack upon the institution in the Southern States. Only\\na short while since, one of their ablest journals the North\\nAmerican and United States Gazette, published in Phila-\\ndelphia made use of the following language\\nWith slavery in the States, we make no pretence of having any-\\nthing politically to do. For better or for worse, the system belongs\\nsolely to the people of those States and is separated by an impass-\\nable gulf of State sovereignty from any legal intervention of ours.\\nWe cannot vote it down any more than we can vote down the insti-\\ntution of caste in Hindostan, or abolish polygamy in the Sultan s\\ndominions. Thus, precluded from all political action in reference to\\nit, prevented from touching one stone of the edifice, not the slightest\\nresponsibility attaches to us as citizens for its continued existence.\\nBut on the question of extending slavery over the free Territories\\nof the United States, it is our right, it is our imperative duty to\\nthink, to feel, to speak and to vote. We cannot interfere to cover\\nthe shadows of slavery with the sunshine of freedom, but we can\\ninterfere to prevent the sunshine of freedom from being eclipsed by\\nthe shadows of slavery. We can interpose to stay the progress of\\nthat institution, which aims to drive free labor from its own heritage.\\nKansas should be divided up into countless homes for the ownership\\nof men who have a right to the fruit of their own labors. Free\\nlabor would make it bud and blossom like the rose would cover it\\nwith beauty, and draw from it boundless wealth would throng it\\nwith population; would make States, nations, empires out of it,\\nprosperous, powerful, intelligent and free, illustrating on a wide\\ntheatre the beneficent ends of Providence in the formation of our", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0103.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "96 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\ngovernment, to advance and elevate the millions of our race, and,\\nlike the heart in the hody, from its central position, sending out\\non every side, far and near, the vital influences of freedom and civi-\\nlization. May that region, therefore, he secured to free labor.\\nNow we fully and heartily indorse every line of the latter\\npart of this extract but, with all due deference to our sage\\ncontemporary, we do most emphatically dissent from the\\nsentiments embodied in the first part. Pray, permit us to\\nask have the people of the North no interest in the United\\nStates as a nation, and do they not see that slavery is a great\\ninjury and disgrace to the whole country f Did they not, in\\nthe days that tried men s souls, strike as hard blows to\\nsecure the independence of Georgia as they did in defending\\nthe liberties of Massachusetts, and is it not notoriously true\\nthat the Toryism of South Carolina prolonged the war two\\nyears at least Is it not, moreover, equally true that the\\nobgarchs of South Carolina have been unmitigated jjests and\\nbores to the General Government ever since it was organ-\\nized, and that the free and conscientious people of the North\\nare virtually excluded from her soil, in consequence of\\nslavery It is a well-known and incontestable fact, that the\\nNorthern States furnished about two-thirds of all the Ameri-\\ncan troops engaged in the Revolutionary War and, though\\nthey were neither more nor less brave or patriotic than their\\nfellow soldiers of the South, yet, inasmuch as the independ-\\nence of our country was mainly secured by virtue of their\\nnumerical strength, we think they ought to consider it not\\nonly their right but their duty to make a firm and decisive\\neffort to save the States which they fought to free, from fall-\\ning under the yoke of a worse tyranny than that which over-\\nshadowed them under the reign of King George the Third.\\nFreemen of the North we earnestly entreat you to think of", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0104.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 97\\nthese things. Hitherto, as mere freesoilers, you have\\napproached but half-way to the hue of your duty now, for\\nyour own sakes and for ours, and for the purpose of perpetu-\\nating this vast and still expanding Republic, which your\\nfathers and our fathers founded in septennial streams of blood,\\nwe ask you, in all seriousness, to organize yourselves as one\\nman under the banners of Liberty, and to aid us in exter-\\nminating Slavery, which is, beyond all question, the only\\nformidable obstacle in the Avay of our complete aggrandize-\\nment as a nation.\\nIn this extraordinary crisis of affairs, no man can be a true\\npatriot without first becoming an abolitionist. (A freesoiler\\nis only a tadpole in an advanced stage of transformation an\\nabolitionist is the full and perfectly developed frog.) And\\nhere, perhaps, Ave may be pardoned for the digression neces-\\nsary to show the exact definition of the terms abolish, aboli-\\ntion, abolitionist. We have looked in vain for an explana-\\ntion of the signification of these words in any Southern pub-\\nlication for no dictionary has ever yet been published in the\\nSouth, nor is there the least probability that one ever will be\\npublished within her borders, until slavery is abolished but,\\nthanks to Heaven, a portion of this continent is what our\\nRevolutionary Fathers, and the Fathers of the Constitution,\\nfought and labored and prayed to make it a land of freedom,\\nof power, of progress, of prosperity, of intelligence, of reli-\\ngion, of literature, of commerce, of science, of arts, of agri-\\nculture, of manufactures, of ingenuity, of enterprise, of wealth,\\nof renown, of goodness, and of grandeur. From that glorious\\npart of our confederacy from the North, whence, on account\\nof slavery in the South, we are under the humiliating necessity\\nof procuring almost everything that is either useful or orna-\\nmental, from primers to Bibles, from wafers to printing\\npresses, from ladles to locomotives, and from portfolios to\\n5", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0105.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "98 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\nportraits and pianos comes to us a huge volume bearing the\\nhonored name of Webster Noah Webster, who, after thirty-\\nfive years of unremitting toil, completed a work which is, we\\nbelieve, throughout Great Britain and the United States,\\njustly regarded as the standard vocabulary of the English\\nlanguage and in it the terms abolish, abolition, and aboli-\\ntionist are defined as follows\\nABOLisn, v. t. To make void to annul; to abrogate; applied\\nchiefly and appropriately to established laws, contracts, rites, cus-\\ntoms and institutions as to abolish laws by a repeal, actual or\\nvirtual. To destroy or put an end to as to abolish idols.\\nAbolition, n. The act of abolisbing; or the state of being abo-\\nlisbed; an annulling abrogation utter destruction; as the abolition\\nof laws, decrees, ordinances, rites, customs, etc. The putting an\\nend to slavery emancipation.\\nAbolitionist, n. A person who favors abolition, or the imme-\\ndiate emancipation of slaves.\\nThere, gentlemen of the South, you have the definitions of\\nthe transitive verb abolish, and its two derivative nouns,\\nabolition and abolitionist can you, with the keenest possi-\\nble penetration of vision, detect in either of these words even\\na tittle of the opprobrium which the oligarchs, in their wily\\nand inhuman efforts to enslave all working classes irrespective\\nof race or color, have endeavored to attach to them We\\nknow you cannot abolition is but another name for patri-\\notism, and its other special synonyms are generosity, magna-\\nnimity, reason, prudence, wisdom, religion, progress, justice\\nand humanity.\\nNon-slaveholders of the South! farmers, mechanics and\\nworkingmen, we take this occasion to assure you that the\\nslaveholding politicians whom you have elected to offices of\\nhonor and profit, have hoodwinked you, trifled with you, and", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0106.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 99\\nused you as mere tools for the consummation of their wicked\\ndesigns. They have purposely kept you in ignorance, and\\nhave, by molding your passions and prejudices to suit them-\\nselves, induced you to act in direct opposition to your dearest\\nrights and interests. By a system of the grossest subterfuge\\nand misrepresentation, and in order to avert, for a season,\\nthe vengeance that will most assuredly overtake them ere\\nlong, they have taught you to hate the real lovers of Liberty,\\nwho are your best and only true friends. Now, as one of\\nyour own number, we appeal to you to join us in our earnest\\nand timely efforts to rescue the generous soil of the South\\nfrom the usurped and desolating control of these political\\nvampires. Once and forever, at least so far as this country\\nis concerned, the evil-engendering question of slavery must\\nbe disposed of; a speedy and absolute abolishment of the\\nwhole system is the true policy of the South and this is the\\npolicy which we propose to pursue. Will you aid us, will\\nyou assist us, will you be freemen, or will you be slaves\\nThese are questions of vital importance weigh them well in\\nyour minds come to a prudent and firm decision, and hold\\nyourselves in readiness to act in accordance therewith. You\\nmust either be for us or against us anti-slavery or pro-\\nslavery it is impossible for you to occupy a neutral ground\\nit is as certain as fate itself, that if you do not voluntarily\\noppose the usurpations and outrages of the slavocrats, they\\nwill force you into involuntary compliance with their infamous\\nmeasures. Consider well the aggressive, fraudulent and\\ndespotic power which they have exercised in the affairs of\\nKansas and remember that, if, by adhering to erroneous\\nprinciples of neutrality or non-resistance, you allow them to\\nforce the curse of slavery on that or any other vast and fertile\\nfield, the broad area of all the surrounding States and Terri-\\ntories the whole nation, in fact will soon fall a prey to", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0107.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "100 COMPARISONS BETWEEN THE\\ntheir diabolical intrigues and machinations. Thus, if you are\\nnot vigilant, will they take advantage of your neutrality, and\\nmake you and others the victims of their inhuman despotism.\\nDo not reserve the strength of your arms until you shall\\nhave been rendered powerless to strike the present is the\\nproper time for action under all the circumstances, apathy\\nor indifference is a crime. First ascertain, as nearly as you\\ncan, the precise nature and extent of your duty, and then,\\nwithout a moment s delay, perform it in good faith. To\\nfacilitate you in determining what considerations of right, just-\\nice and humanity require at your hands, is one of the primary\\nobjects of this work; and we shall certainly fail in our desire\\nif we do not accomplish our task in a manner acceptable to\\nGod and advantageous to man.\\nBut we are carrying this chapter beyond all ordinary\\nbounds and yet, there are many important particulars in\\nwhich we have drawn no comparison between the Free\\nand Slave States. The more weighty remarks which we\\nintended to offer in relation to the new States of the West\\nand Southwest, free and slave, shall appear in the succeeding\\nchapter. With regard to agriculture, and all the multifarious\\ninterests of husbandry, Ave deem it quite unnecessary to say\\nmore. Cotton has been shorn of its magic power, and is no\\nlonger King dried grass, commonly called hay, is, it seems,\\nthe rightful heir to the throne. Commerce, Manufactures,\\nLiterature, and other important subjects, shall be considered\\nas we progress.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0108.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II.\\nHOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nOur age, marked by restless activity in almost all departments of knowledge,\\nand by struggles and aspirations before unknown, is stamped by no character-\\nistic more deeply than by a desire to estabUsh or extend freedom in the politi\\ncal societies of mankind There are many persons who pretend to\\nadmire liberty, but withhold it from the people on the plea that they are not\\nprepared for it. Unquestionably, all races are not prepared for the same\\namount of liberty. But two things are certain, that all nations, and especially\\nthose belonging to our own civilized family, prove that they are prepared for\\nthe beginning of liberty, by desiring it and insisting upon it, and that yon can-\\nnot otherwise prepare nations for enjoying liberty than by beginning to estab-\\nlish it, as you best prepare nations for a high Christianity by beginning to\\npreach it. Lieber.\\nPreliminary to our elucidation of what we conceive to be\\nthe most discreet, fair and feasible plan for the abolition of\\nslavery, we propose to offer a few additional reasons why it\\nshould be abolished. Among the thousand and one argu-\\nments that present themselves in support of our position\\nwhich, before We part with the reader, we shall endeavor to\\ndefine so clearly, that it shall be regarded as ultra only by\\nthose who imperfectly understand it is the influence which\\nslavery invariably exercises in depressing the value of real\\nestate and as this is a matter in which the non-slaveholders\\nof the South, of the West, and of the Southwest, are most\\ndeeply interested, we shall discuss it in a sort of preamble of\\nsome length.\\nThe slaveholding oligarchy say we cannot abolish slavery\\nwithout infringing on the rights of property. Again we tell\\n101", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0109.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "102 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nthem we do not recognize property in men but even if we\\ndid, and if Ave were to inventory the negroes at quadruple the\\nvalue of their last assessment, still, impelled by a sense of\\nduty to others, and as a matter of simple justice to ourselves,\\nwe, the non-slaveholders of the South, would be fully war-\\nranted in emancipating all the slaves at once, and that, too,\\nwithout any compensation whatever to those who claim to be\\ntheir absolute masters and owners. We will explain. In\\n1850, the average value per acre, of land in the Northern\\nStates was $28 07; in the Northwestern $11 39; in the\\nSouthern $5 34 and in the Southwestern $6 26. Now, in\\nconsequence of numerous natural advantages, among which\\nmay be enumerated the greater mildness of climate, richness\\nof soil, deposits of precious metals, abundance, and spacious-\\nness of harbors, and superexcellence of water-power, we con-\\ntend that had it not been for slavery, the average value of land\\nin all the Southern and Southwestern States, would have been\\nat least equal to the average value of the same in the North-\\nern States. We conclude, therefore, and we think the con-\\nclusion is founded on principles of equity, that you, the slave-\\nholders, are indebted to us, the non-slaveholders, in the sum\\nof $22 73, which is the difference between $28 07 and $5 34,\\non every acre of Southern soil in our possession. This claim\\nwe bring against you, because slavery, which has inured ex-\\nclusively to your own benefit, if, indeed, it has been beneficial\\nat all, has shed a blighting influence over our lands, thereby\\nkeeping them out of market, and damaging every acre to the\\namount specified. Sirs are you ready to settle the account\\nLet us see how much it is. There are in the fifteen Slave\\nStates, 346,048 slaveholders, and 544,926,720 acres of land.\\nNow the object is to ascertain how many acres are owned by\\nslaveholders, and how many by non-slaveholders. Suppose\\nwe estimate five hundred acres as the average landed pro-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0110.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 103\\nperty of each slaveholder will that be lair We think it\\nwill, taking into consideration the fact that 174,503 of the\\nwhole number of slaveholders hold less than five slaves each\\n68,820 holding only one each. According to this hypothesis,\\nthe slaveholders own 173,024,000 acres, and the non-slave-\\nholders the balance, with the exception of about 40,000,000\\nof acres which belong to the General Government. The case\\nmay be stated thus\\nArea of the Slave States 544,926,720 acres.\\nAcres owned by slaveholders 173,024,000\\nEstimates-; Acres owned by the government 40,000,000=213,024,0(10\\nAcres owned by non-slaveholders 331,902,720\\nNow, chevaliers of the lash, and conservators of slavery, the\\ntotal value of three hundred and thirty-one million nine hun-\\ndred and two thousand seven hundred and twenty acres, at\\ntAventy-two dollars and seventy-three cents per acre, is seven\\nbillion Jive hundred and forty-four million one hundred and\\nforty-eight thousand eight hundred and twenty-five dollars;\\nand this is our account against you on a single score. Consi-\\ndering how your pernicious institution has retarded the deve-\\nlopment of our commercial and manivfacturing interests, how it\\nhas stifled the aspirations of inventive genius and, above all,\\nhow it has barred from us the heaven-born sweets of literature\\nand religion concernments too sacred to be estimated in a pe-\\ncuniary point of view might we not, with perfect justice and\\npropriety, duplicate the amount, and still be accounted modest\\nin our demands Fully advised, however, of your indigent\\ncircumstances, we feel it would be utterly useless to call on\\nyou for the whole amount that is due us we shall, therefore,\\nin your behalf, make another draft on the fund of non-slave-\\nholding generosity, and let the account, meagre as it is, stand\\nas above. Though we have given you all the offices, and you\\nhave given us none of the benefits of legislation though we\\nhave fought the battles of the South, while you were either", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0111.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "104 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nlolling in your piazzas, or in active fellowship with the enemy,\\nendeavoring to filch from us our birthright of freedom\\nthough you have absorbed the wealth of our communities in\\nsending your own children to Northern seminaries and col-\\nleges, or in employing Yankee teachers to officiate exclusively\\nin your own families, and have refused to us the limited pri-\\nvilege of common schools; though you have scorned to\\npatronize our mechanics and industrial enterprises, and have\\npassed to the North for every article of apparel, utility, and\\nadornment and though you have maltreated, outraged and\\ndefrauded us in every relation of fife, civil, social, and politi-\\ncal, yet we are willing to forgive and forget you, if you will\\nbut do us justice on a single count. Of you, the introducers,\\naiders and abettors of slavery, Ave demand indemnification for\\nthe damage our lands have sustained on account thereof; the\\namount of that damage is 87,544,148,825 and now, sirs, we are\\nready to receive the money, and if it is perfectly convenient to\\nyou, we would be glad to have you pay it at once, in specie\\nIt will not avail you, sirs, to parley or prevaricate. We must\\nhave a settlement. Our claim is just and overdue. We have\\nalready indulged you too long. Your reckless extravagance\\nhas almost ruined us. We are determined that you shall no\\nlonger play the profligate, and fare sumptuously every day at\\nour expense. How do you propose to settle Do you offer\\nus your negroes in part payment We do not want your\\nnegroes. We would not have all of them, nor any number\\nof them, even as a gift. We hold ourselves above the disre-\\nputable and iniquitous practices of buying, selling, and owning\\nslaves. What we demand is damages in money, or other ab-\\nsolute property, as an equivalent for the pecuniary losses we\\nhave suffered at your hands. You value your negroes at six-\\nteen hundred millions of dollars, and propose to sell them to\\nus for that sum we should consider ourselves badly cheated,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0112.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 105\\nand disgraced for all time, here and hereafter, if we were to\\ntake them off your hands at sixteen farthings We tell you\\nemphatically, we are firmly resolved never to degrade our-\\nselves by becoming the mercenary purchasers or proprietors\\nof human beings. Except for the purpose of liberating them,\\nwe would not give a handkerchief or a tooth -pick for all the\\nslaves in the world. But, in order to show how ridiculously\\nabsurd are the howls and groans which you invariably set up\\nfor compensation, whenever we speak of the abolition of\\nslavery, we will suppose your negroes are worth all you ask\\nfor them, and that we are bound to secure to you every cent\\nof the sum before they can become free in which case, our\\naccounts would stand thus\\nNon-slaveholders account against Slaveholders $7,544,148,825\\nSlaveholders account against Non-slaveholders 1,600,000,000\\nBalance due Non-slaveholders $5,944,148,825\\nNow, sirs, we ask you in all seriousness, is it not apparent\\nthat you have thus filched from us nearly five times the\\namount of the assessed value of your slaves Why, then, do\\nyou still clamor for more Is it your purpose to make the\\ngame perpetual Think you that we will ever continue to\\nbow at the wave of your wand, that we will bring humanity\\ninto everlasting disgrace by licking the hand that smites us,\\nand that with us there is no point beyond which forbearance\\nceases to be a virtue Sirs, if these be your thoughts, you\\nare laboring under a most fatal delusion. You can goad us\\nno further you shall oppress us no longer heretofore, ear-\\nnestly but submissively, we have asked you to redress the\\nmore atrocious outrages which you have perpetrated against\\nus; but what has been the invariable fate of our petitions?\\nWith scarcely a perusal, with a degree of contempt that added\\ninsult to injury, you have laid them on the table, and from\\n5*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0113.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "106 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nthence they have been swept into the furnace of oblivion.\\nHenceforth, sirs, we are demandants, not suppliants. We\\ndemand our rights nothing more nothing less. It is for\\nyou to decide whether Ave are to have justice peaceably or by\\npositive compulsion, for whatever consequences may follow,\\nwe are determined to have it one way or the other.\\nDo you aspire to become the victims of white non-slave-\\nholding vengeance by day, and of barbarous massacre by the\\nnegroes at night? Would you be instrumental- in bringing\\nupon yourselves, your wives, and your children, a fate too\\nhorrible to contemplate Shall history cease to cite as an\\ninstance of unexampled cruelty, the Massacre of St. Bartho-\\nlomew, because the world the South shall have furnished a\\nmore direful scene of atrocity and carnage Sirs, we would\\nnot wantonly pluck a single hair from your heads but we\\nhave endured long, we have endured much slaves only of\\nthe most despicable class would endure more. An enumera-\\ntion or classification of all the abuses, insults, wrongs, injuries,\\nusurpations, and oppressions, to which you have subjected us,\\nwould fill countless volumes larger than this it is our purpose,\\ntherefore, to speak only of those that affect us most deeply.\\nOut of our effects you have long since overpaid yourselves for\\nyour negroes and now, sirs, you must emancipate them\\nspeedily emancipate them, or wc will emancipate them for\\nyou\\nSlavery has most shamefully polluted and impoverished your\\nlands freedom will restore them to their virgin purity, and\\nadd from twenty to thirty dollars to the value of every acre.\\nCorrectly speaking, emancipation will cost you nothing the\\nmoment you abolish slavery, that very moment will the puta-\\ntive value of the slave become actual value in the soil. Though\\nthere are ten millions of people in the South, and though you, the\\nslaveholders, are only three hundred and forty-seven thousand", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0114.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 107\\nin number; you have within a fraction of one-third of all the\\nterritory belonging to the fifteen Slave States. You have a\\nlanded estate of 173,024,000 acres, the present average mar-\\nket value of which is only $5 34 per acre emancipate your\\nslaves on Wednesday morning, and on the Thursday follow-\\ning the value of your lands, and ours too, will have increased\\nto an average of at least $28 07 per acre. Let us see, there-\\nfore, even in this one particular, whether the abolition of\\nslavery w T ould not be a real pecuniary advantage to you.\\nThe present total market value of all your landed property, at\\n$5 34 per acre, is only $923,248,160. With the beauty and\\nsunlight of freedom beaming on the same estate, it would be\\nworth, at $28 07 per acre, $4,856,873,680 The former sum\\ndeducted from the latter, leaves a balance of $3,933,625,520,\\nand to the full extent of this amount will your lands be in-\\ncreased in value whenever you abolish slavery that is, pi*o-\\nvided you are wise enough to abolish it before it completely\\ndries up all the organs of increase. Here is a more mani-\\nfest and distinct statement of the case\\nEstimated value of Slaveholders lands after slavery shall have S o eon\\nbeen abolished j\\nPresent value of Slaveholders lands 923,248,160\\nProbable aggregate enhancement of value $3,933,625,520\\nNow, sirs, this last sum is considerably more than twice as\\ngreat as the estimated value of all your negroes and those of\\nyou, if any there be, who are yet heirs to sane minds and\\ngenerous hearts, must, it seems to us, admit that the bright\\nprospect which freedom presents for a wonderful increase in\\nthe value of real estate, ours as well as yours, to say nothing\\nof the thousand other kindred considerations, ought to be\\nquite sufficient to induce all the Southern States, in their\\nsovereign capacities, to abolish slavery at the earliest practi-\\ncable period. You yourselves, instead of losing anything by", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0115.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "108\\nHOW SLAVEJRY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nthe emancipation of your negroes even though we suppose\\nthem to be worth every dime of $1,600,000,000, would in this\\none particular, the increased value of land, realize a net profit\\nof over twenty-three hundred million of dollars. Here are\\nthe exact figures\\nNet increment of value which it is estimated will accrue to 1\\nslaveholders lands in consequence of the abolition of v $3,933,625,520\\nslavery j\\nPutative value of the slaves 1,600,000,000\\nSlaveholders estimated net landed profits of emancipation $2,333,625,520\\nWhat is the import of these figures They are full of\\nmeaning. They proclaim themselves the financial intercessors\\nfor Freedom, and with that open-hearted liberality which is\\nso characteristic of the sacred cause in whose behalf they\\nplead, they propose to pay you upward of three thousand\\nnine hundred-million of dollars for the very property which\\nyou, in all the extravagance of your uncliastened avarice,\\ncould not find a heart to price at more than one thousand six\\nhundred million. In other words, your own lands, groaning\\nand languishing under the monstrous burden of Slavery, an-\\nnounce their willingness to pay you all you ask for the negroes,\\nand offer you, besides, a bonus of more than twenty-three\\nhundred million of dollars, if you will but convert those lands\\ninto free soil Our lands, also, cry aloud to be spared from\\nthe further pollutions and desolations of slavery and now,\\nsirs, we want to know explicitly whether, or not, it is your\\nintention to heed these lamentations of the ground We,\\nthe non-slaveholders of the South, have many very important\\ninterests at stake interests which, heretofore, you have stea-\\ndily despised and trampled under foot, but which, henceforth,\\nwe shall foster and defend in utter defiance of all the unhallowed\\ninfluences which it is possible for you, or any other class of\\nslaveholders or slavebreeders to bring against us. Not the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0116.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVEEY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 109\\nleast among these interests is our landed property, which, to\\ncommand a decent price, only needs to be disincumbered of\\nSlavery.\\nIn Ins present condition, we believe, man exercises one of\\nthe noblest virtues with which heaven has endoAved him, when\\nwithout taking any undue advantage of his fellow-men, and\\nwith a firm, unwavering purpose to confine his expenditures\\nto the legitimate pursuits and pleasures of life, he covets money\\nand strives to accumulate it. Entertaining this view, and\\nhaving no disposition to make an improper use of money, we\\nare free to confess that we have a greater penchant for twen-\\nty-eight dollars than for five; for ninety than for fifteen for\\na thousand than for one hundred. South of Mason and\\nDixon s line we, the non-slaveholders, have 331,902,720 acres\\nof land, the present average market value of which, as pre-\\nviously stated, is only $5 34 per acre by abolishing slavery\\nwe expect to enhance the value to an average of at least $28\\n07 per acre, and thus realize an average net increase of wealth\\nof more than seventy-Jive hundred million of dollars. The\\nhope of realizing smaller sums has frequently induced men to\\nperpetrate acts of injustice we can see no reason why the\\ncertainty of becoming immensely rich in real estate, or other\\nproperty, should make us falter in the performance of a sacred\\nduty.\\nAs illustrative of our theme, a bit of personal history may\\nnot be out of place in this connection. Only a little while\\nhas elapsed since Ave sold to an elder brother an interest we\\nheld in an old homestead which was willed to us many years\\nago by our deceased father. The tract of land, containing two\\nhundred acres, or thereabouts, is situated two and a hall\\nmiles west of Mocksville, the capital of Davie Count North\\nCarolina, and is very nearly equally divided by Bear Creek)\\na small tributary of the South Yadkin. More than one-third", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0117.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "110 HOW SLAVED Y CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nof this tract on which we have ploughed and hoed, and har-\\nrowed, many a long summer without ever suffering from the\\neffects of coup de soleil is under cultivation the remaining\\nportion is a well-timbered forest, in which, without being very\\nparticular, we counted, while hunting through it not long\\nsince, sixty-three different kinds of indigenous trees to say\\nnothing of either coppice, shrubs or plants among which the\\nhickory, oak, ash, beech, birch, and black walnut, Avere most\\nabundant. No turpentine or rosin is produced in our part of\\nthe State but there are, on the place of which we speak,\\nseveral species of the genus Pinus, by the light of whose flam-\\nmable knots, as radiated on the contents of some half dozen\\nold books which, by hook or by crook, had found their way\\ninto the neighborhood, we have been enabled to turn the long-\\nwinter evenings to some advantage, and have thus partially\\nescaped from the prison-grounds of those loathsome dungeons\\nof illiteracy in which it has been the constant policy of the\\noligarchy to keep the masses, the non-slaveholding whites and\\nthe negroes, forever confined. The fertility of the soil may\\nbe inferred from the quality and variety of its natural produc-\\ntions the meadow and the bottom, comprising, perhaps, an\\narea of forty acres, are hardly surpassed by the best lands in\\nthe valley of the Yadkin. A thorough examination of the\\norchard will disclose the fact that considerable attention lias\\nbeen paid to the selection of fruits the buildings are tole-\\nrable the water is good. Altogether, to be frank, and\\nnothing more, it is, for its size, one of the most desirable\\nfarms in the county, and will at any time, command the\\nmaximum price of land in Western Carolina. Our brother,\\nanxious to become the sole proprietor, readily agreed to give\\nus the highest market price, which we shall publish by and\\nWy. While reading the Baltimore Sun, the morning after\\nwe had made the sale, our attention was allured to a para-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0118.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. HI\\ngraph headed Sales of Real Estate, from which, among\\nother significant items, we learned that a tract of land con-\\ntaining exactly two hundred acres, and occupying a portion\\nof one of the rural districts in the southeastern part of Penn-\\nsylvania, near the Maryland line, had been sold the week be-\\nfore, at one hundred and Jive dollars and fifty cents per acre.\\nJudging from the succinct account given in the Sun, we\\nare of the opinion that, with regard to fertility of soil, the\\nPennsylvania tract always has been, is now, and perhaps al-\\nways will be, rather inferior to the one under special conside-\\nration. One is of the same size as the other both are used\\nfor agricultural purposes; in aU probability the only essential\\ndifference between them is this one is blessed with the pure\\nair of freedom, the other is cursed with the malaria of slavery.\\nFor our interest in the old homestead we received a nominal\\nsum, amounting to an average of precisely five dollars and\\nsixty cents per acre. No one but our brother, who was keen\\nfor the purchase, would have given us quite so much.\\nAnd now, pray let us ask, what does this narrative teach\\nWe shall use few words in explanation there is an extensive\\nvoid, but it can be better filled with reflection. The aggre-\\ngate value of the one tract is $21,100; that of the other is\\nonly $1,120 the difference is $19,980. We contend, therefore,\\nin view of all the circumstances detailed, that the advocates\\nand retainers of slavery, have, in effect, defrauded our family\\nout of this last-mentioned sum. In like manner, and on the\\nsame basis of deduction, we contend that almost every non-\\nslaveholder, who either is or has been the owner of real estate\\nhi the South, would in a court of strict justice, be entitled to\\ndamages the amount in all cases to be determined with refe-\\nrence to the quality of the land in question. We say this,\\nbecause in violation of every principle of expediency, justice,\\nand humanity, and in direct opposition to our solemn pro-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0119.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "112 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\ntests, slavery was foisted upon us, and has been thus far per-\\npetuated by and through the wily intrigues of the oligarchy,\\nand by them alone and furthermore, because the very best\\nagricultural lands in the Northern States being worth from\\none hundred to one hundred and seventy-five dollars per\\nacre, there is no possible reason, except slavery, why the\\nmore fertile and congenial soil of the South should not be\\nworth at least as much. If, on this principle, we could ascer-\\ntain, in the matter of real estate, the total indebtedness of\\nthe slaveholders to the non-slaveholders, we should doubtless\\nfind the sum quite equivalent to the amount estimated on a\\npreceding page\u00e2\u0080\u0094 $7,544,148,825.\\nWe have recently conversed with two gentlemen who, to\\nsave themselves from the poverty and disgrace of slavery,\\nleft North Carolina six or seven years ago, and who are\\nnow residing in the State of Minnesota, where they have\\naccumulated handsome fortunes. One of them had travelled\\nextensively in Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio, Indiana, and other\\nadjoining States and, according to his account, and we\\nknow him to be a man of veracity, it is almost impossible\\nfor persons at a distance, to form a proper conception of the\\nmagnitude of the difference between the current value of\\nlands in the Free and in the Slave States of the West. On\\none occasion, embarking at Wheeling, he sailed down the\\nOhio Virginia and Kentucky on the one side, Ohio and Indiana\\non the other. He stopped at several places along the river,\\nfirst on the right bank, then on the left, and so on, until he\\narrived at Evansville continuing his trip, he sailed down to\\nCairo, thence up the Mississippi to the mouth of the Des\\nMoines; having tarried at different points along the route,\\nsometimes in Missouri, sometimes in Illinois. Wherever he\\nlanded on free soil, he found it from one to two hundred per\\ncent, more valuable than the slave soil on the opposite bank.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0120.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 113\\nIf, for instance, the maximum price of land was eight dollars\\nin Kentucky, the minimum price was sixteen in Ohio if it\\nwas seven dollars in Missouri, it was fourteen in Illinois.\\nFurthermore, he assured us, that, so far as he could Learn,\\ntwo years ago, when he travelled through the States of\\nwhich we speak, the range of prices of agricultural lands, in\\nKentucky, was from three to eight dollars per acre in Ohio,\\nfrom sixteen to forty in Missouri, from two to seven in\\nIllinois, from fourteen to thirty in Arkansas, from one to\\nfour; in Iowa, from six to fifteen.\\nIn all the old Slave States, as is well known, there are vast\\nbodies of land that can be bought for the merest trifle. We\\nknow an enterprising capitalist in Philadelphia, who owns in\\nhis individual name, in the State of Virginia, one hundred\\nand thirty thousand acres, for which he paid only thirty-\\nseven and a half cents per acre Some years ago, in certain\\nparts of North Carolina, several large tracts were purchased\\nat the rate of twenty-five cents per acre\\nHiram Berdan, the distinguished inventor, w r ho has fre-\\nquently seen Freedom and Slavery side by side, and who is,\\ntherefore, well qualified to form an opinion of their relative\\ninfluence upon society, says\\nMany comparisons might be drawn between the Free and the\\nSlave States, either of which should be sufficient to satisfy any man\\nthat slavery is not only ruinous to free labor and enterprise, but\\ninjurious to morals, and blighting to the soil where it exists. The\\ncomparison between the States of Michigan and Arkansas, which\\nwere admitted into the Union at the same time, will fairly illustrate\\nthe difference and value of free and slave labor, as well as the differ-\\nence of moral and intellectual progress in a Free and in a Slave State.\\nIn 1836, those young Stars were admitted into the constellation\\nof the Union. Michigan, with one-half the extent of territory of\\nArkansas, challenged her sister State for a twenty years race, and", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0121.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "114 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nnamed as her rider, Neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude,\\nunless for the punishment of crime, shall ever he tolerated in this\\nState. Arkansas accepted the challenge, and named as her rider,\\nThe General Assembly shall have no power to pass laws for the\\nemancipation of slaves without the consent of the owners. Thus\\nmounted, these two States, the one free and the other slave, started\\ntogether twenty years ago, and now, having arrived at the end of\\nthe proposed race, let us review and mark the progress of each.\\nMichigan comes out in 1856 with three times the population of slave\\nArkansas, with five times the assessed value of farms, farming imple-\\nments and machinery, and with eight times the number of public\\nschools.\\nIn the foregoing part of our work, we have drawn com-\\nparisons between the old Free States and the old Slave\\nStates, and between the new Free States and the new Slave\\nStates had we sufficient time and space, we might with the\\nmost significant results, change this method of comparison,\\nby contrasting the new Free States with the old Slave States.\\nCan the slavery-extensionists compare Ohio with Virginia,\\nIllinois with Georgia, or Indiana with South Carolina, with-\\nout experiencing the agony of inexpressible shame If\\nthey can, then indeed has slavery debased them to a lower\\ndeep than we care to contemplate.\\nWe shall now introduce two tables of valuable and inte-\\nresting statistics, to which philosophic and discriminating\\nreaders will doubtless have frequent occasions to refer.\\nTable 11 will show the area of the several States, in square\\nmiles and in acres, and the number of inhabitants to the\\nsquare mile in each State also the grand total, or the ave-\\nrage, of every statistical column; Table 12 wiE exhibit the\\ntotal number of inhabitants residing in each State, according\\nto the census of 1850, the number of whites, the number of\\nfree colored, and the number of slaves. The recapitulations", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0122.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\n115\\nof these tables will be followed by a complete list of the\\nnumber of slaveholders in the United States, shoAving the\\nexact number in each Southern State, and in the District of\\nColumbia. Most warmly do we commend all these statistics\\nto the studious attention of the reader. Their language is\\nmore eloquent than any possible combination of Roman\\nvowels and consonants. We have spared no pains in arrang-\\ning them so as to express at a single glance the great truths\\nof which they are composed and we doubt not that the\\nplan we have adopted will meet with general approbation.\\nNumerically considered, it will be perceived that the slave-\\nholders are, in reality, a very insignificant class. Of them,\\nhowever, we shall have more to say hereafter.\\nTABLE 11.\\nAREA OF THE FREE AND OF THE SLAVE STATES.\\nAREA OP THE FREE STATES.\\nAREA OP THE SLAVE STATES.\\nSTATES,\\nSquare\\nmiles.\\nAcres.\\nInhabi-\\ntants to\\nsq. mile.\\nSTATES.\\nSquare\\nmiles.\\nAcres.\\nInhabi-\\ntants to\\nsq. mile.\\nCalifornia,\\nConnecticut,\\nMichigan,\\nN. Hampshire\\nNew Jersey,.\\nNew York,.\\nOhio,\\nPennsylvania\\nRhode Island,\\nVermont,\\nWisconsin,\\n155.9S0\\n4,674\\n55,405\\n33,809\\n50,914\\n31,766\\n7,800\\n56,243\\n9,280\\n8,320\\n47,000\\n39,964\\n46,000\\n1,306\\n10,212\\n53,924\\n99,827,200\\n2,991,360\\n35,359,200\\n21,637,760\\n32,584,960\\n20,330,240\\n4,992,000\\n35,995,520\\n5,939,200\\n5,324,800\\n30,080,000\\n26,576,960\\n29,440,000\\n835,840\\n6,535,680\\n34,511,860\\n.59\\n79.33\\n15.37\\n29.24\\n3.78\\n18.36\\n127.50\\n7.07\\n34.26\\n58.84\\n65.90\\n49.55\\n50.26\\n112.97\\n30.76\\n5.66\\nAlabama,..\\nArkansas,\\nDelaware,..\\nFlorida,\\nGeorgia,.\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMississippi,..\\nMissouri,\\nN. Carolina,\\nS. Carolina,\\nTennessee,..\\nTexas,\\nVirginia,\\n50,722\\n52,198\\n2,120\\n59,268\\n5S,000\\n37,680\\n41,255\\n11,124\\n47,156\\n67,380\\n50,704\\n29,385\\n46,600\\n237,504\\n61,352\\n32,027,490\\n33,406,720\\n1,356,800\\n37,931,520\\n37,120,000\\n24,115,200\\n26,403,200\\n7,119,360\\n30,179,840\\n43,123,200\\n32,450,560\\nls,si)5,400\\n29,184,000\\n152,002,560\\n89,165,280\\n15.21\\n4.02\\n43. IS\\n1.48\\n15.62\\n26.07\\n12.55\\n52.41\\n12.86\\n10.12\\n17.14\\n22.76\\n21.99\\n.89\\n23.17\\n612,597 1892,962,080 1 21.91\\n851,448 |544,391,130 1 11.29\\nRECAPITULATION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 AREA.\\nArea of the Slave States, 861,448 square miles.\\nArea of the Free States, 612,597\\nBalances in favor of Slave States,. 238,851\\n544,926,720 acres.\\n892,062,082\\n152,864,633", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0123.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "116\\nHOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nTABLE 13.\\nPOPULATION OF THE FREE AND OF THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nPOPULATION\\nPOPULATION\\nOF THE\\nFKEE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n1S50.\\nOF THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nSTATES.\\nWhiles.\\nFree\\nCol d\\nTotal.\\nSTATES.\\nWhites.\\nFree\\nCol d.\\nSlaves.\\nTotal.\\nCalifornia,..\\n91,635\\n902\\n92,597\\nAlabama,\\n420,514\\n2,265\\n342,844\\n771,023\\nConnecticut\\n303,099\\n7,093\\n370,792\\nArkansas,...\\n102,189\\n608\\n47.1110\\n209,897\\nIllinois,\\n846,034\\n5,430\\n851,470\\nDelaware,..\\n71,169\\n18,073\\n2,290\\n91,532\\nIndiana,.\\n977,154\\n11,202\\n988,416\\nFlorida,\\n47,203\\n932\\n39,310\\n87,445\\n191,881\\n333\\n192,214\\nGeorgia,\\n521,572\\n2,931\\n881,622\\n900,135\\n581,818\\n1,350\\n583,169\\nKentucky,..\\n701,413\\n10,011\\n210,981\\n9S2,405\\nMass\\n9s.- ,450\\n9,004\\n994,514\\nLouisiana,..\\n255,491\\n17,402\\n244,809\\n517,702\\nMichigan,...\\n895,071\\n2,583\\n397,054\\nMaryland,.\\n417,943\\n74.723\\n90,868\\n588,084\\nN. Hamp.,..\\n317,45(3\\n520\\n317,970\\nMississippi,.\\n295,718\\n930\\n809,878\\n606,526\\nN. Jersey,..\\n4f.5,5iKI\\n23,810\\n4.89,319\\nMissouri,.\\n592,004\\n2,618\\n87,422\\n682,044\\nNew York,..\\n3,048,325\\n49,069\\n3,097,394\\nN. Carolina,\\n558,028\\n27,463\\n288,548\\nB69,089\\nOhio,\\n1,955,050\\n25,279\\n1,9S0,329\\nS. Carolina,\\n274,563\\n8,900\\n884,984\\n668,507\\nPenn.,\\n2,258,160\\n58,626\\n2,311,780\\nTennessee,\\n756,886\\n6,422\\n289,4591,002,717\\nRhode Is.,..\\n1 t:;,s75\\n3,070\\n71 S\\n147,545\\nTexas,\\n154,084\\n397\\n58,161\\n212,592\\nVermont,\\n313,40-2\\n314,120\\nVirginia,\\n894,800\\n54,333\\n472,528 1,421,001\\nWisconsin,..\\n804,750\\n535\\n305,291\\n13,208,070195,910\\n13,404,586\\n1\\n6,184,477\\n228,128\\n3,200,304 9,612,909\\nRECAPITULATION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 POPULATION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nWhites.\\nPopulation of the Free States, 13,268,670\\nPopulation of the Slave States, 6,184,477\\nBalances in favor of the Free States, 7,084,193 3,S51,677\\nFREE COLORED AND SLAVE\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1S50.\\nFree Negroes in the Slave States, 228,188\\nFree Negroes in the Free States, 1:h;. 1 1\\nExcess of Free Negroes in the Slave States, 32,022\\nSlaves in the Slave States, 3,200,364\\nFree Negroes in the Slave States, 228,133\\nAggregate Negro Population of the Slave States in 1850 8,428,502", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0124.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 117\\nTHE TERRITORIES AND THE DISTRICT OP COLUMBIA.\\nArea in Square Miles. Population\\nIndian Territory, 71,127\\nKansas 114,798\\nMinnesota 166,025 6 077\\nNebraska 335,S82\\nN. Mexico 207,007 61 547\\nOregon 185,030 13 294\\nUtah 269,170 ll sso\\nWashington 123,022\\nColumbia, Dist. of, 60 *51 6S7\\nAggregate of Area and Population, 1,472,121 143 0S5\\nNUMBER OF SLAVEHOLDERS IN THE UNITED STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1S50.\\nAlabama, 29 295\\nArkansas, 5999\\nColumbia, District of, 1477\\nDelaware, g09\\nFlorida, 3 ,V2H\\nGeorgia, S8,456\\nKentucky, 88,885\\nLouisiana,... 20 670\\nMaryland, lo o40\\nMississippi, 23 1 10\\nMissouri, 19, l85\\nNorth Carolina, 28 308\\nSouth Carolina, 25*596\\nTennessee, 83,864\\nTexas 7,747\\nVirginia, 55^063\\nTotal number of Slaveholders in the United States, 347,525\\nCLASSIFICATION OF SLAVEHOLDERS\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nHolders of 1 slave, 68,820\\nHolders of 1 and under 5, 05,683\\nHolders of 5 and under 10, 80,765\\nHolders of 10 and under 20, 54,595\\nHolders of 20 and under 50, 29;783\\nHolders of 50 and under 100, 6.196\\nHolders of 100 and under 200, 1 479\\nHolders of 200 and under 300, it;7\\nHolders of 300 and under 500, 56\\nHolders of 500 and underl,000, 9\\nHolders of 1,000 and over, 2\\nAggregate number of Slaveholders in the United States, 347,525\\nOf the 51.6S7 inhabitants in the District of Columbia, in 1850, 10,057 were Free Colored\\nand 3,687 were Slaves.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0125.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "118 HOW 6L AVERT CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nIt thus appears that there are in the United Sates, three\\nhundred and forty-seven thousand five hundred and twenty-\\nfive slaveholders. But this appearance is deceptive. The\\nactual number is certainly less than two hundred thousand.\\nProfessor De Bow, the Superintendent of the Census, informs\\nus that the number includes slave-hirers, and furthermore,\\nthat where the party owns slaves in different counties, or in\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2different States, he will be entered more than once. Now\\nevery Southerner, who has any practical knowledge of\\naffairs, must know, and does know, that every New Year s\\nday, like almost every other day, is desecrated in the South,\\nby publicly hiring out slaves to large numbers of non-slave-\\nholders. The slave-owners, who are the exclusive manufac-\\nturers of public sentiment, have pojmlarized the dictum that\\nwhite servants are unfashionable and there are, we are sorry\\nto say, nearly one hundred and sixty thousand non-slavehold-\\ning sycophants, who have subscribed to this false philosophy,\\nand who are giving constant encouragement to the infamous\\npractices of slaveholding and slave-breeding, by hiring at\\nleast one slave every year.\\nIn the Southern States, as in all other slaveholding coun-\\ntries, there are three odious classes of mankind the slaves\\nthemselves, who are cowards the slaveholders, Avho arc\\ntyrants and the non-slaveholding slave-hirers, who are lick-\\nspittles. Whether either class is really entitled to the gentle\\nregards of any respectable man or woman in the world, is,\\nindeed, a matter of grave doubt. The slaves, because of their\\ntimidity and mean submission, are abominable the slave-\\nholders, because of their unjust and cruel exercise of power,\\nare detestable the non-slaveholding slave-hirers, because of\\ntheir unmanly endurance of usurpation and wrong on the part\\nof the domineering moguls of unrighteousness, are contemp-\\ntible and to a right-thinking public we submit the question,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0126.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 119\\nwhether, with one grand concerted kick from all the decent\\npeoples of Christendom, every member of these three odious\\nclasses of mankind should not, as the just penalty of their\\ndemerits, be at once hurled headlong from the fair face of the\\nearth into an abyss of oblivion\\nWith the statistics at our command, it is impossible for us\\nto ascertain the exact number of slaveholders and non-slave-\\nholding slave-hirers in the Slave States but Ave have data\\nwhich will enable us to approach very near to the facts. The\\ntown from which Ave hail, Salisbury, the capital of Rowan\\nCounty, North Carolina, contains about twenty-three hundred\\ninhabitants, including three hundred and seventy-tAVO slaA r es,\\nfifty one slaveholders, and forty-three non-slaveholding slave-\\nhirers. Taking it for granted that this town furnishes a fair\\nrelative proportion of all the slaveholding and non-slaA T ehold-\\ning skive-hirers in the SlaA T e States, the whole number of the\\nformer, including those Avho have been entered more than\\nonce, is one hundred and eighty-eight thousand five hundred\\nand fifty-one of the latter, one hundred and fifty-eight thou-\\nsand nine hundred and seventy-four and, iioav, estimating\\nthat there are in Maryland, Virginia, and other grain-groAving\\nStates, an aggregate of tAVO thousand slave-OAvners, Avho have\\ncotton plantations stocked with negroes in the far South, and\\nAvho have been entered more than once, we find, as the\\nresult of our calculations, that the total number of actual\\nslaveholders in the Union, is precisely one hundred and\\neighty-six thousand five hundred and fifty one\u00e2\u0080\u0094 as follows\\nNumber of actual slaveholders in the United States 186,551\\nNumber entered more than once 2,000\\nNumber of non-slaveholding slave-hirers 158,974\\nAggregate number, according to De Bow 347,525\\nThe greater number of non-slaveholding slave-hirers, are a\\nkind of third-rate aristocrats persons who formerly owned", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0127.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "120 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nslaves, but whom slavery, as is its custom, has dragged down\\nto poverty, leaving them in their false and shiftless pride, to\\neke out a miserable existence over the hapless chattels per-\\nsonal of other men.\\nSo it seems that the total number of actual slaveowners\\nincluding their entire crew of white non-slaveholding syco-\\nphants, against whom we have to contend, is but three hun-\\ndred and forty-seven thousand five hundred and twenty-five.\\nAgainst this army for the defence and propagation of slavery,\\nwe think it would be an easy matter independent of every\\nnegro in the world, whether bond or free, and Avithout accept-\\ning of a single recruit from any one of the Free States, or from\\nEngland, France, or Germany to muster one at least three\\ntimes as large, and far more respectable, for its utter extinc-\\ntion. We hope, however, and believe, that the matter in\\ndispute may be adjusted without arraying these armies against\\neach other in hostile attitude. We desire peace, not war\\njustice, not blood. Give us fair-play, secure to us the right\\nof discussion, the freedom of speech, and we will settle the\\ndifficulty at the ballot-box, not on the battle-ground by force\\nof reason, not by force of arms. But Ave are wedded to one\\npurpose from which no earthly power can ever divorce us.\\nWe are determined to abolish slavery at all hazards in defi-\\nance of all the opposition, of whatever nature, which it is possi-\\nble for the propagandists of the system to bring against us. Of\\nthis they may now take due notice, and govern themselves\\naccordingly.\\nBefore Ave proceed further, it may be necessary to call\\nattention to the fact that, though the ostensible proprietor-\\nship of the slaves is vested in feAvcr individuals than Ave have\\nusually counted in our calculations concerning them, the force\\nand drift of our statistics remain unimpaired. In the main,\\nall our figures are correct. The tables which Ave have pre", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0128.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 121\\npared, especially, and the recapitulations of those tables, maybe\\nrelied on with all the confidence that is due to American official\\nintegrity for, as we have substantially remarked on a pre-\\nvious occasion, the particulars of which they are composed\\nhave been obtained from the returns of competent census\\nagents, who, with Prof. De Bow as principal, Avere expressly\\nemployed to collect them. As for our minor labors in the\\nscience of numbers, we cheerfully submit them to the candid\\nscrutiny of the impartial critic.\\nThus far in giving expression to our sincere and settled\\nopinions, we have endeavored to show, in the first place, that\\nslavery is a great moral, social, civil, and political evil a dire\\nenemy to true wealth and national greatness, and an atrocious\\ncrime against both God and man and, in the second place,\\nthat it is a paramount duty which we owe to heaven, to the\\nearth, to America, to humanity, to our posterity, to our con-\\nsciences, and to our pockets, to adopt effectual and judicious\\nmeasures for its immediate suppression. The questions now\\narise, How can the evil be averted What are the most\\nprudent and practicable means that can be devised for the\\nabolition of slavery In the solution of these problems it\\nbecomes necessary to deal with a multiplicity of stubborn\\nrealities. And yet we can see no reason why North Carolina,\\nin her sovereign capacity, may not with equal ease and suc-\\ncess, do what forty-five other States of the world have done\\nwithin the last forty-five years. Nor do we believe any good\\nreason exists why Virginia should not perform as great a deed\\nin 1869 as did New York in 1799. Massachusetts abolished.\\nslavery in 1780 would it not be a masterly stroke of policy\\nin Tennessee, and every other Slave State, to abolish it in or\\nbefore 1870?\\nTo the non-slaveholding whites of the South, as a deeply-\\nwronged and vitally distinct political party, we must look for\\n6", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0129.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "122 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nthat change of law, or reorganization of society, which, at an\\nearly day, we hope, is to result in the substitution of liberty\\nfor slavery and under all the circumstances, it now becomes\\ntheir duty to mark out an independent course for themselves\\nand to utterly contemn and ignore the many base instruments\\nof power, animate and inanimate, which have been so freely\\nand so effectually used for their enslavement. Steering en-\\ntirely clear of the oligarchy, noAv is the time for the non-slave-\\nholders to assert their rights and liberties never before was\\nthere such an appropriate period to strike for Freedom in\\nthe South.\\nHad it not been for the better sense, the purer patriotism,\\nand the more practical justice of the non-slaveholders, the\\nMiddle States and New England would still be groaning and\\ngrovelhng under the ponderous burden of slavery New York\\nwould never have risen above the dishonorable level of Vir-\\nginia Pennsylvania, trampled beneath the iron heel of the\\nblack code, would have remained the unprogressive parallel\\nof Georgia Massachusetts would have continued till the pre-\\nsent time, and Heaven only knows how much longer, the con-\\ntemptible coequal of South Carolina.\\nSucceeded by the happiest moral effects and the grandest\\nphysical results, we have seen slavery crushed beneath the\\nwisdom of the non-slaveholding statesmen of the North fol-\\nlowed by corresponding influences and achievements, many\\nof us who have not yet passed the meridian of life, are destined\\nto see it equally crushed beneath the Avisdom of the non-\\nslaveholding statesmen of the South. With righteous indig-\\nnation, we enter our protest against the base yet baseless ad-\\nmission that Louisiana and Texas are incapable of producing\\nas great statesmen as Rhode Island and Connecticut. What\\nhas been done for New Jersey by the statesmen of New Jer-\\nsey, can be done for Kentucky by the statesmen of Kentucky", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0130.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 123\\nthe wisdom of the former State has abolished slavery as sure\\nas the earth revolves on its axis, the Avisdom of the latter will\\nnot do less.\\nThat our plan for the abolition of slavery is the best that\\ncan be devised, we have not the vanity to contend but that\\nit is a good one, and will do to act upon until a better shall\\nhave been suggested, we do firmly and conscientiously be-\\nlieve. Though but little skilled in the delicate art of surgery,\\nAve have pretty thoroughly probed Slavery, the frightful tu-\\nmor on the body politic, and have, Ave think, ascertained the\\nprecise remedies requisite for a speedy and perfect cure.\\nPossibly the less ardent friends of Freedom may object to\\nour prescription, on the ground that some of its ingredients\\nare too griping, and that it AAdll cost the patient a deal of\\nmost excruciating pain. But let them remember that the\\npatient is exceedingly refractory, that the case is a desperate\\none, and that drastic remedies are indispensably necessary.\\nWhen they shall have discovered milder yet equally effica-\\ncious ones, it Avill be time enough to discontinue the use of\\noui-s then no one will be readier than Ave to discard the in-\\nfallible strong recipe for the infallible mild. Not at the per-\\nsecution of a few thousand slaveholders, but at the restitulion\\nof natural rights and prerogatives to seA-eral million of non-\\nslaveholders, do we aim.\\nInscribed on the banner, Avhich Ave hereAvith unfurl to the\\nworld, Avith the full and fixed determination to stand by it or\\ndie by it, unless one of more A y irtuous efficacy shall be pre-\\nsented, are the mottoes which, in substance, embody the\\nprinciples, as Ave conceive, that should govern us in our pa-\\ntriotic warfare against the most subtle and insidious foe that\\never menaced the inalienable rights and liberties and dearest\\ninterests of America\\n1st. Thorough Organization and Independent Political", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0131.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "124 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nAction on the part of the Non-Slaveholding Whites of the\\nSouth.\\n2d. Ineligibility of Pro-Slavery Slaveholders Never another\\nvote to any one who advocates the Retention and Perpetu-\\nation of Human Bondage.\\n3d. No Cooperation with Pro-Slavery Politicians No Fel-\\nlowship with them in Religion No Affiliation with them\\nin Society.\\n4th. No Patronage to Pro-Slavery Merchants No Guestship\\nin Slave-waiting Hotels No Fees to Pro-Slavery Lawyers\\nNo Employment of Pro-Slavery Physicians No audience\\nto Pro-Slavery Pai sons.\\n5th. No more Hiring of Slaves \u00c2\u00bbby Non-Slaveholders.\\n6th. Abrupt Discontinuance of Subscription to Pro-Slavery\\nNewspapers.\\n7th. The Greatest Possible Encouragement to Free White\\nLabor.\\nThis, then, is the outline of our scheme for the abolition of\\nslavery in the Southern States. Let it be acted upon with\\ndue promptitude, and as certain as truth is mightier than er\\nror, fifteen years will not elapse before every foot of territory,\\nfrom the mouth of the Delaware to the emboguing of the Rio\\nGrande, shall disunite forever from the desolations of slavery,\\nand glitter .with the jewels of freedom. Some time during\\nthis year, next, or the year following, let there be a general\\nconvention of non-slaveholders from every Slave State in the\\nUnion, to deliberate on the momentous issues now pending.\\nFirst, let them adopt measures for holding in restraint the\\nmischievous excesses of the oligarchy secondly, in order to\\ncast off the thralldom which the despotic slave-power has fast-\\nened upon them, and, as the first step necessary to be taken\\nto regain the inalienable rights and liberties with which they\\nwere invested by nature, but of which they have been divested", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0132.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 125\\nby the Vandalic dealers in human flesh, let them devise ways\\nand means for the complete annihilation of slavery thirdly,\\nlet them put forth an equitable and comprehensive platform,\\nfully defining their position, and inviting the active sympathy\\nand cooperation of the millions of down-trodden non-slave-\\nholders throughout the Southern and Southwestern States.\\nLet all these things be done, not too hastily, but with calm-\\nness, deliberation, prudence and circumspection if need be,\\nlet the delegates to the convention continue in session one or\\ntwo weeks only let their labors be wisely and thoroughly\\nperformed let them, on Wednesday morning, present to the\\npoor whites of the South a well-digested scheme for the recla-\\nmation of their ancient rights and prerogatives, and, on the\\nThursday following, slavery in the United States will be worth\\nabsolutely less than nothing for then, besides being so des-\\npicable and precarious that nobody will want it, it will be a\\nlasting reproach to those in whose hands it is lodged.\\nWere it not that other phases of the subject admonish us\\nto be economical of space, we could suggest more than a\\ndozen different plans, either of which, if scrupulously carried\\nout, would lead to a wholesome, speedy, and perfect termina-\\ntion of slavery. Under all the circumstances, however, it\\nmight be difficult for us* perhaps it.would not be the easiest\\nthing in the world for anybody else to suggest a better plan\\nthan the one above. Let it, or one embodying its principal\\nfeatures, be adopted forthwith, and the last wail of slavery\\nwill soon be heard, growing fainter and fainter, till it dies\\nutterly away, to be succeeded by the jubilant shouts of eman-\\ncipated millions.\\nAt the very moment we write, as has been the case ever\\nsince the United States have had a distinct national existence,\\nand as will always continue to be the case, unless right tri-\\numphs over wrong, all the civil, political, and other offices,", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0133.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "126 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nwithin the gift of the South, are filled with negro-nursed in-\\ncumbents from the ranks of that artful band of misanthropes\\nthree hundred and forty-seven thousand in number who,\\nfor the most part, obtain their living by breeding, buying and\\nselling slaves. The magistrates in the villages, the constables\\nin the districts, the commissioners of the towns, the mayors\\nof the cities, the sheriffs of the counties, the judges of the va-\\nrious courts, the members of the legislatures, the governors\\nof the States, the representatives and senators in Congress\\nare all slaveholders. Nor does the catalogue of their usurpa-\\ntions end here. By means of much barefaced arrogance and\\ncorruption, they have obtained control of the General Gov-\\nernment, and all the consuls, ambassadors, envoys extraordi-\\nnary, and ministers plenipotentiary, who are chosen from the\\nSouth, and commissioned to foreign countries, are selected\\nwith especial reference to the purity of their pro-slavery an-\\ntecedents. If credentials have ever been issued to a single\\nnon-slaveholder of the South, we are ignorant of both the\\nfact and the hearsay indeed, it would be very strange if this\\nmuch abused class of persons were permitted to hold impor-\\ntant offices abroad, when they are not allowed to hold unim-\\nportant ones at home.\\nAnd, then, there is tke Presidency of the United States,\\nwhich office has been held forty-eight years by slaveholders\\nfrom the South, and only twenty years by non-slaveholders\\nfrom the North. Nor is this the full record of oligarchical\\nobtrusion. On an average, the offices of Secretary of State,\\nSecretary of the Treasury, Secretary of the Interior, Secre-\\ntary of the Navy, Secretary of War, Postmaster-General and\\nAttorney-General, have been under the control of slave-\\ndrivers nearly two-thirds of the time. The Chief Justices\\nand the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the\\nUnited States, the Presidents pro tem. of the Senate, and the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0134.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 127\\nSpeakers of the House of Representatives, have, in a large ma-\\njority of instances, been slave-breeders from the Southern\\nside of the Potomac. Five slave-holding Presidents have\\nbeen reelected to the chief magistracy of the Republic, while\\nno non-slaveholder has ever held the office more than a single\\nterm. Thus we see plainly that even the non-slaveholders of\\nthe North, to whose freedom, energy, enterprise, intelligence,\\nwealth, population, power, progress, and prosperity, our coun-\\ntry is almost exclusively indebted for its high position among\\nthe nations of the earth, have been arrogantly denied a due\\nparticipation in the honors of federal office. When the sum\\nof all villainies shall have ceased to exist, then the rights of\\nthe non-slaveholders of the North, of the South, of the East,\\nand of the West, will be duly recognized and respected not\\nbefore.\\nFor the last sixty-eight years, slaveholders have been the\\nsole and constant representatives of the South, and what have\\nthey accomplished? It requires but little time and few\\nwords, to tell the story of their indiscreet and unhallowed\\nperformances. In fact, with what we have already said, ges-\\ntures alone woidd suffice to answer the inquiry. We can\\nmake neither a more truthful nor emphatic reply than to point\\nto our thinly inhabited States, to our fields despoiled of their\\nvirgin soil, to the despicable price of lands, to our unvisited\\ncities and towns, to our vacant harbors and idle water-power,\\nto the dreary absence of shipping and manufactories, to our\\nunpensioned soldiers of the Revolution, to the millions of liv-\\ning monuments of ignorance, to the squalid poverty of the\\nwhites, and to the utter wretchedness of the blacks.\\nEither directly or indirectly, are pro-slavery politicians, who\\nhave ostentatiously set up pretensions to statesmanship, re-\\nsponsible for every dishonorable weakness and inequality that\\nexists between the North and the South. Let them shirk", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0135.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "128 HOW 6LAVEEY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nthe responsibility if they can but it is morally impossible for\\nthem to do so. We know how ready they have always been\\nto cite the numerical strength of the North, as a valid excuse\\nfor their inability to procure appropriations from the General\\nGovernment, for purposes of internal improvement, for the\\nestablishment of lines of ocean steamers to South American\\nand European ports, and for the acconrplishment of other\\nobjects. Before that apology ever escapes their lips again,\\nlet them remember that the numerical weakness of the South\\nis wholly attributable to their own imbecile statism. Had\\nthe Southern States, in accordance with the principles enun-\\nciated in the Declaration of Independence, abolished slavery\\nat the same time the Northern States abolished it, there\\nwould have been, long since, and most assuredly at this mo-\\nment, a larger, wealthier, wiser, and more powerful popula-\\ntion, south of Mason and Dixon s line, than there now is north\\nof it. This fact being so well established that no reasonable\\nman denies it, it is evident that the oligarchy will have to de-\\nvise another subterfuge for even temporary relief.\\nUntil slavery and slaveholders cease to be the only favored\\nobjects of legislation in the South, the North will continue\\nto maintain the ascendency in every important particular.\\nWith those infamously mean objects out of the way, it would\\nnot require the non-slaveholders of the South more than a quar-\\nter of a century to bring her up, in all respects, to a glorious\\nequality with the North nor would it take them much longer\\nto surpass the latter, which is the most vigorous and honor-\\nable rival that they have in the world. Three-quarters of a\\ncentury hence, if slavery is abolished within the next ten\\nyears, as it ought to be, the South will, we believe, be as\\nmuch greater than the North, as the North is now greater\\nthan the South. Three-quarters of a century hence, if the\\nSouth retains slavery, which God forbid she wiU be to the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0136.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 129\\nNorth much the same that Poland is to Russia, that Cuba is\\nto Spain, or that Ireland is to England.\\nWhat we want and must have, as the only sure means of\\nattaining to a position worthy of sovereign States in this\\neminently progressive and utilitarian age, is an energetic,\\nintelligent, enterprising, virtuous, and unshackled population\\nan untrammelled Press, and the Freedom of Speech. For\\nourselves, as white people, and for the negroes and other\\npersons of whatever color or condition, we demand all the\\nrights, interests and prerogatives, that are guaranteed to\\ncorresponding classes of mankind in the North, in England,\\nhi France, in Germany, or in any other civilized and enlight-\\nened country. Any proposition that may he offered conced-\\ning less than this demand, will be promptly and disdainfully\\nrejected.\\nSpeaking of the non-slaveholders of the South, George M.\\nWeston, a zealous co-laborer in the cause of Freedom, says\\nThe non-slaveholding whites of the South, being not less than\\nseven-tenths of the whole number of whites, would seem to he enti-\\ntled to some inquiry into their actual condition and especially, as\\nthey have no real political weight or consideration in the country,\\nand little opportunity to speak for themselves. I have been for\\ntwenty years a reader of Southern newspapers, and a reader and\\nhearer of Congressional debates; but, in all that time, I do not\\nrecollect ever to have seen or heard these non-slaveholding whites\\nreferred to by Southern gentlemen, as constituting any part of\\nwhat they call the South. When the rights of the South, or its\\nwrongs, or its policy, or its interests, or its institutions, are spoken\\nof, reference is always intended to the rights, wrongs, policy, inte-\\nrests, and institutions of the three hundred and forty-seven thousand\\nslaveholders. Nobody gets into Congress from the South but by\\ntheir direction nobody speaks at Washington for any Southern\\ninterests except theirs. Yet there is, at the South, quite another\\ninterest than theirs embracing from two to three times as many\\n6*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0137.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "130 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nwhite people and, as we shall presently see, entitled to the deepest\\nsympathy and commiseration, in view of the material, intellectual,\\nand moral privations to which it has been subjected, the degradation\\nto which it has already been reduced, and the still more fearful\\ndegradation with which it is threatened by the inevitable operation\\nof existing causes and influences.\\nThe following extract, from a paper on Domestic Manu-\\nfactures in the South and West, published by M. Tarver, of\\nMissouri, may be appropriately introduced in this connection\\nThe non-slaveholders possess, generally, but very small means,\\nand the land which they possess is almost universally poor, and so\\nsterile that a scanty subsistence is all that can be derived from its\\ncultivation and the more fertile soil, being in the possession of the\\nslaveholders, must ever remain out of the power of those who have\\nnone. This state of things is a great drawback, and bears heavily\\nupon and depresses the moral energies of the poorer classes. The\\nacquisition of a respectable position in the scale of wealth appears so\\ndifficult, that they decline the hopeless pursuit, and many of them\\nsettle down into habits of idleness, and become the almost passive\\nsubjects of all its consequences. And I lament to say that I have\\nobserved, of late years, that an evident deterioration is taking place in\\nthis part of the population, the younger portion of it being less edu-\\ncated, less industrious, and in every point of view less respectable\\nthan their ancestors.\\nEqually worthy of attention is the testimony of Gov. Ham-\\nmond, of South Carolina, who says\\nAccording to the best calculation, which, in the absence of sta-\\ntistic facts, can be made, it is believed, that of the three hundred\\nthousand white inhabitants of South Carolina, there are not less than\\nfifty thousand whose industry, such as it is, and compensated as it is,\\nis not, in the present condition of things, and does not promise to be\\nhereafter, adequate to procure them, honestly, such a support as every", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0138.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 131\\nwhite person is, and feels himself entitled to. And this, nest to\\nemigration, is, perhaps, the heaviest of the weights that press upon\\nthe springs of our prosperity. Most of those now follow agricultural\\npursuits, in feeble, yet injurious competition with slave labor. Some,\\nperhaps, not more from inclination than from the want of due en-\\ncouragement, can scarcely be said to work at all. They obtain a\\nprecarious subsistence, by occasional jobs, by hunting, by fishing,\\nsometimes by plundering fields or folds, and too often by what is,\\nin its effects, far worse trading with slaves, and seducing them to\\nplunder for their benefit.\\nConjoined with the sundry plain, straightforward facts\\nwhich have issued from our own pen, these extracts show\\nconclusively that immediate and independent political action\\non the part of the non-slaveholding whites of the South, is,\\nwith them, a matter both of positive duty, and of the utmost\\nimportance. As yet, it is in their power to rescue the South\\nfrom the gulf of shame and guilt, into which slavery has\\nplunged her but if they do not soon arouse themselves from\\ntheir apathy, this power will be Avrenched from them, and\\nthen, unable to resist the strong arm of the oppressor, they\\nwill be completely degraded to a social and political level\\nwith the negroes, whose condition of servitude will, in the\\nmeantime, become far more abject and forlorn than it is now.\\nIn addition to the reasons which we have already assigned\\nwhy no slavocrat shoidd, in the future, be elected to any\\noffice whatever, there are others that deserve to be carefully\\nconsidered. Among these, to speak plainly, may be men-\\ntioned the ill-breeding and the ruffianism of slaveholding\\nofficials. Tedious, indeed, wo\\\\ild be the task to enumerate\\nall the homicides, duels, assaults and batteries, and other\\ncrimes, of which they are the authors in the course of a single\\nyear. To the general reader their career at the seat of\\nGovernment is well known there, on frequent occasions,", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0139.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "132 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nchoking with, rage at seeing their wretched sophistries scat-\\ntered to the winds by the logical reasoning of the champions\\nof Freedom, they have overstepped the bounds of common\\ndecency, vacated the chair of honorable controversy, and, in\\nthe most brutal and cowardly manner, assailed their unarmed\\nopponents with bludgeons, bowie-knives and pistols. Com-\\npared with some of their barbarisms at home, hoAvever, their\\nfrenzied onslaughts at the national capital have been but the\\nsimplest breaches of civil deportment and it is only for the\\npurpose of avoiding personalities that we now refrain from\\ndivulging a few instances of the unparalleled atrocities which\\nthey have perpetrated in legislative halls south of the Poto-\\nmac. Nor is it alone in the national and State legislatures\\nthat they substitute brute force for genteel behavior and\\nacuteness of intellect. Neither court-houses nor public streets,\\nhotels nor private dwellings, rum-holes nor law-offices, are\\nheld sacred from their murderous conflicts. About certain\\nsilly abstractions that no pi-actical business man ever allows\\nto occupy his time or attention, they are eternally wrangling\\nand thus it is that rencounters, duels, homicides, and other\\ndemonstrations of personal violence, have become so popular in\\nall slaveholding communities. A few years of entire freedom\\nfrom the cares and perplexities of public life would, we have\\nno doubt, greatly improve both their manners and their\\nmorals and Ave suggest that it is a Christian duty, which\\ndevolves on the non-slaveholders of the South, to disrobe\\nthem of the mantle of office, which they have so long worn\\nwith disgrace to themselves, injustice to their constituents,\\nand ruin to their country.\\nBut what shall we say of such men as Botts, Stuart, and\\nMacfarland of Virginia of Raynor, Morehead, and Graham\\nof North Carolina of Davis and Hofthian of Maryland\\nof Blair, Brown and Bates of Missouri of the Marshalls of", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0140.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 133\\nKentucky and of Nelson and Etheridge of Tennessee All\\nthese gentlemen, and many others of the same school, enter-\\ntain, we believe, sentiments similar to those that were enter-\\ntained by the immortal Fathers of the Republic that slavery\\nis a great moral, social, civil, and political evil, to be got rid\\nof at the earliest practicable period and if they do, in order\\nto secure our votes, it is only necessary for them to have\\nthe courage of their opinions, to renounce Slavery, and to\\ncome out frankly, fairly and squarely in favor of Freedom.\\nTo neither of these patriotic sons of the South, no^to any\\none of the class to which they belong, would we give any\\noffence whatever. In our strictures on the criminality of\\npro-slavery demagogues we have had heretofore, and shall\\nhave hereafter, no sort of reference to any respectable slave-\\nholder by which we mean, any slaveholder who admits the\\ninjustice and inhumanity of slavery, and who is not averse to\\nthe discussion of measures for its speedy and total extinction.\\nSuch slaveholders are virtually on our side that is, on the\\nside of the non-slaveholding whites, with whom they may very\\nproperly be classified. On this point, once for all, we desire to\\nbe distinctly understood for it would be manifestly unjust not\\nto discriminate between the anti-slavery proprietor who owns\\nslaves by the law of entailment, and the pro-slavery proprie-\\ntor who engages in the traffic, and becomes an aider and\\nabettor of the system from sheer turpitude of heart hence\\nthe propriety of this special disclaimer.\\nIf we have a correct understanding of the positions which\\nthey assumed, some of the gentlemen whose names are written\\nabove, gave, during the last Presidential campaign, ample evi-\\ndence of their unswerving devotion to the interests of the great\\nmajority of the people, the non-slaveholding whites; and it is\\nour unbiased opinion that a more positive truth is nowhere\\nrecorded in Holy Writ, than Kenneth Raynor uttered, when", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0141.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "134 IIOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nhe said, in substance, that the greatest good that could pos-\\nsibly happen to this country would be the complete over-\\nthrow of Black Democracy, alias the pro-slavery party, which\\nhas for its head and front the Ritchies and Wises of Virginia,\\nand for its caudal termination the Keitts and Quattlebums of\\nSouth Carolina.\\nPeculiarly illustrative of the material of which sham democ-\\nracy is composed was the vote polled at the Five Points\\nprecinct, in the city of New York, on the 4th of November,\\n1856, jvhen James Buchanan was chosen President by a\\nminority of the people. We will produce the figures\\nFive Points Precinct, New York City, 1S56.\\nVotes cast for James Buchanan 574\\nJohn C. Fremont 16\\nMillard Fillmore 9\\nIt will be recollected that Col. Fremont s majority over\\nBuchanan, in the State of New York, was between seventy-\\neight and seventy-nine thousand, and that he ran ahead o\u00c2\u00a3\\nthe Fillmore ticket to the number of nearly one hundred and\\nfifty-one thousand. We have not the shadow of a doubt that\\nhe is perfectly satisfied with Mr. Buchanan s triumph at the\\nFive Points, which, with the exception of the slave-pens in\\nSouthern cities, is, perhaps, the most vile and heart-sickening\\nlocality in the United States.\\nOne of the most noticeable and commendable features of\\nthe last general election is this almost every State, whose\\ninhabitants have enjoyed the advantages of free soil, free\\nlaboi-, free speech, free presses, and free schools, and who\\nhave, in consequence, become great in numbers, in virtue, in\\nwealth, and in wisdom, voted for Fremont, the Republican\\ncandidate, who was pledged to use- his influence for the\\nextension of like advantages to other parts of the country.\\nOn the other hand, with a single honorable exception, all the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0142.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 135\\nStates which have got to hating everything with the prefix\\nFree, from free negroes down and up through the whole\\ncatalogue free farms, free labor, free society, free will, free\\nthinking, free children, and free schools, and which have\\nexposed their citizens to all the perils of numerical weakness,\\nabsolute ignorance, and hopeless poverty, voted for Buchanan,\\nthe Democratic candidate, who, in reply to the overtures of\\nhis pro-slavery partisans, had signified his willingness to pur-\\nsue a policy that would perpetuate and disseminate, without\\nlimit, the multitudinous evils of human bondage..\\nThat less than three per cent, of those who voted for Col.\\nFremont, that only about five per cent, of those who gave\\ntheir suffrages to Mr. Fillmore, and that more than eighteen\\nper cent, of those who supported Mr. Buchanan, were per-\\nsons over one and twenty years of age who could not read\\nand write, are estimates which we have no doubt are not far\\nfrom the truth, and which in the absence of reliable statistics,\\nwe venture to give, hoping, by their publicity, to draw closer\\nattention to the fact, that the illiterate foreigners of the\\nNorth, and the unlettered natives of the South, were cor-\\ndially united in their suicidal adherence to the pro-slavery\\nparty. With few exceptions, all the intelligent non-slave-\\nholders of the South, in concert with the more respectable\\nslaveholders, voted for Mr. Fillmore certain rigidly patriotic\\npersons of the former class, whose hearts were so entirely\\nwith the gallant Fremont that they refused to vote at all\\nsimply because they did not dare to express their preference\\nfor him form the exceptions to which we allude.\\nThough the Whig, Democratic, and Know-Nothing news-\\npapers, in all the States, free and slave, denounced Col. Fre-\\nmont as an intolerant Catholic, it is now generally conceded\\nthat he was nowhere supported by the peculiar friends of\\nPope Pius IX. The votes polled at the Five Points precinct,", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0143.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "136 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nwhich is almost exclusively inhabited by low Irish Catholics,\\nshow how powerfully the Jesuitical influence was brought to\\nbear against him. At that delectable locality, as we have\\nalready shown, the timid Sage of Wheatland received five\\nhundred and seventy- four votes whereas the dauntless\\nFinder of Empire received only sixteen.\\nTrue to their instincts for Freedom, the Germans, generally,\\nvoted the right ticket, and they will do it again, and continue\\nto do it. With the intelligent Protestant element of the\\nFatherland on our side, we can well afford to dispense with\\nthe ignorant Catholic element of the Emerald Isle. In the\\ninfluences which they exert on society, there is so little dif-\\nference between Slavery, Popery, and Negro-driving Democ-\\nracy, that we are not at all surprised to see them going hand\\nin hand in their diabolical work of inhumanity and desolation.\\nThere is, indeed, no lack of evidence to show that the\\nDemocratic party of to-day is simply and unreservedly a\\nsectional slavery party. On the 15th of December, 1856, but\\na few weeks subsequent to the appearance of a scandalous\\nmessage from an infamous governor of South Carolina,\\nrecommending the reopening of the African slave trade,\\nEmerson Etheridge of Tennessee honor to his name sub-\\nmitted, in the House of Representatives, the following timely\\nresolution\\nResolved That this House regard all suggestions or propositions\\nof every kind, by whomsoever made, for a revival of the slave trade,\\nas shocking to the moral sentiments of the enlightened portion of\\nmankind, and that any act on the part of Congress, legislating for,\\nconniving at, or legalizing that horrid and inhuman traffic, would\\niustly subject the United States to the reproach and execration of\\nall civilized and Christian people throughout the world.\\nWho voted for this resolution and who voted against it", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0144.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 137\\nLet- the yeas and nays answer they are on record, and he\\nwho takes the trouble to examine them will find that the\\nresolution encountered no opposition worth mentioning,\\nexcept from members of the Democratic party. Scrutinize\\nthe yeas and nays on any other motion or resolution affecting\\nthe question of slavery, and the fact that a majority of the\\nmembers of this party have uniformly voted for the retention\\nand extension of the sum of all villianies, will at once be\\napparent.\\nFor many years the slave-driving Democrats of the South\\nhave labored most strenuously, both by day and by night\\nwe regret to say how unsuccessfully to point out abolition\\nproclivities in the Whig and Know-Nothing parties, the lat-\\nter of which is now buried, and deservedly, so deep in the\\ndepths of the dead, that it is quite preposterous to suppose\\nit will ever see the light of resurrection.\\nFor its truckling concessions to the slave power, the Whig\\nparty merited defeat, and defeated it was, and that, too, in\\nthe most decisive and overwhelming manner. But there is\\nyet in this party much vitality, and if its friends will reorgan-\\nize, detach themselves from the burden of Slavery, and hoist\\nthe fair flag of Freedom, the time may come, at a day by no\\nmeans remote, when their hearts will exult in triumph over\\nthe ruins of miscalled Democracy.\\nIt is not too late, however, for the Democratic party to\\nsecure to itself a pure renown and an almost certain perpetu-\\nation of its power. Let it at once discard the worship of\\nSlavery, and do earnest battle for the principles of Freedom,\\nand it will five victoriously to a period far in the future. On\\nthe other hand, if it does not soon repudiate the fatal here-\\nsies which it has incorporated into its creed, its doom will be\\ninevitable. Until the black flag entirely disappears from its\\narray, we warn the non-slaveholders of the South to repulse", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0145.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "138 HOW SLAVERY CAK BE ABOLISHED.\\n.and keep it at a distance, as they would the emblazoned\\nskull and cross-bones that flout them from the flag of the\\npirate.\\nWith regard to the sojmistical reasoning which teaches\\nthat abolitionists, before abolishing slavery, should compen-\\nsate the slaveholders for all or any number of the negroes in\\ntheir possession, we shall endeavor not to be wearisome but\\nwishing to brace our arguments, in every important particu-\\nlar, with unequivocal testimony from men whom we are\\naccustomed to regard as models of political sagacity and\\nintegrity from Southern men as far as possible we here-\\nwith present an extract from a speech delivered in the Vir-\\nginia House of Delegates, January 20, 1832, by Charles\\nJames Faulkner, whose sentiments, as then and there\\nexpressed, can hardly fail to find a response in the heart of\\nevery intelligent, upright man\\nBut, sir, it is said, that Society having conferred this property on\\nthe slaveholder, it cannot now take it from him without an adequate\\ncompensation, by which is meant full value. I may he singular in\\nthe opinion, hut I defy the legal research of the House to point me\\nto a principle recognized by the law, even in the ordinary course of\\nits adjudications, where the community pays for property which is\\nremoved or destroyed because it is a nuisance, and found injurious to\\nthat society. There is, I humbly apprehend, no such principle.\\nThere is no obligation upon society to continue your right one moment\\nafter it becomes injurious to the best interests of society nor to com-\\npensate you for the loss of that, the deprivation of which is demanded\\nby the safety of the State, and in which general benefit you partici-\\npate as a member of the community. Sir, there is to my mind a\\nmanifest distinction between condemning private property to be ap-\\nplied to some beneficial public purpose, and condemning or removing\\nprivate property which is ascertained to be a positive wrong to soci-\\nety. It is a distinction which pervades the whole genius of the law\\nand is founded upon the idea, that any man who holds property", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0146.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 139\\ninjurious to the peace of that society of which ho is a member, thereby\\nviolates the condition upon the observance of which his right to the\\nproperty is alone guaranteed. For property of the first class con-\\ndemned there ought to be compensation but for the property of the\\nlatter class, none can be demanded upon principle, none accorded as\\na matter of right.\\nIt is conceded that, at this precise moment of our legislation\\nslaves are injurious to the interests and threaten the subversion and\\nruin of this Commonwealth. Their present number, their increasing\\nnumber, all admonish us of this. In different terms, and in more\\nmeasured language, the same fact has been conceded by all who have\\nyet addressed this House. Something must oe done, emphatically\\nexclaimed the gentleman from Dinwiddie and I thought I could per-\\nceive a response to that declaration, in the countenances of a large\\nmajority of this body. And why must something be done Because\\nif not, says the gentleman from Campbell, the throats of all the\\nwhite people of Virginia will be cut. No, says the gentleman from\\nDinwiddie, the whites cannot be conquered the throats of the\\nolaclcs will be cut. It is a trifling difference, to be sure, sir, and\\nmatters not to the argument. For the fact is conceded, that one race\\nor the other must be exterminated.\\nSir, such being the actual condition of this Commonwealth, I ask\\nif we would not be justified now, supposing all considerations of policy\\nand humanity concurred, without even a moment s delay, in staving\\noff this appalling and overwhelming calamity Sir, if this immense\\nnegro population were now in arms, gathering into black and formi-\\ndable masses of attack, would that man be listened to, who spoke\\nabout property, who prayed you not to direct your artillery to such\\nor such a point, for you would destroy some of his property Sir, to\\nthe eye of the statesman, as to the eye of Omniscience, dangers\\npressing, and dangers that must necessarily press, are alike present.\\nWith a single glance he embraces Virginia now, with the elements of\\ndestruction reposing quietly upon her bosom, and Virginia as lighted\\nfrom one extremity to the other with the torch of servile insurrec-\\ntion and massacre. It is not sufficient for him that the match is not\\nyet applied. It is enough that the magazine is open, and the match\\nwill shortly be applied.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0147.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "140 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nSir, it is true in national as it is in private contracts, that loss and\\ninjury to one party may constitute as fair a consideration as gain to\\nthe other. Does the slaveholder, while he is enjoying his slaves, re-\\nflect upon the deep injury and incalculable loss which the possession\\nof that property inflicts upon the true interests of the country\\nSlavery, it is admitted, is an evil it is an institution which presses\\nheavily against the best interests of the State. It banishes free white\\nlabor, it exterminates the mechanic, the artisan, the manufacturer.\\nIt deprives them of occupation. It deprives them of bread. It con-\\nverts the energy of a community into indolence, its power into imbe-\\ncility, its efficiency into weakness. Sir, being thus injurious, have\\nwe not a right to demand its extermination Shall society suffer\\nthat the slaveholder may continue to gather his crop of human flesh\\nWhat is his mere pecuniary claim compared with the great interests\\nof the common weal Must the country languish, droop, die, that\\nthe slaveholder may flourish Shall all the interests be subservient\\nto one all rights subordinate to those of the slaveholder Has not\\nthe mechanic, have not the middle classes their rights rights incom-\\npatible with the existence of slavery?\\nSir, so great and overshadowing are the evils of slavery, so sensi-\\nbly are they felt by those who have traced the causes of our national\\ndecline so perceptible is the poisonous operation of its principles in\\nthe varied and diversified interests in this Commonwealth, that all\\nwhose minds are not warped by prejudice or interest, must admit\\nthat the disease has now assumed that mortal tendency, as to justify\\nthe application of any remedy which, under the great law of State\\nnecessity, we might consider advisable.\\nAt once let the good and true men of this country, the\\npatriot sons of the patriot fathers, determine that the sun\\nwhich rises to celebrate the centennial anniversary of our na-\\ntional independence, shall not set on the head of any slave\\nwithin the limits of this Republic. Will not the non-slave-\\nholders of the North, of the South, of the East, and of the\\nWest, heartily, unanimously sanction this proposition Will\\nit not be cheerfully indorsed by many of the slaveholders", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0148.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 141\\nthemselves Will any respectable man enter a protest against\\nit On the 4th of July, 1876 sooner if we can let us make\\ngood, at least so far as we are concerned, the Declaration of\\nIndependence, which was proclaimed in Philadelphia on the\\n4th of July, 1776\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that all men are endowed by their Crea-\\ntor with certain inalienable rights that, among these, are life,\\nliberty, and the pursuit of happiness that to secure these\\nrights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their\\njust powers from the consent of the governed that whenever\\nany form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it\\nis the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to insti-\\ntute a new government, laying its foundation on such princi-\\nples, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall\\nseem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. In\\npurging our land of the iniquity of negro slavery, we shall\\nonly be carrying on the great work that was so successfully\\ncommenced by our noble sires of the Revolution some future\\ngeneration may possibly complete the work by annulling the\\nlast and least form of oppression.\\nTo turn the slaves away from their present homes away\\nfrom all the property and means of support which their labor\\nhas mainly produced, would be unpardonably cruel exceed-\\ningly unjust. Still more cruel and unjust would it be, how-\\never, to the non-slaveholding whites no less than to the negroes,\\nto grant further toleration to the existence of slavery. In any\\nevent, come what will, transpire what may, the system must\\nbe abolished. The evils, if any, which are to result from abo-\\nlition, cannot, by any manner of means, be half as great as the\\nevils which are certain to overtake us in case of its continuance.\\nThe perpetuation of slavery is the climax of iniquity.\\nTwo hundred and thirty-nine years have the negroes in\\nAmerica been held in inhuman bondage. During the whole\\nof this long period they have toiled unceasingly, from the", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0149.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "142 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\ngrey of dawn till the dusk of eve, for their cruel taskmasters,\\nwho have rewarded them with scanty allowances of the most\\ninferior qualities of victuals and clothes, with heartless sepa-\\nrations of the tenderest ties of kindred, with epithets, with\\nscoldings, with execrations, and with the lash and, not un-\\nfrequently, with the fatal bludgeon or the more deadly wea-\\npon. From the labor of their hands, and from the fruit of\\ntheir loins, the human-mongers of the South have become\\nwealthy, insolent, corrupt and tyrannical. In reason and in\\nconscience, it must be admitted, the slaves might claim for\\nthemselves a liberal allowance of the proceeds of their labor.\\nIf they were to demand an equal share of all the property,\\nreal and personal, which has been accumulated or produced\\nthrough their efforts, Heaven, we believe, would recognize\\nthem as honest claimants.\\nElsewhere we have shown, by just and liberal estimates,\\nthat, on the single score of damages to lands, the slaveholders\\nare, at this moment, indebted to the non-slaveholding whites\\nin the extraordinary sum of $7,544,148,825. Considered in\\nconnection with the righteous claim of wages for services\\nwhich the negroes might bring against their masters, these\\nfigures are the heralds of the significant fact that, if strict\\njustice could be meted out to all parties in the South, the\\nslaveholders would not only be stripped of every dollar, but\\nthey would become in law as they are in reality, the hopeless\\ndebtors of the myriads of unfortunate slaves, white and black,\\nwho are now cringing, and fawning, and festering around\\nthem.\\nFor the services of the blacks from the 20th of August,\\n1620, up to the 4th of July, 1869 an interval of precisely two\\nhundred and forty-eight years ten months and fourteen days\\ntheir masters, if unwilling, ought, in our judgment, to be\\ncompelled to grant them their freedom, and to pay each and", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0150.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 143\\nevery one of them at least sixty dollars cash in hand. The\\naggregate sum thus raised would amount to about two hun-\\ndred and fifty million of dollars, which is less than the total\\nmarket value of two entire crops of cotton one-half of which\\nsum would be amply sufficient to land every negro in this\\ncountry on the coast of Liberia, whither, if we had the power,\\nwe would ship them all within the next six months. As\\na means of protection against the exigencies which might\\narise from a sudden transition from their present homes in\\nAmerica to their futures homes in Africa, and for the purpose\\nof enabling them there to take the iniatory step in the walks\\nof civilized life, the remainder of the sum say about one\\nhundred and twenty-five million of dollars might, very pro-\\nperly, be equally distributed amongst them after their arrival\\nin the land of their fathers.\\nDr. James Hall, the Secretary of the Maryland Colonization\\nSociety, informs us that the average cost of sending negroes\\nto Liberia does not exceed thirty dollars each and it is his\\nopinion that arrangements might be made on an extensive\\nplan for conveying them thither at an average expense of not\\nmore than twenty-five dollars each.\\nThe American colonization movement, as now systematized\\nand conducted, is, in our opinion, simply an American humane\\nfarce. At present the slaves are increasing in this country at\\nthe rate of nearly one hundred thousand per annum within\\nthe last thirteen years, inclusive, as will appear on the next\\npage, the American Colonization Society has sent to Liberia\\nonly about five thousand negroes.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0151.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "144 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nEMIGRANTS SENT TO LIBERIA BY THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY,\\nBaring the thirteen years ending January 1st, 1860.\\nInl847 39\\nInl848 213\\nIn 1849 474\\nInlS50 690\\nInl851 2T9\\nInlS52 568\\nIn 1853 583 Emigrants\\nIn 1854 783 to\\nIn 1855 207 Liberia.\\nIn 1856 544\\nIn 1857 370\\nInlSSS 163\\nInl859 238\\nTotal 5,051\\nThe average of this total is a fraction less than three hun-\\ndred and eighty-nine, which, however, may, with sufficient\\naccuracy, be said to be the number of negroes annually colo-\\nnized by the society while the yearly increase of slaves, as\\npreviously stated, is little less than one hundred thousand\\nFiddlesticks for such colonization Once for all, within a\\nreasonably short period, let us, by an equitable system of\\nlegislation, and by such other measures as may be right and\\nproper, compel the slaveholders to do something like justice\\nto their negroes by giving each and every one of them his\\nfreedom, and sixty dollars in current money; then let us\\ncharter all the ocean steamers, packets and clipper ships that\\ncan be had on liberal terms, and keep them constantly plying\\nbetween the ports of America and Africa, until all the slaves\\nwho are here held in bondage shall enjoy freedom in the land\\nof their fathers. Under a well-devised and properly conducted\\nsystem of operations, but a few years would be required to\\nredeem the United States from the monstrous curse of negro\\nslavery.\\nSome few years ago, when certain ethnographical oligarchs\\nproved to their own satisfaction that the negro was an inferior", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0152.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 145\\ntype of mankind, they chuckled wonderfully, and avowed,\\nin substance, that it was right for the stronger race to kidnap\\nand enslave the weaker that because Nature had been\\npleased to do something more for the Caucasian race than for\\nthe African, the former, by virtue of its superiority, was per-\\nfectly justifiable in holding the latter in absolute and per-\\npetual bondage No system of logic could be more antago-\\nnistic to the spirit of true democracy. It is probable that the\\nworld does not contain two persons who are exactly alike in\\nall respects yet all men are endowed by their Creator with\\ncertain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and\\nthe pursuit of happiness. All mankind may or may not be\\nthe descendants of Adam and Eve. In our own humble way\\nof thinking, we are frank to confess, we do not believe in the\\nunity of the races. This is a matter, however, which has\\nlittle or nothing to do with the great question at issue. Aside\\nfrom any theory concerning the original parentage of the dif-\\nferent races of men, facts, material and immaterial, palpable\\nand impalpable\u00e2\u0080\u0094 facts of the eyes and facts of the conscience\\ncrowd around us on every hand, heaping proof upon proof,\\nthat slavery is a shame, a crime, and a curse a great moral,\\nsocial, civil, and political evil an oppressive burden to the\\nblacks, and an incalculable injury to the whites a stumbling-\\nblock to the nation, an impediment to progress, a damper on\\nall the nobler instincts, principles, aspirations and enterprises\\nof man, and a dire enemy to every true interest.\\nWaiving all other counts, Ave have, we think, shown, to\\nthe satisfaction of every impartial reader, that, as elsewhere\\nstated, on the single score of damages to lands, the slave-\\nholders are, at this moment, indebted to us, the non-slave-\\nholding whites, in the enormous sum of nearly seventy-six\\nhundred million of dollars. What shall be done with this\\namount It is just shall payment be demanded No all\\n7", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0153.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "146 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nthe slaveholders in the country could not pay it nor shall\\nwe ever ask them for even a moiety of the amount no, not\\neven for a dime, nor yet for a cent we are willing to forfeit\\nevery farthing for the sake of freedom for ourselves we ask\\nno indemnification for the past we only demand justice for\\nthe future.\\nBut, sirs, slaveholders, chevaliers and lords of the lash, we\\nare unwilling to allow you to cheat the negroes out of all the\\nrights and claims to which, as human heings, they are most\\nsacredly entitled. Not alone for ourself as an individual, but\\nfor others also particularly for six million of Southern non-\\nslaveholding whites, whom your iniquitous statism has\\ndebarred from almost all the mental and material comforts of\\nlife do we speak, when we say, you must, sooner or later,\\nemancipate your slaves, and pay each and every one of them\\nat least sixty dollars cash in hand. By doing this, you will\\nbe restoring to them their natural rights, and remunerating\\nthem at the rate of less than twenty-six cents per annum for\\nthe long and cheerless period of their servitude, from the\\n20th of August, 1620, when, on James River, in Virginia,\\nthey became the unhappy slaves of heartless tyrants. More-\\nover, by doing this you will be performing but a simple act\\nof justice to the non-slaveholding whites, upon whom the\\nsystem of slavery has weighed scarcely less heavily than upon\\nthe negroes themselves. You will also be applying a saving\\nbalm to your own outraged hearts and consciences, and your\\nchildren yourselves in fact freed from the accursed stain\\nof slavery, will become respectable, useful, and honorable\\nmembers of society.\\nAnd now, sirs, we have thus laid down our ultimatum.\\nWhat are you going to do about it Something dreadful,\\nof course Perhaps you will dissolve the Union again. Do\\nit, if you dare Our motto, and we would have you under-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0154.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 147\\nstand it, is The Abolition of Slavery, and the Perpetuation\\nof the Union. If, by any means, you do succeed in your\\ntreasonable attempts, to take the South out of the Union\\nto-day, we will bring her back to-morrow if she goes away\\nwith you, she shall return without you.\\nDo not mistake the meaning of the last clause of the last\\nsentence Ave could elucidate it so thoroughly that no intelli-\\ngent person could fail to comprehend it; but, for reasons\\nwhich may hereafter appear, we forego the task.\\nHenceforth there are other interests to be consulted in the\\nSouth, aside from the interests of negroes and slaveholders.\\nA profound sense of duty incites us to make the greatest\\npossible efforts for the abolition of Slavery an equally pro-\\nfound sense of duty calls for a continuation of those efforts\\nuntil the very last foe to Freedom shall have been utterly\\nvanquished. To the summons of the righteous monitor within,\\nwe shall endeavor to prove faithful no opportunity for\\ninflicting a mortal wound in the side of slavery shall be per-\\nmitted to pass us unimproved.\\nThus, terror-engenderers of the South, have we fully and\\nfrankly defined our position we have no modifications to\\npropose, no compromises to offer, nothing to retract. Frown,\\nsirs, fret, foam, prepare your weapons, threat, strike, shoot,\\nstab, bring on civil war, dissolve the Union, nay annihilate\\nthe solar system if you will do all this, more, less, better,\\nworse, anything do what you will, sirs, you can neither foil\\nnor intimidate us our purpose is as firmly fixed as the eternal\\npillars of Heaven we have determined to abolish Slavery,\\nand, so help us God, abolish it we will Take this to bed\\nwith you to-night, sirs, and think about it, dream over it,\\nand let us know how you feel to-morrow morning.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0155.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III.\\nSOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nSlavery is detested we feel its fatal effects we deplore it witli all the ear-\\nnestness of humanity. Patrick Henky.\\nIf it please the reader, let him forget all that we have writ-\\nten on the subject of slavery if it accord with his inclination,\\nlet him ignore all that we may write hereafter. We seek not\\nto give special currency to our own peculiar opinions our\\ngreatest ambition, in these pages, is to popularize the sayings\\nand admonitions of wiser and better men. Miracles, we be-\\nlieve, are no longer wrought in this bedeviled world but if,\\nby any conceivable or possible supernatural event, the great\\nFounders of the Republic, Washington, Jefferson, Henry, and\\nothers, could be reinvested with corporeal life, and returned\\nto the South, there is scarcely a slaveholder between the\\nPotomac and the mouth of the Mississippi, that would not\\nburn to pounce upon them with bludgeons, bowie-knives and\\npistols Yes, without adding another word, Washington\\nwould be mobbed for what he has already said. Were Jeffer-\\nson now employed as a professor in a Southern college, he\\nwould be dismissed and driven from the State, perhaps mur-\\ndered before he reached the. border. If Patrick Henry were\\na bookseller in Alabama, though it might be demonstrated\\nbeyond the shadow of a doubt that he had never bought, sold,\\nreceived, or presented, any kind of literature except Bibles\\nand Testaments, he would first be subjected to the ignominy\\n148", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0156.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 149\\nof a coat of tar and feathers, and then limited to the option of\\nunceremonious expatriation or death. How seemingly im-\\npossible are these statements, and yet how true Where do\\nwe stand What is our faith Are we a flock without a\\nshepherd? a people without a prophet? a nation without a\\ngovernment\\nHas the past, with all its glittering monuments of genius\\nand patriotism, furnished no beacon by which we may direct\\nour footesteps in the future If we but prove true to our-\\nselves, and worthy of our ancestry, we have nothing to fear\\nour Revolutionary sires have devised and bequeathed to us\\nan almost perfect national policy. Let us cherish, and de-\\nfend, and build upon, the fundamental principles of that pol-\\nity, and we shall most assuredly reap the golden fruits of un-\\nparalleled power, virtue and prosperity. Heaven forbid that\\na desperate faction of pro-slavery mountebanks should suc-\\nceed in their infamous eflbrts to quench the spirit of liberty,\\nwhich our forefathers infused into those two sacred charts of\\nour political faith, the Declaration of Independence, and the\\nConstitution of the United States. Oligarchical politicians\\nare alone responsible for the continuance of African slavery in\\nthe South. For purposes of self-aggrandizement, they have\\nkept learning and civilization from the people they have will,\\nfully misinterpreted the national compacts and have outraged\\ntheir own consciences by falsely declaring to their illiterate con-\\nstituents, that the Founders of the Republic were not abolition-\\nists. When the dark clouds of slavery, error, ignorance and\\nsuperstition shall have passed away and Ave believe the time\\nis near at hand when they are to be dissipated the freemen\\nof the South, like those of other sections, will learn the glo-\\nrious truth, that inflexible opposition to Human Bondage has\\nformed one of the distinguishing characteristics of every really\\ngood or great man that our country has produced.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0157.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "150 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nNon-slaveholders of the South up to the present period,\\nneither as a body, nor as individuals, have you ever had an\\nindependent existence but, if true to yourselves and to the\\nmemory of your fathers, you, in equal copartnership with the\\nnon-slaveholders of the North, will soon become the honored\\nrulers and proprietors of the most powerful, prosperous, vir-\\ntuous, free, and peaceful nation, on which the sun has ever\\nshone. Already has the time arrived for you to decide upon\\nwhat basis you will erect your political superstructure. Upon\\nwhom will you depend for an equitable and judicious form of\\nconstitutional government? Whom will you designate as\\nmodels for your future statesmen Your choice lies between\\nthe dead and the living between the Washingtons, the Jef-\\nfersons and the Madisons of the past, and the Quattlebums,\\nthe Iversons and the Slidells of the present. We have\\nchosen choose ye, remembering that freedom or slavery is\\nto be the issue of your option.\\nAs the result of much reading and research, and at the\\nexpenditure of no inconsiderable amount of time, labor, and\\nmoney, we now proceed to make known the anti-slavery sen-\\ntiments of those noble abolitionists, the Fathers of the Repub-\\nlic, whose liberal measures of public policy have been so crim-\\ninally perverted by the treacherous advocates of slavery.\\nLet us listen, in the first place, to the voice of him who was\\nfirst in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his\\ncountrymen, to\\nTHE VOICE OF WASHINGTON.\\nIn a letter to John F. Mercer, dated September 9th, 1786,\\nGeneral Washington says\\nI never mean, unless some particular circumstances should com-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0158.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 151\\npel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my\\nfirst wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery, in this coun-\\ntry, may be abolished by law.\\nIn a letter to Robert Morris, dated April 12, 1786, he\\nsays\\nI hope it will not be conceived from these observations that it is\\nmy wish to hold the unhappy people who are the subject of this letter\\nin slavery. I can only say that there is not a man living, who wishes\\nmore sincerely than I do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of\\nit but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can\\nbe accomplished, and that is by legislative authority and this, so far\\nas my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting.\\nUnder date of April 5, 1783, he says, in a letter\\nTo the Marquis de Lafayette\\nThe scheme, my dear Marquis, which you propose as a prece-\\ndent, to encourage the emancipation of the black people in this\\ncountry from the state of bondage in which they are held, is a strik-\\ning evidence of the benevolence of your heart. I shall be happy to\\njoin you in so laudable a work but will defer going into a detail of\\nthe business till I have the pleasure of seeing you.\\nIn another letter to Lafayette, he says\\nThe benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so conspicu-\\nous on all occasions, that I never wonder at any fresh proofs of it\\nbut your late purchase of an estate in the Colony of Cayenne, with\\nthe view of emancipating the slaves on it, is a generous and noble\\nproof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit might diffuse\\nitself generally into the minds of the people of this country.\\nIn a letter to Sir John Sinclair, he further said\\nThere are in Pennsylvania laws for the gradual abolition of sla-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0159.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "152 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nvery, which neither Virginia nor Maryland have at present, hut which\\nnothing is more certain than they must have, and at a period not re-\\nmote.\\nIn a letter to Charles Pinckney, governor of Soiitli Carolina,\\non the 17th of March, 1792, he says\\nI must say that I lament the decision of your legislature upon\\nthe question of importing slaves after March, 1793. I was in hopes\\nthat motives of policy, as well as other good reasons, supported hy\\nthe direful effects of Slavery, which at this moment are presented,\\nwould have operated to produce a total prohibition of the importation\\nof slaves, whenever the question came to he agitated in any State that\\nmight be interested in the measure.\\nFrom his last will and testament Ave make the following\\nextract\\nUpon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the\\nslaves which I hold in my own right shall receive their freedom. To\\nemancipate them during her life would, though earnestly wished by\\nme, be attended with such insuperahle difficulties, on account of their\\nintermixture by marriage with the dower negroes, as to excite the\\nmost painful sensation, if not disagreeable consequences, from the\\nlatter, when both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same pro-\\nprietor, it not being in my power, under the tenure hy which the\\ndower negroes are held, to manumit them.\\nIt is said that, when Mrs. Washington learned, from the\\nwill of her deceased husband, that the only obstacle to the\\nimmediate perfection of this provision w r as her right of dower,\\nshe at once gave it up, and the slaves w r ere made free. A\\nman might possibly concentrate within himself more real vir-\\ntue and influence than ever Washington possessed, and yet he\\nwould not be too good for such a wife.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0160.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 153\\nFrom the Father of his Country, we now turn to the author\\nof the Declaration of Independence. We will listen to\\nTHE VOICE OF JEFFERSON.\\nOn the 39th and 40th pages of his Notes on Virginia,\\nJefferson says\\nThere must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the manners of\\nour people, produced by tbe existence of slavery among us. The\\nwhole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of\\nthe most boisterous passions the most unremitting despotism on tbe\\none part, and degrading submissions on tbe other. Our children seo\\nthis, and learn to imitate it for man is an imitative animal. This\\nquality is the germ of all education in him. From his cradle to his\\ngrave, he is learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent could\\nfind no motive, either in his philanthropy or bis self-love, for restrain-\\ning the intemperance of passion toward his slave, it should always\\nbe a sufficient one that his child is present. But generally it is not\\nsufficient. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the linea-\\nments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves,\\ngives a loose rein to the worst of passions, and, thus nursed, educated,\\nand daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with\\nodious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his\\nmanners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. And with\\nwhat execration should the statesman be loaded, who, permitting one\\nhalf the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms\\nthose into despots and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the\\none part and the amor patriot of the other; for if a slave can have a\\ncountry in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in\\nwhich he is born to live and labor for another in which he must\\nlock up the faculties of his nature, contribute, as far as depends on\\nhis individual endeavors, to the evanishment of the human race, or\\nentail his own miserable condition on the endless generations pro-\\nceeding from him. With the morals of the people, their industry ia\\nalso destroyed for, in a warm climate, no man will labor for himself", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0161.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "154 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY\\nwho can make another labor for him. This is so true, that of the\\nproprietors of slaves a very small proportion, indeed, are ever seen to\\nlabor. And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure, when\\nwe have removed their only firm basis a conviction in the minds of\\nthe people that these liberties are the gift of God that they are not\\nto be violated but by his wrath Indeed, I tremble for my country\\nwhen I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever;\\nthat considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolu-\\ntion of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation is among possi-\\nble events that it may become probable by supernatural interfer-\\nence The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us\\nin such a contest.\\nWhile Virginia was yet a Colony, in 1774, she held a Con-\\nvention to appoint delegates to attend the first general Con-\\ngress, which was to assemble, and did assemble, in Philadel-\\nphia, in September of the same year. Before that Convention,\\nMr. Jefferson made an exposition of the rights of British\\nAmerica, in which he said\\nThe abolition of domestic slavery is the greatest object of desire\\nin these Colonies, where it was unhappily introduced in their infant\\nState. But previous to the enfranchisement of the slaves, it is neces-\\nsary to exclude further importations from Africa. Yet our repeated\\nattempts to effect this by prohibitions, and by imposing duties which\\nmight amount to prohibition, have been hitherto defeated by his\\nmajesty s negative thus preferring the immediate advantage of a\\nfew African corsairs to the lasting interests of the American States,\\nand the rights of human nature, deeply wounded by this infamous\\npractice.\\nIn the original draft of the Declaration of Independence, of\\nwhich it is well known he was the author, we find this charge\\nagainst the King of Great Britain\\n44 He has waged crnel war against human nature itself, violating", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0162.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 159\\nand barbarous, but more bonest, ancestors detested. Is it not amaz-\\ning that at a time when the rights of humanity are defined and un-\\nderstood with precision, in a country above all others fond of liberty\\nthat in such an age and in such a country, we find men professing\\na religion the most mild, humane, gentle, and generous, adopting\\nsuch a principle, as repugnant to humanity as it is inconsistent with\\nthe Bible, and destructive to liberty Every thinking, honest man\\nrejects it in speculation. How free in practice from conscientious\\nmotives Would any one believe that I am master of slaves of my\\nown purchase I am drawn along by the general inconvenience of\\nliving here without them. I will not, I cannot justify it. However\\nculpable my conduct, I will so far pay my devoir to virtue as to own\\nthe excellence and rectitude of her precepts, and lament my want of\\nconformity to them. I believe a time will come when an opportunity\\nwill be offered to abolish this lamentable evil. Everything we can\\ndo is to improve it, if it happens in our day if not, let us transmit\\nto our descendants, together with our slaves, a pity for their unhappy\\nlot, and an abhorrence for slavery. If we cannot reduce this wished-\\nfor reformation to practice, let us treat the unhappy victims with\\nlenity. It is the furthest advance we can make toward justice. It\\nis a debt we owe to the purity of our religion, to show that it is at\\nvariance with that law which warrants slavery.\\nAgain, this great orator says\\nIt would rejoice my very soul, that every one of my fellow-beings\\nwas emancipated. We ought to lament and deplore the necessity of\\nholding our fellow-men in bondage. Believe me; I shall honor\\nthe Quakers for their noble efforts to abolish slavery.\\nTHE VOICE OF RANDOLPH.\\nThat very eccentric genius, John Randolph, of Roanoke, in\\na letter to William Gibbons, in 1820, says\\nWith unfeigned respect and regard, and as sincere a deprecation\\non the extension of slavery and its horrors, as any other man, be him", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0163.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "160 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nwhom he may, I am your friend, in the literal sense of that much\\nabused word. I say much abused, because it is applied to the leagues\\nof vice and avarice and ambition, instead of good will toward man\\nfrom love of him who is the Prince of Peace.\\nWhile in Congress, he said\\nSir, I envy neither the heart nor the head of that man from the\\nNorth who rises here to defend slavery on principle.\\nIt is well known that he emancipated all his negroes. The\\nfollowing lines from his will are well worth perusing and pre-\\nserving\\nI give to my slaves their freedom, to which my conscience tells\\nme they are justly entitled. It has a long time been a matter of the\\ndeepest regret to me that the circumstances under which I inherited\\nthem, and the obstacles thrown in the way by the laws of the land,\\nhave prevented my emancipating them in my lifetime, which it is\\nmy full intention to do in case I can accomplish it.\\nTHOMAS M. RANDOLPH.\\nIn an address to the Virginia legislature, in 1820, Gov.\\nRandolph said\\nWe have been far outstripped by States to whom nature has been\\nfar less bountiful. It is painful to consider what might have been,\\nunder other circumstances, the amount of general wealth in Virginia.\\nTHOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH.\\nIii 1832, Mr. Randolph, of Albemarle, in the legislature of\\nVirginia, used the follow T ing most graphic and emphatic lan-\\nguage\\nI agree with gentlemen in the necessity of arming the State for", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0164.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 161\\ninternal defence. I will unite with them in any effort to restore con-\\nfidence to the public mind, and to conduce to the sense of the safety\\nof our wives and our children. Yet, sir, I must ask upon whom is\\nto fall the burden of this defence Not upon the lordly masters of\\ntheir hundred slaves, who will never turn out except to retire with\\ntheir families when danger threatens. No, sir it is to fall upon the\\nless wealthy class of our citizens, chiefly upon the non-slaveholder.\\nI have known patrols turned out when there was not a slaveholder\\namong them and this is the practice of the country. I have slept\\nin times of alarm quiet in bed, without having a thought of care,\\nwhile these individuals, owning none of this property themselves,\\nwere patrolling under a compulsory process, for a pittance of seventy-\\nfive cents for twelve hours, the very curtilage of my house, and\\nguarding that property which was alike dangerous to them and my-\\nself. After all, this is but an expedient. As this population be-\\ncomes more numerous, it becomes less productive. Your guard must\\nbe increased, until finally its profits will not pay for the expense of\\nits subjection. Slavery has the effect of lessening the free population\\nof a country.\\nThe gentleman has spoken of the increase of the female slaves\\nbeing a part of the profit. It is admitted but no great evil can be\\naverted, no good attained, without some inconvenience. It may be\\nquestioned how far it is desirable to foster and encourage this branch\\nof profit. It is a practice, and an increasing practice, in parts of Vir-\\nginia, to rear slaves for market. ITow can an honorable mind, a\\npatriot, and a lover of his country, bear to see this Ancient Domin-\\nion, rendered illustrious by the noble devotion and patriotism of her\\nsons in the cause of liberty, converted into one grand menagerie,\\nwhere men are to be reared for the market, like oxen for the sham-\\nbles Is it better, is it not worse, than the slave trade that trade\\nwhich enlisted the labor of the good and wise of every creed, and\\nevery clime, to abolish it The trader receives the slave, a stranger\\nin language, aspect, and manners, from the merchant who has brought\\nhim from the interior. The ties of father, mother, husband, and\\nchild, have all been rent in twain before he receives him, his soul\\nhas become callous. But here, sir, individuals whom the master has\\nknown from infancy, whom he has seen sporting in the innocent", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0165.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "162 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\ngambols of childhood, who have been accustomed to look to him for\\nprotection, he tears from the mother s arms and sells into a straDge\\ncountry among strange people, subject to cruel taskmasters.\\nHe has attempted to justify slavery here, because it exists in\\nAfrica, and has stated that it exists all over the world. Upon the\\nsame principle he could justify Mahometanism, with its plurality of\\nwives, petty wars for plunder, robbery, and murder, or any other of\\nthe abominations and enormities of savage tribes. Does slavery ex-\\nist in any part of civilized Europe? No, sir, in no part of it.\\nPEYTON RANDOLPH.\\nOn the 20th of October, 17*74, while Congress was iu\\nsession in Philadelphia, Peyton Randolph, President, the fol-\\nlowing resolution, among others, was unanimously adopted\\nThat we will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported\\nafter the first day of December next after which time we will wholly\\ndiscontinue the slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it our-\\nselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manu-\\nfactures to those who are concerned in it.\\nEDMUND RANDOLPH.\\nThe Constitution of the United States contains the follow-\\ning provision\\nNo person held to service or labor in one State, under the\\nlaws thereof, escaping to another, shall, in consequence of any law\\nor regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but\\nshall lie delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or\\nlabor may be due.\\nTo the studious attention of those Vandals who contend\\nthat the above provision requires the rendition of fugitive", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0166.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 163\\nslaves, we respectfully commend the following resolution,\\nwhich, it will be observed, was unanimously adopted\\nOn motion of Mr. Randolph, the word servitude was struck\\nout, and service unanimously inserted the former being thought\\nto express the condition of slaves, and the latter the obligations of\\nfree persons. Madison Papers, vol. iii. p. 1569.\\nWell done for the Randolphs\\nTHE VOICE OF CLAY.\\nHenry Clay, whom nearly everybody loved, and at the\\nmention of whose name the American heart always throbs\\nwith emotions of grateful remembrance, said, in an address\\nbefore the Kentucky Colonization Society, in 1829:\\nIt is believed that nowhere in the/arming portion of the United\\nStates would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor\\nwere not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of the Southern\\nmarket, which keeps it up in his own.\\nIn the United States Senate, in 1850, he used the follow-\\ning memorable words\\nI am extremely sorry to hear the senator from Mississippi say\\nthat he requires, first the extension of the Missouri Compromise line\\nto the Pacific, and also that he is not satisfied with that, but requires,\\nif I understand him correctly, a positive provision for the admission\\nof slavery south of that line. And now, sir, coming from a slave\\nState, as I do, I owe it to myself, I owe it to truth, I owe it to the\\nsubject, to say that no earthly power could induce me to vote for a\\nspecific measure for the introduction of slavery where it had not\\nbefore existed, either south or north of that line. Coming as I do\\nfrom a slave State, it is my solemn, deliberate and well-matured\\ndetermination that no power, no earthly power, shall compel me to", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0167.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "164 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nvote for the positive introduction of slavery either south or north of\\nthat line. Sir, while you reproach, and justly, too, our British\\nancestors for the introduction of this institution upon the continent\\nof America, I am, for one, unwilling that the posterity of the present\\ninhabitants of California and of New Mexico shall reproach us for\\ndoing just what we reproach Great Britain for doing to us. If the\\ncitizens of those territories choose to establish slavery, and if they\\ncome here with constitutions establishing slavery, I am for admitt-\\ning them with such provisions in their constitutions but then it will\\nbe their own work, and not ours, and their posterity will have to\\nreproach them, and not us, for forming constitutions allowing the\\ninstitution of slavery to exist among them. These are my views, sir,\\nand I choose to express them and I care not how extensively or\\nuniversally they are known.\\nHear him further he says\\nSo long as God allows the vital current to flow through my\\nveins, I will never, never, never, by word or thought, by mind or\\nwill, aid in admitting one rood of free territory to the everlasting\\ncurse of human bondage.\\nBlest is the memory of noble Harry of the West\\nTHE VOICE OF BENTON.\\nIn his Thirty Years View, Thomas H. Benton says\\nMy opposition to the extension of slavery dates further back than\\n1844 forty years further back and as this is a suitable time for a\\ngeneral declaration, and a sort of general conscience delivery, I will\\nsay that my opposition to it dates from 1804, when I was a student\\nat law in the State of Tennessee, and studied the subject of African\\nslavery in an American book a Virginian book Tucker s edition\\nof Blackstone s Commentaries.\\nAgain, in a speech delivered in St. Louis, on the 3d of\\nNovember, 1856, he says", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0168.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 165\\nI look at white people and not at black ones I look to the peace\\nand reputation of the race to which I belong. I look to the peace\\nof this land the world s last hope for a free government on the\\neartb. One of the occasions on which I saw Henry Clay rise higher\\nthan I thought I ever saw him before, was when in the debate on\\nthe admission of California, a dissolution was apprehended if slavery\\nwas not carried into this Territory, where it never was. Then Mr.\\nClay rising, loomed colossally in the Senate of the United States, as\\nhe rose declaring that for no earthly purpose, nb earthly object, could\\nhe carry slavery into places where it did not exist before. It was a\\ngreat and proud day for Mr. Clay, toward the latter days of his life,\\naud if an artist could have been there to catch his expression as he\\nuttered that sentiment, with its reflex on his face, and his counte-\\nnance beaming with firmness of purpose, it would have been a glori-\\nous moment in which to transmit him to posterity his countenance\\nall alive and luminous with the ideas that beat in his bosom. That\\nwas a proud day. I could have wished that I had spoken the same\\nwords. I speak them now, telling you they were his, and adopting\\nthem as my own.\\nTHE VOICE OF MASON.\\nColonel Mason, a leading and distinguished member of the\\nConvention that formed the Constitution, from Virginia,\\nwhen the provision for prohibiting the importation of slaves\\nwas under consideration, said\\nThe present question concerns not the importing States alone,\\nbut the whole Union. Slavery discourages arts and manufactures.\\nThe poor despise labor when performed by slaves. They prevent\\nthe emigration of whites, who really enrich and strengthen a country.\\nThey produce the most pernicious effect on manners. Every master\\nof slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the judgment of heaven\\non a country. As nations cannot be rewarded or punished in the\\nnext world, they must be in this. By an inevitable chain of causes\\nand effects, Providence punishes national sins by national calamities. 11", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0169.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "166 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nTHE VOICE OF MARSHALL.\\nIn a letter dated at Richmond, December 14, 1831, Chief\\nJustice Marshall said\\nSome of our cruisers, stationed on the coast of Africa, would, at\\nthe same time, interrupt the slave trade\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a horrible traffic, detested\\nby all good men\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and would protect the vessels and commerce of the\\ncolony from pirates, who infest those seas. The power of the govern-\\nment to afford this aid is not, I believe, contested.\\nTHOMAS MARSHALL.\\nIn the Virginia legislature, in 1832, Mr. Marshall, of\\nFauquier, said\\nWherefore, then, object to slavery Because it is ruinous to the\\nwhites retards improvements, roots out an industrious population,\\nbanishes the yeomanry of the country\u00e2\u0080\u0094 deprives the spinner, the\\nweaver, the smith, the shoemaker, the carpenter, of employment and\\nsupport.\\nTHE VOICE OF MCDOWELL.\\nIn 1832, Gov. McDowell used this language in the Virginia\\nlegislature\\nWho that looks upon this unhappy bondage of an unhappy peo-\\nple, in the midst of our society, and thinks of its incidents or issues,\\nbut weeps over it as a curse as great upon him who inflicts it as upon\\nhim who suffers it Sir, you may place the slave where you please\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nyou may dry up, to your uttermost, the fountains of bis feelings, the\\nsprings of his thought\u00e2\u0080\u0094 you may close upon his mind every avenue\\nof knowledge, and cloud it over with artificial night\u00e2\u0080\u0094 you may yoke\\nhim to your labors, as the ox, which liveth only to work and work-\\neth only to live you may put him under any process which, with-\\nout destroying his value as a slave, will debase and crush him as a", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0170.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 167\\nrational being you may do this, and the idea that he was horn to\\nbe free will survive it all. It is allied to his hope of immortality it\\nis the ethereal part of his nature which oppression cannot rend. It\\nis a torch lit up in his soul by the hand of Deity, and never meant\\nto be extinguished by the hand of man.\\nTHE VOICE OF IREDELL.\\nIn the debates of the North Carolina Convention, Mr. Ire-\\ndell, afterward a Judge of the United States Supreme\\nCourt, said\\nWhen the entire abolition of slavery takes place, it will be an\\nevent which must be pleasing to every generous mind, and every\\nfriend of human nature.\\nTHE VOICE OF WIRT.\\nWilliamWirt, the accomplished lawyer and author (a native\\nof Maryland, but in his manhood a resident of Virginia, where\\nhe became chancellor and district attorney), in his life of\\nPatrick Henry, says\\nSlavery was contrary to the laws of nature and of nations, and\\nthat the law of South Carolina, concerning seizing colored seamen,\\nwas unconstitutional Last and lowest, a feculum of\\nbeings called overseers the most abject, degraded, unprincipled\\nrace always cap in hand to the dons who employ tbem, and fur-\\nnishing materials for their pride, insolence, and love of dominion.\\nTHE VOICE OF WYTHE.\\nGeorge Wythe, one of the signers of the Declaration of\\nIndependence, afterward chancellor in Virginia as a gentle-\\nman and statesman, one of the ornaments of his time says", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0171.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "1G8 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nWhenever one person claims to hold another in slavery, the onvs\\nfroban i lies on the claimant. This sentiment is strongly incul-\\ncated in our political catechism, the Bill of Rights, and accords with\\nthat self-evident principle which makes liberty the birth-right of\\nevery human being.\\nTHE VOICE OF PINKNEY.\\nWilliam Pinkney, of Maryland, in the House of Delegates\\nin that State, in 1789, made several powerful arguments in\\nfavor of the abolition of slavery. Here follows a brief ex-\\ntract from one of his speeches\\nIniquitous and most dishonorable to Maryland, is that dreary\\nsystem of partial bondage which her laws have hitherto supported\\nwith a solicitude worthy of a better object, and her citizens, by their\\npractice countenanced. Founded in a disgraceful traffic, to which\\nthe parent country lent its fostering aid, from motives of interest,\\nbut which even she would have disdained to encourage, had England\\nbeen the destined mart of such inhuman merchandise, its continuance\\nis as shameful as its origin.\\nI have no hope that the stream of general liberty will forever\\nflow unpolluted through the mire of partial bondage, or that they\\nwho have been habituated to lord it over others, will not, in time,\\nbecome base enough to let others lord it over them. If they resist,\\nit will be the struggle of pride and selfishness, not of principle.\\nTHE VOICE OF LEIGH.\\nIn the legislature of Virginia, in 1832, Mr. Leigh said:\\nI thought till very lately that it was known to everybody that,\\nduring the Revolution, and for many years after, the abolition of\\nslavery was a favorite topic with many of our ablest statesmen, who\\nentertained with respect all the schemes which wisdom or ingenuity\\ncould suggest for its accomplishment.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0172.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 169\\nTHE VOICE OF BOLLING.\\nPhilip A. Boiling, of Buckingham, a member of the legis-\\nlature of Virginia, in 1832, said:\\nThe time will come and it may be sooner than many are wil-\\nling to believe when this oppressed and degraded race cannot be\\nheld as they now are when a change will be effected, abhorrent,\\nMr. Speaker, to you, and to the feelings of every good man.\\nThe wounded adder will recoil, and sting the foot that tramples\\nupon it. The day is fast approaching, when those who oppose all\\naction upon this subject, and, instead of aiding in devising some fea-\\nsible plan for freeing their country from an acknowledged curse, cry\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0impossible, 1 to every plan suggested, will curse their perverseness,\\nand lament their folly.\\nTHE VOICE OF CHANDLER.\\nMr. Chandler, of Norfolk, member of the Virginia legisla-\\nture, in 1832, took occasion to say:\\nIt is admitted, by all who have addressed this House, that slavery\\nis a curse, and an increasing one. That it has been destructive to the\\nlives of our citizens, history, with unerring truth, will record. That\\nits future increase will create commotion, cannot be doubted.\\nTHE VOICE OF SUMMERS.\\nMr. Summers, of Kanawha, member of the legislature of\\nVirginia, in 1832, said:\\nThe evils of this system cannot be enumerated. It were unne-\\ncessary to attempt it. They glare upon us at every step. When the\\nowner looks to his wasted estate, he knows and feels them.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0173.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "170 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVEET.\\nTHE VOICE OF PRESTON.\\nIn the legislature of Virginia, in 1832, Mr. Preston said:\\nSir, Mr. Jefferson, whose hand drew the preamhle to the Bill of\\nEights, has eloquently remarked that we had invoked for ourselves\\nthe benefit of a principle which we had denied to others. He saw\\nand felt that slaves, as men, were embraced within this principle.\\nTHE VOICE OF BIRNEY.\\nJames G. Birney, of Kentucky, under whom the Abolition-\\nists first became a National Party, and for whom they voted\\nfor President in 1844, giving him 60,304 votes, says:\\nI allow not to human laws, be they primary or secondary, no\\nmatter by what numbers, or with what solemnities ordained, the\\nleast semblance of right to establish slavery, to make property of my\\nfellow, created, equally with myself, in the image of God. Indivi-\\ndually, or as political communities, men have no more right to enact\\nslavery, than they have to enact murder or blasphemy, or incest or\\nadultery. To establish slavery is to dethrone right, to trample on\\njustice, the only true foundation of government. Governments exist\\nnot for the destruction of liberty, but for its defence not for the\\nannihilation of men s rights, but their preservation. Do they incor-\\nporate in their organic law the element of injustice do they live\\nby admitting it in practice? Then do they destroy their own foun-\\ndation, and absolve all men from the duty of allegiance. Is any man\\nso besotted as, for a moment, to suppose that the slaveholder has an\\natom of right to his slave; as that the slave has resting on him an\\natom of obligation to obey the laws that enslave him, that rob him\\nof everything of himself? No one else why do all just men of all\\ncountries rejoice when they hear that the oppressed of any country\\nhave achieved their liberty, at whatever cost to their tyrants?", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0174.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 171\\nTHE YOICE OF DELAWARE.\\nStrong anti-slavery sentiments had become popular in Dela-\\nware as early as 1785. With Maryland and Missouri, it may\\nnow be ranked as merely a Semi-slave State. Mr. McLane,\\na member of Congress from this State, in 1825, said:\\nI shall not imitate the example of other gentlemen by making\\nprofessions of my love of liberty and abhorrence of slavery not,\\nhowever, because I do not entertain them. I am an enemy to\\nslavery.\\nTHE VOICE OF MARYLAND.\\nSlavery has little vitality in Maryland. Baltimore, the\\ngreatest city of the South greatest because freest has a\\npopulation of more than two hundred thousand souls, and\\nyet less than three thousand of these are slaves. In spite of\\nall the unjust and oppressive statutes enacted by the oligarchy,\\nthe non-slaveholders, Avho, with the exception of a small num-\\nber of slaveholding emancipationists, may in truth be said to\\nbe the only class of really respectable and patriotic citizens in\\nthe South, have wisely determined that their noble State shall\\nbe freed from the sin and the shame, the crime and the curse\\nof slavery and in accordance with this determination, long\\nsince formed, they are giving every possible encouragement\\nto free white labor, thereby, very properly, rendering the\\nlabor of slaves both unprofitable and disgraceful. The forma-\\ntion of an Abolition Society in this State, in 1*789, was the\\nresult of the influence of the masterly speeches delivered in\\nthe House of Delegates, by the Hon. William Pinkney, whose\\nundying testimony we have already placed on record. Nearly\\nseventy years ago, this eminent lawyer and statesman declared\\nto the people of America, that if they did not mark out the", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0175.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "172 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nbounds of slavery, and adopt measures for its total extinc-\\ntion, it would finally work a decay of the spirit of liberty in\\nthe Free States. Further, he said that, by the eternal\\nprinciples of natural justice, no master in the State has a right\\nto hold his slave in bondage a single hour. In 178V, Luther\\nMartin, of this State, said\\nSlavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has\\na tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it\\nlessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates us to\\ntyranny and oppression.\\nTHE VOICE OF VIRGINIA.\\nAfter introducing the unreserved and immortal testimony\\nof Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Henry, and the other\\ngreat men of the Old Dominion, against the system of Slavery,\\nit may, to some, seem quite superfluous to back the cause of\\nFreedom by arguments from other Virginia Abolitionists but\\nthis State, notwithstanding all her more modern manners and\\ninhumanity, has been so prolific of just views and noble senti-\\nments, that we deem it eminently fit and proper to blazon\\nmany of them to the world as the redeeming features of her\\nhistory. An Abolition Society was formed in this State in\\n1791. In a memorial which the members of this Society pre-\\nsented to Congress, they pronounced slavery not only an\\nodious degradation, but an outrageous violation of one of the\\nmost essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant\\nto the precepts of the Gospel. A Bill of Rights, unanimously\\nagreed upon by the Virginia Convention of June 12,1776,\\nholds\\nThat all men are, by nature, equally free and independent\\nThat Government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0176.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 173\\nbenefit, protection, and security, of the People, Nation, or Commu-\\nnity;\\nThat elections of members to serve as representatives of the peo-\\nple in assembly ought to be free\\nThat all men having sufficient evidence of permanent common\\ninterest with, and attachment to, the community, have the right of\\nsuffrage, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property, for pub-\\nlic uses, without their own consent or that of their representatives so\\nelected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in like manner,\\nassented, for the public good\\nThat the freedom of the Press is one of the greatest bulwarks of\\nliberty, and can never be restrained but by despotic governments\\nThat no free government or the blessing of liberty can be pre-\\nserved to any people, but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation,\\ntemperance, frugality, and virtue, and by a frequent recurrence to\\nfundamental principles.\\nThe Virginia Society for the Abolition of Slavery, or-\\nganized in 1791, addressed Congress in these words\\nYour memorialists, fully aware that righteousness exalteth a\\nnation, and that slavery is not Only an odious degradation, but an\\noutrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human\\nnature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the Gospel, which\\nbreathes peace on earth and good will to men, lament that a prac-\\ntice so inconsistent with true policy and the inalienable rights of\\nmen, should subsist in so enlightened an age, and among a people\\nprofessing that all mankind are, by nature, equally entitled to free-\\ndom.\\nTHE VOICE OF NORTH CAROLINA,\\nIf the question, Slavery or No Slavery, could be fairly pre-\\nsented for the decision of the legal voters of North Carolina\\nat the next popular election, we believe that at least two\\nthirds of them would deposit the No Slavery ticket. Perhaps", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0177.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "174 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\none-fourth of the slaveholders themselves would vote it, for\\nthe slaveholders in this State are more moderate, decent,\\nsensible, and honorable, than the slaveholders in either of the\\nadjoining States, or the States further South and we know\\nthat many of them are heartily ashamed of the disreputable\\noccupation of slaveholding and slave-breeding in which they\\nare engaged, for we have frequently had the assurance from\\ntheir own lips. As a matter of course, all the non-slaveholders,\\nwho are so greatly in the majority, would vote to suppress\\nthe degrading system, which has kept them so long in poverty\\nand ignorance, with the exception of those who are complete\\nautomatons to the beck and call of their imperious lords and\\nmasters, the major-generals of the oligarchy.\\nHow long shall it be before the citizens of North Carolina\\nshall have the privilege of expressing at the ballot-box their\\ntrue sentiments with regard to this vexed question Why\\nnot decide it at the next general election Sooner or later, it\\nmust and will be decided decided correctly, too and the\\nsooner the better. The first Southern State that abolishes\\nslavery will do herself an immortal honor. God grant that\\nNorth Carolina may be that State, and soon There is at\\nleast one plausible reason why this good old State should be\\nthe first to move in this important matter, and we will state\\nit. On the 20th of May, 1775, just one year, one month and\\nfourteen days prior to the adoption of the Jeffersonian Decla-\\nration of Independence, by the Continental Congress in Phila-\\ndelphia, July 4, 1776, the Mecklenburg Declaration of Inde-\\npendence, the authorship of which is generally attributed to\\nEphraim Brevard, was proclaimed in Charlotte, Mecklenburg\\nCounty, North Carolina, and fully ratified in a second Con-\\nvention of the people of said county, held on the 31st of the\\nsame month. And here, by the way, we may remark, that it\\nis supposed Mr. Jefferson made use of this last-mentioned do-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0178.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 175\\ncument as the basis of his draft of the indestructible title-deed\\nof our liberties. There is certainly an identicalness of lan-\\nguage between the two papers that is well calculated to\\nstrengthen this hypothesis. This, however, is a controversy\\nabout which we are but little concerned. For present pur-\\nposes, it is, perhaps enough for us to know, that on the 20th\\nof May, 1775, when trans-Atlantic tyranny could no longer be\\nendured, North Carolina set her sister colonies almost valor-\\nous and praiseworthy example, and that they followed it. To\\nher infamous slaveholding sisters of the South, it is now meet\\nthat she should set another noble example of decency, virtue,\\nand independence. Let her at once inaugurate a policy of\\ncommon justice and humanity enact a system of equitable\\nlaws, having due regard to the rights and interests of all\\nclasses of persons, poor whites, negroes, and nabobs, and the\\nsurrounding States will ere long applaud her measures, and\\nadopt similar ones for the governance of themselves.\\nAnother reason, and a cogent one, why North Carolina\\nshould aspire to become the first Free State of the South is\\nthis The first Slave State that makes herself respectable by\\ncasting out the mother of harlots, and by rendering enter-\\nprise and industry honorable, will immediately receive a large\\naccession of most worthy citizens from other States in the\\nUnion, and thus lay a broad foundation of permanent political\\npower and prosperity. Intelligent white farmers from the\\nMiddle and New England States will flock to our more con-\\ngenial clime, eager to give thirty dollars per acre for the very\\nlands that are now a drug in the market because nobody\\nwants them at the rate of five dollars per acre an immediate\\nand powerful impetus will be given to commerce, manufac-\\ntures, and all the industrial arts science and literature will\\nbe revived, and every part of the State will reverberate with\\nthe triumphs of manual and intellectual labor.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0179.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "176 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nIn a pecuniary point of view, we of North Carolina are, at\\nthis present time, worth less than either of the four adjoining\\nStates let us abolish slavery at the beginning of the next\\nregular decade of years, and if our example is not speedily\\nfollowed, we shall, on or before the 4th of July, 1876, be en-\\nabled to purchase the whole of Virginia and South Carolina,\\nincluding, perhaps, the greater part of Georgia. An exclu-\\nsive lease of liberty for ten years would unquestionably make\\nus the Empire State of the South. But we have no disposi-\\ntion to debar others from the enjoyment of liberty, or from\\nany other inalienable right we ask no special favor what we\\ndemand for ourselves we are willing to concede to our neigh-\\nbors. Hereby we make application for a lease of Freedom for\\nten years shall Ave have it May God enable us to secure\\nit, as we believe He will. We give fair notice, however, that\\nif we get it for ten years, we shall, with the approbation of\\nHeaven, keep it twenty forty a thousand forever\\nWe transcribe the Mecklenburg Resolutions, which, it will\\nbe observed, acknowledge the inherent and inalienable rights\\nof man, and declare ourselves a free and independent peo-\\nple, are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and self-govern-\\ning association, under the control of no power other than that\\nof our God, and the general government of the Congress.\\nMECKLENBURG DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,\\nAs proclaimed in the town of Charlotte, North Carolina,\\nMay 20th, 1775, and ratified by the County of Mecklenburg,\\nin Convention, May 31st, 1775\\nI. Resolved That whosoever, directly or indirectly, abetted, or\\nin any way, form or manner, countenanced the unchartered and\\ndangerous invasion of our rights as claimed by Great Britain, is an", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0180.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 177\\nenemy to this country, to America, and to the inherent and inalienable\\nrights of man.\\nII. Resolved That we the citizens of Mecklenburg County, do\\nhereby dissolve the political bands which have connected us to the\\nmother country, and hereby absolve ourselves from all allegiance to\\nthe British Crown, and abjure all political connection, contract or\\nassociation with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on our\\nrights and liberties, and inhumanly shed the blood of American\\npatriots at Lexington.\\nIII. Resolved That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and\\nindependent people, are, and of right, ought to be, a sovereign and\\nself-governing association, under the control of no power other than\\nthat of our God, and the general government of the Congress to the\\nmaintenance of which independence, we solemnly pledge to each\\nother our mutual cooperation, our lives, our fortunes, and our most\\nsacred honor.\\nIV. Resolved That as we now acknowledge the existence and\\ncontrol of no law or legal officer, civil or military, within this county,\\nwe do hereby ordain and adopt, as a rule of life, all, each, and every\\nof our former laws wherein, nevertheless, the crown of Great\\nBritain never can be considered as holding rights, privileges, immu-\\nnities or authority therein.\\nHad it not been for Slavery, which, with all its other blight-\\ning and degrading influences, stifles and subdues every noble\\nimpulse of the heart, this consecrated spot would long since\\nhave been marked by an enduring monument, whose grand\\nproportions should bear witness that the virtues of a noble\\nancestry are gratefully remembered by an emulous and appre-\\nciative posterity. Yet, even as things are, we are not without\\ngenuine consolation. The star of hope and promise is begin-\\nning to beam brightly over the long-obscured horizon of the\\nSouth and we are firm in the belief, that freedom, wealth,\\nand magnanimity, will soon do justice to the memory of those\\nfearless patriots, whose fair fame has been suffered to molder\\n8*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0181.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "1 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\namidst the multifarious abominations of slavery, poverty, ig-\\nnorance and grovelling selfishness.\\nIn the Provincial Convention held hi North Carolina, hi\\nAugust, 1774, in which there were sixty-nine delegates, repre-\\nsenting nearly every county in the province, it was\\nResolved That we will not import any slave or slaves, or pur-\\nchase any slave or slaves imported or brought iuto the Province by\\nothers, from any part of the world, after the first day of November\\nnest.\\nIn Iredell s Statutes, revised by Martin, it is stated that,\\nIn North Carolina, no general law at all was passed, prior to the\\nRevolution, declaring who might be slaves.\\nThat there is no legal slavery in the Southern States, and\\nthat slavery nowhere can be legalized, any more than theft,\\narson or murder can be legalized, has been virtually admitted\\nby some of the most profound Southern jurists themselves\\nand Ave will here digress so far as to furnish the testimony of\\none or two eminent lawyers, not of North Carolina, upon\\nthis point.\\nIn the debate in the United States Senate, in 1850, on the\\nFugitive Slave Bill, Mr. Mason, of Virginia, objected to Mr.\\nDayton s amendment, providing for a trial by jury, because,\\nsaid he\\nA trial by jury necessarily carries with it a trial of the whole\\nright, and a trial of the right to service will be gone into, according\\nto all the forms of the court, in determining upon any other fact.\\nThen, again, it is proposed, as a part of the proof to be adduced at\\nthe hearing, after the fugitive has been re-captured, that evidence\\nshall be brought by the claimant to show that slavery is established\\nin the State from which the fugitive has absconded. Now, this very\\nthing, in a recent case in the city of New York, was required by one", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0182.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 179\\nof the judges of that State, which case attracted the attention of the\\nauthorities of Maryland, and against which they protested. In that\\ncase the State judge went so far as to say that the only mode of\\nproving it was by reference to the Statute book. Such proof is\\nrequired in the senator s amendment and if he means by this that\\nproof shall be brought that slavery is established by existing laws, it\\nis impossible to comply with the requisition, for no such law can be\\nproduced, I apprehend, in any of the Slave States. I am not aware\\nthat there is a single State in which the institution is established by\\npositive law.\\nJudge Clarke, of Mississippi, says\\nIn this State the legislature have considered slaves as reason-\\nable and accountable beings and it should be a stigma upon the\\ncharacter of the State, and a reproach to the administration of jus-\\ntice, if the life of a slave could be taken with impunity, or if he\\ncould be murdered in cold blood, without subjecting the offender to\\nthe highest penalty known to the criminal jurisprudence of the\\ncountry. Has the slave no rights, because he is deprived of his\\nfreedom He is still a human being, and possesses all those rights\\nof which he is not deprived by the positive provisions of the law.\\nThe right of the master exists not by force of the law of nature or\\nnations, but by virtue only of the positive law of the State.\\nThe Hon. Judge Ruffin, of North Carolina, says\\nArguments drawn from the well-established principles, which\\nconfer and restrain the authority of the parent over the child, the\\ntutor over the pupil, the master over the apprentice, have been\\npressed on us. The court does not recognize their application there\\nis no likeness between the cases; they are in opposition to each\\nother, and there is an impassable gulf between them. The difference is\\nthat which exists between freedom and slavery, and a greater cannot\\nbe imagined. In the one, the end in view is the happiness of the\\nyouth, born to equal rights with that governor on whom the duty\\ndevolves of training the young to usefulness in a station which he", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0183.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "180 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nis afterward to assume among freemen. To such an end, and with\\nsuch a subject, moral and intellectual instruction seem the natural\\nmeans, and, for the most part, they are found to suffice. Moderate\\nforce is superadded only to make the others effectual. If that fail,\\nit is better to leave the party to his own headstrong passions, and\\ntbe ultimate correction of the law, than to allow it to be immode-\\nrately inflicted by a private person. With slavery it is far otherwise.\\nThe end is the profit of the master, his security, and the public\\nsafety the subject, one doomed, in his own person and his posterity,\\nto live without knowledge, and without the capacity to make any-\\nthing his own, and to toil that another may reap the fruits. What\\nmoral considerations shall be addressed to such a being to convince\\nhim, what it is impossible but that the most stupid must feel and\\nknow can never be true, that he is thus to labor upon a principle ot\\nnatural duty, or for the sake of his own personal happiness Such\\nservices can only be expected from one who has no will of his own\\nwho surrenders his will in implicit obedience to that of another.\\nSuch obedience is the consequence only of uncontrolled authority\\nover the body. There is nothing else which can operate to produce\\nthe effect. The power of the master must be absolute to render the\\nsubmission of the slave perfect. I most freely confess my sense of\\nthe harshness of this proposition. I feel it as deeply as any man\\ncan and as a principle of moral right, every person in his retire-\\nment must repudiate it.\\nAn esteemed friend, a physician, who was born and bred\\nin Rowan county, North Carolina, and who now resides\\nthere, informs us that Judge Gaston, who was one of the\\nhalf dozen statesmen whom the South has produced since the\\ndays of the venerable fathers of the Republic, was an avowed\\nabolitionist, and that he published an address to the people\\nof North Carolina, delineating, in a masterly manner, the\\nmaterial, moral and social disadvantages of slavery. Where\\nis that address Has it been suppressed by the oligarchy\\nThe fact that slaveholders have, from time to time, made\\nstrenuous efforts to expunge the sentiments of Freedom", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0184.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 181\\nwhich now adorn the works of nobler men than tne noble\\nGaston, may, perhaps, fully account for the oblivious state\\ninto which his patriotic effort seems to have fallen.\\nNote. Three or four months after the above was pub-\\nlished up to which time this work in its first form had\\npassed through several editions Prof. Hedrick had the\\nkindness to hand us the address, delivered, many years ago,\\nbefore the Literary Societies of the University of North\\nCarolina, by\\nJudge Gaston, who, with much force, says\\nDisguise the truth as we may, and throw the blame where we\\nwill, it is slavery which, more than any other cause, keeps us back\\nin the career of improvement. It stifles industry and represses enter-\\nprise it is fatal to economy and providence it discourages skill\\nimpairs our strength as a community, and poisons morals at the\\nfountain head. How this evil is to be encountered, how subdued, is\\nindeed a difficult and delicate inquiry, which this is not the time to\\nexamine, nor the occasion to discuss. I felt, however, that I could\\nnot discharge my duty, without referring to this subject, as one\\nwhich ought to engage the prudence, moderation, and firmness of\\nthose who, sooner or later, must act decisively upon it.\\nIn the course of an oration which he delivered in 1830,\\nBenjamin Swaim, an eminent lawyer of North Carolina,\\nasks\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nIs it nothing to us, that seventeen hundred thousand of the peo-\\nple of our country are doomed illegally to the most abject and vile\\nslavery that was ever tolerated on the face of the earth Are\\nCarolinians deaf to the piercing cries of humanity Are they insen-\\nsible to the demands of justice Let any man of spirit and feeling\\nfor a moment cast his thoughts over the land of slavery think of\\nthe nakedness of some, the hungry yearnings of others, the flowing", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0185.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "182 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\ntears and heaving sighs of parting relations, the wailings of lamenta-\\ntion and woe, the bloody cut of the keen, lash, and the frightful\\nscream that rends the very skies and all this to gratify ambition,\\nlust, pride, avarice, vanity and other depraved feelings of the human\\nheart. Indeed the worst is not generally known. Were all the\\nmiseries, the horrors of slavery, to burst at once into view, a peal of\\nsevenfold thunder could scarce strike greater alarm.\\nFrom a small pamphlet entitled An Address to the Peo-\\nple of North Carolina, on the Evils of Slavery, published by\\nWilliam Swaim, in Greensborough, N. C, in 1830 -just\\nthirty years ago with the approval of Amos Weaver,\\nchairman of the committee appointed by the General Asso-\\nciation of the Manumission Society of North Carolina, to\\ndraw up an address to the people of the State, and to report\\nthe same to the Board of Managers of the said society for\\npublication we present the following just and seasonable\\nextracts\\nWe call upon the friends of humanity, of virtue, of patriotism,\\nand above all, of religion, to awake to a sense of the many principles\\nof injustice, inhumanity and irreligion which attend our system of\\nslavery and to continue their protest against measures so unjust to\\nthe unfortunate African, and so disgraceful to the spirit and princi-\\nples of a free and religious community, until we shall succeed in\\nrendering to all mankind both true and impartial justice by which\\nalone can glorious liberty be rendered perpetual, and we be enabled\\nto transmit freedom as an unsullied patrimony to posterity.\\nIf we have been accustomed to look upon African slave-dealers\\nwith disgust, let us turn our attention homeward for a momeut, and\\nsee if we have not among ourselves, men of similar character. We\\ndoubt not, however, but many of those men engaged in the domestic\\nblave trade have been accustomed to regard African slave-traders as\\nvery depraved and cruel men and are very unwilling to rank with\\nthem in point of character. But we hope they will do themselves the\\njustice of entering calmly with us into an investigation of the prin-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0186.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 183\\nciples and nature of the domestic slave trade, while we briefly con-\\ntrast it with the African slave trade.\\nAnd first, we would ask what is the primary object of the Afri-\\ncan slave-trader Gain, must, undoubtedly, be the just and only pro-\\nper answer to this question. Now, permit us to ask the domestic\\nslave-trader what is his primary object? The same answer must in-\\nvariably be given gain. The desire of amassing wealth becomes the\\npredominant desire ere he is prepared for this inhuman traffic Should\\nthe domestic slave-trader plead in extenuation of his conduct, that\\nthose negroes whom he buys and sells, were slaves before he bought\\nor sold them, and can only be such afterward, and that in many cases\\ntheir circumstances are really bettered by the exchange of masters\\nall this will prove nothing in his favor, as it is the principles and\\nmotives existing in the heart, which, like mainsprings, exert a con-\\ntrolling influence over the man, in producing the actions of which\\nwe are speaking, and not the particular degree either of good or harm\\ndone to any individual thereby, which we are investigating.\\nBut secondly, the African slave-traders obtain their subjects in any\\nway that they can, without the least regard to the attachments or re-\\nlationships either filial, parental, or conjugal, existing between the\\ncaptured negro and those he is leaving behind him. In like manner,\\nthe domestic slave-trader purchases his subjects wherever he can ob-\\ntain the best bargains, without regard to the condition of the slave,\\nin relation to any of the above-mentioned particulars, and sells them\\nagain by the same rule. And although he does not crowd them down\\nin the gloomy cells of a slave ship, yet he often loads the miserable\\ncreatures with irons in such a manner as to render their very exis-\\ntence burdensome. It may, however, be objected to the African slave-\\ntraders, that they sometimes kidnap and bring away those who were\\nfree, without paying an equivalent for them. Nor can we entirely\\nvindicate the character of the domestic slave-traders from this dis-\\ngrace of the human character, some of whom are at times too noto-\\nriously guilty of this abomination, as we could make appear were it\\nnecessary, with but little inconvenience to ourselves. And although\\nthe instances of kidnapping in the history of the domestic slave trade\\nare much more rare than in that of the foreign, yet we believe, and", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0187.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "184 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nfacts authorize the belief, that few have engaged in the former with\\na view of amassing wealth, hut have shown a disposition to obtain\\nslaves in any way which the laws and existing circumstances might\\npermit. And it is a shameful fact that more or less, annually, of the\\nfree negroes, chiefly children, are taken and sold into slavery.\\nNo circumstance or consideration whatever, can render unquali-\\nfied and absolute slavery, consistent with that instinctive sense of\\nright of which every man may find more or less in his own breast.\\nWe have impartially examined the evil in its origin, its progress, and\\nits present state, as well as its future consequences and even in its\\nmildest form, it shrinks from rational inspection a monster of\\nhideous deformity in its best feature.\\nTHE VOICE OP SOUTH CAROLINA.\\nPoor South Carolina Folly is her nightcap fanaticism is\\nher day-dream fire-eating is her pastime. She has lost her\\nbetter judgment; the dictates of reason and philosophy have\\nno influence upon her actions. Like the wife who is pitiably\\ninfatuated with a drunken, worthless husband, she still clings,\\nwith unabated love, to the cause of her shame, her misery,\\nand her degradation.\\nA Kentuckian has recently expressed his opinion of this\\nState in the following language\\nSouth Carolina is bringing herself irrecoverably into public con-\\ntempt. It is impossible for any impartial lover of his country, for\\nany just, thinking man, to witness her senseless and quenchless ma-\\nlignity against the Union without the most immeasurable disgust and\\nscorn. She is one vast hot-bed of disunion. Her people think and\\ntalk of nothing else. She is a festering mass of treason.\\nIn 1854, there were assessed for taxation in South Caro-\\nlina\\nAcres of Land xi 289,359\\nalued at $22,S36,874\\nAverage value per acre $1 32", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0188.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 185\\nAt the same time there were in New Jersey\\nAcres of Land 5,324,800\\nValued at $153,161,619\\nAverage value per acre $28 76\\nWe hope the slaveholders will look, first on that picture,\\nand then on this from one or the other, or both, they may\\nglean a ray or two of wisdom, which, if duly applied, will be\\nof incalculable advantage to them and their posterity. We\\ntrust, also, that the non-slaveholding whites will view, with\\ndiscriminating minds, the different fights and shades of these\\ntwo pictures they are the parties most deeply interested\\nand it is to them we look for the glorious revolution that is\\nto result in the permanent establishment of Freedom over the\\nlast lingering ruins of Slavery. They have the power to re-\\ntrieve the fallen fortunes of South Carolina, to raise her up\\nfrom the loathsome sink of iniquity into which slavery has\\nplunged her, and to make her one of the most brilliant stars\\nin the great constellation of States. AVhile their minds are\\noccupied with other considerations, let them not forget the\\ndifference between twenty -eight dollars and seventy-six cents,\\nthe value of land per acre in New Jersey, which is a second-\\nrate Free State, and one dollar and thirty -two cents, the value\\nof land per acre in South Carolina, which is, par excellence, the\\nmodel Slave State. The difference between the two sums is\\ntwenty-seven dollars and forty-four cents, which would amount\\nto precisely two thousand seven hundred and forty-four dol-\\nlars on every hundred acres. To present the subject in ano-\\nther form, the South Carolina tract of land, containing two\\nhundred acres, is worth now only two hundred and sixty-four\\ndollars, and is depreciating every day. Let slavery be abo-\\nlished, and in the course of a few years, the same tract would\\nbe worth five thousand seven hundred and fifty-two dollars,\\nwith an upward tendency. At this rate, the increment of", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0189.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "186 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nvalue on the total area of the State would soon amount to\\nmore than three times as much as the present estimated value\\nof the slaves\\nSouth Carolina has not always beeu, nor will she always\\ncontinue to be, on the wrong side. From Ramsay s History\\nof the \u00c2\u00a7tate, we learn that, in 1774, she\\nResolved That his majesty s subjects in North America (without\\nrespect to* color or other accidents) are entitled to all the inherent\\nrights and liberties of his natural-born subjects within the kingdom\\nof Great Britain that it is their fundamental right, that no man\\nshould suffer in his person or property without a fair trial, and judg-\\nment given by his peers, or by the law of the land.\\nDuring the Revolution, when Baron de Kalb met General\\nFrancis Marion, the former expressed amazement that so many\\nSouth Carolinians were running to take British protection.\\nMarion replied\\nThe people of Carolina form two classes, the rich and the poor.\\nThe poor are very poor the rich, who have slaves to do all their\\nwork, give them no employment. Unsupported by the rich, they\\ncontinue poor and low-spirited. The little they get is laid out in\\nbrandy, not in books and newspapers hence they know nothing of\\nthe comparative blessings of our country, or of the dangers which\\nthreaten it therefore they care nothing about it. The rich are gene-\\nrally very rich afraid to stir lest the British should burn their houses,\\nand carry off their negroes.\\nAfter the Avar, he estimated that poor Carolina lost,\\nthrough her ignorance, $15,000,000 for ignorance begat tory-\\nism, ami toryism begat losses. In regard to the importance\\nof educating the people, he said\\nLook at the people of New England. Eeligion has taught them\\nthat God created men to be happy to be happy they must have vir-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0190.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 187\\ntue that virtue is not to be attained without knowledge nor know-\\nledge without instruction nor public instruction without free schools\\nnor free schools without legislative order.\\nOne of her early writers, under the nom de plume of Philo-\\ndemus, in a political pamphlet published in Charleston in 1 784,\\ndeclares that\\nSuch is the fatal influence of slavery on the human mind, that it\\nalmost wholly effaces from it even the boasted characteristic of\\nrationality.\\nThe same writer, speaking of the particular interests of\\nSouth Carolina, says\\nIt has been too common with us to search the records of other\\nnations, to find precedents that may give sanction to our own errors,\\nand lead us unwarily into confusion and ruin. It is our business to\\nconsult their histories, not with a view to tread right, or wrong, in\\ntheir steps, but in order to investigate the real sources of the mis-\\nchiefs that have befallen them, and to endeavor to escape the rocks\\nwhich they have all unfortunately split upon. It is paying ourselves\\nbut a poor compliment, to say that we are incapable of profiting by\\nothers, and that, with all the information which is to be derived from\\ntheir fatal experience, it is in vain for us to attempt to excel them.\\nIf, with all the peculiar advantages of our present situation, we are\\nincapable of surpassing our predecessors, we must be a degenerate\\nrace indeed, and quite unworthy of those singular bounties of heaven,\\nwhich we are so unskilled or undesirous to turn to our benefit.\\nA recent number of Frazer s Magazine contains a well-\\ntimed and well- written article from the pen of William Henry\\nHurlbut of this State and from it we make the following\\nextract\\nAs all sagacious observers of the operation of the system of\\nslavery have demonstrated, the profitable employment of slave-labor", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0191.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "188 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nis inconsistent with the development of agricultural science, and\\ndemands a continual supply of new and unexhausted soil. The slave-\\nholder, investing his capital in the purchase of the laborers themselves,\\nand not merely in soil and machines, paying his free laborers out of\\nthe profit, must depend for his continued and progressive prosperity\\nupon the cheapness and facility with which he can transfer his slaves\\nto fresfcand fertile lands. An enormous additional item, namely the\\nprice of slaves, being added to the cost of production, all other ele-\\nments of that cost require to be proportionably smaller, or profits\\nfail.\\nIn an address delivered before the South Carolina Institute,\\nin Charleston, November 20th, 1856, Mr. B. F. Perry, of\\nGreenville, truthfully says\\nIt has been South Carolina s misfortune, in this utilitarian age, to\\nhave her greatest talents and most powerful energies directed to pur-\\nsuits which avail her nothing in the way of wealth and prosperity.\\nIn the first settlement of a new country, agricultural industry neces-\\nsarily absorbs all the time and occupation of its inhabitants. They\\nmust clear the forests and cultivate the earth, in order to make their\\nbread. This is their first consideration. Then the mechanical arts\\nand .manufactures, and commerce, must follow in the footsteps of\\nagriculture, to insure either individual or national prosperity. No\\npeople can be highly prosperous without them. No people ever have\\nbeen. Agriculture, alone, will not make or sustain a great people.\\nThe true policy of every people is to cultivate the earth, manufacture\\nits products, and send them abroad, in exchange for those comforts\\nand luxuries, and necessaries, which their own country and their own\\nindustry cannot give or make. The dependence of South Carolina\\non Europe and the Northern States for all the necessaries, comforts\\nand luxuries, which the mechanic arts afford, has, in fact, drained\\nher of her wealth, and made her positively poor, when compared\\nwith her sister States of the Confederacy. It is at once mortifying\\nand alarming, to see and reflect on our own dependence in the\\nmechanic arts and manufactures, on strangers and foreigners. In the\\nNorthern States their highest talents and energy have been diversi-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0192.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 189\\nfied, and more profitably employed in developing the resources of\\nthe country, in making new inventions in the mechanic arts, and en-\\nriching the community with science and literature, commerce and\\nmanufactures.\\nTHE VOICE OF GEORGIA.\\nOf the States strictly Southern, Georgia is, perhaps, the\\nmost thrifty. This prosperous condition of the State is\\nmainly ascribable to her hundred thousand free white labor-\\ners more than eighty-three thousand of whom are engaged\\nin agricultural pursuits. In few other Slave States are the\\nnon-slaveholders so little under the domination of the oligar-\\nchy. At best, however, even in the most liberal Slave States,\\nthe social position of the non-slaveholding whites is but one\\nshort step in advance of that of the negroes and as there is,\\non the part of the oligarchy, a constantly increasing desire\\nand effort to usurp greater power, the more we investigate\\nthe subject the more fully are we convinced that nothing but\\nthe speedy and utter annihilation of slavery from the entire\\nnation, can save the masses of white people in the Southern\\nStates from ultimately falling to a political level with the\\nblacks both occupying the most abject and galling condi-\\ntion of servitude of which it is possible for the human mind\\nto conceive.\\nGen. Oglethorpe, under whose management the Colony of\\nGeorgia was settled, in 1733, was bitterly opposed to the\\ninstitution of slavery. In a letter to Granville Sharp, dated\\nOct. 13th, 1776, he says:\\nMy friends and I settled the Colony of Georgia, and by charter\\nwere established trustees, to make laws, etc. We determined not to\\nsuffer slavery there. But the slave merchants and their adherents\\noccasioned U3 not only much trouble, but at last got the then govern-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0193.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "190 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nment to favor them. We would not suffer slavery (which is against\\nthe Gospel, as well as the fundamental law of England) to be autho-\\nrized under our authority we refused, as trustees, to make a law\\npermitting such a horrid crime. The government, finding the trus-\\ntees resolved firmly not to concur with what they believed unjust,\\ntook away the charter by which no law could be passed without our\\nconsent.\\nOn the 12th of January, IV 75, in indorsing the proceedings\\nof the first American Congress, among other resolutions,\\nthe Representatives of the extensive District of Darien, in\\nthe Colony of Georgia, adopted the following\\n5. To show the world that we are not influenced by any con-\\ntracted or interested motives, but a general philanthropy for all man-\\nkind, of whatever climate, language, or complexion, we hereby\\ndeclare our disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural practice\\nof slavery in America (however the uncultivated state of our country\\nor other specious arguments may plead for it), a practice founded in\\ninjustice and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our liberties (as well\\nas lives), debasing part of our fellow creatures below men, and cor-\\nrupting the virtue and morals of the rest; and is laying the basis of\\nthat liberty we contended for (and which we pray the Almighty to\\ncontinue to the latest posterity), upon a very wrong foundation. We\\ntherefore resolve, at all times, to use our utmost endeavors for the\\nmanumission of our slaves in this Colony, upon the most safe and\\nequitable footing for the masters and themselves.\\nThe Hon. Mr. Reid, of this State, in a speech delivered in\\nCongress, Feb. 1, 1820, says:\\nI am not the panegyrist of slavery. It is an unnatural state, a\\ndark cloud, which obscures half the lustre of our free institutions.\\nFor my own part, though surrounded by slavery from my cradle to\\nthe present moment, yet\\nI hate the touch of servile hands,\\nI loathe the slaves who cringe around.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0194.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 191\\nAs an accompaniment to those lines, he might have uttered\\nthese\\nI would not have a slave to till my ground\\nTo carry me, to fan me while I sleep,\\nAnd tremble when I wake, for all the wealth\\nThat sinews bought and sold have ever earned.\\nThus have we presented a comprehensive summary of the\\nmost unequivocal and irrefragable testimony of the South\\nagainst the iniquitous system of human slavery. What more\\ncan we say What more can we do We might fill a folio\\nvolume with similar extracts but we must forego the task\\nthe remainder of our space must be occupied with other argu-\\nments. In the foregoing excerpts is revealed to us, in lan-\\nguage too plain to be misunderstood, the important fact that\\nevery truly great and good man the South has ever produced,\\nhas, with hopeful confidence, looked forward to the time\\nwhen this entire Continent shall be redeemed from the crime\\nand the curse of slavery. Our noble self-sacrificing forefathers\\nhave performed their part, and performed it well. They have\\nlaid us a foundation as enduring as the earth itself; in their\\ndying moments they admonished us to carry out their designs\\nin the upbuilding and completion of the superstructure. Let\\nus obey their patriotic injunctions.\\nFrom each of the six original Southern States we have\\nintroduced the most ardent aspirations for Liberty the most\\npositive condemnations of Slavery. From each of the nine\\nSlave States which have been admitted into the Union since\\nthe organization of the General Government, we could intro-\\nduce, from several of their wisest and best citizens, anti-slavery\\nsentiments equally as strong and convincing as those that\\nemanated from the great founders of our movement Wash-\\nington, Jefferson, Madison, Patrick Henry and the Randolphs.\\nAs we have already remarked, however, the limits of this", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0195.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "192 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nchapter will not admit of the introduction or additional testi-\\nmony from either of the old or of the new Slave States.\\nThe reader will not fail to observe that, in presenting these\\nsolid abolition doctrines of the South, we have been careful\\nto make such quotations as triumphantly refute, in every par-\\nticular, the more specious sophistries of the oligarchy.\\nThe mention of the illustrious names above, reminds us of\\nthe fact, that many of the party newspapers, whose venal col-\\numns are eternally teeming with vituperation and slander,\\nhave long assured us that the Whig ship was to be steered\\nby the Washington rudder, that the Democratic bark was to\\nsail with the Jefferson compass, and that the Know-Nothing\\nbrig was to carry the Madison chart. Imposed upon by\\nthese monstrous falsehoods, we have, from time to time, been\\ninduced to engage passage on each of these corrupt and rick-\\nety old hulks but, in every instance, we have been basely\\nswamped in the sea of slavery, and are alone indebted for our\\nlives to the kindness of Heaven and the art of swimming.\\nWashington the founder of the Whig party Jefferson the\\nfounder of the Democratic party Voltaire the founder of\\nChristianity How absurd God forbid that man s heart\\nshould always continue to be the citadel of deception that\\nhe should ever be to others the antipode of what he is to him-\\nself.\\nThere is now in this country but one well-organized party\\nthat promises, in good faith, to put in practice the principles\\nof Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and the other venerable\\nFathers of the Republic the Republican party. To this\\nparty we pledge unswerving allegiance, so long as it shall\\ncontinue to pursue the statism advocated by the great politi-\\ncal prototypes above-mentioned, but no longer. We believe\\nit is, as it ought to be, the desire, the determination, and the\\ndestiny of this party, to give the death-blow to slavery should", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0196.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 193\\nfuture developments prove the party at variance with this\\nbelief a belief, by the by, which it has recently inspired in\\nthe breasts of little less than one and a half million of the\\nmost intelligent and patriotic voters in America we shall\\nshake oft* the dust of our feet against it, and join one that\\nwill, in a summary manner, extirpate the intolerable griev-\\nance.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0197.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV.\\nNORTHERN TESTIMONY.\\nSlavery must fall, because it stands in direct hostility to all the grand move-\\nments, principles, and reforms of opr age, because it stands in the way of an\\nadvancing world. One great idea stands out amidst the discoveries and im-\\nprovements of modern times. It is, that man is not to exercise arbitrary, ir-\\nresponsible power over man. To restrain power, to divide and balance it, to\\ncreate responsibility for its just use, to secure the individual against its abuse,\\nto substitute law for private will, to shield the weak from the strong, to give\\nto the injured the means of redress, to set a fence round every man s property\\nand rights, in a word, to secure liberty such, under various expressions, is\\nthe great object on which philosophers, patriots, philanthropists, have long\\nfixed their thoughts and hopes. Channino.\\nThe best evidence that can be given of the enlightened\\npatriotism and love of liberty in the Free States, is the fact\\nthat, at the Presidential election in 185G, they polled thirteen\\nhundred thousand votes for the Republican candidate, John\\nC. Fremont. This fact of itself seems to preclude the ne-\\ncessity of strengthening our cause with the individual testi-\\nmony of even their greatest men. Having, however, adduced\\nthe most cogent and conclusive anti-slavery arguments from\\nthe Washingtons, the Jeflersons, the Madisons, the Ran-\\ndolphs, and the Clays of the South, we shall now proceed to\\nenrich our pages with gems of Liberty from the Franklins, the\\nHamiltons, the Jays, the Adamses, and the Websters of the\\nNorth. Too close attention cannot be paid to the words of\\nwisdom which we have extracted from the works of these\\ntruly eminent and philosophic statesmen. We will first\\nlisten to\\n104", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0198.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "NORTHERN TESTIMONY. 195\\nTHE VOICE OF FRANKLIN.\\nDr. Franklin was the first president of The Pennsylvania\\nSociety for promoting the Abolition of Slavery and it is now\\ngenerally conceded that this was the first regularly organized\\nAmerican Abolition Society it having been formed as early\\nas 1774, while we were yet subjects of the British Government.\\nIn 1790, in the name and on behalf of this Society, Dr. Frank-\\nlin, who was then within a few months of the close of his fife,\\ndrafted a memorial to the Senate and House of Representa-\\ntives of the United States, in which he said\\nYour memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the dis-\\ntresses arising from slavery, believe it to be their indispensable duty\\nto present this subject to your notice. Tbey have observed, with\\nreal satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested\\nin you, for promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of lib-\\nerty to the people of the United States and as they conceive that\\nthese blessings ought rightfully to be administered without distinc-\\ntion of color, to all descriptions of people, so they indulge them-\\nselves in the pleasing expectation that nothing which can be done\\nfor the relief of the unhappy objects of their care, will be either\\nomitted or delayed.\\nFrom a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the portion,\\nand is still the birthright of all men, and influenced by the strong\\nties of humanity and the principles of their institution, your memo-\\nrialists conceive themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to\\nloosen the bonds of slavery, and promote a general enjoyment of the\\nblessings of freedom. Under these impressions, they earnestly entreat\\nyour attention to the subject of slavery that you will be pleased to\\ncountenance the restoration to liberty of those unhappy men, who,\\nalone, in this land of freedom, are degraded into perpetual bondage,\\nand who, amid the general joy of surrounding freemen, are groaning\\nin servile subjection that you will devise means for removing this\\ninconsistency of character from the American people that you will", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0199.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "196 NORTHERN TESTIMONY.\\npromote mercy and justice toward this distressed race and that you\\nwill step to the very verge of the power vested in you for discourag-\\ning every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow men.\\nOn another occasion, he says\\nSlavery is an atrocious debasement of human nature.\\nTHE VOICE OP HAMILTON.\\nAlexander Hamilton, the brilliant statesman and financier,\\ntells us that\\nThe sacred rights of mankind are not to he rummaged for among\\nold parchments or musty records. They are written as with a sun-\\nbeam, in the whole volume of human nature, by the hand of Divinity\\nitself, and can never be erased or obscured by mortal power.\\nAgain, in 1*774, addressing himself to an American Tory,\\nlie says\\nThe fundamental source of all your errors, sophisms, and false\\nreasonings, is a total ignorance of the natural rights of mankind.\\nWere you once to become acquainted with these, you could never\\nentertain a thought, that all men are not, by nature, entitled to equal\\nprivileges. You would be convinced that natural liberty is the gift\\nof the beneficent Creator to the whole human race and that civil\\nliberty is founded on that.\\nTHE VOICE OF JAY.\\nJohn Jay, first Chief Justice of the United States under\\nthe Constitution of 1789, in a letter to the Hon. Elias Boudi-\\nnot, dated November 17, 1819, says\\nLittle can be added to what has been said and written on the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0200.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "NORTHERN TESTIMONY. 197\\nsubject of slavery. I concur in the opinion that it ought not to be\\nintroduced nor permitted in any of the new States, and that it ought\\nto be gradually diminished and finally abolished in all of them.\\nTo me, the constitutional authority of the Congress to prohibit\\nthe migration and importation of slaves into any of the States, does\\nnot appear questionable.\\nThe first article of the Constitution specifies the legislative\\npowers committed to the Congress. The 9th section of that article\\nhas these words The migration or importation of such persons as\\nany of the now-existing States shall think proper to admit, shall not\\nbe prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or\\nduty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars\\nfor each person.\\nI understand the sense and meaning of this clause to be, that the\\npower of the Congress, although competent to prohibit such migra-\\ntion and importation, was to be exercised with respect to the then\\nexisting States, and them only, until the year 1808, but the Congress\\nwore at liberty to make such prohibitions as to any new State, which\\nmight, in the mean time, be established. And further, that from and\\nafter that period, they were authorized to make such prohibitions as\\nto all the States, whether new or old.\\nIt will, I presume, be admitted, that slaves were the persons\\nintended. The word slaves was avoided, probably on account of the\\nexisting toleration of slavery, and its discordancy with the principles\\nof the Revolution, and from a consciousness of its being repugnant\\nto the following positions in the Declaration of Independence We\\nhold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal\\nthat they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable\\nrights that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap-\\npiness.\\nIn a previous letter, written from Spain, whither he had\\nbeen appointed as minister plenipotentiary, he says, speaking\\nof the abolition of slavery\\nTill America comes into this measure, her prayers to Heaven\\nwill be impious. This is a strong expression, but it is just, I believe", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0201.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "198 NORTHERN TESTIMONY.\\nthat God governs the world, and I believe it to be a maxim in His,\\nas in our courts, that those who ask for equity ought to do it.\\nWILLIAM JAY.\\nThe Hon. William Jay, a noble son of Chief Justice John\\nJay, says\\nA crisis has arrived in which we must maintain our rights, or\\nsurrender them forever. I speak not to abolitionists alone, but to\\nall who value the liberty our fathers achieved. Do you ask what\\nwe have to do with slavery Let our muzzled presses answer let\\nthe mobs excited against us by the merchants and politicians answer,\\nlet the gag-laws threatened by our governors and legislatures answer,\\nlet the conduct of the National Government answer.\\nTHE VOICE OF ADAMS.\\nFrom the Diary of John Quincy Adams, the old man\\neloquent, we make the following extract\\nIt is among the evils of slavery, that it taints the very sources\\nof moral principle. It establishes false estimates of virtue and vice\\nfor what can be more false and more heartless than this doctrine,\\nwhich makes the first and holiest rights of humanity to depend upon\\nthe color of the skin It perverts human reason, and induces men\\nendowed with logical powers to maintain that slavery is sanctioned\\nby the Christian religion that slaves are happy and contented in\\ntheir condition; that between master and slave there are ties of\\nmutual attachment and affection that the virtues of the master are\\nrefined and exalted by the degradation of the slave, while at the\\nsame time they vent execrations upon the slave trade, curse Britain\\nfor having given them slaves, burn at the stake negroes convicted of\\ncrimes, for the terror of the example, and writhe in agonies of fear\\nat the very mention of human rights as applicable to men of color.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0202.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "NORTHERN TESTIMONY. 199\\nTHE VOICE OP WEBSTER.\\nIn a speech which he delivered at Niblo s Garden, in the\\ncity of New York, on the 15th of March, 1837, Daniel Web-\\nster, the Great expounder of the Constitution, said\\nOn the general question of slavery, a great part of the commu-\\nnity is already strongly excited. The subject has not only attracted\\nattention as a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper one\\nahead. It has arrested the religious feeling of the country, it has\\ntaken strong hold on the consciences of men. He is a rash man,\\nindeed, and little conversant with human nature, and especially has\\nhe an erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this coun-\\ntry, who supposes that a feeling of this kind is to be trifled with or\\ndespised. It will assuredly cause itself to be respected. But to\\nendeavor to coin it into silver, or retain its free expression, to seek\\nto compress and confine it, warm as it is, and more heated as such\\nendeavors would inevitably render it should this be attempted, I\\nknow nothing, even in the Constitution or Union itself, which might\\nnot be endangered by the explosion which might follow.\\nWhen discussing the Oregon Bill in 1848, he said:\\nI have made up my mind, for one, that under no circumstances\\nwill I consent to the further extension of the area of slavery in the\\nUnited States, or to the further increase of slave representation in\\nthe House of Representatives.\\nUnder date of February 15th, 1850, in a letter to the Rev.\\nMr. Furness, he says\\nFrom my earliest youth I have regarded slavery as a great moral\\nand political evil. I think it unjust, repugnant to the natural equality\\nof mankind, founded only in superior power a standing and perma-\\nnent conquest by the stronger over the weaker. All pretence of de-\\nfending it on the ground of different races, I have ever condemned.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0203.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "200 NORTHERN TESTIMONY.\\nI have even said that if the black race is weaker, that is a reason\\nagainst, not for, its subjection and oppression. In a religious point\\nof view, I have ever regarded it, and even spoken of it, not as subject\\nto any express denunciation, either in the Old Testament or the New,\\nbut as opposed to the whole spirit of the Gospel and to the teachings\\nof Jesus Christ. The religion of Jesus Christ is a religion of kind-\\nness, justice, and brotherly love. But slavery is not kindly affection-\\nate it does not seek another s, and not its own it does not let the\\noppressed go free. It is, as I have said, but a continual act of oppres-\\nsion. But then, such is the influence of a habit of thinking among\\nmen, and such is the influence of what has been long established, that\\neven minds, religiously and tenderly conscientious, such as would\\nbe shocked by any single act of oppression, in any single exercise of\\nviolence and unjust power, are not always moved by the reflection\\nthat slavery is a continual and permanent violation of human rights.\\nWhile delivering a speech at Buffalo, in the State of New\\nYork, in the summer of 1851, only about twelve months prior\\nto his decease, he made use of the following emphatic words\\nI never would consent and never have consented, that there\\nshould be one foot of slave territory beyond what the old thirteen\\nStates had at the formation of the Union. Never, never.\\nNOAH WEBSTER.\\nNoah Webster, the great American vocabulist, says\\nThat freedom is the sacred right of every man, whatever be his\\ncolor, who has not forfeited it by some violation of municipal law, is\\na truth established by God himself, in the very creation of human\\nbeings. No time, no circumstance, no human power or policy can\\nchange the nature of this truth, nor repeal the fundamental laws of\\nsociety, by which every man s right to liberty is guaranteed. The\\nact of enslaving men is always a violation of those great primary\\nlaws of society, by which alone, the master himself holds every par-\\nticle of his own freedom.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0204.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "NORTHERN TESTIMONY. 201\\nTHE VOICE OP CLINTON.\\nDe Witt Clinton, the father of the great system of inter-\\nnal improvements in the State of New York, speaking of\\ndespotism in Europe, and of slavery in America, asks\\nHave not prescription and precedent patriarchal dominion\\ndivine right of kings and masters, been alternately called in to sanc-\\ntion the slavery of nations And would not all the despotisms of the\\nancient and modern world have vanished into air, if the natural\\nequality of mankind had been properly understood and practised?\\nThis declares that the same measure of justice ought\\nto be measured out to all men, without regard to adventitious ine-\\nqualities, and the intellectual and physical disparities which proceed\\nfrom inexplicable causes.\\nTHE VOICE OP WARREN.\\nMajor General Joseph Warren, one of the truest patriots\\nof the Revolution, and the first American officer of rank that\\nfell in our contest with Great Britain, says\\nThat personal freedom is the natural right of every man, and that\\nproperty, or an exclusive right to dispose of what he has honestly\\nacquired by his own labor, necessarily arises therefrom, are truths\\nthat common sense has placed beyond the reach of contradiction. And\\nno man, or body of men, can, without being guilty of flagrant injus-\\ntice, claim a right to dispose of the persons or acquisitions of any other\\nman or body of men, unless it can be proved that such a right has\\narisen from some compact between the parties, in which it has been\\nexplicitly and freely granted.\\nOtis Hancock, Ames, and others, should he heard, but for\\nlack of space. Volumes upon volumes might be filled with\\nextracts similar to the above, from the works of the deceased\\n9*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0205.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "202 NORTHERN TESTIMONY.\\nstatesmen and sages of the North, who, while living, proved\\nthemselves equal to the task of exterminating from their own\\nStates the matchless curse of human slavery. Such are the\\nmen who, though no longer with us in the flesh, still live.\\nA living principle an immortal interest have they, invested\\nin every great and good work that distinguishes the Free\\nStates. The railroads, the canals, the telegraphs, the factories,\\nthe fleets of merchant vessels, the magnificent cities, the sci-\\nentific modes of agriculture, the unrivalled institutions of\\nlearning, and other striking evidences of progress and im-\\nprovement at the North, are, either directly or indirectly, the\\noffspring of their gigantic intellects. When, if ever, commerce,\\nand manufactures, and agriculture, and great enterprises, and\\ntruth, and liberty, and justice, and magnanimity, shall have\\nbecome obsolete terms, then their names may possibly be for-\\ngotten, but not till then.\\nAn army of brave and worthy successors champions of\\nFreedom now living, have the illustrious forefathers of the\\nNorth, in the persons of Garrison, Greeley, Giddings, Goodell,\\nGrow, and Gerrit Smith in Seward, Sumner, Stowe, Ray-\\nmond, Parker, and Phillips in Beecher, Banks, Burlingame,\\nBryant, Hale, and Hildreth in Emerson, Dayton, Thompson,\\nTappan, King, and Cheeverj in Whittier, Wilson, Wade,\\nWayland, Weed, and Burleigh. These are the men whom,\\nin connection with their learned and eloquent compatriots,\\nthe Everetts, the Bancrofts, the Prescotts, the Chapins, the\\nLongfellows, and the Danas, future historians, if faithful to\\ntheir calling, will place on record as America s true statesmen,\\nliterati, preachers, philosophers, and philanthropists, of the pre-\\nsent age.\\nIn this connection, however, it may not be amiss to remark\\nthat the Homers, the Platos, the Bacons, the Newtons, the\\nShakspeares, the Miltons, the Blackstones, the Cuviers, the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0206.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "NORTHERN TESTIMONY. 203\\nHumboldts, and the Macaulays of America, have not yet been\\nproduced nor, in our humble judgment, will they be, until\\nSlavery shall have been overthrown, and Freedom established\\nin the States of Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Upon\\nthe soil of those States, when free, or on other free soil crossed\\nby about the same degrees of latitude, and not distant from\\nthe Appalachian chain of mountains, will, we believe, be nur-\\ntured into manhood, in the course of one or two centuries,\\nperhaps, as great men as those mentioned above greater,\\npossibly, than any that have ever yet lived. Whence their\\nancestors may come, whether from Europe, from Asia, from\\nAfrica, from Oceanica, from North or South America, or from\\nthe islands of the sea, or whatever honorable vocation they\\nmay now be engaged in, matters nothing at all. For aught\\nwe know, their great-grandfathers are now humble artisans\\nin Maine, or moneyed merchants in Massachusetts illiterate\\npoor whites in Mississippi, or slave-driving lordlings in South\\nCarolina frugal farmers in Michigan, or millionaires in Illi-\\nnois daring hunters in the Rocky Mountains, or metal-diggers\\nin California peasants in France, or princes in Germany no\\nmatter where, or what, the scope of country above-mentioned\\nis, in our opinion, destined to be the birthplace of their illus-\\ntrious offspring the great savans of the New World, con-\\ncerning whom let us console ourselves with the hope that they\\nare not buried deeply in the matrix of the future.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0207.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V.\\nTESTIMONT OF THE NATIONS.\\nThere is a law above all the enactments of human codes, the same through-\\nout the world, the same in all times it is the law written by the finger of God\\non the hearts of men and by that law, unchangeable and eternal, while men\\ndespise fraud, and loathe rapine, and abhor blood, they shall reject with indig-\\nnation the wild and guilty phantasy that man can hold property in man.\\nBrougham.\\nSlavery, in all its forms, in all its degrees, is a violation of divine law, and a\\ndegradation of human nature. Brissot.\\nWithout doubt, Slavery is the greatest of all the evils which have afflicted\\nmankind. Hujtboldt.\\nTo the true friends of freedom throughout the world, it is\\na pleasing thought, and one which, by being communicated\\nto others, is well calculated to universalize the principles of\\nliberty, that the great heroes, statesmen, and sages, of all\\nages and nations, ancient and modern, who have ever had oc-\\ncasion to speak of the institution of human slavery, have en-\\ntered their most unequivocal and positive protests against it.\\nTo say that they disapproved of the system would not be\\nsufficiently exjjressive of the titter detestation with which they\\nuniformly regarded it. That they abhorred it as the vilest\\ninvention that the Evil One has ever assisted bad men to con-\\ncoct, is quite evident from the very tone and construction of\\ntheir language.\\nHaving with much pleasure and profit heard the testimony\\nof America, through her representative men, we will now hear\\nthat of other nations, through their representative men\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n204", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0208.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 205\\nt\\ndoubting not that we shall be more than remunerated for our\\ntime and trouble. We will first listen to\\nTHE VOICE OF ENGLAND.\\nIn the case of James Somerset, a negro who had been kid-\\nnapped in Africa, transported to Virginia, there sold into\\nslavery, thence carried to England, as a waiting-boy, and\\nthere induced to institute proceedings against his master for\\nthe recovery of his freedom,\\nmansfield says\\nThe state of slavery is of such a nature that it is incapable of\\nbeing introduced on any reasons moral or political, but only by posi-\\ntive law, which preserves its force long after the reasons, occasion,\\nand time itself whence it was created, are erased from the memory.\\nIt is so odious that nothing can be sufficient to support it but positive\\nlaw. Whatever inconveniences, therefore, may follow from the de-\\ncision, I cannot say that this case is allowed or approved by the law\\nof England, and, therefore, the black must be discharged.\\nwilbekforce says\\nIt is the prerogative of slavery to separate from evil its concomi-\\ntant good, and to engender discordant mischiefs it robs war of its\\ngenerosity it deprives peace of its security. Never before was a\\nsystem so big with wickedness or cruelty in whatever part of it you\\ndirect your view, the eye finds no comfort, no satisfaction, no relief.\\nYou have the vices of polished society, without its knowledge or its\\ncomforts, and the evils of barbarism, without its simplicity. Its rav-\\nages are constant and indiscriminate. No age, no sex, no rank, no\\ncondition is exempt from the fatal influence of this wide-wasting ca-\\nlamity It is, indeed, the full measure of pure, unmixed, unsophis", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0209.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "206 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nticated wickedness and, scorning all competition or comparison, it\\nstands \u00e2\u0096\u00a0without a rival in the secure, undisputed possession of its de-\\ntestable preeminence.\\nMACAULAY says\\nIt is neither on facts nor on arguments that slavery seems now\\nto depend for protection. It neither doubles, nor stands at bay. It\\nhas neither the ingenuity of the hare, nor the intrepidity of the lion.\\nIt defends itself, like a hunted polecat, by the loathsomeness with\\nwhich it taints the atmosphere around it and hopes to escape, by\\ndisgusting those whom it can neither weary nor subdue.\\nThe friends of Humanity and Freedom have often boasted, with hon-\\nest pride, that the wise and good of hostile sects and factions seemed,\\nwhen slavery or the slave trade was in question, to forget their mu-\\ntual antipathies that the introduction of this subject was to such\\nmen what the proclamation of a crusade was to the warriors of the\\ndark ages a signal to suspend all their petty disputes, and to array\\nthemselves under the same holy banner, against the same accursed\\nenemy. In this respect the slave-drivers are now even with us.\\nThey, too, may boast that, if our case has received support from\\nhonest men of all religious and political parties, theirs has tended, in\\nas great a degree, to combine and conciliate every form of violence\\nand illiberality.\\nlocke says\\nSlavery is so vile, so miserable a state of man, and so directly\\nopposite to the generous temper and courage of our nation, that it is\\nhard to be convinced that an Englishman, much less a gentleman,\\nshould plead for it.\\nAgain, he says\\nThough the earth, and all inferior creatures, be common to all\\nmen, yet every man has a property in his own person this nobody\\nhas a right to but himself.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0210.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 207\\nIn her speech at the opening of Parliament, on the 3d of\\nFebruary, 1859,\\nqueen victoeia said\\nI have great satisfaction in announcing to you that the Emperor\\nof the French has abolished a system of negro emigration from the\\ncoast of Africa, against which, as unavoidably tending, however\\nguarded, to the encouragement of the slave trade, my government\\nhas never ceased to address to his Imperial Majesty its most earnest\\nbut friendly representations. This wise act on the part of his Impe-\\nrial Majesty induces me to hope that the negotiations now in pro-\\ngress at Paris may tend to the total abandonment of the system, and\\nto the substitution of a duly regulated supply of free labor.\\npitt says\\nIt is injustice to permit slavery to remain for a single hour.\\nrox says\\nWith regard to a regulation of slavery, my detestation of its ex-\\nistence induces me to know no such thing as a regulation of robbery,\\nand a restriction of murder. Personal freedom is a right of which\\nhe who deprives a fellow-creature is criminal in so depriving him,\\nand he who withholds is no less a criminal in withholding.\\nSpeaking in Parliament against the slave trade,\\nhuddlestone remarked\\nThat a curse attended this trade even in the mode of defending\\nit. By a certain fatality, none but the vilest arguments were brought\\nforward, which corrupted the very persons who used them. Every\\none of these was built on the narrow ground of interest, of pecuniary\\nprofit, of sordid gain, in opposition to every motive that had reference\\nto humanity, justice and religion, or to that great principle which\\ncomprehended them all.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0211.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "208 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nkowland hill says\\nSlavery is made up of every crime that treachery, cruelty and\\nmurder can invent and men-stealers are the very worst of thieves.\\nWhat a universal uproar it -would make in this land if hut one poor\\nchild were kidnapped from his parents and yet this kidnapping is a\\nregular practice among professing Christians These are the people\\nwhom the^scripture describes as being past feeling. The most kna-\\nvish tricks are practised by these dealers in human flesh and if the\\nslaves think of our general character, they must suppose that Christ-\\nians are Devils, and that Christianity was forged in Hell.\\nWhat a dishonor in us to carry on such an abominable traffic, and to\\nattempt to vindicate or even to palliate it, when every principle be-\\nlonging to it is founded upon incurable injustice. The horrid busi-\\nness of slavery, in the whole of its establishment, is founded on the\\nmammon of unrighteousness, on a selfish love of the world and the\\nresult of this infernal traffic is, a regular- system of wholesale licensed\\nthievery and murder.\\nSHAKSPEARE SayS\\nLiberty! Freedom Tj-ranny is dead\\nEun hence, proclaim, cry it about the streets\\nSome to the common pulpits, and cry out,\\nLiberty, freedom, and enfranchisement.\\nAgain, he says\\nIt is the curse of kings to be attended\\nBy slaves, that take their humors for a warrant\\nTo break within the bloody house of life,\\nAnd, on the winking of authority,\\nTo understand a law; to know the meaning\\nOf dangerous majesty, when, perchance, it frowns\\nMore upon humor than advised respect.\\nAgain:\\nA man is master of his liberty.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0212.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 209\\nAgain:\\nHeaven will one day free ns from this slavery.\\ncowper says\\nSlaves cannot breathe in England if their lungs\\nEeceive our air, that moment they are free.\\nThey touch our country and their shackles fall.\\nThat s noble, and bespeaks a nation proud\\nAnd jealous of the blessing. Spread it then,\\nAnd let it circulate through every vein\\nOf all your empire, that where Britain s power\\nIs felt, mankind may feel her mercy too.\\nmilton asks:\\nWhere is the beauty to see,\\nLike the sun-brilliant brow of a nation when free\\nAgain he exclaims\\nexecrable son, so to aspire\\nAbove his brethren, to himself assuming\\nAuthority usurp d, from God not given\\nHe gave us only over beast, fish, fowl,\\nDominion absolute that right we hold\\nBy his donation but man over men\\nHe made not lord such title to himself\\nReserving, human left from human free.\\nAgain, he says\\nIf our fathers promised for themselves, to make themselves\\nslaves, they could make no such promise for us.\\nAgain\\nSince, therefore, the law is chiefly right reason, if we are bound\\nto obey a magistrate as a minister of God, by the very same reason\\nand the very same law, we ought to resist a tyrant, and minister of\\nthe devil.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0213.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "210 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\ndk. johnson says:\\nNo man is, by nature, the property of another. The rights of\\nnature must be some way forfeited before they can justly be taken\\naway.\\ndr price says\\nIf you have a right to make another man a slave, he has a right*\\nto make you a slave.\\nHARRIET MARTINEAU Says:\\nWhere a man is allowed the possession of himself, the purchaser\\nof his labor is benefited by the vigor of his mind through the service\\nOf his limbs where man is made the possession of another, the pos-\\nsessor loses at once and forever all that is most valuable in that for\\nwhich he has paid the price of crime.\\nblackstone says\\nIf neither captivity nor contract can, by the plain law of nature\\nand reason, reduce the parent to a state of slavery, much less can\\nthey reduce the offspring.\\nAgain, he says\\nThe primary aim of society is to protect individuals in the enjoy-\\nment of those absolute rights which were vested in them by the\\nimmutable laws of nature. Hence it follows that the first and pri-\\nmary end of human laws is to maintain those absolute rights of\\nindividuals.\\nAgain\\nIf any human law shall allow or require us to commit crime, we\\nare bound to transgress that human law, or else we must offend both\\nthe natural and divine.\\ncoke says\\nWhat, the Parliament doth, shall be holden for naught, whenever\\nit shall enact that which is contrary to the rights of nature.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0214.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 211\\nhampden says\\nThe essence of all law is justice. What is not justice is not law\\nand what is not law ought not to be obeyed.\\nHARRINGTON SayS\\nAll men naturally are equal; for though nature with a noble\\nvariety has made different features and lineaments of men, yet as to\\nfreedom, she has made every one alike, and given them the same\\ndesires.\\nfortescue says\\nThose rights which God and nature have established, and which\\nare therefore called natural rights, such as life and liberty, need not\\nthe aid of human laws to be more effectually invested in every man\\nthan they are neither do they receive any additional streugth when\\ndeclared by the municipal laws to be inviolable. On the contrary,\\nno human power has any authority to abridge or destroy them,\\nunless the owner himself shall commit some act that amounts to a\\nforfeiture.\\nAnd again\\nThe law, therefore, which supports slavery and opposes liberty,\\nmust necessarily be condemned as cruel, for every feeling of human\\nnature advocates liberty. Slavery is introduced by human wicked-\\nness, but God advocates liberty, by the nature which he has given\\nto man.\\nTHE VOICE OF IRELAND.\\nburke says\\nSlavery is a state so improper, so degrading, and so ruinous to\\nthe feelings and capacities of human nature, that it ought not to be\\nsuffered to exist.\\ncurran says:\\nI speak in the spirit of British law, which makes liberty com-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0215.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "212 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nmensurate with and inseparable from British soil which proclaims\\neven to the stranger and the sojourner, the moment he steps his foot\\non British earth, that the ground on which he treads is holy and\\nconsecrated by the genius of Universal Emancipation. No matter\\nin what language his doom may have been pronounced no matter\\nwhat complexion, incompatible with freedom, an Indian or African\\nsun may have burnt upon him no matter in what disastrous battle\\nhis liberty may have been cloven down no matter with what solem-\\nnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of slavery, the\\nmoment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and the god\\nsink together in the dust his soul walks abroad in her own majesty\\nand he stands redeemed, regenerated and disenthralled by the irre-\\nsistible genius of Universal Emancipation.\\nO CONNELL.\\nUnder date of Oct. 11, 1843, in his reply to the Address of\\nthe Cincinnati Irish Repeal Association, Daniel O Connell,\\nthe great Irish Liberator, says and we would respectfully\\ncommend his sayings to the careful consideration of Mr.\\nCharles O Conor, of New York\\nWe are lost in utter amazement at the perversion of mind and\\ndepravity of heart which your address evinces. How can the gene-\\nrous, the charitable, the humane, the noble emotions of the Irish\\nheart have become extinct amongst you. How can your nature be\\nso totally changed as that you should become the apologists and\\nadvocates of that execrable system which makes man the property of\\nhis fellow man destroys the foundations of all moral and social\\nvirtues condemns to ignorance, immorality, and irreligion, millions\\nof our fellow-creatures renders the slave hopeless of relief, and\\nperpetuates oppression by law, and in the name of what you call a\\nConstitution The spirit of Democratic liberty is defiled\\nby the continuance of negro slavery in the United States. The\\nUnited States themselves are degraded below the most uncivilized\\nnations by the atrocious inconsistency of talking liberty and prac-\\ntising tyranny in its worst shape. The Americans attempt to palliate", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0216.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 213\\ntheir iniquity by the futile excuse of personal interest, but the Irish,\\nwho have not even that futile excuse, and yet justify slavery, are\\nutterly indefensible.\\nPreviously, at the World s Anti-Slavery Convention, held\\nin London, in 1 840, he said\\nI am for speedy, immediate abolition. I care not what caste,\\ncreed or color, slavery may assume, I am for its total, its instant\\nabolition. Whether it be personal or political, mental or corporeal,\\nintellectual or spiritual, I am for its immediate abolition. I enter\\ninto no compromise with slavery I am for justice, in the name of\\nhumanity, and according to the law of the living God.\\nThe Dublin University Magazine for December, 1856,\\nsays:\\nThe United States must learn, from the example of Rome, that\\nChristianity and the pagan institution of slavery cannot co-exist\\ntogether. The Republic must take her side and choose her favorite\\nchild for if she loves the one, she must hate the other.\\nTHE VOICE OF SCOTLAND.\\nbeattie says\\nSlavery is inconsistent with the dearest and most essential rights\\nof man s nature it is detrimental to virtue and industry it hardens\\nthe heart to those tender sympathies which form the most lovely part\\nof human character it involves the innocent in hopeless misery, in\\norder to procure wealth and pleasures for the authors of that misery\\nit seeks to degrade into brutes beings whom the Lord of Heaven and\\nEarth endowed with rational souls, and created for immortality in\\nshort, it is utterly repugnant to every principle of reason, religion,\\nhumanity, and conscience. It is impossible for a considerate and\\nunprejudiced mind, to think of slavery without horror.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0217.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "214 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nmiller says:\\nThe human mind revolts at a serious discussion of the subject of\\nslavery. Every individual, whatever be his country or complexion,\\nis entitled to freedom.\\nmacknight says\\nMen-stealers are inserted among the daring criminals against\\nwhom the law of God directed its awful curses. These were persons\\nwho kidnapped men to sell them for slaves and this practice seems\\ninseparable from the other iniquities and oppressions of slavery nor\\ncan a slave-dealer easily keep free from this criminality, if indeed\\nthe receiver is as bad as the thief.\\nTEE VOICE OF FRANCE.\\nlafayette says\\nI would never have drawn my sword in the cause of America,\\nif I could have conceived that thereby I was founding a land of\\nslavery.\\nAgain, while in the prison of Magdeburg, lie says\\nI know not what disposition has been made of my plantation at\\nCayenne but I hope Madame de Lafayette will take care that the\\nnegroes who cultivate it shall preserve their liberty.\\nO. Lafayette, grandson of General Lafayette, in a letter\\nunder date of April 26th, 1851, says\\nThis great question of the abolition of Negro Slavery, which has\\nmy entire sympathy, appears to me to have established its importance\\nthroughout the world. At the present time, the States of the Penin-\\nsula, if I do not deceive myself, are the only European powers who\\nstill continue to possess slaves and America, while continuing to\\nuphold slavery, feels daily, more and more, how heavily it weighs\\nupon her destinies.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0218.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 215\\nMontesquieu asks\\nWhat civil law can restrain a slave from running away, since he\\nis not a member af society\\nAgain he says\\nSlavery is contrary to the fundamental principles of all societies.\\nAgain\\nIn democracies, where they are all upon an equality, slavery is\\ncontrary to the principles of the Constitution.\\nAgain\\nNothing puts one nearer the condition of a brute than always to\\nsee freemen and not be free.\\nAgain:\\nEven the earth itself, which teems with profusion under the cul-\\ntivating hand of the free-born laborer, shrinks in barrenness from the\\ncontaminating sweat of a slave.\\nlouis x. issued the following edict\\nAs all men are by nature free-born, and as this kingdom is called\\nthe kingdom of Franks (freemen), it shall be so in reality. It is there-\\nfore decreed that enfranchisement shall be granted throughout the\\nwhole kingdom upon just and reasonable terms.\\nbuffon says\\nIt is apparent that the unfortunate negroes are endowed with ex-\\ncellent hearts, and possess the seed of every human virtue. I cannot\\nwrite their history without lamenting their miserable condition.\\neousseau says\\nThe terms slavery and right, contradict and exclude each other.\\nDE TOCQUEVILLE.\\nAlexis de Tocqueville, the celebrated author of a work on\\nDemocracy in America, says", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0219.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "216 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nAs the persevering enemy of despotism everywhere, and under\\nall its forms, I am pained and astonished hy the fact that the freest\\npeople in the world is, at the present time, almost the only one among\\ncivilized and Christian nations which yet maintains personal servi-\\ntude and this, while serfdom itself is about disappearing, where it has\\nnot already disappeared, from the most degraded nations of Europe.\\nAn old and sincere friend of America, I am uneasy at seeing\\nslavery retard her progress, tarnish her glory, furnish arms to her\\ndetractors, compromise the future career of the Union which is the\\nguaranty of her safety and greatness, and point out beforehand to\\nher, to all her enemies, the spot where they are to strike. As a man,\\ntoo, I am moved at the spectacle of man s degradation by man, and I\\nhope to see the day when the law will grant equal civil liberty to all\\nthe inhabitants of tbe same empire, as God accords the freedom of\\nthe will, without distinction, to the dwellers upon earth.\\nvictor hugo says\\nI believe that, within a definite time that, within a time not\\ndistant the United States will repudiate slavery with horror Sla-\\nvery in such a country! Can there be an incongruity more mon-\\nstrous? Barbarism installed in the very heart of a country, which is\\nitself the affirmation of civilization liberty wearing a chain blas-\\nphemy echoing from the altar the collar of a negro chained to the\\npedestal of Washington It is a thing unheard of. I say more, it is\\nimpossible. Such a spectacle would destroy itself. The light of the\\nnineteenth century alone is enough to destroy it.\\nWhat Slavery sanctioned by law among that illustrious people,\\nwho, for seventy years have measured the progress of civilization by\\ntheir march, demonstrated democracy by their power, and liberty by\\ntheir prosperity Slavery in the United States It is the duty of\\nthis Republic to set such an example no longer. It is a shame, and\\nshe was never born to bow her head.\\nIt is not when slavery is taking leave of old nations, that it should\\nbe received by the new. What When slavery is departing from\\nTurkey, shall it rest in America What Drive it from the hearth\\nof Omar, and adopt it at the hearth of Franklin No No No", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0220.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 217\\nTHE VOICE OF GERMANY.\\nHUMBOLDT.\\nIn his original essay on Cuba (shamefully mutilated trans-\\nlations of which have been published in this country), Alex-\\nander von Humboldt, the most learned and correctly philo-\\nsophic cosmopolite who has yet marked the progress of the\\nnineteenth century, says\\nIf civilization should be transferred, instead of being extended\\nif, at the end of the great and deplorable convulsions of Europe,\\nAmerica, between Cape Hatteras and the Missouri, should become\\nthe chief seat of the intelligence of Christianity, what a spectacle\\nwould be offered by tbat centre of civilization, where, in the Sanc-\\ntuary of Liberty, we might be present at the probate sale of negroes\\nafter their owners decease, and hear the sobbing of the parents sepa-\\nrated from the children Let us hope that the generous principles,\\nwhich so long have animated the legislatures in the North of the\\nUnited States, will, little by little, extend toward the South, and to\\nthose Western regions where, by an imprudent and fatal law, Slavery\\nand its iniquities have passed the Alleghany and the Mississippi.\\ngrottos says\\nThose are men-stealers who abduct, keep, sell or buy slaves or\\nfreemen. To steal a man is the highest kind of theft.\\nGoethe says\\nSuch busy multitudes I fain would see\\nStand upon free soil with a people free.\\nschiller says:\\nFirst Freedom tis man s native right,\\nBe he in fetters born\\n10", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0221.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "218 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nA rabble s cry has not the might\\nTo turn tins word to scorn\\nFearful the Slave who breaks his chain,\\nNot fearful they who True remain.\\nluther says:\\nUnjust violence is, by no means, the ordinance of God, and there-\\nfore can bind no one in conscience and right, to obey, whether the\\ncommand comes from pope, emperor, king or master.\\nCarl Schurz, a distinguished German orator, patriot and\\nstatesman, now a citizen of Wisconsin a man who was born\\nto reflect honor on whatever state or nation in which he may-\\nreside in a most eloquent and forcible speech which he de-\\nlivered in Faneuil Hall, Boston, April 18, 1859, says\\nLook at the Slave States. There is a class of men who are de-\\nprived of their natural rights. But this is not the only deplorable\\nfeature of that peculiar organization of society. Equally deplorable\\nis it, that there is another class of men who keep the former in sub-\\njection. That there are slaves is bad but almost worse is it, that\\nthere are masters. Are not the masters freemen No, sir Where\\nis their liberty of the press? Where is their liberty of speech?\\nWhere is the man among them who dares to advocate openly prin-\\nciples not in strict accordance with the ruling system They speak\\nof a Republican form of government, they speak of Democracy, but\\nthe despotic spirit of slavery and mastership combined pervades their\\nwhole political life like a liquid poison. I am an anti-slavery man,\\nand I have a right to my opinion in South Carolina just as well as in\\nMassachusetts. My neighbor is a Democrat I may be sorry for it,\\nbut I solemnly acknowledge his right to his opinion in Massachusetts\\nas well as in South Carolina. You tell me, that for my opinion they\\nwill mob me in South Carolina. Sir, there is the difference between\\nSouth Carolina and Massachusetts. There is the difference between\\nan anti-slavery man, who is a freeman, and a slaveholder, who is\\nhimself a slave.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0222.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 219\\nFrederick Kapp, an accomplished German author and ora-\\ntor, who, since his arrival in America many years ago has\\npaid much attention to our social and political institutions,\\nsays:\\nThe whites who reside in the South, and are non-slaveholders,\\nadd very little weight to the scale, because they are entirely depend-\\nent upon the slaveholders, even though these latter constitute no\\nmore than perhaps the one-ninth of the whole population of the\\nSlave States. The non-slaveholders are characterized by their\\npoverty and ignorance and we think it a safe calculation to say\\nthat not more than one-fourth of the whole white population can\\nread and write. It is the interest of the slaveholder to perpetuate\\nignorance. For this reason the free-school system of the North has\\nno existence in the South the greater the rawness and poverty on\\nthe part of the whites, the greater is their subordination to, and de-\\npendence on, the slave aristocracy.\\nAs a natural consequence growing out of these relations, it is the\\nslaveholder only who can obtain public office, or who is elected to\\nCongress in fact, many of the Southern constitutions prescribe such\\nqualifications as being requisite. The slaveholders, by these means,\\ntransmit from family to family a hereditary influence, so that they\\nare no longer merely natural politicians, but have a political educa-\\ntion, a general political spirit, a very decided political tradition.\\nTo Dr. Max Langenschwarz, who, in 1833, in connection\\nwith his friend Ludwig Storch, formed an Anti-Slavery Soci-\\nety in Leipsic, Germany, we are indebted for the following\\nbrief but interesting annals\\nThe first historical documents in regard to the abolition of\\nslavery are to be found in Germany, whose people and governments\\nat a very early period declared themselves against Leibeigenschaft\\n(involuntary^ bondage), and against every right to buy or sell human\\nbeings, or to keep them as slaves. In a document of the fifth cen-\\ntury we find that the Catti united with the Franks in a war against", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0223.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "220 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nthe Gauls, under the express condition That the prisoners should be\\nexchanged, that no prisoner should be held or brought into bondage\\nas Leibeigen (a slave), and that capital punishment should avenge\\nsuch a crime against God and men.\\nThe same feelings are to be found in many other documents of\\nthe old Germans. In 1372, Henry the Iron, one of the first Land-\\ngraves of Hessia, published an edict Abolishing for all eternity\\nthe state of LeibeigenscTiaft (slavery), and threatening with death all\\nthose who should be discovered keeping a man, woman or child, in\\ninvoluntary servitude.\\nIn a bishop s edict in 1411 (Muenster), we find the following\\n4 If a man is kept in involuntary bondage and as a slave against his\\nwill, he shall ask for his immediate deliverance and if he is kept a\\nslave in spite of his demand, and defends himself against his master,\\nand kills him, the killing (Todtschlag) shall not be considered as\\nmurder.\\nTHE VOICE OF RUSSIA.\\nThose of our readers who keep themselves informed of the\\ngrand movements and enterprises of the age, need scarcely be\\nreminded that the present Czar of Russia, Alexander II., who\\nis not merely an emperor, but also a man, and who, by the\\nprofound wisdom and magnanimity of his measures, bids fair\\nto become a greater Alexander than Alexander the Great,\\nhas recently issued an elaborate ukase for the purpose of\\nbringing about, in due time, the complete abolition of serf-\\ndom throughout his vast empire. In Moscow, at a banquet\\nheld on the 9th of January, 1858, in eclat of the emperor s\\nukase, and in furtherance of the plans proposed for the eman-\\ncipation of the serfs, M. Bapst, the eminent Russian profes-\\nsor of political economy, said\\nWe have met here to celebrate an event which will be an epoch\\nin the annals of our history, and upon which future historians will\\ndwell witli pleasure. At the very commencement of this century,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0224.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 221\\none of our first manufacturers said to Storch, that trade could never\\nflourish under our system of compulsory labor or, in other words, of\\nserfage; already, in 1849, the Free Economical Society proved by\\nfacts the inconveniences of serfage as regards agriculture. The de-\\nvelopment of national wealth has ever gone hand-in-hand with the\\nregular organization of popular labor, which, as it gradually emanci-\\npates itself from stringent conditions, becomes more active, more\\nprogressive, and consequently more productive. In proportion as\\nnational labor gradually issues forth free from such disadvantageous\\nconditions, the love of work increases among the people. Emulation\\nand competition arouse the sleeping energies of the nation they will\\nnot allow them to rust, and excite them to healthy activity and con-\\ntinual progress. The day of the primitive forms of the economical\\ncondition of the people has now left us forever. The wants of a\\ngreat nation increase daily, and cannot be satisfied with the coarse\\nconditions contrary to all progress of primitive economy founded on\\ncompulsory labor a labor the limits of which are as restricted as its\\nnature is unproductive. Our task is not to double, but to increase\\ntenfold our productive power, our labor, our wealth, unless we wish\\nto see taken away from us by nations more advanced than ourselves\\nthe markets which are ours by tradition and by our geographical\\nposition.\\nOn the same occasion, M. Pauloff, one of Professor Bapst s\\nmost worthy compatriots, said\\nHeaven has allowed us to live long enough to witness the second\\nregeneration of Eussia. We may congratulate ourselves, for this\\nmovement is one of great importance. We breathe more like Christ-\\nians, our hearts beat more nobly, and we may look at the light of\\nheaven with a clearer eye. We have met to-day to express our deep\\nand sincere sympathy for a holy and praiseworthy work, and we\\nmeet without any nervousness to mar our rejoicing. A new spirit\\nanimates us, a new era has commenced. One of our social condi-\\ntions is on the eve of a change. If we consider it in a past light, we\\nmay perhaps admit that it was necessary that it should have been\\nallowed to be as it was from the want of a better administrative or-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0225.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "222 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nganization, and of the concentration in the hands of a government of\\nthe means which have since given so great a development to the\\npower of Russia. But what was momentarily gained to the State\\nwas lost to mankind. The advantage cost an enormous price. Order\\nwithout anarchy within and the condition of the individual cast\\nits shadow over society at large. The emperor has struck at the\\nroots of this evil. The glory and prosperity of Russia cannot rest\\nupon institutions hased on injustice and falsehood. No! these bless-\\nings are henceforth to he found in the path thrown open hy him\\nwhose name Russia pronounces with respect and pride. The emperor\\nhas ceded this great reform, which he might have accomplished hy\\nhis own powerful will, hy asking the nohles to take the initiative.\\nLet us then hail this nohle idea, inspired hy the sole wish for the\\nwelfare of his people, with that enlightened heartiness which may\\nnow be expected from Russia. Let us not, however, suppose that\\nthe path traced hy history is an avenue of roses without thorns.\\nThis would he sheer ignorance. When a new, a more moral and\\nChristian state of things is ahout to be established, the obstacles that\\nwill have to be encountered must not be taken into consideration,\\nexcept with the hope that the torrent of the new life will sweep\\nthem away. The change in the economical condition of our national\\nexistence will arouse our individual energies, the want of which is\\none of our greatest evils. Let us wish, then, gentlemen, from our\\ninnermost heart, a long life to him who has marshalled his faithful\\nRussia to the conquest of truth and justice.\\nTHE VOICE OF ITALY.\\ncicero says:\\nBy the grand laws of nature, all men are born free, and this law\\nis universally binding upon all men.\\nAgain, lie says\\nEternal justice is the basis of all human laws.\\nAgain\\nLaw is not something wrought out by man s ingenuity, nor is it", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0226.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 223\\na decree of the people, but it is something eternal, governing the\\nworld by the wisdom of its commands and prohibitions.\\nAgain\\nWhatever is just is also the true law, nor can this true law be\\nabrogated by any written enactments.\\nAgain:\\nIf there be such a power in the decrees and commands of fools,\\nthat the nature of things is changed by their votes, why do they not\\ndecree that what is bad and pernicious shall be regarded as good and\\nwholesome or why, if the law can make wrong right can it not\\nmake bad good?\\nAgain\\nThose who have made pernicious and unjust decrees have made\\nanything rather than laws.\\nAgain:\\nThe law of all nations forbids one man to pursue his advantage\\nat the expense of another.\\nlactantitjs says\\nJustice teaches men to know God and to love men, to love and\\nassist one another, being all equally the children of God.\\nleo x. says:\\nNot only does the Christian religion, but nature herself cry out\\nagainst the state of slavery.\\nTHE VOICE OF GREECE.\\nsoceates says:\\nSlavery is a system of outrage and robbery.\\naristotle says\\nIt is neither for the good, nor is it just, seeing all men are by na-\\nture alike, and equal, that one should be lord and master over others.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0227.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "224 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\npolybius says\\nNone but unprincipled and beastly men in society assume tbe\\nmastery over tbeir fellows, as it is among bulls, bears, and cocks.\\nplato says\\nSlavery is a system of tbe most complete injustice.\\nFrom each, of the above, and from other nations, additional\\ntestimony is at hand but for reasons already assigned, we\\nforbear to introduce it. Corroborative of the correctness of\\nthe position which we have assumed, even Persia has a voice,\\nwhich may be easily recognized in the tones of her immortal\\nCyrus, who says\\nTo fight, in order not to be made a slave, is noble.\\nThan Great Britain no nation has more heartily or honor-\\nably repented of the crime of slavery no nation, on the per-\\nception of its error, has ever acted with more prompt magna-\\nnimity to its outraged and unhappy bondsmen. Entered to\\nher credit, many precious jewels of liberty remain in our pos-\\nsession, ready to be delivered when called for of their value\\nsome idea may be formed, when Ave state that they are fili-\\ngreed with such names as Granville, Grattan, Gibson, Cam-\\nden, Clarkson, Sharp, Sheridan, Sidney, Thompson, Martin,\\nBaines and Buxton.\\nVirginia, the Carolinas, and other Southern States, which\\nare provided, not with republican, but with anti-republican\\nforms of government, and which have abolished Freedom,\\nshould learn, from the history of the monarchical governments\\nof the Old World, if not from the example of the more libe-\\nral and enlightened portions of the New-, how to abolish\\nSlavery. The lesson is before them in a variety of exceed-\\ningly interesting forms, and, sooner or later, they must learn", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0228.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 225\\nit, either voluntarily or by compulsion. Virginia, in particu-\\nlar, is a spoilt child, having been the pet of the General Gov-\\nernment for the last seventy years; and like many other\\nspoilt children, she has become fro ward, peevish, perverse,\\nsidky and irreverent not caring to know her duties, and\\nfailing to perform even those which she does know. Her su-\\nperiors perceive that the abolition of slavery woidd be a bless-\\ning to her she is, however, either too ignorant to understand\\nthe truth, or else, as is the more probable, her false pride and\\nobstinacy restrain her from acknowledging it. What is to be\\ndone Shall ignorance, or prejudice, or obduracy, or willful\\nmeanness, triumph over knowledge, and liberality, and guile-\\nlessness, and laudable enterprise No, never Assured that\\nVirginia and all the other slaveholding States are doing\\nwrong every day, it is our duty to make them do right, if we\\nhave the power and we believe we have the power now resi-\\ndent within their own borders. What are the opinions, gene-\\nrally, of the non-slaveholding whites Let them speak.\\n10*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0229.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI.\\nTESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nWho blushed alike to be, or have a slave-\\nUnchristian thought on what pretence soe er,\\nOf right inherited, or else acquired;\\nOf loss, or profit, or what plea you name,\\nTo buy or sell, to barter, whip, and hold\\nIn chains a being of celestial make\\nOf kindred form, of kindred faculties,\\nOf kindred feelings, passions, thoughts, desires;\\nBorn free, and heir of an immortal hope\\nThought villainous, absurd, detestable\\nUnworthy to be harbored in a fiend!\\nPOLLOK.\\nLo the nation is arousing,\\nFrom its slumber, long and deep\\nAnd the Church of God is waking,\\nNever, never more to sleep,\\nWhile a bondman\\nIn his chains remains to weep.\\nOliver Johnson.\\nIn quest of arguments against slavery, we have perused the\\nworks of several eminent Christian writers of different deno-\\nminations, and we now proceed to lay before the reader the\\nresult of a portion of our labor. As it is the special object of\\nthis chapter to operate on, to correct, and cleanse the con-\\nsciences of slaveholding professors of religion, we shah adduce\\ntestimony only from the five churches to which they, in their\\nsatanic piety mostly belong the Presbyterian, the Episcopal,\\nthe Baptist, the Methodist, and the Roman Catholic all of\\n226", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0230.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 227\\nwhich, we hope, are destined, at no distant day, to become\\nthoroughly imbued with the spirit of Heaven-ordained Love\\nand Freedom. With few exceptions, all the other Christian\\nsects are, as they should be, avowedly and inflexibly opposed\\nto the inhuman system of slavery. The Congregational, the\\nQuaker, the Lutheran, the Dutch and German Reformed, the\\nUnitarian and Universalist, especially, are all honorable, able,\\nand eloquent defenders of the natural rights of man. We\\nwill begin by introducing a mass of\\nPRESBYTERIAN TESTIMONY.\\nThe Rev. Albert Barnes, of Philadelphia, one of the most\\nlearned Presbyterian preachers and commentators of the day,\\nsays\\nThere is a deep and growing conviction in the minds of the mass\\nof mankind, that slavery violates the great laws of our nature that it\\nis contrary to the dictates of humanity that it is essentially unjust,\\noppressive, and cruel that it invades the rights of liberty with which\\nthe Author of our being has endowed all human beings and that in\\nall the forms in which it has ever existed, it has been impossible to\\nguard it from what its friends and advocates woidd call abuses of the\\nsystem. It is a violation of the first sentiments expressed in our\\nDeclaration of Independence, and on which our fathers founded the\\nvindication of their own conduct in an appeal to arms. It is at war\\nwith all that a man claims for himself and for his own children and\\nit is opposed to all the struggles of mankind, in all ages, for freedom.\\nThe claims of humanity plead against it. The struggles for freedom\\neverywhere in our world condemn it. The instinctive feeling in\\nevery man s own bosom in regard to himself is a condemnation of it.\\nThe noblest deeds of valor and of patriotism in our own land, and in\\nall lands where men have struggled for freedom, are a condemnation\\nof the system. All that is noble in man is opposed to it all that is\\nbase, oppressive, and cruel, pleads for it.\\nThe spirit of the New Testament is against slavery, and the prin-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0231.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "228 TESTIMONY OF THE CHUECHES.\\nciples of the New Testament, if fairly, applied, would abolish it. In\\nthe New Testament, no man is commanded to purchase and own a\\nslave no man is commended as adding anything to the evidences of\\nhis Christian character, or as performing the appropriate duty of a\\nChristian, for owning one. Nowhere in the New Testament is the\\ninstitution referred to as a good one, or as a desirable one. It is com-\\nmonly indeed, it is almost universally conceded that the proper\\napplication of the principles of the New Testament would abolish\\nslavery everywhere, or that the state of things which will exist when\\nthe Gospel shall be fairly applied to all the relations of life, slavery\\nwill not be found among those relations.\\nLet slavery be removed from the church, and let the voice of the\\nchurch, with one accord, be lifted up in favor of freedom let the\\nchurch be wholly detached from the institution, and let there be\\nadopted by all its ministers and members an interpretation of the\\nBible as I believe there may be and ought to be that shall be in\\naccordance with the deep-seated principles of our nature in favor of\\nfreedom, and with our own aspirations for liberty, and with the sen-\\ntiments of the world in its onward progress in regard to human\\nrights, and not only would a very material objection against the Bible\\nbe taken away and one which would be fatal if it were well-founded\\nbut the establishment of a very strong argument in favor of the\\nBible, as a revelation from God, would be the direct result of such a\\nposition.\\nWriting To a certain elder of a certain Presbyterian\\nChurch, of which church he himself is a member,\\nPEOF. C. D. CLEAVELAND SayS\\nWhat, let me ask, can tend more to shake the belief of men in\\nthe divine inspiration of the sacred Scriptures, than to endeavor to\\nprove to them that these same Scriptures the foundation rock of our\\nfaith sanction such a man-brutaliziug crime as American Slavery\\nThe natural conscience of man, all the world over, revolts with loath-\\ning at this monstrous crime and the law of nations has pronounced\\nthe slave trade to be piracy, condemning to the gallows those found", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0232.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 229\\nguilty of it; and a sad day will it be for Christianity, if men shall be\\nbrought to believe that their natural consciences and the laws of\\nnations are higher, in their moral standard, than what claims to be\\nthe revealed will of God.\\nFrom a resolution denunciatory of slavery, unanimously\\nadopted by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church,\\nin 181S, we make the following extract\\nWe consider the voluntary enslaving of one part of the human\\nrace by another, as a gross violation of the most precious and sacred\\nrights of human nature, as utterly inconsistent with the law of God,\\nwhich requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves, and as totally\\nirreconcilable with the spirit and principles of the Gospel of Christ,\\nwhich enjoins that all things whatsoever ye would that men should\\ndo to you, do ye even so to them. We rejoice that the\\nchurch to which we belong commenced, as early as any other in tbis\\ncountry, the good work of endeavoring to put an end to slavery, and\\nthat in the same work many of its members have ever since been, and\\nnow are, among the most active, vigorous, and efficient laborers.\\nWe earnestly exhort them to continue, and, if possible,\\nto increase their exertions to effect a total abolition of slavery.\\nA Committee of the Synod of Kentucky, in an address to\\nthe Presbyterians of that State, says\\nThat our negroes will be worse off, if emancipated, is, we feel,\\nbut a specious pretext for lulling our own pangs of conscience, and\\nanswering the argument of the philanthropist. None of us believes\\nthat God has so created a whole race that it is better for them to\\nremain in perpetual bondage.\\nEPISCOPAL TESTIMONY.\\nbishop iiorsley says\\nSlavery is injustice, which no consideration of policy can ex-\\ntenuate.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0233.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "230 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nbishop butler says\\nDespicable as the negroes may appear in our eyes, they are the\\ncreatures of God, and of the race of mankind, for whom Christ died,\\nand it is inexcusable to keep them in ignorance of the end for which\\nthey were made, and of the means whereby they may become par-\\ntakers of the general redemption.\\nbishop pobteus says\\nThe Bible classes men-stealers or slave-traders among the mur-\\nderers of fathers and mothers, and the most profane criminals on\\nearth.\\nThomas Scott, the celebrated Commentator, says\\nTo number the persons of men with beasts, sheep and horses, as\\nthe stock of a farm, or with bales of goods, as the cargo of a ship, is,\\nno doubt, a most detestable and anti-Christian practice.\\nJohn Jay, Esq., of the city of New York\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a most exem-\\nplary Episcopalian\u00e2\u0080\u0094 in a pamphlet entitled, Thoughts on\\nthe Duty of the Episcopal Church, in Relation to Slavery,\\nsays\\nAlas for the expectation that she would conform to the spirit\\nof her ancient mother She has not merely remained a mute and\\ncareless spectator of this great conflict of truth and justice with\\nhypocrisy and cruelty, but her very priests and deacons may be seen\\nministering at the altar of slavery, offering their talents and influ-\\nence at its unholy shrine, and openly repeating the awful blasphemy,\\nthat the precepts of our Saviour sanction the system of American\\nslavery. Her Northern clergy, with rare exceptions, whatever they\\nmay feel on the subject, rebuke it neither in public nor in private,\\nand her periodicals, far from advancing the progress of abolition, at\\ntimes oppose our societies, impliedly defending slavery, as not incom-\\npatible with Christianity, and occasionally withholding information\\nuseful to the cause of freedom.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0234.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 231\\nA writer in a late number of The Anti-Slavery Church-\\nman, published in Geneva, Wisconsin, speaking of a certain\\nportion of the New Testament, says\\nThis passage of Paul places necessary work in the hands of Gos-\\npel ministers. If they preach the whole Gospel, they must preach\\nwhat this passage enjoins and if they do this, they must preach\\nagainst American slavery. Its being connected with politics does\\nnot shield them. Political connections cannot place sin under pro-\\ntection. They cannot throw around it guards that the public teachers\\nof morals may not pass. Sin is a violation of God s law and God s\\nlaw must be proclaimed and enforced at all hazards. This is the\\nbusiness of the messenger of God, and if anything stands in its way,\\nit is his right, rather it his solemn commission, to go forward\\nstraightway to overpass the lines that would shut him out, and utter\\nhis warnings. Many sins there are, that in like manner, might be\\nshielded. Fashion, and rank, and business, are doing their part to\\nkeep much sin in respectability, and excuse it from the attacks of\\nGod s ministers. But what are these, that they should seal a minis-\\nter s lips what more are the wishes of politicians?\\nFor further testimony from this branch of the Christian\\nsystem, if desired, we refer the reader to the Rev. Dr. Tyng,\\nthe Rev. Evan M. Johnson, and the Rev. J. MoNaniara,\\nall Broad Church Episcopalians, whose magic eloquence and\\nirresistible arguments bid fair, at an early day, to win over to\\nthe paths of progressive freedom, truth, justice and humanity,\\nthe greater number of their High and Low Church brethren.\\nBAPTIST TESTIMONY.\\nSrUEGEON.\\nCharles Haddon Spurgeon (of London), the brightest star\\nnow shining in the Baptist firmanent, says\\nI do, from my inmost soul, detest slavery anywhere and every-\\nwhere, and although I commune at the Lord s table with men of all", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0235.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "232 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\ncreeds, yet with a slaveholder I have no fellowship of any sort or\\nkind. Whenever one has called upon me, I have considered it my.\\nduty to express my detestation of his wickedness, and would as soon\\nthink of receiving a murderer into my church, or into any sort of\\nfriendship, as a manstealer. I shall remember that my voice\\nechoes beyond the Atlantic, and the crying sin of a man-stealing\\npeople shall not go unrebuked.\\nConcerning a certain text, the Rev. Win. H. Brisbane,\\nonce a slaveholding Baptist in South Carolina, says\\nPaul was speaking of the law having been made for mcn-stealers.\\nWhere is the record of that law? It is in Exodus xxi. 16, and in\\nthese words He that stealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he\\nbe found in his possession, he shall surely be put to death. 1 Here it\\nwill be perceived that it was a crime to sell the man, for which the\\nseller must suffer death. But it was no less a crime to hold him as\\na slave, for this also was punishable with death. A man may be\\nkidnapped out of slavery into freedom. There was no law against\\nthat. And why Because kidnapping a slave and placing him in a\\ncondition of freedom, was only to restore him to his lost rights. But\\nif a man who takes him becomes a slaveholder, or a slave seller, then\\nhe is a criminal, liable to the penalty of death, because he robs the\\nman of liberty. Perhaps some will say this law was only applicable\\nto the first holder of the slave, that is the original kidnapper, but not\\nto his successors who might have purchased or inherited him. But\\nwhat is kidnapping Suppose I propose to a neighbor to give him\\na certain sum of money if he will steal a white child in Carolina, and\\ndeliver him to me. He steals him I pay him the money upon his de-\\nlivering the child to me. Is it not my act as fully as his Am I not\\nalso the thief? But does it alter the case whether I agree beforehand\\nor not to pay him, for the child He steals him, and then sells him\\nto me. ne is found by his parents in my hands. Will it avail me to\\nsay I purchased him and paid my money for him Will it not be\\nasked, Do you not know that a white person is not merchantable?\\nAnd shall I not have to pay the damage for detaining that child in\\nmy service as a slave Assuredly, not only in the eyes of the law,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0236.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHTJKCHES. 233\\nbut in the judgment of the whole community, I would be regarded\\na criminal. So when one man steals another and offers him for sale,\\nno one, in view of the Divine law, can buy him, for the reason that\\nthe Divine law forbids that man shall, in the first place, be made a\\nmerchantable article. The inquiry must be, if I buy, I buy in viola-\\ntion of the Divine law, and it will not do for me to plead that I bought\\nhim. I have him in possession, and that is enough God condemns\\nme for it as a man-stealer. My having him in possession is evidence\\nagainst me, and the Mosaic law says, if he be found in my hands, I\\nmust die. Now, when Paul said the law was made for men-stealers,\\nwas it not also saying the law was made for slaveholders I am not\\nintending to apply this term in a harsh spirit. But I am bound, as\\nI fear God, to speak what I am satisfied is the true meaning of the\\napostle.\\nIn his Elements of Moral Science, the Rev. Francis\\nWayland, D.D., one of the most erudite and distinguished\\nBaptists now living, says\\nThe moral precepts of the Bible are diametrically opposed to\\nslavery. They are, Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself, and all\\nthings whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even\\nso unto them.\\nThe application of these precepts is universal. Our neighbor\\nis every one whom we may benefit. The obligation respects all things\\nwhatsoever. The precept then, manifestly, extends to men as men,\\nor men of every condition and if to all things whatsoever, certainly\\nto a thing so important as the right to personal liberty.\\nAgain. By this precept, it is made our duty to cherish as ten-\\nder and delicate a respect for the right which the meanest individual\\npossesses over the means of happiness bestowed upon him by God\\nas we cherish for our own right over our own means of happiness\\nor as we desire any other individual to cherish for it. Now, were\\nthis precept obeyed, it is manifest that slavery could not in fact\\nexist for a single instant. The principle of the precept is absolutely\\nsubversive of the principle of slavery. That of the one is the entire", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0237.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "234 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nequality of right that of the other, the entire absorption of the\\nrights of one in the rights of the other.\\nIf any one doubts respecting the bearing of the Scripture precept\\nupon this case, a few plain questions may throw additional light\\nupon the subject. For instance\\nDo the precepts and the spirit of the Gospel allow me to derive\\nmy support from a system which extorts labor from my fellow-men,\\nwithout allowing them any voice in the equivalent which they shall\\nreceive and which can only be sustained by keeping them in a state\\nof mental degradation, and by shutting them out, in a great degree,\\nfrom the means of salvation\\nWould the master be willing that another person should subject\\nhim to slavery, for the same reasons, and on the same grounds that\\nhe holds his slaves in bondage\\nWould the Gospel allow us, if it were in our power, to reduce\\nour fellow-citizens of our own color to slavery If the Gospel be\\ndiametrically opposed to the principle of slavery, it must be opposed\\nto the practice of slavery and therefore, were the principles of the\\nGospel fully adopted, slavery could not exist.\\nThe very course which the Gospel takes on this subject, seems to\\nhave been the only one that could have been taken, in order to elfect\\nthe universal abolition of slavery. The Gospel was designed, not for\\none race or for one time, but for all races and for all times. It looked\\nnot at the abolition of this form of evil for that age alone, but for its\\nuniversal abolition. Hence, the important object of its Author was,\\nto gain it a lodgment in every part of the known world so that, by\\nits universal diffusion among all classes of society, it might quietly\\nand peacefully modify and subdue the evil passions of men and\\nthus without violence, work a revolution in the whole mass of man-\\nkind.\\nIf the system be wrong, as we have endeavored to show, if it be\\nat variance with our duty both to God and to man, it must be aban-\\ndoned. If it be asked when, I ask again when shall a man begin to\\ncease doing wrong? Is not the answer, immediately? If a man is\\ninjuring us, do we ever doubt as to the time when he ought to cease\\nThere is, then, no doubt in respect to the time when we ought to\\ncease inflicting injury upon others.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0238.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 235\\nAbraham Booth, an eminent theological writer of the Bap-\\ntist persuasion, says\\nI have not a stronger conviction of scarcely anything, than that\\nslaveholding (except where the slave has forfeited his liherty by\\ncrimes against society) is wicked and inconsistent with Christian\\ncharacter. To me it is evident, that whoever would purchase an in-\\nnocent black man to make him a slave, wonld with equal readiness\\npurchase a white man for the same purpose, could he do it with\\nequal impunity and no more disgrace.\\nAt a meeting of the General Committee of the Baptists of\\nVirginia, in 1*789, the following resolution was offered by-\\nEld. John Leland, and adopted\\nResolved, That slavery is a violent deprivation of the rights of\\nnature and inconsistent with republican government, and therefore\\nwe recommend it to our brethren to make use of every measure to\\nextirpate this horrid evil from the land and pray Almighty God that\\nour honorable legislature may have it in their power to proclaim the\\ngreat jubilee, consistent with the principles of good policy.\\nMETHODIST TESTIMONY.\\nJohn Wesley, the celebrated founder of Methodism, says\\nMen-buyers are exactly on a level with men-stealers.\\nAgain, he says\\nAmerican slavery is the vilest that ever saw the sun; it consti-\\ntutes the sum of all villainies.\\nThe learned Dr. Adam Clarke, author of a voluminous\\ncommentary on the Scriptures, says\\nSlave-dealers, whether those who carry on the traffic in human\\nflesh and blood, or those who steal a person in order to sell him into\\nbondage, or those who buy such stolen men or women, no matter of", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0239.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "236 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nwhat color or what country or the nations who legalize or connive\\nat such traffic all these are men-stealers, and God classes them with\\nthe most flagitious of mortals.\\nOne of the present members of the Black River (New\\nYork) Conference, a gentleman of fine ability, who is zealous\\nin every good word and work,\\nPROF. HIRAM MATTISON, Says\\nThe attitude of the American churches in regard to slavery\\nthat parent of every other ahomination, is not only strengthening\\nthe hands of infidelity against Christianity in France and England,\\nhut iu every other nominally Christian country and especially in\\nthese United States. It is sapping the very foimdations of all confi-\\ndence in the Christian religion, in the minds of tens of thousands.\\nNot distinguishing hetween the loathsome cancer and the rest of the\\nhody hetween the counterfeit and the genuine they condemn the\\nwhole, and are thenceforth regarded as infidels. Instead of a slave-\\nholding religion they accept no religion. And infidelity has no more\\nfaithful allies in America, than the D.D. s and other ministers who\\ndefend, or at least apologize for American slavery. They are making\\nmore infidels than all the infidel hooks, and periodicals, and lectures\\nin the land. Let us, then, on this account also its tendency to\\ninfidelity rise up and put away all slaveholding from the Church of\\nChrist.\\nAgain, laying before us a list of the churches which are\\nrighteously active in condemning and opposing slavery, and\\nalso of those which are wickedly passive in excusing and up-\\nholding it, he says to his brother Methodists\\nLook at our position as a Church in the light of these facts. See\\nin what company we place ourselves. Let us range the anti-slavery\\nand pro-slavery Northern Churches in parallel columns, that our\\nshame may be the more apparent", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0240.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\n237\\nSlave-holding Churches.\\n1. Old School Presbyterian.\\n2. Protestant Episcopal.\\n3. Roman Catholic.\\n4. Methodist Epis. Church!\\nAnti- Slavery Churches.\\n1. Friends, or Quakers.\\n2. Free-will Baptists.\\n3. United Brethren.\\n4. Associate Presbyterian.\\n5. Wesleyan Methodist.\\n6. Orthodox Congregational.\\n7. General Baptists.\\n8. Ref d Prot. Dutch Church.\\n9. New School Presbyterian.\\n10. Unitarian.\\n11. Universalists\\nOne of the rules laid down in the Methodist Discipline as\\namended in 1784, was as follows\\nEvery member of our Society -who lias slaves in possession, shall,\\nwithin twelve months after notice given to him by the assistant,\\nlegally execute and record an instrument, whereby he emancipates\\nand sets free every slave in his possession.\\nAnother rule was in these words\\nNo person holding slaves shall in future be admitted into Society,\\nor to the Lord s Supper, till he previously complies with these rules\\nconcerning slavery.\\nThe answer to the question What shall be done with\\nthose who buy or sell slaves, or give them away is couched\\nin the following language\\nThey are immediately to be expelled, unless they buy them on\\npurpose to free them.\\nIn 1785, the voice of this church was heard as follows\\nWe do hold in the deepest abhorrence the practice of slavery,\\nand shall not cease to seek its destruction, by all wise and prudent\\nmeans.\\nIn 1797, the Discipline contained the following wholesome\\nparagraph", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0241.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "238 TESTIMONY OF TEE CHURCHES.\\nThe preachers and other members of our Society are requested to\\nconsider the subject of negro slavery, with deep attention, and that\\nthey impart to the General Conference, through the medium of the\\nYearly Conferences, or otherwise, any important thoughts on the\\nsubject, that the Conference may have full light, in order to take fur-\\nther steps toward eradicating this enormous evil from that part of the\\nChurch of God with which they are connected. The annual Confer-\\nences are directed to draw up addresses for the gradual emancipation\\nof the slaves, to the legislatures of those States in which no general\\nlaws have been passed for that purpose. These addresses shall urge,\\nin the most respectful but pointed manner, the necessity of a law for\\nthe gradual emancipation of slaves. Proper committees shall be\\nappointed by the Annual Conferences, out of the most respectable of\\nour friends, for conducting the business and presiding elders, elders,\\ndeacons, and travelling preachers, shall procure as many proper sig-\\nnatures as possible to the addresses, and give all the assistance in\\ntheir power, in every respect, to aid the committees, and to forward\\nthe blessed undertaking. Let this be continued from year to year,\\ntill the desired end be accomplished.\\nCATHOLIC TESTIMONY.\\nIt has been only about twenty-two years since Pope Gre-\\ngory XVI. immortalized himself by issuing the famous Bull\\nagainst slavery, from which the following is an extract\\nPlaced as we are on the Supreme seat of the apostles, and acting,\\nthough by no merits of our own, as the vicegerent of Jesus Christ, the\\nSon of God, who, through his great mercy, condescended to make\\nhimself man, and to die for the redemption of the world, we regard\\nas a duty devolving on our pastoral functions, that we endeavor to\\nturn aside our faithful flocks entirely from the inhuman traffic in\\nnegroes, or any other human beings whatever. In progress\\nof time, as the clouds of heathen superstition became gradually dis-\\npersed, circumstances reached that point, that during several centu-\\nries there were no slaves allowed amongst the great majority of the\\nChristian nations; but with grief we are compelled to add, that there", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0242.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 239\\nafterward arose, even among the faithful, a race of men, who, basely\\nblinded by the appetite and desire of sordid lucre, did not hesitate to\\nreduce, in remote regions of the earth, Indians, negroes, and other\\nwretched beings, to the misery of slavery or, finding the trade es-\\ntablished and augmented, to assist the shameful crime of others. Nor\\ndid many of the most glorious of the Koman Pontiffs omit severely to\\nreprove their conduct as injurious to their souls health, and disgrace-\\nful to the Christian name. Among these may be especially quoted\\nthe bull of Paul III., which bears the date of the 20th of May, 1537,\\naddressed to the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and another still\\nmore comprehensive, by Urban VIII., dated the 22d of April, 1636\\nto the collector Jurius of the apostolic chamber in Portugal, most\\nseverely castigating by name those who presumed to subject either\\nEast or West Indians to slavery, to sell, buy, exchange, or give them\\naway, to separate them from their wives and children, despoil them\\nof their goods and property, to bring or transmit them to other places,\\nor by any means to deprive them of liberty, or retain them in slavery\\nalso most severely castigating those who should presume or dare to\\nafford counsel, aid, favor, or assistance, under any pretext or bor-\\nrowed color, to those doing the aforesaid; or should preach or teach,\\nthat it is lawful, or should otherwise presume or dare to cooperate,\\nby any possible means, with the aforesaid. Wherefore we,\\ndesiring to divert this disgrace from the whole confines of Christianity,\\nhaving summoned several of our venerable brothers, their Eminences\\nthe Cardinals of the II. E. Church, to our council, and having maturely\\ndeliberated on the whole matter, pursuing the footsteps of our pre-\\ndecessors, admonished by our apostolical authority, and urgently\\ninvoke in the Lord, all Christians, of whatever condition, that none\\nhenceforth dare to subject to slavery, unjustly persecute, or despoil\\nof their goods, Indians, negroes, or other classes of men, or be acces-\\nsories to others, or furnish them aid or assistance in so doing and\\non no account henceforth to exercise that inhuman traffic by which\\nnegroes are reduced to slavery, as if they were not men but automata\\nor chattels, and are sold in defiance of all the laws of justice and\\nhumanity, and devoted to severe and intolerable labors. We further\\nreprobate, by our apostolical authority, all the above-described\\noffences, as utterly unworthy of the Christian name; and by the", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0243.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "240 TESTIMONY OF THE CHTTKCHES.\\nsame authority, we rigidly prohibit and interdict all and every indi-\\nvidual, whether ecclesistical or laical, from presuming to defend that\\ncommerce in negro slaves under pretence or borrowed color, or to\\nteach or publish in any manner, publicly or privately, things con-\\ntrary to the admonitions which we have given in these letters.\\nAnd, finally, that these, our letters, may be rendered more appa-\\nrent to all, and that no person may allege any ignorance thereof, we\\ndecree and order that it shall be published according to custom, and\\ncopies thereof be properly affixed to the gates of St. Peter and of the\\nApostolic Chancel, every and in like manner to the General Court of\\nMount Citatorio, and in the field of the Campus Flora} and also\\nthrough the city, by one of our heralds, according to aforesaid cus-\\ntom.\\nGiven at Eome, at the Palace of Santa Maria Major, under the\\nseal of the fisherman, on the 3d day of December, 1837, and in the\\nninth year of our pontificate.\\nCountersigned by Cardinal A. Lambruschini.\\nWe have already quoted the language of Pope Leo X., who\\nsays:\\nNot only does the Christian religion, but nature herself, cry out\\nagainst the state of slavery.\\nThe Abbe Raynal says\\nHe who supports slavery is the enemy of the human race. He\\ndivides it into two societies of legal assassins, the oppressors and the\\noppressed. I shall not be afraid to cite to the tribunal of reason and\\njustice those governments which tolerate this cruelty, or which even\\nare not ashamed to make it the basis of their power.\\nO CONNELL.\\nDaniel O Corrnell, the ablest Catholic statesman of his time,\\nin his reply to the address of the Irish Repeal Association of\\nCincinnati, under date of October 11, 1843, says and we", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0244.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 241\\npray Heaven that his words of truth and wisdom may not be\\nentirely lost upon such gentlemen as Mr. Charles O Conor of\\nNew York\\nThe Catholic clergy may endure, hut they assuredly do not en-\\ncourage the slaveowners. We have, indeed, heard it said that some\\nCatholic clergymen have slaves of their own but, it is added, and\\nwe are assured positively that no Irish Catholic clergyman is a slave-\\nowner. At all events, every Catholic knows how distinctly slave-\\nholding, and especially slave trading is condemned by the Catholic\\nChurch. That most eminent man, his Holiness, the present Pope,\\nhas, by an allocution, published throughout the world, condemned\\nall dealing and traffic in slaves. Nothing can be more distinct nor\\nmore powerful than the Pope s denunciation of that most abominable\\ncrime. Yet it subsists in a more abominable form than his Holiness\\ncould possibly describe, in the traffic which still exists in the sale of\\nslaves from one State of America to another. What, then, are we to\\nthink of you, Irish Catholics, who send us an elaborate vindication\\nof slavery without the slightest censure of that hateful crime a\\ncrime which the Pope has so completely condemned namely, the\\ndiabolical raising of slaves for sale, and selling them to other States.\\nIf you be Catholics, you should devote your time and best exer-\\ntions to working out the pious intentions of his Holiness. Yet you\\nprefer oh, sorrow and shame to volunteer your vindication of\\neverything that belongs to the guilt of slavery\\nWe conclude by conjuring you, and all other Irishmen in Ame-\\nrica, in the name of your fatherland in the name of humanity in\\nthe name of the God of mercy and charity, we conjure you, Irishmen\\nand descendants of Irishmen, to abandon forever all defence of the\\nhideous negro-slavery system. Let it no more be said that your feel-\\nings are made so obtuse by the air of America, that you cannot feel,\\nas Catholics and Christians ought to feel, this truth\u00e2\u0080\u0094 this plain truth\\nthat one man cannot have any property in another man. There\\nis not one of you who does not recognize that principle in his own\\nperson yet we perceive and this agonizes us almost to madness,\\nthat you, boasting an Irish descent, should, without the instigation\\n11", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0245.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "242 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nof any pecuniary 01 interested motive, but out of the sheer and single\\nlove of wickedness and crime, come forward as the volunteer defend-\\ners of the most degrading species of human slavery. Wo wo wo\\nIrishmen, I call on you to join in crushing slavery, and in\\ngiving liberty to every man, of every caste, creed, and color.\\nFrom the proceedings of a Massachusetts Anti-slavery Con-\\nvention in 1855, we make the following extract\\nHenry Kemp, a Eoman Catholic, came forward to defend the\\nKomish Church in reply to Mr. Foster. He claimed that the Catho-\\nlic Church is thoroughly anti-slavery as thoroughly as even his\\nMend Foster.\\nThus manfully do men of pure hearts and noble minds,\\nwhether in Church or State, and without regard to sect or\\nparty, lift up their voices against the wicked and pernicious\\nsystem of human slavery. Thus they speak, and thus they\\nare obliged to speak, if they speak at all it is only the voice\\nof Nature, Justice, Truth, and Love, that issues from them.\\nThe divine principle in man prompts him to speak and strike\\nfor Freedom; the diabolical principle within him prompts\\nhim to speak and strike for Slavery.\\nFrom those churches which are now as all churches ought\\nto be, and will be, ere the world becomes Christianized\\nthoroughly indoctrinated in the principles of freedom, we do\\nnot, as already intimated, deem it particularly necessary to\\nbring forward new arguments in opposition to slavery! If,\\nhowever, the reader w T ould be pleased to hear from the\\nchurches to which we chiefly allude and, by the by, he might\\nhear from them with much profit to himself we respectfully\\nrefer him to Henry Ward Beecher, George B. Cheever, Joseph\\nP. Thompson, Theodore Parker, E. H. Cha])in, and H. W.\\nBellows, of the North, and to M. D. Conway, John G. Fee,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0246.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHUKCHES. 243\\nJames S. Davis, Daniel Worth, and W. E. Lincoln, of the\\nSouth. All these reverend gentlemen, ministers of different\\ndenominations, feel it their duty to preach against slavery,\\nand, to their honor be it said, they do preach against it with\\nunabated zeal and success. Our earnest prayer is, that\\nHeaven may enable them, their contemporaries and success-\\nors, to preach against it with such energy and effect, as will\\ncause it, ha due time, to disappear forever from the soil of\\nour Republic.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0247.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII.\\nBIBLE TESTIMONY.\\nQuench, righteous God, the thirst\\nThat Congo s sons hath curs d\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThe thirst for gold\\nShall not thy thunders speak,\\nWhere Mammon s altars reek,\\nWhere maids and matrons shriek,\\nBound, bleeding, sold\\nPierpont.\\nEvery person who has read the Bible, and who has a\\nproper understanding of its leading moral precepts, feels in\\nhis own conscience, that it is an original and complete anti-\\nslavery book. In a crude state of society in a barbarous\\nage when men were in a manner destitute of wholesome\\nlaws, either human or divine, it is possible that a mild form of\\nslavery may have beefl tolerated, and even regulated, as an\\ninstitution clothed with the importance of temporary recogni-\\ntion but the Deity never approved it, and for the very reason\\nthat it is impossible for him to do wrong, he never will, never\\ncan approve it. The worst system of servitude of which we\\nhave any accoimt in the Bible and, by the way, it furnishes\\nno account of anything so bad as slavery (the evil-one and his\\nhot home alone excepted) was far less rigorous and atro-\\ncious than that now established in the Southern States of this\\nConfederacy. Even that system, however, the worst which\\nseems to have been practised to a considerable extent by those\\nvenerable old fogies, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, was one of\\n24i", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0248.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "BIBLE TESTIMONY. 245\\nthe monstrous inventions of Satan that God winked at\\nand, to the mind of the biblical scholar, nothing can be more\\nevident, than that He determined of old, that it should, in\\ndue time, be abolished. To say that the Bible sanctions slavery\\nis equivalent to saying that the sun loves darkness to say\\nthat one man was created to domineer over another is to call\\nin question the justice, mercy, and goodness of God.\\nWe will now listen to a limited number of the\\nPRECEPTS AND SAYINGS OE THE OLD TESTAMENT.\\nProclaim liberty throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants\\nthereof.\\nHe that stealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he be found in his\\nhand, he shall surely be put to death.\\nThou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is es-\\ncaped from his master unto thee. He shall dwell with thee where\\nit liketh him best. Thou shalt not oppress him.\\nWhoso stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he also shall cry\\nbut shall not be heard.\\nHe that oppresseth the poor reproacheth his Maker\\nRelieve the oppressed.\\nEnvy thou not the oppressor, and choose none of his ways.\\nLet the oppressed go free.\\nHide the outcasts. Bewray not him that wandereth. Let mine\\noutcasts dwell with thee. Be thou a covert to them from the face of\\nthe spoiler.\\nThou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0249.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "246 BIBLE TESTIMONY.\\nThou shalt not respect the person of the poor, nor honor the per-\\nson of the mighty but in righteousness shalt thou judge thy\\nneighbor.\\nThe wages of him that is hired shall not abide with thee all night\\nuntil the morning.\\nEob not the poor, because he is poor; neither oppress the\\nafflicted. For the Lord will plead their cause, and spoil the soul of\\nthose who spoiled them.\\nDo justice to the afflicted and needy rid them out of the hand\\nof the wicked.\\nExecute judgment and justice take away your exactions from\\nmy people, saith the Lord God.\\nand giveth him not for his work.\\nTherefore thus saith the Lord; ye have not hearkened unto me,\\nin proclaiming liberty, every one to his brother, and every man to\\nhis neighbor behold, I proclaim a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to\\nthe sword, to the pestilence, and to the famine; and I will make you\\nto be removed into all the kingdoms of the earth.\\nI will be a swift witness against the sorcerers, and against the\\nadulterers, and against false swearers, and against those that oppress\\nthe hireling in bis wages, the widow, and the fatherless, and that turn\\naside the stranger from his right, and fear not me, saith the Lord of\\nHosts.\\nAs the partridge sitteth on eggs, and hatcheth them not; so he\\nthat getteth riches, and not by right, shall leave them in the midst\\nof his days, and at his end shall be a fool.\\nAnd now let us listen to a few selected", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0250.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "BIBLE TESTIMONY. 247\\nPRECEPTS AND SAYINGS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.\\nCall no man master, neither be ye called masters.\\nRemember those that are in bonds as bound with them.\\nWhere the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.\\nIf thou mayest be made free, use it rather.\\nDo good to all men, as ye have opportunity.\\nThe laborer is worthy of his hire.\\nAll things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do\\nye even so to them.\\nBe kindly affectionate one to another with brotherly love in\\nhonor preferring one another.\\nStand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made\\nyou free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage.\\nSome years ago a clerical sycophant of the slave power had\\nthe temerity to publish a book or pamphlet entitled Bible\\nDefence of Slavery, which the Baltimore Sun, in the\\ncourse of a caustic criticism, handled in the following manner.:\\nBible defenoe of slavery! There is no such thing as a Bible\\ndefence of slavery at the present day. Slavery in the United States\\nis a social institution, originating in the convenience and cupidity of\\nour ancestors, existing by State laws, and recognized, to a certain ex-\\ntent\u00e2\u0080\u0094for the recovery of slave property by the Constitution. And\\nnobody would pretend that, if it were inexpedient and unprofitable\\nfor any man or any State to continue to hold slaves, they would be\\nbound to do so on the ground of a Bible defence of it. Slavery is\\nrecorded in the Bible, and approved, with many degrading character-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0251.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "248\\nBIBLE TESTIMONY.\\nistics. War is recorded in the Bible, and approved, under what\\nseems to us the extreme of cruelty. But are slavery and war to endure\\nforever because we find them in the Bible? or are they to cease at\\nonce and forever because the Bible inculcates peace and brother-\\nhood?\\nThe Haleys, the Legrees and the Peterkins of the South-\\nboors of Vandalic hearts and minds are, ever and anon mani-\\nfesting some of the most palpable and ridiculous idiosyncrasies\\nof human nature. Ignorant of even the first lessons of a horn-\\nbook, they bandy among themselves, in traditionary order,\\ncertain garbled passages of Scripture, such, for instance, as\\nthat concerning poor old besotted Noah s delirious curse of\\nHam, which, in shame and pity be it said, they regard, or\\npretend to regard, as investing them with full and perfect\\nlicense to practise and perpetuate their most unhallowed sys-\\ntem of iniquity. Such are the hardened, crafty creatures in\\nhuman form, who, following the example of their subtle sire,\\nwhen he perched himself on a pinnacle of the temple at Jeru-\\nsalem, quote Scripture, without even the semblance of a blush,\\nin the prosecution of their treasons, stratagems and spoils.\\nSuch are the veritable actors, who, with Southside Doctors\\nof Divinity, Bible in hand, as prompters, are unceasingly\\nperforming the horrible tragedy of Human Slavery. From\\nall such gross and irreverent distorters of Biblical truth, good\\nLord deliver us", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0252.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII.\\nTESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nIt was the intention of the fathers of the Constitution that liberty should be\\nnational and slavery sectional. James Madison, himself a slaveholder, one of\\nthe framers of the Constitution, afterward Governor of Virginia, and then\\nPresident of the United States, tells us why slavery was not mentioned in that\\ninstrument. He said that, when the institution of slavery had ceased to exist\\nin this land, they did not wish the memory of it to remain on record.\\nShadows of the days that are past gather around me. I am standing as I have\\nstood, as a reed shaken by the wind, as the voice of one crying in the wilder-\\nness. What argument have I not exhausted, to what sentiment have I no\\nappealed? And I have called upon every living thing in vain; yet when I\\nremember that all the experience of the ages is concentrated into our Consti-\\ntution, I return once more to the charge, and I would that my voice could\\nextend to every palace, and to every cabin throughout this wide Republic, that\\nI might say to you, Arouse from your fatal delusion liberty and slavery can-\\nnot co-exist one or the other must die Cassius M. Clay.\\nThe conflict between Freedom and Slavery is not simply a\\nconflict between two diverse systems of labor, the one of\\nwhich recognizes, while the other ignores the manhood of the\\nlaborer nor merely between two diverse polices, the one of\\nwhich tends to enrich, and the other to impoverish society;\\nbut it is preeminently, a conflict between civilization with all\\nits elevating and ameliorating influences, on the one side,\\nand barbarism with all it rudeness and savagery, its igno-\\nrance and contempt of humanity, on the other. The very\\nexistence of slavery is incompatible with the highest order of\\nsocial life. Fetich-worship does not more certainly indicate\\nthe degradation of the religious ideas of a people than does\\n11* 249", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0253.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "250 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nthe chattelization of humanity mark an incomplete civiliza-\\ntion. This element of barbarism, lingering hi society wher-\\never slavery lingers, makes itself particularly manifest in the\\npresent insane efforts of the oligarchy to reopen the foreign\\nslave trade, not only at the expense of humanity and religion,\\nbut at the sacrifice of the national honor, and our position\\namong the moral forces of the world.\\nHow strikingly contrasts with this savagery of barbarism\\nthe present attitude of the great Russian Empire, as repre-\\nsented ha the policy of the reigning emperor, Alexander the\\nSecond With a far-seeing wisdom, which takes him out of\\nthe mob of vulgar potentates, and vindicates the kingship\\nthat belongs to a right royal nature, he has magnanimously\\nresolved on the abolition of serfdom throughout his vast\\nempire. The magnitude of the work proposed, considered\\nsimply in itself, and its still greater magnitude, considered in\\nits fai*-reaching consequences, are beyond the grasp of any\\nordinary capacity, and must command for the young em-\\nperor, Avho has determinedly given himself to it, the sym-\\npathy and admiration of all true statesmen, philanthropists,\\nand friends of freedom throughout the world. His enterprise\\nis a mightier one than that which tasked the energies of his\\nrenowned ancestor, Peter the Great and its successful accom-\\nplishment will give him a far more legitimate and lasting\\nclaim on the love and reverence of mankind. The one con-\\nsolidated a great empire, the other will add millions of loyal\\nsubjects to it, by taking them out of the category of chattels,\\nand giving them their proper status in the ranks of humanity.\\nThat this grand project will be crowned with success, the\\nwisdom and energy with which the young emperor has set\\nhimself to the task, forbid us to doubt. And how it shames\\nthe despots of our own land, intent not only on the perpetu-\\nation of their pet barbarism, but on plunging the country", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0254.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 251\\ninto a still deeper slough of infamy and peril, by a reopening\\nof the African slave trade, with all the bloody and sickening\\natrocities which it involves Verily, the boasted enlighten-\\nment of our slavery propagandists is about on a par with\\nthat of New Zealand, and may well challenge the admiration\\nof South-side Doctors of Divinity, who devoutly regard\\nthe kidnapper as God s divinest messenger of salvation to\\nthe heathen world\\nBut a truce to these thoughts of men and measures abroad,\\nand now to the contemporaneous Alexanders and others of\\nour own country, beginning with\\nWILLIAM H. SEWARD.\\nIn his masterly speech at Rochester, on Monday, Oct. 25,\\n1858, Senator Seward said:\\nFree labor and slave labor these antagonistic systems are con-\\ntinually coming into close contact, and collision results. Shall I tell\\nyou what this collision means They who think it is accidental,\\nunnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and there-\\nfore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irrepressible\\nconflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the\\nUnited States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely\\na slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cot-\\nton and rice fields of South Carolina, and the sugar plantations of\\nLouisiana will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and\\nNew Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, or else\\nthe rye fields and wheat fields of Massachusetts and New York must\\nagain be surrendered by their farmers to slave culture, and to the\\nproduction of slaves, and Boston and Few York become once more\\nmarkets for trade in the bodies and souls of men.\\nAt Buffalo, Friday, Oct. 19, 1855, he said\\nI have seen slavery in the Slave States, and freedom in the Free", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0255.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "252 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nStates. I Lave seen both slavery and freedom in this State. I know-\\ntoo well the evils of the former to be willing to spare any effort to\\nprevent their return. The experience of New York tells the Avhole\\nargument against slavery extension, the whole argument for univer-\\nsal freedom. Suppose that, fifty years ago, New York, like Virginia,\\nand Maryland, had clung to slavery, where now would have been\\nthese three composite millions of freemen, the choice and flower of\\nEurope and America In that case, would superstition and false\\nnational pride have needed to organize a secret cabal, affiliated by un-\\nlawful oaths, to proscribe the exile and his children for their nativity\\nor their conscience sake Where would then have been the Erie Canal,\\nthe Genesee Valley Canal, the Oswego Canal, the Seneca and Cayuga\\nCanal, the Crooked Lake Canal, the Chemung Canal, the Chenango\\nCanal, the Black Eiver Canal, the Champlain Canal\u00e2\u0080\u0094 where the im-\\nperial New York Central Eailroad, the Erie Kailroad, and the Ogdens-\\nburgh Eailroad, with their branches penetrating not only every inha-\\nbited district in this State, but every inhabited region also in adjacent\\nStates and in British America? Where would have been the colleges\\nand academies, and, above all, the free common schools, yielding\\ninstruction to children of all sects and in all languages Where the\\nasylums and other public charities, and, above all, that noble emi-\\ngrant charity which crowns the State with such distinguished honor\\nWhere these ten thousand churches and cathedrals, renewing on\\nevery recurring Sabbath day the marvel of Pentecost, when the\\nsojourner from every land hears the Gospel of Christ preached to\\nhim in his own tongue Where would have been the steamers, the\\nbarges, brigs and schooners, which crowd this harbor of Buffalo,\\nbringing hither the productions of the Mississippi Valley and of the\\nGulf coast, in exchange for the fabrics of the Atlantic coast and of\\nEurope, and of the teas and spices of Asia? Where the coasting\\nvessels, the merchant ships, the clippers, the whale ships, and the\\nocean mail steamers, which are rapidly concentrating in our great\\nseaport the commerce of the world? Where the American Navy, at\\nonce the representative and champion of the cause of universal\\nRepublicanism? Where your inventors of steamboats, of electric\\ntelegraphs, and of planing machines where your ingenious artisans,\\nwhere your artists, where your mighty Press, the Courier and Eu-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0256.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OTJR CONTEMPORARIES. 253\\nquirer, the Tribune, the Times, 1 and even the Herald, itself, defen-\\nder of slavery as it is Where your twenty cities and where, above\\nall, the merry, laughing agricultural industry of native-born and\\nexotic laborers, enlivening the whole broad landscape, from the\\nLake coast to the Ocean s side Go, ask Virginia go, ask even\\nnoble Maryland, expending as she is a giant s strength in the ser-\\npent s coils, to show you her people, canals, railroads, universities,\\nschools, charities, commerce, cities and cultivated acres. Her silence\\nis your expressive answer.\\nAt Albany, Friday, Oct. 12, 1855, he said:\\nSo long as the Eepublican party shall be firm and faithful to the\\nConstitution, the Union, and the Eights of Man, I shall serve it, with\\nthe reservation of that personal independence which is my birthright,\\nbut at the same time with the zeal and devotion that patriotism al-\\nlows and enjoins. I do not know, and personally I do not greatly\\ncare, that it shall work out its great ends this year, or the next, or\\nia my lifetime because I know that those ends are ultimately sure,\\nand that time and trial are the elements which make all great reform-\\nations sure and lasting. I have not thus far lived for personal ends\\nor temporary fame, and I shall not begin so late to live or labor for\\nthem. I have hoped that I might leave my country somewhat worth-\\nier of a lofty destiny, and the rights of human nature somewhat safer.\\nA reasonable ambition must always be satisfied with sincere and\\npractical endeavors. If, among those who shall come after us, there\\nshall be any curious inquirer who shall fall upon a name so obscure\\nas mine, he shall be obliged to confess that, however unsuccessfully\\nI labored for generous ends, yet that I nevertheless was ever faithful,\\never hopeful.\\nSALMON P. CHASE.\\nAddressing the Southern and Western Liberty Convention,\\nat Cincinnati, June 11, 1845, Mr. Chase used the following\\nunreserved, appropriate language\\nIt is our duty, and our purpose, to rescue the government from", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0257.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "254 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nthe control of the slaveholders; to harmonize its practical adminis-\\ntration with the provisions of the Constitution, and to secure to all,\\nwithout exception, and without partiality, the rights which the Con-\\nstitution guarantees. We believe that slaveholding, in the United\\nStates, is the source of numberless evils, moral, social and political;\\nthat it hinders social progress that it embitters public and private\\nintercourse that it degrades us as individuals, as States and as a na-\\ntion that it holds back our country from a splendid career of great-\\nness and glory. We are, therefore, resolutely, inflexibly, at all times,\\nand under all circumstances, hostile to its longer continuance in our\\nland. We believe that its removal can be effected peaceably, con-\\nstitutionally, without real injury to any, with the greatest benefit\\nto all.\\nWe propose to effect this by repealing all legislation, and discon-\\ntinuing all action, in favor of slavery at home and abroad by pro-\\nhibiting the practice of slaveholding in all places of exclusive national\\njurisdiction, in the District of Columbia, in American vessels upon\\nthe seas, in forts, arsenals, navy yards by forbidding the employ-\\nin ent of slaves upon any public work; by adopting resolutions in\\nCongress, declaring that slaveholding, in all States created out of\\nnational territories, is unconstitutional, and recommending to the\\nothers the immediate adoption of measures for its extinction within\\ntheir respective limits and by electing and appointing to public sta-\\ntion such men, and only such men, as openly avow our principles,\\nand will honestly carry out our measures.\\nCASSIUS M. CLAY.\\nOf the great number of good speeches made by members\\nof the Republican party during the Presidential campaigD of\\n1850, it is, we believe, pretty generally admitted that the besl\\none was made by Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, who, at the Taber-\\nnacle, in New York City, October 24th, said\\nIf there are no manufactures, there is no commerce. In vain do\\nthe slaveholders go to Knoxville, to Nashville, to Memphis and to\\nCharleston, and resolve that they will have nothing to do with these", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0258.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 255\\nAbolition eighteen millions of Northern people that they will build\\ntheir own vessels, manufacture their own goods, ship their own pro-\\nducts to foreign countries, and break down New York, Philadelphia\\nand Boston Again they resolve and re-resolve, and yet there is not\\na single ton more shipped, and not a single article added, to the wealth\\nof the South. But, gentlemen, they never invite such men as I am\\nto attend their conventions. They know that I would tell them that\\nSlavery is the cause of their poverty, and that I will tell them that\\nwhat they are aiming at is the dissolution of the Union that they\\nmay be prepared to strike for that whenever the nation rises. They\\nwell know that by slave labor the very propositions which they\\nmake can never be realized yet, when we show these things, they\\ncry out, Oh, Cotton is King But when we look at the statistics,\\nwe find that so far from Cotton being King, Grass is King. There\\nare nine articles of staple productions which are larger than that of\\ncotton in this country.\\nI suppose it does not follow, because slavery is endeavoring to\\nmodify the great dicta of our fathers, that cotton and free labor are\\nincompatible. In the extreme South, at New Orleans, the laboring\\nmen the stevedores and hackmen on the levee, where the heat is\\nintensified by the proximity of the red brick buildings are all white\\nmen, and they are in the full enjoyment of health. But how about\\ncotton I am informed by a friend of mine himself a slaveholder,\\nand therefore good authority that in Northwestern Texas, among\\nthe German settlements, who, true to their national instincts, will\\nnot employ the labor of a slave, they produce more cotton to the\\nacre, and of a better quality, and selling at prices from a cent to a\\ncent and a half a pound higher than that produced by slave labor.\\nThis is an experiment that illustrates what I have always held, that\\nwhatever is right is expedient.\\nJOHN CHARLES FREMONT.\\nAccepting his nomination for the Presidency, in 1850, Mr.\\nFremont, one of the noblest sons of the South, said\\nI heartily concur in all movements which have for their object", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0259.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "25 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nthe repair of the mischiefs arising from the violation of good faith*\\nin the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. I am opposed to slavery\\nin the abstract, and upon principles sustained and made habitual by\\nlong-settled convictions. I am inflexibly opposed to its extension on\\nthis continent beyond its present limits.\\nThe great body of non-slaveholding freemen, including those of\\nthe South, upon whose welfare slavery is an oppression, will discover\\nthat the power of the general government over the public lands may\\nbe beneficially exerted to advance their interests and secure their\\nindependence knowing this, their suffrages will not be wanting to\\nmaintain that authority in the Union, which is absolutely essential to\\nthe maintenance of their own liberties, and which has more than once\\nindicated the purpose of disposing of the public lands in such a way\\nas would make every settler upon them a freeholder,\\nCHARLES SUMNER.\\nSpeaking of the Crime against Kansas, in the United States\\nSenate, on the 19th and 20th of May, 1850, Mr. Sumner, the\\nscholarly and eloquent statesman a gentleman and patriot,\\nof whom it is not too much to say, there is not an ungenerous\\nhair upon his head, nor an iota of discount in his composition\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094a prudent, fearless advocate of Free Labor, whom, ever since\\nBrooks dastardly assault upon him, on the 22d of May, 1856,\\nwe, as a Carolinian, have been eager (but have not yet had the\\nopportunity) to grasp by the hand, and give from the South\\nassurances of at least one hearty, unqualified condemnation\\nof the outrage said:\\nThe wickedness which I now begin to expose is immeasurably\\naggravated by the motive which prompted it. Xot in any common\\nlust for power did this uncommon tragedy have its origin. It is the\\nrape of a virgin Territory, compelling it to the hateful embrace of\\nslavery and it may be clearly traced to a depraved longing for a\\nnew Slave State, the hideous oilspring of such a crime, in the hope\\nof adding to the power of slavery in the national government. Yes,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0260.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 257\\nsir, when the whole world, alike Christian and Turk, is rising up to\\ncondemn this wrong, and to make it a hissing to the nations, here in\\nour republic, force aye, sir, force has been openly employed in\\ncompelling Kansas to this pollution, and all for the sake of political\\npower. There is the simple fact, which you will vainly attempt to\\ndeny, but which in itself presents an essential wickedness that makes\\nother public crimes seem like public virtues In just\\nregard for free labor in that Territory, which it is sought to blast by\\nunwelcome association with slave labor; in Christian sympathy with\\nthe slave, whom it is proposed to task and to sell there in stern\\ncondemnation of the crime which has been consummated on that\\nbeautiful soil in rescue of fellow-citizens, now subjugated to a\\ntyrannical usurpation in dutiful respect for the early Fathers, whose\\naspirations are now ignobly thwarted; in the name of the Constitu-\\ntion, which has been outraged of the laws, trampled down or\\nJustice banished of Humanity degraded of Peace destroyed of\\nFreedom crushed to earth and, in the name of the Heavenly Father,\\nwhose service is perfect freedom, I make this last appeal.\\nHENRY WILSON.\\nReplying to Mr. Hammond, of South Carolina, in the\\nUnited States, March 20th, 1858, Gen. Wilson of Massachu-\\nsetts, said\\nFealty to the Administration, to the Democratic party, is now\\nfealty to human slavery, to violence, to trickery, and to fraud. By\\nperversions of the Constitution and the laws, by the red hand of vio-\\nlence, by unveiled trickeries and transparent frauds, by the indecent\\nproscription of men of inflexible integrity, by the shameless prostitu-\\ntion of the honors of the government, and by the rank corruption,\\nmining all within, which infects unseen, the administration is con-\\nverting the American Democracy into a mere organization for the\\nperpetuity, expansion, and domination of human slavery on the\\nNorth American continent. There is not to-day, in all Christendom,\\na political organization so hostile to the rights of human nature, to", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0261.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "258 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nthe development of Republican ideas, to the general progress of tho\\nhuman race, as the Democratic party of the United States. There is\\nnot a political organization, even in Spain, Russia, or Austria, that\\ndares, in the face of the civilized world, blazon its banners with doc-\\ntrines so hostile to the rights of mankind, so abhorrent to humanity,\\nas are avowed in these halls, and upheld by the American Demo-\\ncracy, under the lead of this administration. The great powers of\\nEurope, England, France and Russia, have fixed their hungry eyes\\nupon the coveted prizes of the Eastern World and we are invoked\\nto forget the lessons of Washington, to close our ears to the appeals\\nof the people of Kansas, whose rights have been outraged, and turn\\nour lustful eyes to the glittering prizes of dominion in Mexico, Cen-\\ntral America, Cuba, and the valleys of the distant Amazon. No\\nparty in those three European monarchies dares avow, in the face of\\nChristendom, the sentiment we have heard proclaimed in these halls,\\nthat territorial expansion, and territorial dominion must be made,\\nnot for the advancement of the sacred and sublime principle of equal\\nand impartial liberty to all men, but for the subjugation and personal\\nservitude of other and inferior races I tell the vaunt-\\ning senator from South Carolina that thousands of merchants, manu-\\nfacturers and mechanics of the North are this day, and have been for\\nmonths, pressed with the burden of bearing the unpaid debts owed\\nthem by the Slave States. I remember that during the terrible press-\\nure of last year, while our business men were staggering under the\\npressure, thirteen out of fourteen wholesale merchants in one depart-\\nment of business in one Southern city, imposed upon their Eastern\\ncreditors the burden of renewing their matured notes. The merchants\\nand manufacturers of the North have lost hundreds of millions of\\ndollars during the last thirty years in the Slave States. I have per-\\nsonally lost; in the senator s own State, in Louisiana, Virginia and\\nKentucky, thousands of dollars more than I am now able to com-\\nmand.\\nJOHN P. IIALE.\\nIn his speech on Kansas and the Supreme Court, delivered", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0262.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 259\\nin the United States Senate, January 21st, 1858, Mr. Hale\\nsaid\\nPeace came in 1783 and in 1784 Thomas Jefferson, the immor-\\ntal author of the immortal Declaration of Independence, hegan his\\nlabors in the Continental Congress, moving that all the territory we\\nthen owned, and all the territory that we might thereafter acquire,\\nshould be forever free from what he considered the contaminating\\nand blighting influences of human slavery. Those who are laboring\\nwith me in this great contest may take courage from the persever-\\nance with which Jefferson adhered to his policy. In 1783-84- 85,\\nand 86, the measure failed, but finally, in 1787, it partially succeeded,\\nand the ordinance was passed prohibiting slavery from all the terri-\\ntory which we then owned. Yet, sir, in view of all this history,\\nwritten as with a sunbeam upon the very walls of the room in which\\nthis tribunal now assemble, they stand up in 1857, to declare to the\\nworld that the slave trade and slavery were so universally recognized\\nand acknowledged, that nobody questioned the rightfulness of the\\ntraffic, and nobody supposed it capable of being questioned. Not con-\\ntent with overturning the whole line of judicial authority to be\\nfound in every nation of Europe, and in every State of this Union,\\nand of their own solemn recorded decision, they go on to make the\\navowal and then go further, and undertake to tear from that chap-\\nlet which adorns the brows of the men of the Revolution the proud-\\nest and fairest of their ornaments and that was the sincerity of the\\nprofessions which they made in regard to the rights of human nature.\\nIt is true, the court in their charity undertake to throw the mantle\\nof ignorance over these men, and say they did not understand what\\nthey meant. Sir, they did understand it, and the country understood\\nit. There was a jealfcusy on the subject of liberty and slavery at that\\ntime, of which we are little prepared to judge at the present day.\\nIt is found beaming out on the pages of the writings of all these\\nmen.\\nIf the opinions of the Supreme Court are true, they put these\\nmen in the worst position of any men who are to be found on the\\npages of our history. If the opinion of the Supreme Court be true,\\nit makes the immortal authors of the Declaration of Independence", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0263.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "260 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nliars before God and hypocrites before the world for they lay\\ndown their sentiments broad, full, and explicit, and then they say\\nthat they appeal to the Supreme Ruler of the universe for the recti-\\ntude of their intentions but if you believe the Supreme Court, they\\nwere merely quibbling on words. They went into the courts of the\\nMost High and pledged fidelity to their principles as the price they\\nwould pay for success and now it is attempted to cheat them out\\nof the poor boon of integrity and it is said that they did not mean\\nso and that when they said all men, they meant all white men\\nand when they said that the contest they waged was for the right of\\nmankind, the Supreme Court of the United States mmld have you\\nbelieve they meant it was to establish slavery. Against that I pro-\\ntest, here, now, and everywhere and I tell the Supreme Court that\\nthese things are so impregnably fixed in the hearts of the people, on\\nthe page of history, in the recollections and traditions of men, that it\\nwill require mightier efforts than they have made or can make to\\noverturn or to shake these settled convictions of the popxflar under-\\nstanding and of the popular heart.\\nNATHANIEL P. BANKS.\\nIn the course of his great speech in Wall street, New York,\\non the 25th of September, 185G, Mr. Banks said\\nFor seventy-five years past the government of this country has\\nbeen in the hands of Southern statesmen, who have directed its policy.\\nThe North has been busy in the mechanical arts, in agriculture, and\\nin mining, and has given less attention to the affairs of the govern-\\nment than it otherwise might have done certainly less than it ought\\nto have done. On the contrary, the South, having no literature of\\nits own, having no science of its own, having no mechanical and\\nmanufacturing industry of its own, having but little or no inventive\\npower or genius of its own, having, in short, none of the elements of\\npower that distinguish our civilization, has turned its attention chiefly,\\nso far as its leading men are concerned, to the government of the\\ncountry. Now, we of the North, propose to divide this little matter\\nwith them I should do wrong to our cause the cause", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0264.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 261\\nof the Northern States\u00e2\u0080\u0094 if I failed to say that there are other influ-\\nences which we desire to exert by the elevation to the Presidency of\\nthe man of our choice. We ask that the dead weight of human\\nwrong shall be lifted up from the Continent again, that it may rise as\\nit was rising before these acts of wrong were done.\\nEDWIN D. MORGAN.\\nAfter calling to order the Convention which, in Philadel-\\nphia, in June, 1856, nominated Mr. Fremont for President,\\nand Mr. Dayton for Vice-President, Mr. Morgan, as Chairman\\nof the Republican National Committee\u00e2\u0080\u0094 now Governor of\\nNew York said\\nYou are assembled for patriotic purposes. High expectations\\nare cherished by the people. You are here to-day to give direction\\nto a movement which is to decide whether the people of the United\\nStates are to be hereafter and forever chained to the present national\\npolicy of the extension of Human Slavery. Not whether the South\\nis to rule, or the North but whether the broad, national policy which\\nour fathers established, cherished, and maintained, is to be permitted\\nto descend to their sons, to be the guiding star of all our people.\\nSuch is the magnitude of the question submitted. In its considera-\\ntion let us avoid all extremes plant ourselves firmly on the platform\\nof the Constitution and the Union, taking no position which does\\nnot commend itself to the judgment of our consciences, our country,\\nand of mankind. Of the wisdom of such a policy there need be no\\ndoubt against it there can be no successful resistance.\\nEDWARD WADE.\\nIn his speech on the Slavery question, in the House of Re-\\npresentatives, August 2, 1856, Mr. Wade said\\nInherent and fundamental right of freedom of speech and the\\npress, does not and cannot exist in slaveholding communities. This", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0265.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "262 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nis a necessity of despotic governments, it is more than a necessity of\\ndespotism, it is in itself the essence of despotism. There is not\\na more morbidly suspicious, cruel, revengeful, or lawless des-\\npotism on the face of the earth, than the nightmare of slavery,\\nwhich has settled down upon the people of the slaveholding\\nStates, with flhe exception of perhaps two or three of these States.\\nThere is more freedom of speech and of the press to-day, and more\\npersonal safety in the exercise of such freedom, at Vienna, St. Peters-\\nburg, Paris, or Eome, in an attack and exposure of the despotism\\nwhich reigns supreme over those cities, than there is at Eichmond,\\nCharleston, Milledgeville, or Mobile, to attack and expose the slave-\\nholding despotisms which rule over these cities with a rod of iron.\\nThere are probably more citizens, born and nurtured in the Slave\\nStates, now in exile from their native States for the exercise of free-\\ndom of speech and the press, against the despotism of slaveholding,\\nthan there are from Austria, Russia, France, or the Two Sicilies, for\\nthe exercise of the same rights against the despotisms which crush\\nthose nations.\\nEDWARD BATES.\\nIn a letter bearing date March. 17, 1860, in reply ton com-\\nmittee of his political friends in St. Louis, Judge Bates, of\\nMissouri (a native of Virginia), says\\nOn the subject of Slavery, in the States and in the Territories, I\\nhave no new opinions no opinions formed in relation to the present\\narray of parties. I am coeval with the Missouri question of 1819-20\\nhaving begun my political life in the midst of that struggle. At that\\ntime my position required me to seek all the means of knowledge\\nwithin my reach, and to study the principles involved with all the\\npowers of my mind and I arrived at conclusions then, which no sub-\\nsequent events have induced me to change. The existence of negro\\nslavery in our country had its beginning in the early time of the\\nColonics, and was imposed by the mother country, against the will\\nof most of the Colonies. At the time of the Revolution, and long\\nafter, it was commonly regarded as an evil, temporary in its nature,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0266.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 263\\nand likely to disappear in the course of time, yet, while it continued,\\na misfortune to the country, socially and politically.\\nThus was I taught by those who made our government, and\\nneither the new light, or modern civilization, nor the discovery of a\\nnew system of constitutional law and social philosophy, has enabled\\nme to detect the error of their teaching.\\nSlavery is a social relation a domestic institution. Within the\\nStates, it exists by the local law, and the Federal Government has no\\ncontrol over it there. The Territories, whether acquired by con-\\nquest or peaceable purchase, are subject and subordinate not sove-\\nreign, like the States. The nation is supreme over them, and the\\nNational Government has the power to permit or forbid Slavery\\nwithin them. Entertaining these views, I am opposed to the exten-\\nsion of slavery, and in my opinion, the spirit and policy of the go-\\nvernment ought to be against its extension.\\nABRAM LINCOLN.\\nIn his speech on National Politics, at the Cooper Institute,\\nNew York, February 27, 1860, Mr. Lincoln, of Illinois (a\\nnative of Kentucky), who, according to the popular vote of\\nhis State, is entitled to, but unfairly debarred from, the seat\\nin the United States Senate now occupied by Mr. Douglas,\\nsaid\\na Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone\\nwhere it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its\\nactual presence in the nation but can we, while our votes will pre-\\nvent it, allow it to spread into the National Territories, and to over-\\nrun us here in. these Free States If our sense of duty forbids this,\\nthen let us stand by our duty, fearlessly and effectively. It\\nis exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy shall\\nbe at peace, and in harmony, one with another. Let us, Republicans,\\ndo our part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do\\nnothing through passion and ill temper In the language\\nof Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, It is still in our power to", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0267.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "264 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\ndirect the process of emancipation and deportation peaceably, and in\\nsuch slow degrees, as that the evil will wear off insensibly and their\\nplaces be, pari 2)assu, filled up by free white laborers.\\nIn the course of his memorable controversies with Mr.\\nDouglas, in Illinois, in the summer of 1858 (three months\\nbefore Mr. Seward made his famous irrepressible conflict\\nspeech at Rochester), Mr. Lincoln said:\\nI have always hated slavery, I think, as much as any Abolition-\\nist. I have always hated it, and I always believed it in the course\\nof ultimate extinction. If I were in Congress, and a vote should\\ncome up on a question whether slavery should be prohibited in a new\\nTerritory, in spite of the Dred Scott decision, I would vote that it\\nshould. I believe this government cannot endure perma-\\nnently, half slave and half free. It will become all one thing, or all\\nthe other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further\\nspread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the be-\\nlief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction or its advocates\\nwill push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States\\nold as well as new North as well as South.\\nFRANCIS P. BLAIR, SEN.\\nIn the course of an address to the Republicans of Maryland\\nhis own State in 1856, Mr. Blair said:\\nIn every aspect in which slavery among us can be considered, it\\nis pregnant with difficulty. Its continuance in the States in which\\nit has taken root has resulted in the monopoly of the soil, to a great\\nextent, in the hands of the slaveholders, and the entire? control of all\\ndepartments of the State government and yet a majority of people\\nin the Slave States are not slaveowners. This produces an anomaly\\nin the principle of our free institutions, which threatens in time to\\nbring into subjugation to slaveowners the great body of the free\\nwhite population.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0268.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUP CONTEMPORARIES. 265\\nFRANK P. BLAIR, JR.\\nIn his speech at Concord, New Hampshire, February 2,\\n1859, Mr. Blair, of Missouri, of whom the non-slaveholders of\\nthe South have high hopes in the future, said\\nThere is no other question before the country than that of\\nslavery. It is the all-absorbing topic in every political circle. Upon\\nthis issue I have long since taken my ground against its extension\\nand perpetuation. I believe that slavery should be restricted to its\\npresent limits, and that Congress should do all which lies in its power\\nto prevent the perpetuation of this evil. I know that Congress has\\nno power to interfere with it where it at present exists within the\\nStates and yet I doubt not that when the Republican party takes\\npossession of the General Government, and the corrupting patronage\\nof the administration is diverted from its present channels, we shall\\nbe able to show the little oligarchy of slaveholders some things of\\nwhich they little dream even within the States. Although\\nthe institution of slavery is to be condemned, because it deprives the\\nslave of everything except his bread and butter, and clothing, and\\nshelter in winter, it merits more decided condemnation on another\\nground. It deprives the poor whites of the South of every aspiration\\nwhich appertains to anything nobler than their bodies. It deprives\\nthem of the exercise of their intellects, of schools, education and cul-\\nture, no less than of the bread of themselves and their children. I\\nam more opposed to the institution on this ground than on any other,\\nbecause it is our own race, the white race, which is here trampled\\nupon a race of workingmen and mechanics like yourselves. Slavery\\nis the most odious institution ever known. It is essentially and vitally\\naristocratic. IIow dare these men stand up here and call themselves\\nDemocrats, while they have a race of whites pressed down under a\\ntwofold stratum of slaves and slaveowners. I appeal to the people\\nof Xew Hampshire to lend a helping hand to this oppressed race.\\nToward them the friends of slavery intrench themselves in exclusive\\nrights of a twofold nature. The negro slave is instructed in all the\\nmechanical arts for the benefit of his master, and the white non-\\n12", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0269.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "266 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nslaveholder is thus excluded from all opportunities for elevating his\\nfamily or providing for their wants.\\nGERRIT SMITH.\\nIn his speech on the Nebraska bill, delivered in the House\\nof Representatives, April 6, 1854, Mr. Smith said:\\nThe slavery question is up again up again even in Congres It\\nwill not be kept down. At no bidding, however authoritative, will\\nit keep down. The President of the United States commands it to\\nkeep down. Indeed he has, hitherto, seemed to make the keeping\\ndown of this question the great end of his great office. Members of\\nCongress have so far humbled themselves, as to pledge themselves on\\nthis floor to keep it down. National political conventions promise\\nto discountenance, and even to resist the agitation of slavery, both in\\nand out of Congress. Commerce and politics are as afraid of this\\nagitation as Macbeth was of the ghost of Banquo and many titled\\ndivines, taking their cue from commerce and politics, and being no\\nless servile than merchants and demagogues, do what they can to\\nkeep the slavery question out of sight. Cut all is of no avail. The\\nsaucy slavery question will not mind them. To repress it in one\\nquarter, is only to have it burst forth more prominently in another\\nquarter. If you hold it back here, it will break loose there, and rush\\nforward with an accumulated force, that shall amply revenge for all\\nits detention. And this is not strange, when we consider how great\\nis the power of truth. It were madness for man to bid the grass not\\nto grow, the waters not to run, the winds not to blow. It were mad-\\nness for him to assume the mastery of the elements of the physical\\nworld. But more emphatically were it madness for him to attempt\\nto hold in his puny fist the forces of the moral world. Canute s\\nfolly, in setting bounds to the sea, was wisdom itself, compared with\\nthe so much greater folly of attempting to subjugate the moral forces.\\nNow, the power which is, ever and anon, throwing up the slavery\\nquestion into our unwilling and affrighted faces, is Truth. The pas-\\nsion-blinded and the infatuated may not discern this mighty agent.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0270.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 267\\nNevertheless, Truth lives and reigns forever; and she will be, con-\\ntinually, tossing up unsettled questions. We must bear in mind, too,\\nthat every question, which has not been disposed of in conformity\\nwith her requirements, and which has not been laid to repose on her\\nown blessed bosom, is an unsettled question. Hence, Slavery is an\\nunsettled question, and must continue such, until it shall have fled\\nforever from the presence of Liberty.\\nJOSHUA R. GIDDINGS.\\nIn his speech on American Piracy, in Committee of the\\nwhole House, on the state of the Union, June 7, 1858, Mr.\\nGiddings said\\nEvery man who sells a slave thereby encourages the slave trade\\nand no reflecting mind can regard the coastwise slave trade less cri-\\nminal than that which is carried on upon the shores of Africa. In\\ntruth, it was born of the African trade, and in its effects it is more\\natrocious, as its victims are more intelligent. It is thus that the\\nAfrican slave trade, the coastwise slave trade, the inter-State slave\\ntrade, the holding of slaves, the breeding of slaves, the selling and\\nbuying of slaves, are all connected and interwoven in one general\\nnetwork of moral turpitude, constituting an excrescence, a cancer\\nupon the body politic of our nation. The African slave trade consti-\\ntutes the germ, the root, from which our American slave trade, and\\nall the various relations of that institution in this country, have\\nsprung. If the tree be piracy, it is clear that its fruit can be nothing\\nelse than piracy and when the nation stamped that commerce as\\npiratical, it proclaimed the guilt of every man who voluntarily con-\\nnects himself with slavery.\\nOWEN LOVEJOT.\\nIn the House of Representatives of the United States,\\nApril 5, 1860, Mr. Lovejoy, representing the third Congres-\\nsional district of Illinois, said", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0271.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "268 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nThe Republican party, of -which I am a member, stands pledged,\\nsince 1850, to the extermination, so far as the Federal Government\\nhas the power, of the twin relics of barbarism, Slavery and Polygamy.\\nWe anticipate that a death-blow has been given to one of these\\ntwins, and I now propose to pay my respects to the other. I want\\nto see them both strangled and go down together, as they both richly\\ndeserve. If the strong of the earth are to enslave the weak\\nhere, it would justify angels in enslaving men, because they are\\nsuperior and archangels, in turn, would be justified in subjugating\\nthose who are inferior in intellect and position, and ultimately it\\nwould transform Jehovah, the Supreme, into an infinite Juggernaut,\\nrolling the huge wheels of his Omnipotence, ankle deep, amid the\\ncrushed, and mangled, and bleeding bodies of human beings, on the\\nground that lie was infinitely superior, and that they were an infe-\\nrior race. My honest conviction and I do not know why\\ngentlemen need take offence they need not unless they choose my\\nhonest conviction is that all these slaveholding laws have the same\\nmoral power and force that l ules among pirates have for the distri-\\nbution of their booty that regulations among robbers have for the\\ndivision of their spoils; and although I do not believe gentlemen\\nhave behaved veiy handsomely to me, I am going to add, notwith-\\nstanding, lb at I do not mean to say that gentlemen who are slave-\\nholders would be guilty of these particular things that is not the\\npoint. I am talking about this master in the court, of conscience, in\\nthe court of right and wrong; and I insist that any laws for enslav-\\ning men have just the same moral force as the arrangement among\\nrobbers and pirates for distributing their spoils. I want to know by\\nwhat right you can come and make me a slave I want to know by\\nwhat right you can say that my child shall be your slave I Avant\\nto know by what right you say that the mother shall not have her\\nchild, given to her from God, through the martyrdom of maternity?\\nBefore the public sentiment of the Christian and civilized\\nworld, I propose to hold up to universal reprobation this practice of\\nslaveholding. I propose to hold it up in all its atrocity, in all its\\nhideousness, just as gentlemen have been holding up the practice of\\npolygamy, and reprobating it and, sir, that public sentiment of the\\ncivilized world will burn upon this practice of slavery, and ultimately", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0272.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 269\\nsecure its removal in the only proper way by the action of the\\nSlave States themselves. Put every crime perpetrated\\namong men into a moral crucible, and dissolve and combine them all,\\nand the resultant amalgam is slaveholding. The future\\nglory and usefulness of this nation cannot be sacrificed to this system\\nof crime. The nations of the earth are to be taught by our example.\\nThe American Republic may repose queen among the nations of the\\nearth. Slavery must die.\\nJOHN SHERMAN.\\nIn the course of his speech on the History and Policy of\\nthe Republican party, at the Cooper Institute, New York,\\nApril 13, 18G0, Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, said:\\nRepublicans will not interfere, directly or indirectly, with\\nslavery in the Slave States; not because they think slavery less an\\nevil in a State than in a territory, but because, under our system of\\ngovernment, we of the Free States have no constitutional power to\\ninterfere with slavery in the States. It is not because we like the\\nsystem, for we do not. It is scarcely possible for a man born and\\nbred in a Free State to regard with favor a system under which men,\\nwomen, and children are the absolute property of others\u00e2\u0080\u0094liable to\\nbe separated at the caprice or necessity of their masters a system\\nby which men, I care not of what color or how low in the scale of\\nintelligence, may be and are reduced to the level of brutes, and de-\\nprived of every distinctive right of humanity. The very fact that\\nfour millions of human beings are held in this condition in a Republic\\nlike ours, and that such servitude does not exist to anything like the\\nsame extent elsewhere, will always be a disturbing element in Ame-\\nrican politics. While we admit we have no power over the institu-\\ntion in the Southern States, and will not attempt to exercise any, we\\nwill, in common with the civilized world, entertain the hope that by\\nthe voluntary action of the States where the institution exists, the\\ncondition of the slaves will be gradually ameliorated and changed,\\nuntil the great principle that every man has a right to the proceeds", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0273.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "270 TESTIMONY OF OUE CONTEMPORARIES.\\nof his own labor, may be recognized from one end of the land to the\\nother. The Eepnblicau party affirms that Slavery is a social,\\nmoral, and political evil, and that it is the right and duty of Congress\\nand of the people to prevent its extension into free territory.\\nIn the North opinion is free and wherever opinion is free, the right\\nis more than a match for the wrong. Here any one may extol the\\nbeauties of slavery, polygamy, Mohammedanism of anything and\\neverything. He may write about it, talk about it, preach about it.\\nHere we are not afraid of a tract, a book, or a speech. Freedom of\\ndiscussion always begets difference of opinion. In the South, opinion\\nupon the slavery question is not free the most moderate opinions\\nagainst slavery cannot there be uttered safely. The mails are opened\\nand robbed Northern men are watched as enemies books are\\nburned, as Bibles have been in times past. There is no open channel\\nthrough which the Southern mind can be reached upon the subject\\nof slavery.\\nANSON BURLING AM E.\\nIn Ins defence of Massachusetts, in the House of Represen-\\ntatives, June 21, 1856, Mr. Burlingame said:\\nFreedom and slavery started together in the great race on this\\ncontinent. In the very year the Pilgrim Fathers landed on Plymouth\\nRock, slaves landed in Virginia. Freedom has gone on trampling\\ndown barbarism, and planting States building the symbols of its\\nfaith by every lake, and every river, until now the sons of the Pil-\\ngrims stand by the shores of the Pacific. Slavery has also made its\\nway toward the setting sun. It has reached the Rio Grande on the\\nSouth and the groans of its victims, and the clank of its chains, may\\nbe heard as it slowly ascends the western tributaries of the Missis-\\nsippi River. Freedom has left the land bespangled with free schoi ls,\\nand filled the whole heavens with the shining towers of religion and\\ncivilization. Slavery has left desolation, ignorance and death, in its\\npath. When we look at these things; when we see what the coun-\\ntry would have been had freedom been given to the territories when", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0274.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUK CONTEMPORARIES. 271\\nwe think what it would have been but for this blight in the bosom\\nof the country that the whole South that fair land God lias blessed\\nso much would have been covered with cities, and villages, and\\nrailroads, and that in the country, in place of twenty-five millions of\\npeople, thirty-five millions would have hailed the rising morn, ex-\\nulting in republican liberty when we think of these things how\\nmust every honest man how must every man with brains in his\\nbead, or heart in his bosom regret that the policy of old Virginia,\\nin her better days, did not become the animating policy of this ex-\\npanding Eepublic!\\nGALUSHA A. GROW.\\nIn his speech against the Lecompton Constitution, delivered\\nin the House of Representatives, March 25, 1858, Mr. Grow\\nsaid\\nPeace among a brave people is not the fruit of injustice, nor does\\nagitation cease by the perpetration of wrong. For a third of a cen-\\ntury, the advocates of slavery, while exercising unrestricted speech\\nin its defence, have struggled to prevent all discussion against it in\\nthe South, by penal statutes, mob law, and brute force in the North,\\nby dispersing assemblages of peaceable citizens, pelting their lectur-\\ners, burning their halls, and destroying their presses in this forum\\nof the people, by finality resolves on all laws for the benefit of\\nslavery, not, however, to affect those in behalf of freedom, and by\\nattempts to stifle the great constitutional right of the people at all\\ntimes to petition their government. Yet despite threats, mob law,\\nand finality resolves, the discussion goes on, and will continue to, so\\nlong as right and wrong, justice and injustice, humanity and inhu-\\nmanity, shall struggle for supremacy in the affairs of men.\\nROBERT J. BRECKENRIDGE.\\nIn The African Repository for January, 1834, the Rev.\\nMr. Breckenridge, D.D., then a citizen of Baltimore, now a", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0275.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "272 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nresident of Kentucky (uncle of the present Vice-President of\\nthe United States), treats the subject of slavery in a very able\\nand somewhat lengthy article, frQin which we make the fol-\\nlowing extracts\\nWhat is slavery as it exists among us We reply, it is that con-\\ndition enforced by the laws of one half the States of this confederacy,\\nin which one portion of the community, called masters, is allowed\\nsuch power over another portion, called slaves as\\n1. To deprive them of the entire earnings of their own labor,\\nexcept only so much as is necessary to continue labor itself, by con-\\ntinuing healthful existence, thus committing clear robbery.\\n2. To reduce them to the necessity of universal concubinage, by\\ndenying to them the civil rights of marriage thus breaking up the\\ndearest relations of life, and encouraging universal prostitution.\\n3. To deprive them of the means and opportunities of moral and\\nintellectual culture, in many States making it a high penal offence to\\nteach them to read thus perpetuating whatever evil there is that\\nproceeds from ignorance.\\n4. To set up between parents and their children an authority\\nhigher than the impulse of nature and the laws of God, which breaks\\nup the authority of the. father over his own offspring, and, at pleasure,\\nseparates the mother at a returnless distance from her child, thus ab-\\nrogating the clearest laws of nature thus outraging all decency and\\njustice, and degrading and oppressing thousands upon thousands of\\nbeings created like themselves, in the image of the most high God\\nDo we talk of violating the rights of masters, and depriving\\nthem of their property in their slaves? And will some one tell us\\nif there be anything in which a man has, or can have, so perfect a\\nright of property, as in his own limbs, bones and sinews Out upon\\nsuch fully! The man who cannot see that involuntary domestic\\nslavery, as it exists among us, is founded upon the principle of taking\\nby force that which is another s, lias simply no moral sense. And he\\nwho presumes that God will approve and reward habitual injustice\\nand wrong, is ignorant alike of God and of his own heart. It is\\nequally easy to apply to the institution of slavery every law of", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0276.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 273\\nChristianity, and show its repugnaifce to each and every one of them.\\nUndeniably it is contrary to the revealed will of God\\nSlavery cannot endure. The just, and generous, and enlightened\\nhearts and minds of those who own the slaves will not allow the\\nsystem to endure. State after State, the example has caught and\\nspread, New England, New York, the middle States on the sea\\nboard one after another have taken the question up, and decided it,\\nall alike. The state of slavery is ruinous to the community that\\ntolerates it, under all possible circumstances, and is most cruel and\\nunjust to its victims. No community that can be induced to examine\\nthe question will, if it be wise, allow such a canker in its vitals nor,\\nif it be just, will permit such wrong. We argue from the nature of\\nthe case, and the constitution of man we speak from the experience\\nof the States already named we judge from what is passing before\\nus in the range of States along the slave line in Maryland, Virginia\\nand Kentucky from the state of feeling on this subject in foreign\\ncountries; and from the existing state of opinion throughout the\\nworld. The very owners of slaves will themselves, and that, we\\nhope, at no distant day, put an end to the system\\nWe have spoken of the children of slaves and here lies one of\\nthe most abhorrent features of slavery. Men may become slaves,\\nperhaps for life, for crimes lawfully proven. But no absurdity can\\nbe more inconceivably gross than to think of making slaves of the\\nunborn and no injustice more audacious, than that which makes\\nmisfortune and crime descend from father to son, and dooms the\\nchild of Africans to perpetual slavery for no better reason than that\\nhis parents had been thus doomed before him Every\\ncommunity is bound to administer justice between its citizens and\\njustice can never permit one man to take, without return, the labor\\nof another, and that by force. Will the slaveholder say he returns\\nto his slaves in the long run as much as he takes from them If\\nthis were true, it is no answer; for society is bound to see the slave\\npaid and righted, on fixed principles, and may not lawfully leave the\\nsubject to the owner s discretion. Again, justice has nothing to do\\nwith such lumping accounts, as those which place hundreds in a\\nmass, and rob one healthy, strong laborer, to make up for the de-\\nficiency in the cases of many weak and worthless. What excuse is\\n12*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0277.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "274 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nit for him who would plunder u1, that he has attempted before to\\nrob others, and failed? Society is bound, and that now and always,\\nto see that every man in it is fairly dealt by, and justly paid by every\\nother man in it and every human being is bound to do justice\\nalways, to everybody. Eveu the master who believes and this he\\nmay, in many cases, believe wisely and righteously that he ought\\nnot to set his slaves free in their existing condition, becomes thereby,\\nonly the trustee for them, of the entire proceeds of their labor and\\nhas no more right to put it in his pocket, than to apply to his own\\nuse the estates of his ward. This, the reader may say, would soon\\nbring slavery to an end. Doubtless and the remark shows that it\\nis only for its supposed profits, and not from public or conscientious\\nconsiderations, that slavery is so widely tolerated. Slavery\\ncannot be made perpetual. The progress of free and just opinions is\\nsapping its foundations everywhere. In regard to this country, no\\npolitical proposition is capable of a clearer proof than that slavery\\nmust terminate.\\nSAMUEL M. JANNEY.\\nIn a small pamphlet entitled Slavery in Maryland, Mr.\\nJanney, of Virginia, says\\nIt is no longer a contest merely on behalf of the slave, but the\\nquestion is now to be settled, whether the liberties of the Anglo-\\nSaxon race are to be preserved Throughout a lax-ge portion of the\\nSouthern States the non-slaveholding whites are no longer free a\\npadlock Las been placed on their mouths, the freedom of the press is\\nsubverted, and they enjoy less liberty in the expression of tbeir\\nopinions than the subjects of many European monarchies.\\nM. F. MATTEY.\\nIn an article on Southern Direct Trade, published in\\nDe Bow s Industrial Resources of the South, Lieut.\\nMaury, director of the United States Observatory, in Wash-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0278.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUK CONTEMPORARIES. 275\\nington City, and to whom has been awarded so much well-\\nmerited praise in the world of science, says\\nThe fact must be obvious to the far-reaching minds of our\\nstatesmen, that unless some means of relief be devised, some chan-\\nnel afforded, by which the South can, when the time comes, get rid\\nof the excess of her slave population, she will be ultimately found\\nwith regard to this institution, in the predicament of the man with\\nthe wolf by the ears too dangerous to hold on any longer, and\\nequally dangerous to let go. To our mind, the event is as certain to\\nhappen as any event which depends on the contingencies of the\\nfuture, viz. that unless means be devised for gradually relieving the\\nslave States from the undue pressure of this class upon them unless\\nsome way be opened by which they may be rid of their surplus\\nblack population the time will come it may not be in the next\\nnor in the succeeding generation but, sooner or later, come it will,\\nand come it must when the two races will join in the death strug-\\ngle for the mastery.\\nSYDNEY HOWARD GAY.\\nMr. Gay, one of the editors of the New York Tribune,\\nsays\\nThere are in this Eepublic, possibly, three hundred thousand\\nslaveholders, whose interest it is to extend and perpetuate slavery\\nand certainly no less than twenty-five millions of persons, who, what-\\never their interests may be, when weighed by the laws of political\\neconomy, have unquestionably the right* to think as they please, and\\nsay what seems to them good, either as to the character of that in-\\nstitution where it exists already, or upon the expediency of transplant-\\ning it to territory where it now has no existence. This proposition is\\ntoo self-evident to need any argument in its support. If it is not,\\nthen our form of democratic government is a delusion and a snare,\\nour assertion of the inalienable rights of humanity an absurd and per-\\nnicious sham. Nevertheless, the obvious and mortifying commentary\\nupon it is, that a small faction of the people not only pretend to die-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0279.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "27.6 TESTIMONY OF OUK CONTEMPORARIES\\ntate to the great majority what they shall think and what they shall\\ndo, upon this subject, but institute measures of coercion submitted to\\nby multitudes of persons, in a spirit which shows them to be, if\\nnot the most cowardly and abject slaves, only exempt from being so\\nbecause it pleased the Almighty God to give them birth in Northern\\nhouseholds rather than upon Southern plantations. That such is the\\nfact\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that such presumption should exist on the one part, and be sub-\\nmitted to on the other, has, in a certain view of it, a ludicrous aspect.\\nThere is another, however, in which we can see it, only as a source\\nof the intensest and most mortifying humiliation, and a subject of\\nserious reflection as to the future of a people where two such moral\\nelements are at work.\\nWILLIAM CURTIS NOTES.\\nIn the course of his speech at the Republican Festival, at\\nthe Gramercy House, in New York city, February 22, 18G0,\\nMr. Xoyes said\\nWhat the Republican party proposes to do is to be done lawfully,\\nunder the Constitution; by force of persuasion and argument, by the\\noperation of deliberate conviction peaceably pi-oduced, and not by\\nviolence or outrage, or by a wanton disregard of the decisions of the\\ncourt. Further, we do not propose, in the event of the election of\\na President who does not suit us whose political opinions do not\\nagree with our own to dissolve the Union. We leave that matter\\nentirely for our Southern brethren\\nI maintain that it was the design and understanding of the frainers\\nof the Constitution, that slavery should cease by the gradual opera-\\ntion of laws to be passed^by the several States in which it existed at\\nthe time of its formation. That sentiment is found in the speeches,\\nin the public newspapers, in every source of information to which we\\ncan resort for the opinions which prevailed at that day. It is found,\\nindeed, in the Constitution itself, because, after twenty years, the\\nimportation of slaves was expressly forbidden, in order to prevent\\ntheir increase. We at the North have observed that implied stipula-\\ntion. We have observed it because slavery was wrong in itself,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0280.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF ODE CONTEMPORARIES. 277\\ninjurious to the best interests of the country, destructive of the pro-\\ngress of freedom, and a violation of the spirit of the instrument, and\\nespecially of the Declaration of Independence, out of which that\\ninstrument grew; and it has not been till lately that the Southern\\npeople have maintained a contrary doctrine, and insisted that slavery\\nnot only existed in the States under the Constitution, but was carried\\nby it into the Territories. Now, is it carried into the Territories by\\nthe Constitution of the United States? I maintain that it is not;\\nand while I shall not go into the legal argument upon that subject, I\\nwill state some views that seem to me to have an important bearing\\nupon it. It is said to have been decided in the Dred Scott case that\\nslavery does exist in the Territories in virtue of the Constitution of\\nthe United States but as I have already intimated, that was not a\\nbinding judgment, the point not being necessarily before the court.\\nIt was so declared at the time by several of the judges. I believe\\nthe court will review that obiter die turn, and come to a different con-\\nclusion. That decision, however, goes upon the ground that the spirit\\nof the instrument sanctions slavery, and that it protects slaves as\\nproperty, because fugitive slaves are required to be surrendered. It\\nis conceded that there is no express provision upon the subject. It\\nis claimed as incidentally inferable because property in slaves is sub-\\nstantially protected so that the remark has been well made that the\\nonly property protected or recognized by the Constitution of the\\nUnited States, is property in Patents and in Negroes!\\nHENRY RUFF^EK.\\nIn an Address to the people of -West Virginia, showing\\nthat Slavery is injurious to the public welfare, and that it\\nmay be gradually abolished, without detriment to the rights\\nand interests of slaveholders, printed by R. C. Noel, in\\nLexington, Va., in 184V, the Rev. Mr. Euffner, D.D., of\\nKanawha Saline (in Kanawha County, Va.), says\\nTVe esteem it a sad, a humiliating fact, that should penetrate the\\nheart of every Virginian, that from the year 1700 to this time, T/ir-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0281.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "278 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nginia has lost more people by emigration than all the old Free States\\ntogether. Up to 1840, when the last census was taken, she had lost\\nmore by nearly three hundred thousand. She has sent, or we should\\nrather say, she has driven from her soil at least one third of all the\\nemigrants who have gone from the old States to the new. More than\\nanother third have gone from the other old Slave States. Many of\\nthese multitudes who have left the Slave States have shunned the re-\\ngions of slavery, and settled in the free countries of the West. These\\nwere generally industrious and enterprising white men, who found,\\nby sad experience, that a country of slaves was not the country for\\nthem. It is a truth, a certain truth, that slavery drives free laborers\\nfarmers, mechanics, and all, and some of the best of them, too\\nout of the country, and fills their places with negroes.\\nWhat is it but slavery that makes Marylanders and Carolinians,\\nand especially old Virginians and new Virginians, fly their country at\\nsuch a rate Some go because they dislike slavery, and desire to get\\naway from it others, because they have gloomy forebodings of\\nwhat is to befall the Slave States, and wish to leave their families in\\na country of happier prospects others, because they cannot get pro-\\nfitable employment among slaveholders others, industrious and high-\\nspirited workingmen, will not stay in a country where slavery de-\\ngrades the workingman others go because they see that their coun-\\ntry, for some reason, does not prosper, and that other countries, not\\nfar off, are prospering, and will afford better hopes of prosperity to\\nthemselves others a numerous class who are slaveholders, and\\ncannot live without slaves, finding that they cannot live longer with\\nthem on their worn-out soils, go to seek better lands, and more pro-\\nfitable crops, where slave labor may yet for a while enable them and\\ntheir children to live. Our great Virginia, with all her\\nnatural facilities for trade, brings to her ports only about one five-\\nhundredth part of the goods, wares, and merchandise imported into\\nthe United States. Shall we be told that the cause of this decline of\\nVirginia commerce is the growth of Northern cities, which, by means\\nof their canals and railroads and vast capital, draw off the trade from\\nsmaller ports to themselves And what then The cause assigned\\nis, itself, the effect of a prior cause. We would ask those who take\\nthis superficial view of the matter, why should the great commercial", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0282.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 279\\nports be all outside of Virginia, and near or in the Free States Why\\nshould every commercial improvement, every wheel that speeds the\\nmovements of trade, serve but to carry away from the Slave States\\nmore and more of their wealth for the benefit of the great Northern\\ncities And then, fellow-citizens, when you have suffered\\nyour country to be filled with negro slaves instead of white freemen,\\nwhen its population shall be as motley as Joseph s coat of many col-\\nors as ringstreaked and speckled as father Jacob s flock was in\\nPadan-aram what will the white basis of representation avail you if\\nyou obtain it Whether you obtain it or not, East Virginia will\\nhave triumphed, or rather slavery will have triumphed, and all Vir-\\nginia will have become a land of darkness and of the shadow of death.\\nThen, by a forbearance which has no merit, and a supineness which\\nhas no excuse, you will have given to your children, for their inherit-\\nance, this lovely land blackened with a negro population the off-\\nscourings of Eastern Virginia the fag-end of slavery the loath-\\nsome dregs of that cup of abomination which has already sickened to\\ndeath the eastern half of our commonwealth. Behold in the\\nEast the doleful consequences of letting slavery grow up to an op-\\npressive and heart-sickening burden upon a community. Cast it off,\\nWest Virginians, while yet you have the power, for if you let it de-\\nscend unbroken to your children, it will have grown to a mountain\\nof misery upon their heads.\\nSTEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS.\\nIn his Science of Society, Mr. Andrews says\\nIf, in any transaction, I get from you some portion of your earn-\\nings without an equivalent, I begin to make you my slave to confis-\\ncate you to my uses if I get a larger portion of your services with-\\nout an equivalent, I make you still further my slave and, finally, if\\nI obtain the whole of your services without an equivalent except\\nthe means of keeping you in a working condition for my own sake,\\nI make you completely my slave. Slavery is merely one development\\nof a general system of human oppression, for which wo have no com-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0283.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "280 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nprehensive term in English, but which the French Socialists denomi-\\nnate exploitation the abstraction, directly, or indirectly, from the\\nworking classes of the fruits of their labor. In the case of the slave,\\nthe instrument of that abstraction is force and legal enactments. In\\nthe case of the laborer, generally, it is speculation in the lar-v -en.-c,\\nor profit-making. The slaveholder will be found, therefore, upon a\\nscientific analysis, to hold the same relation to the trader which the\\nfreebooter holds to the blackleg. It is a question of taste which to\\nadmire most, tbe dare-devil boldness of the one, or the oily and in-\\ntriguing propensities and performances of the other.\\nLYSAiNDEE SPOONEE.\\nIn his unanswered, unanswerable Unconstitutionality of\\nSlavery, Mr. Spooner says\\nThe injustice to the North that is involved in allowing slave-:,\\nwho can have no rights in the government, who can owe it no al-\\nlegiance, who are necessarily its enemies, and who therefore weaken,\\ninstead of supporting it the injustice and inequality of allowing such\\npersons to be represented at all in competition with those who alone\\nhave rights in the government, and who alone support it, is so pal-\\npable and monstrous, as utterly to forbid any such construction being\\nput upon language that does not necessarily mean it. The absurdity,\\nalso, of such a representation is, if possible, equal to its injustice.\\nWe have no right legal rules, that are universally acknowledged,\\nimperatively forbid us unnecessarily to place upon the language of\\nan instrument a construction, that either stultifies the parties to it\\nto euch a degree as the slave construction does the people of the\\nNorth, or that makes them consent to having such glaring and out-\\nrageous injustice practised upon them.\\nWILLIAM BIENEY.\\nAs a native of Alabama, knowing well of that whereof he\\nspeaks, Mr. Birney (son of the late James G. Birney) says", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0284.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUK CONTEMPORARIES. 281\\nA third element of the political power of slaveholders is the vast\\nconstitutional privileges they enjoy, procured by their united action,\\nwealth, and intelligence. In all the Slave States, with, as we believe,\\nbut one exception, slave property is represented in the legislatures.\\nThis rule may give a district composed of one hundred voters, with\\ntheir slaves, as many representatives as another of five thousand free\\nvoters. It enables Eastern Virginia, with a miserable numerical\\nminority of voters, to control Western Virginia, with her large free\\nvoting population.\\nIn addition to this, some of the States grant the privilege to a\\nslaveholder of voting in every district in which he may own land.\\nSome of the large proprietors, therefore, may have a dozen votes. In\\nall of them it is difficidt for a non-slaveholder to obtain office, but in\\nsome he is made incompetent by the fundamental law. For instance,\\nin South Carolina, he is excluded from the legislature by the Consti-\\ntution. The qualification of a representative is made the ownership\\nof such a large real estate, as makes necessary the ownership of slaves,\\nor else, to use the language of that instrument, of a settled freehold\\nestate of five hundred acres of land and ten negroes. By this, it is\\nmade impossible for any other interest than that of the planters to be\\nrepresented in the State Councils. The fabric of South Carolina\\naristocracy is, indeed, as compact and as well protected by law as the\\nEnglish nobility. The unpalliated contradiction between our\\nprofessions and practice is making us a hissing and a by- word through-\\nout the civilized world the press is shackled, and freedom of speech\\ntrampled down friends of human liberty travel at the peril of their\\nlives through fifteen States of the Union and every citizen holds his\\nhouse and property at the will of a lawless and capricious mob, held in\\nleash by the Slave Power. Our hearts bleed at the contemplation of this\\nwide-spread ruin in our beloved land, and we have pledged ourselves\\nand ours, on the altar of our country s honor, to the defeat of the Slave\\nPower. We shall triumph. Truth and humanity are our allies. The\\nvoices of our dead fathers cheer us on. The blood they freely spilled\\nfor the rights of man, cries to us from the battle-stained fields it con-\\nsecrates, to be up and doing. The graves of those noble men, who\\nperilled all for liberty, and blenched not in the hour that tried men s\\nsouls, stir us to emulate their energy. We shall prove that we", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0285.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "282 TESTIMONY OF OUK CONTEMPORARIES.\\ninherit the spirit as well as the names of our ancestors; and moved\\nby that spirit, we declare that the world shall not long hear the\\nclanking of chains on the fields of our Revolutionary glory, or taunt\\nthe freemen of this Republic with a basely slavish submission to an\\nidle and overbearing aristocracy.\\nALVAN STEWART.\\nIn his great argument before the Supreme Court of the\\nState of New Jersey, in 1845, for the deliverance of four\\nthousand persons from bondage, Mr. Stewart, whose speeches\\nand writings, with biographical sketches, are, we are happy to\\nlearn, soon to be published under the editorship of Luther\\nRawson Marsh, of New York, says\\nSlavery communicates all the afflictions of life to its victim with-\\nout leaving scarce any of the pleasures it depresses the excellence of\\nthe slave s nature, by denying to the slave the ordinary means of\\nimprovement and elevation in the social scale of existence it brings\\nforth the gross, malignant, cruel, mean, deceitful, and hypocritical\\nportions of human nature, without a counterpoise or a power of sup-\\npression. The slave is always the natural and implacable enemy of\\nthe State he owes it nothing but deadly hate. The slave\\nhas no country, no real home for which he will fight. Judge of the\\nsurprise of General Lafayette, when on the first day of being intro-\\nduced to the American Congress in Philadelphia, in the summer of\\n1777, he listened to the extraordinary request of South Carolina, to\\nbe released from raising and equipping the quota of troops designed\\nby Congress to be raised by that State as her proportion in the event-\\nful struggle of the Revolution, on the ground if she spared that num-\\nber of troops from the State, it was feared that there might be a\\nservile insurrection, that it was necessary the troops should remain\\nat home to restrain a domestic enemy in her own bosom. If all the\\nStates had been under the weight of slavery like South Carolina, our\\nindependence would never have been achieved. Such States as South\\nCarolina may bluster and threaten their brethren in time of peace", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0286.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 288\\nwith nullification and revolution, but when war comes, her power to\\nact out of her own territory will be in the inverse ratio of the noise\\nand threats she made in time of peace.\\nWILLIAM HENRY FRY.\\nContrasting the system of white slavery which ruined Rome,\\nwith the system of black slavery that now threatens the com.\\nplete disruption and ruin of our own country, Mr. Fry\\nsays\\nEome never attained to the solid power assumed for her. She\\nwas rotten to the core at the time of Marius and Scylla, and declined\\nthereafter. She lived more and more on the labor of slaves. The\\nfood of her people became worse and worse. The standard of wages\\nsteadily declined. The quality of agriculture, under slave-labor,\\nregularly withered up as Cincinnati ceased to guide their ploughs.\\nThe old comedies precisely represent the starvation of the slaves.\\nNero, who, just previous to his death, escaped from Rome and fled\\nten miles into the country, suffered desperate hunger before he could\\ntouch the black bread, the ordinary food of the slaves upon a so-\\nconsidered magnificent patrician estate. The rabble of Rome were\\nfed on corn gained by annexations in Sicily, Egypt, and the Archi-\\npelago. Some two hundred thousand ruffians of this kind, gloating\\nover the death-struggles of gladiators in the huge murderings of the\\nColiseum in ecstasies as the tragedies in that execrable arena grew\\nthicker, with the map of hell on their faces, as they draggled in filth,\\ngore, and beastliness, at the heels of some patrician Annexationist,\\nrich with the plunder of foreign nations these were fed out of the\\npublic purse, the pillaged granaries and general agonies of whole\\npeoples. Leaving aside the ordinary fables of divine origin,\\nwhich are common to all nations, we find Rome, at the earliest\\ndates, a nation divided into patricians and plebeians, bbth of the same\\ncolor, and capable of equal effort in arts and arms, yet the one born\\nto command and the other to obey. This fact, to any mind not ne-\\ncessarily stolid or vicious, would alone shut out all these false refer-\\nences to Rome. But there are others which are equally pregnant", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0287.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "284 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nwith meaning to the classical student. Around and about Rome\\nwere nations enjoying what is even now considered n small degree\\nof civilization. Among these stood Etrnria, whence Rome derived\\nher softening arts, whose origin is lost in the mazes of antiquity, but\\nwhose skill in the pursuits of the beautiful has come down to us in\\nforms which live even in our own day, and are household words.\\nThe Pontine Marshes and the circumjacent country, now dealing\\ndeath in every breeze, were, at the time of early Roman history,\\noccupied by forty towns and cities, flourishing and wealthy, accord-\\ning to the standards of those days. The conquest of these places by\\nthe Romans, and the centralizing ferocities of Marius and Scylla, and\\nthe whole imperial line, blotted them out from the face of the earth,\\nand a materialized jererniade, a very stench of desolation, only re-\\nmains to mark where once they stood. The growth of\\nRome, which began by the assassination of every country near it,\\nwas continued by the same means. Eternally at war, eternally me-\\nnacing the rest of the world, it was but one great camp. De Lolme\\ncharacterizes Roman patriotism as the spirit of oppression and mur-\\nder. Soon a Cincinnatus ceased to own a few acres, and, the fight\\nended, to return to the plough. The great patrician with sometimes\\nfour hundred slaves under his domestic roof; these four hundred, all\\nwhite men above caricature in color, form, or brain, were crucified at\\none time for the single so-called crime of one of them. Such were\\nthe inevitable results of the Roman policy.\\nRALPH WALDO EMERSOX.\\nIn his speech at Concord, Massachusetts, Aug. 1, 1844,\\ncelebrating the anniversary of the abolition of slavery in the\\nWest Indies, Mr. Emerson, the most practical and profound\\nmetaphysician in America, said\\nThe crude element of good in human affairs must work and ripen,\\nspite of whips, and plantation laws, and West Indian interests.\\nConscience rolled on its pillow, and could not sleep. We sympathize\\nvery tenderly here with the poor aggrieved planter, of whom so", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0288.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OTTK CONTEMPORARIES. 2S5\\nmany unpleasant things are said but if we saw the whip applied to\\nold men, to tender women and, undeniably, though I shrink to say\\nso pregnant women set in the treadmill for refusing to work, when,\\nnot they, but the eternal law of animal nature refused to work if we\\nsaw men s backs flayed with cowhides, and hot rum poured on,\\nsuperinduced with brine or pickle, rubbed in with a cornhusk, in the\\nscorching heat of the sun; if we saw the runaways hunted with\\nbloodhounds into swamps and hills and, in cases of passion, a\\nplanter throwing his negro into a copper of boiling cane juice if\\nwe saw these things with eyes, we too should wince. They are not\\npleasant sights. The blood is moral, the blood is anti-slavery, it\\nruns cold in the veins the stomach rises with disgust, and curses\\nslavery\\nUnhappily, most unhappily, gentlemen, man is born with intel-\\nlect, as well as with a love of sugar, and with a sense of justice, as\\nwell as a taste for strong drink. These ripened, as well as those.\\nYou could not educate him, you could not get any poetry, any wis-\\ndom, any beauty in woman, any strong and commanding character\\nin man, but these absurdities would still come flashing out these\\nabsurdities of a demand for justice, a generosity for the weak and\\noppressed. Unhappily, too, for the planter, the laws of nature are\\nin harmony with each other that which the head and the heart\\ndemand, is found to be, in the long run, for what the grossest calcu-\\nlator calls his advantage. The moral sense is always supported by\\nthe permanent interest of the parties. Else, I know not how, in our\\nworld, any good would ever get done. It was shown to the planters\\nthat they, as well as the negroes, were slaves that though they paid\\nno wages, they got very poor work that their estates were ruining\\nthem under the finest climate and that they needed the severest\\nmonopoly laws at home to keep them from bankruptcy. The op-\\npression of the slave recoiled on them. They were full of vices\\ntheir children were lumps of pride, sloth, sensuality and rottenness.\\nThe position of woman was nearly as bad as it could be, and like\\nother robbers, they could not sleep in security. Many planters have\\nsaid, since the emancipation, that, before that day, they were the\\ngreatest slaves on the estate. Slavery is no scholar, no improver\\nit does not love the newspaper, the mail bag, a college, a book or a", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0289.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "286 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\npreacher, who has the absurd whim of* Baying what lie thinks; it\\ndoes not increase the white population it does not improve the\\nsoil everything goes to decay.\\nTHOMAS CORWIN.\\nIn his speech against the Comjiromiso Bill, delivered in\\nthe United States Senate, July 24, 1848, Mr. Corwin, once\\na Kentucky boy, now an Ohio man, said\\nI am the more confirmed in the course which I am determined\\nto pursue, by some historical facts elicited in this very discussion. I\\nremember what was said by the senator from Virginia the other\\nday. It is a truth, that when the Constitution of the United States\\nwas made, South Carolina and Georgia refused to come into the\\nUnion unless the slave trade should be continued for twenty years\\nand the North agreed that they would vote to continue the slave\\ntrade for twenty years yes, voted that this new Republic should\\nengage in piracy and murder at the will of two States So the his-\\ntory reads and the condition of the agreement was, that those two\\nStates should agree to some arrangement about navigation laws I\\ndo not blame South Carolina and Georgia for this transaction any\\nmore than I do those Northern States who shared in it. But sup-\\npose the question were now presented here by any one. whether we\\nshould adopt the foreign slave trade and continue it for twenty years,\\nwould not the whole land turn pale with horror, that in the middle\\nof the nineteenth century, a citizen of a free community, a senator\\nof the United States, should dare to propose the adoption of a sj stem\\nthat has been denominated piracy and murder, and is, by law, pun-\\nished by death all over Christendon? What did they do then? They\\nhad the power to prohibit it but, at the command of these two\\nStates, they allowed that to be introduced into the Constitution, to\\nwhich much of slavery now existing in our land is clearly to be\\ntraced. For who can doubt that, but for that woeful bargain,\\nslavery would by this time have disappeared from all the States then\\nin the Union, with one or two exceptions? The number of slaves", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0290.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 287\\nin the United States at this period was about six hundred thousand\\nit is now three millions. And just as you extend the area of slavery,\\nso you multiply the difficulties which lie in the way of its extermi-\\nnation. It had been infinitely better that day that South Carolina\\nand Georgia had remained out of the Union for a while, rather than\\nthat the Constitution should have been made to sanction the slave\\ntrade for twenty years. The xlissolution of the old Confederation\\nwould have been nothing in comparison with that recognition of\\npiracy and murder. I can conceive of nothing in the dark record of\\nman s enormities, from the death of Abel down to this hour, so hor-\\nrible as that of stealing people from their own home, and making\\nthem and their posterity slaves forever. It is a crime which we\\nknow has been visited with such signal punishment in the history\\nof nations as to warrant the belief that heaven itself had interfered\\nto avenge the wrongs of earth.\\nB. GRATZ BROWN.\\nIn the Missouri legislature, in January, 1857, Mr. Brown,\\nof St. Louis, proved himself a hero, a patriot and a statesman,\\nin the following words:\\nlam a Free-Soiler, and I don t deny it. No word or vote of\\nmine shall ever inure to the benefit of such a monstrous doctrine as\\nthe extension of slavery over the patrimony of the free white labor-\\ners of the country. I am for the greatest good of the greatest num-\\nber, and against the system which monopolizes the free and fertile\\nterritory of our country for a few slaveholders, to the exclusion of\\nthousands upon thousands of the sinewy sons of toil. The time will\\ncome, and perhaps very soon, when the people will ride for their\\nown benefit, and not for that of a class which, numerically speaking,\\nis insignificant. I stand here in the midst of the assembled legisla-\\nture of Missouri to avow myself a Free-Soiler. Let those who are\\nscared at names shrink from the position if they will. I shall take\\nmy stand in favor of the white man. Here, in Missouri, I shall sup-\\nport the rights, the dignity and the welfare of the eight hundred thou-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0291.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "J\\n288 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nsand non-slaveholders in preference to upholding and perpetuating\\nthe dominancy of the thirty thousand slaveholders who inhabit our\\nState.\\nHENRY C. CAREY.\\nIn his statesman-like Letters to the President, which Mr.\\nBuchanan, to whom they are most respectfully addressed,\\nhas not answered, for the reason, we suppose, that it is abso-\\nlutely impossible for him to answer them with any credit to\\nhimself or to his party, Mr. Carey says, assuring us that ten\\nyears ago conservative, patriotic men everywhere, would have\\nregarded as a false prophet the man who had predicted\\nThat, at the close of a single decade, the regular expenditures of\\nthe Federal Government, in a time of peace, would reach seventy mil-\\nlions of dollars being five times more than they had been but thirty\\nyears before.\\nThat the Executive would dictate to members of Congress what\\nshould be their course, and publicly advertise the offices that were\\nto be given, to those whose votes should be in accordance with his\\ndesires.\\nThat the growing mental slavery thus indicated, would be at-\\ntended by corresponding growth in the belief, that one of the chief\\nbulwarks of our institutions was to be found in the physical enslave-\\nment of the laborer. 1\\nThat the extension of the area of human slavery would have be-\\ncome the primary object of the government, and that, with that view,\\nthe great Ordinance of 1787, as carried out in the Missouri Compro-\\nmise, would, be repealed.\\nThat the reopening of the slave trade would be publicly advo-\\ncated, and that the first step toward its accomplishment would lie\\ntaken by a citizen of the United States in rescinding all the prohi-\\nbitions of the Central American Governments.\\nThat the prohibition of slavery in a Central American State would\\nbe considered sufficient reasons for the rejection of a treaty.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0292.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUE CONTEMPORARIES. 289\\nThat the substitution, throughout all the minor employments of\\nsociety, of slave labor for that of the freeman, would be publicly re-\\ncommended by the Executive of a leading State.\\nThat, while always seeking territory in the South, the rights and\\ninterests of the people would be bartered away, for the sole and ex-\\nclusive purpose of preventing annexation in the Forth.\\nThat Lynch-law would have found its way into the Senate cham-\\nber that it would have superseded the provisions of the Constitution\\nthroughout the Southern States that it would have superseded the\\ncivil authority in one of the States of the Union that the right of\\nthe States to prohibit slavery within their limits, would be so se-\\nriously questioned as to warrant the belief that the day was near at\\nhand when it would be totally denied that all the decisions of the\\nSupreme Court for sixty years, favorable to freedom, would by this\\ntime have been reversed that the doctrine of constructive treason\\nwould be adopted in federal courts and that the rights of the citizen\\nwould be thus in equal peril, from the extension of legal authority\\non one hand, and the substitution of the law of force on the other.\\nThat polygamy and slavery would go hand in hand with each\\nother, and that the doctrine of a plurality of wives would be publicly\\nproclaimed by men holding highly important offices under the Fede-\\nral Government.\\nWENDELL PHILLIPS.\\nIn his speech at the City Hall, in Worcester, Mass., Jan.\\n15, 1857, Mr. Phillips, the Demosthenes of New England,\\nwhom certain Pro-Slavery fanatics of the South, in an insane\\neffort to abuse, have highly complimented by describing him\\nas an infernal machine set to music, said\\nSlavery is so momentous an evil, that in its presence all others\\npale away. No thoughtful man can de ni any sacrifice too great to\\nsecure its abolition. The safety of the people is the highest law.\\nIn this battle wo demand a clear field and the use of every honorable\\nweapon. Even the monuments of our fathers are no longer sacred,\\nif the enemy are concealed behind them.\\n13", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0293.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "290 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nThis is my first claim upon every man -who has an Anti-slavery\\npurpose. One of the greatest, if not the greatest question of the age,\\nis that of Free Lahor. I do not know no man can prophecy what\\nsacrifices it -will demand, no human sagacity divine -what shape it\\nwill acquire in the kaleidoscope of the future. Nobody can foresee\\nthe comhinations that will he necessary in order to secure liberty\\nand turn law into justice. The pledge we make to each other, as\\nAbolitionists, is, that to this slave question, embodying as it does the\\nhighest justice and the most perfect liberty, synonymous as it is with\\nright, manhood, justice, with pure religion, a free press, an impartial\\njudiciary and a true civilization, we will sacrifice everything. If any\\nman dissents, he is not, in any just sense, an Abolitionist. If he has\\nnot studied the question enough to know that it binds up in itself\\nall considerations of government, then he is not worthy of being\\ncalled an Abolitionist.\\nAgain, on the 17th of February, 1859, addressing a Com-\\nmittee of the Massachusetts legislature, in support of nume-\\nrous petitions, asking for a law to prevent the recapture of\\nfugitive slaves, he said\\nIt is no answer to my request to say, that you will grant a jury\\ntrial that you will hedge the citizen with such safeguards that none\\nbut a real fugitive can ever be delivered up. That is not the Massa-\\nchusetts we want, and not the Massachusetts we have a right to\\nclaim. If the South has violated the Constitution repeatedly, pal-\\npably, avowedly, defiantly, atrociously, for her own purposes to get\\npower in the government, to perpetuate her system, to control the\\nnation we claim of you that you should exercise the privilege which\\nthat violation has given you. We claim of you that you should give\\nus a Massachusetts worthy of its ancient name. Give us a State that\\nis not disgraced by the trial, in the nineteenth century, in the midst\\nof so-called Christian churches, of the issue, Is this man a chattel?\\nWe will not rest until it is decided as the law of Massachusetts, that\\na human being, immortal, created by the hand of God, shall not be\\nput upon trial in the Commonwealth, and required to prove that he\\nis not property. It shall not be competent for the courts of Massa-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0294.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUK CONTEMPORARIES. 291\\nchusetts to insult the civilization of the nineteenth century by asking\\nthat question, or making it the subject of evidence and proof.\\nTHEODORE PARKER.\\nIn Lis discourse at the Music Hall, in Boston, on Monday,\\nFebruary 12, 1S54, Mr. Parker, who, bountifully supplied\\nwith brain, was born thinking, and whose abhorrence of\\nslavery of the body is more than equalled by his abhorrence\\nof slavery of the mind, said\\nSlavery hinders the education and the industry of the people it\\nis fatal to their piety. Think of a religious kidnapper a Christian\\nslave-breeder a slave trader loving his neighbor as himself, receiv-\\ning the sacraments in some Protestant Church from the hand of a\\nChristian apostle, then the next day selling babies by the dozen, and\\ntearing young women from the arms of their husbands, to feed the\\nlust of lecherous New Orleans! Imagine a religious man selling his\\nown children into eternal bondage Think of a Christian defending\\nshivery out of the Bible and declaring there is no higher law, but\\nAtheism is the first principle of Republican government\\nAs soon as the North awakes to its ideas, and uses its vast strength\\nof money, its vast strength of numbers, and its still more gigantiQ\\nstrength of educated intellect, we shall tread this monster underneath\\nour feet. See how Spain has fallen how poor and miserable is\\nSpanish America. She stands there a perpetual warning to us. One\\nday the North will rise in her majesty, and put Slavery under our\\nfeet, and then we shall extend the area of Freedom. The blessing of\\nAlmighty God will come down upon the noblest people the world\\never saw who have triumphed over Theocracy, Monarchy, Aris-\\ntocracy, Despotocracy, and have got a Democracy a government\\nof all, for all, and by all a church without a bishop, a state without\\na king, a community without a lord, and a family without a slave.\\nWILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.\\nIn a recently published volume of his writings and speeches,", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0295.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "292 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nMr. Garrison, under whose most able counsel and convincing\\narguments organized opposition to slavery first became an\\nimportant, and is destined soon to become a controlling,\\npower in the government, says\\nIt is the strength and glory of the Anti-Slavery cause, that its\\nprinciples are so simple and elementary, and yet so vital to freedom,\\nmorality and religion, as to commend themselves to the understand-\\nings and consciences of men of every sect and party, every creed and\\npersuasion, every caste and color. They are self-evident truths\\nfixed stars in the moral firmament hlazingsuns in the great universe\\nof mind, dispensing light and heat over the whole surface of human-\\nity, and around which all social and moral affinities revolve in har-\\nmony. They are to he denied, only as the existence of a God, or the\\nimmortality of the soul, is denied. Unlike human theories, they can\\nnever lead astray unlike human devices, they can never he made\\nsubservient to ambition or selfishness I will say,\\nfinally, that I tremble for the Republic while slavery exists therein.\\nIf I look up to God for success, no smile of mercy or forgiveness\\ndispels the gloom of futurity; if to our resources, they are daily\\ndiminishing; if to all history, our destruction is not only possible,\\nbut almost curtain. Why should we slumber at this momentous\\ncrisis? If our hearts were dead to every throb of humanity; if it\\nwere lawful to oppress, where power is ample; still, if we had any\\nregard for our safety and happiness, we should strive to crush the\\nvampire which is feeding upon our life blood. All the selfishness of\\nour nature cries aloud for a better security. Our own vices are too\\nstrong for us, and keep us in perpetual alarm; how, in addition to\\nthese, shall we be able to contend successfully with millions of armed\\nand desperate men, as we must eventually, if slavery do not cease?\\nHENRY WARD BEECHER.\\nIn his address before the American Tract Society of Bos-\\nton, in theChurch of the Puritans, New York, May 12, 1859,\\nMr. Beecher said", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0296.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 293\\nFor more than thirty years the diapason of this country has not\\nbeen the swell of the ocean. It has not been the sighing of the wind\\nthrough our -Western forests; the deep thunder-toned diapason that\\nhas rolled through this land, has been the sighing of the slave.\\nThroughout all this time the Church has heard the voice, and\\nscarcely knew what it was. But God has been rolling upon her\\nmore and more. In my day a conflict has taken place. I remember\\nthe days of mobs. I remember when Birney s press was broken in\\npieces at Cincinnati and dragged into the Ohio River. I remember\\nwhen Theodore Weld was driven by unvitalized eggs from place to\\nplace in the West. I remember the day when storehouses were\\nsacked and houses pillaged in New York. I remember the day when\\na venerable man escaped from being murdered for a good cause, and\\nbecause he escaped has never been engaged in it since. I remember\\nwhen it was as much as a man s name was worth to be called an\\nAbolitionist. I have within twenty years seen those parties which\\nwere the most tyrannic ground out of existence, and those churches\\nwhich refused to discuss this question have been overrun by it and\\ntaken complete possession of. Synods, which have acted as dykes,\\nhave been overwhelmed and submerged. General Assemblies have\\nbeen carried away captive by this good cause, and the public senti-\\nment of the whole continent has been changed in this mighty work.\\nGEORGE E. CIIEEVER.\\nIn an address delivered in the Church of the Puritans, on\\nThursday, May 13, 1858, Dr. Cheever, speaking of the sin of\\nslavery, said\\nWe practise the iniquity upon children, innocent children, the\\nnatives of our own land, unbought, unsold, unpaid for, without con-\\nsultation or consent of father or mother, or the shadow of a permis-\\nsion from the Almighty and they, the new-born babes of this sys-\\ntem, are the compound interest year by year added to the sin and its\\ncapital, which thus doubles upon us in the next generation, and\\nmust treble in another. We make use of the most sacred domestic", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0297.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "294: TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\naffections, of maternal, filial, and I was going to say, connubial love\\nbut the system forbids, and I have to say contubernal for such\\nrapid and accumulating production of the inquity, as shall be in\\nsome measure adequate to the demand. The whole family relation,\\nthe whole domestic state, is prostituted, poisoned, turned into a\\nmisery-making machine for the agent of all evil. What God meant\\nshould be the source and inspiration of happiness, becomes the foun-\\ntain of sin and woe. The sacred names of husband, wife, father,\\nmother, son, babe, become the exponents of various forces and values\\nin the slave-breeding institute. And the whole perfection, com-\\npleteness and concentration of this creative power in this manufac-\\nturing interest descends like a trip-hammer on the children, beating\\nthem from birth into marketable articles, and stamping and sealing\\nthem as chattels, foredoomed and fatalized to run till they wear out,\\nas living spindles, wheels, activities of labor and productiveness, in\\nthe same horrible system.\\nAnd each generation of immortal marketable stuff is as exactly\\nfashioned in these grooves, molds, channels, wefted, netted, and\\ndrawn through, to come out the invariable product, as the yards of\\ncarpeting are cut from the loom to be trodden on, or as the coins\\ndrop from the die for the circulation of society. This is the peculi-\\narity of the sin of slavery in the foremost Christian country on the\\nface of the earth. In this branch of native industry and manufacture\\nwe are self-reliant. Disavowing a protective policy in almost every-\\nthing else, we are proudly patriotic for the security, superiority and\\nabundance of this most sacred native product of domestic manufac-\\nture, and for neither the raw material nor the bleaching of it will\\ndepend on any other country in the world.\\nJOSEPH P. THOMPSON.\\nTrying the Fugitive Slave Law by the Old and New\\nTestaments, Dr. Thompson, pastor of the Broadway Taber-\\nnacle, says\\nWhatever may be thought of the lawfulness or the expediency of\\nintroducing the general subject of slavery into the pulpit, there can-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0298.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 295\\nbe no question that the treatment due to fugitives from slavery is a\\nlegitimate topic for discussion there. That is a subject of which the\\nBible treats, and in making it a subject of discourse I am not preach-\\ning politics but am preaching the Gospel applying the principles of\\nthe Bible to an important public interest. The subject legitimately\\nbelongs to the pulpit, and politicians should be careful how they tam-\\nper with it, lest they betray an ignorance of the principles of Biblical\\ninterpretation and of the spirit of Christianity, as gross as that igno-\\nrance of political affairs which they are prone to charge upon minis-\\nters of the Gospel. The treatment of fugitive slaves has indeed been\\nmade a political question but it was a Biblical question and a ques-\\ntion of morality long before it was dragged into the arena of politics,\\nand it was legislated upon by the King of heaven and earth ages\\nbefore the Congress of the United States had an existence.\\nThe laws of Moses were given in the wilderness, to a people just\\nescaped from bondage, and who, therefore, had no slaves they were\\ngiven in anticipation of the introduction of slavery among that peo-\\nple when they should come to be settled as conquerors in Canaan\\nthey were given to restrain the lust of conquest and oppression, and\\nto hedge in as much as possible the natural tendency of the emanci-\\npated to retaliate upon others the cruelties of their own bondage to\\nprevent the Israelites from becoming to each other and to the Canaan-\\nites what the Egyptians had been to the Israelites they were given in\\norder, by a qualified and onerous permission, to secure the overthrow\\nof a system which, as the times and the people were, could not have\\nbeen shut out by an absolute prohibition. And as the crowning act\\nof legislation for the ultimate overthrow of an evil tolerated from\\nnecessity, it was decreed that no fugitive from slavery should ever be\\ndelivered up to his master. The slave was at liberty to escape from\\nhis master whenever he desired to better his condition, and in what-\\never part of Israel he should choose an asylum, there was he to be\\nallowed to remain without molestation.\\nE. H. CHAPIN.\\nFrom two of Mr. Chapin s published works, one entitled", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0299.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "296 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nTrue Manliness, the other City Life, we make the fol-\\nlowing extracts\\nI pass into the anti-slavery meeting. Here, I discover, is agitated\\na great truth the natural equality of all men the right of the\\npoorest and the lowest to he free, to breathe God s air upon what\\nliill-top lie will, to follow his sunshine around the earth if he list\\nthe wrong of holding him in bondage, of putting him by force to do\\nanother s work Intemperance, slavery, war, what are\\nthese but the flowering plants of interior sin Activity\\nand intelligence indicate a condition of material and individual free-\\ndom. A community which really thrives in all the departments of\\nindustry, must be, essentially, a free community. Despotism pre-\\nvails more where men do not feel that they have much at stake in\\nthe country, and where their faculties have not been aroused. But\\nthe toil of enterprise and the sense of possession, develop a conscious-\\nness of personality which resists encroachment and chafes under\\noppression.\\nHENRY W. BELLOWS.\\nWriting to his friend, the Rev. Thos. W. Higginson, under\\ndate of Jan. 6, 1857, Dr. Bellows says\\nThe last election has shown that the North is waking up in con-\\nscience, courage, and sensibility to her duty, not to herself alone but\\nto the Nation, the Union, and Humanity. The astonishing effect of\\nthe free press in arousing the people, indicates what will be the tri-\\numph of another election. The South sees for the first time that the\\nNorth is in earnest, feels its power, and is determined to exercise it.\\nAnd this is having an admirable effect upon the discussion of the\\nsubject. What I desire now and always to maintain is this: That\\nour conscientious opposition to the extension of shivery is not to bo\\nabated or colored by fears for the Union; and that, so far as it de-\\npi mis on the North, we are to stop its extension, let the consequences\\nto the Union to the North, or the South be what they will. This\\nground I believe to be the safe ground the Christian, humane,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0300.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 297\\npatriotic, constitutional, unsectional, Union-saving ground. I take\\nit as a lover of the North and a lover of the South as a believer in\\nthe future of the United States. I take it as a hater of slavery, an\\nundying foe to its extension, and a laborer for its overthrow and\\nextinction in the speediest manner and time consistent with our\\nwhole duty as American citizens.\\nLEWIS TAPPAN.\\nIn his thirteenth annual Report to the American and\\nForeign Anti-Slavery Society, Mr. Tappan says\\nNature cries aloud against the inhumanities of slavery Free\\nDemocracy abjures the hateful system and Free Christianity recoils\\nfrom its leprous touch. That it should exist, extend and nourish in\\na nation planted by the excellent of the earth, and in opposition to\\nthe principles of Eepublicanism and Christianity, excites the marvel\\nand arouses the grief and indignation of good men throughout the\\nworld American slavery is at war with the Declaration\\nof Independence, the Constitution of the United Stales, natural jus-\\ntice, and Christianity. Agitation on the subject will not, therefore,\\ncease while free discussion is allowed, and while a free press exists,\\nwhile Protestantism and Free Democracy are prized, while love to\\nGod and man prevail, until the curse is removed from the Church and\\nGovernment of this country, and all its citizens are equal before the\\nlaw It is obvious to every intelligent and candid looker-\\non, that the anti-slavery cause, in spite of the sneers of opponents,\\nthe denunciations of men in power, and the designs of the crafty, is\\nsteadily pursuing its march to a glorious consummation.\\nJOSHUA LEAVITT.\\nIn the course of an elaborate article on national politics,\\nDr. Leavitt, one of the able editors of the Independent, a\\nNew York weekly religious newspaper, says\\nThe ascendency of the slave power in the councils of the nation,\\n13*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0301.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "298 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nobtained through the ill-advised concessions of the federal Constitu-\\ntion, and strengthened by a long series of usurpations on the one\\nhand and of surrenders on the other, is unjust, dangerous to the Union,\\nand incompatible with the preservation of free government; and is\\nthe principal cause of the political and financial evils under which\\nwe groan and thus the only hope of relief is in a united determina-\\ntion of the friends of freedom, to employ all wise and lawful means\\nfor the extinction of slavery itself.\\nWILLIAM GOODELL.\\nIn his careful and comprehensive View of the Slavery\\nQuestion, Mr. Goodell says\\nThe inherent criminality of slavery and of slaveholding, their utter\\nrepugnance to natural justice, to Christianity, to the law of nature,\\nto the law of God, to the principles of Democracy, to the liberties of\\nthe country no longer present questions for serious discussion among\\nthe great body of intelligent citizens in the non-slaveholding States.\\nHere and there a superannuated ecclesiastic (who has, perhaps, a son\\nat the South, or in a college seeking Southern patronage), may thumb\\nover his Polyglot, and pretend to find a justification of slavery. But\\nnobody believes him. LTis disclaimers and self-contradictions prove\\nthat he does not, even in his dotage, believe it himself.\\nUnder the good providence of God, the dissensions among Abolition-\\nists, however humiliating to them, and however mischievous in some\\nrespects, have been over-ruled in other respects for good. Aboli-\\ntionism, before the division, was a powerful elixir, in the vial of one\\nanti-slavery organization, corked up tight, and carried about for\\nexhibition. By the division, the vial was broken, and the contents\\nspilled over the whole surface of society, where it has been working\\nas a leaven ever since, till the mass is beginning to upheave.\\nSAMUEL J. MAY.\\nIn his speech at Syracuse, New York, Oct. 14, 1851, Mr.\\nMay said", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0302.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 299\\nTo urge that our Eepublic cannot be maintained, but upon prin-\\nciples diametrically opposite to those upon which it was so solemnly\\nbased, is as much as to proclaim to the world that our Declaration\\nof Independence is found to be untrue and thus rejoice the hearts\\nof tyrants throughout the world, and cast down forever the hopes of\\nthe oppressed everywhere Never have the principles on\\nwhich the civil institutions of our country were founded been put to\\nso severe a test as at this day. The encroachments of a despotic\\npower of a slaveholding oligarchy upon that liberty which our\\nfathers thought they had bequeathed us, have been made to such an\\nextent, that the champions of that oligarchy have, on the floor of our\\nnational Congress, pronounced the glorious declaration of 76, that\\nall men have an inalienable right to liberty a mere rhetorical flou-\\nrish and have dared to intimate that the poor and laboring people\\nof the Northern States, ought not to be allowed to exercise the pre-\\nrogatives of freemen, any more than the Southern slaves. And by\\nthe machinery of party ism, the leaders of the Northern wings of the\\ntwo political hosts, have been brought to acquiesce in the supremacy\\nof the slaveholding power in our country, and to ui\u00c2\u00bb:te in requiring\\nof ns all, implicit obedience to its demands, though they violate,\\nutterly, our highest sense of right, and outrage every feeling of hu-\\nmanity.\\nWILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT.\\nIn his paper of Oct. 21th, 1858, Mr. Bryant, the venerable\\nbard and unbending patriot, who has so long and so ably-\\npresided over the editorial columns of the New York Even-\\ning Post, says\\nBy instigations to violence and threats of mob-law, the free\\nexpression of opinion in regard to slavery is put down in the Southern\\nStates. Freedom of speech iu a community seems to depend on\\nthe recognition of personal freedom in all classes. Wherever slavery\\nis introduced, a despotic oligarchy is created, which allows of no\\nmore liberty of speech than is permitted in Austria\\nThe slaveholding aristocracy is the most cowardly of all aristocracies.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0303.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "300 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nIt lives in constant fear of overthrow it knows that it has a bad\\nname that the opinion of the world is against it, and as those are\\napt to do who are conscious of standing in general discredit, it puts\\non a bold face and plays the bully where it has the opportunity, and\\nthe ruffian where it has the power.\\nHORACE GREELEY.\\nFor the purpose of showing that Mr. Greeley is not, as he\\nis generally represented by the oligarchy, an inveterate hater\\nof the South, we introduce the following extracts from one\\nof his editorial articles in a late number of the New York\\nTribune a most faithfid and efficient advocate of Free\\nLabor, the circulation of which we are happy to be able to\\nstate, is greater than the aggregate circulation of a score or\\nmore of the principal pro-slavery sheets published south of\\nthe Potomac.\\nIs it in vain that we pile fact upon fact, proof on proof, showing\\nthat slavery is a blight and a curse to the States which cherish it\\nThese facts are multitudinous as the leaves of the forest conclusive\\nas the demonstrations of geometry. Nobody attempts to refute\\nthem, but the champions of slavery extension seem determined to\\npersist in ignoring them. Let it be understood, then, once for all,\\nthat we do not hate the South, war on the South, nor seek to ruin\\nthe South, in resisting the extension of slavery. We most earnestly\\nbelieve human bondage a curse to the South, and to all whom it\\naffects; but we do not labor for its overthrow otherwise than\\nthrough the conviction of the South of its injustice and mischief.\\nIts extension into new territories we determinedly resist, not by any\\nmeans from ill will to the South, but under the impulse of good will\\nto all mankind.\\nWhenever we draw a parallel between Northern and Southern\\nproduction, industry, thrift, wealth, the few who seek to parry the\\nfacts at all complain that the instances are unfairly selected that\\nthe commercial ascendency of the North, with the profits and facili-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0304.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 301\\nties thence accruing, accounts for the striking preponderance of the\\nNorth. In vain we insist that slavery is the cause of this very com-\\nmercial ascendency that Norfolk and Eichmond and Charleston\\nmight have been to this country what Boston, New York and Phila-\\ndelphia now are, had not slavery spread its pall over and paralyzed\\nthe energies of the South.\\nHENRY J. RAYMOND.\\nIn his paper of Sept. 3, 1856, Mr. Raymond, the enterpris-\\ning and accomplished editor of the New York Daily Times\\nsays\\nHere at the North everything is so free men think and speak,\\nand write and print, and teach so freely what they believe to be\\ntrue, that it is hard to realize the actual tyranny which slavery has\\nestablished over our Southern brethren. How thoroughly it rules\\nall political action, we know from incidents of daily occurrence.\\nBut without careful study we cannot credit the absolutism of its\\nsway over literature, the education, the social life, the religion even,\\nof the Southern States. No man there dares to write, or print, or\\nspeak a word in reprobation of slavery. The editor in his chair, the\\nwriter at his desk, the clergyman in his pulpit, receive their orders\\nfrom slavery, and must do its bidding. Whatever logic and reason\\nmay say, whatever lessons history may teach, whatever the princi-\\nples of Christian brotherhood may requfre, all must be subordinate\\nand secondary to the higher law of slavery.\\nTHUBLOW WEED.\\nIn his paper of Dec. 8, 1858, Mr. Weed, who, with rare\\nability and success, has long conducted the Albany Even-\\ning Journal, says\\nIt has always been the practice of doughface politicians to argue\\nas if the prosperitv of the North depended upon the degradation of", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0305.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "302 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nthe South, and to urge ns to connive at the spread of slavery in\\norder to drive a profitable trade with it. These arguments are as\\nonphilosophical as they are unmanly. The States are so linked by\\ncommerce that whatever benefits one, benefits all, and whatever\\nclogs the energies of one is a drag upon the i rosperity of the united\\nwhole. The trade between the North and South is brisk, but it\\nwould be threefold as great, had no slave ever been imported from\\nthe Guinea Coast, and if each section now had the products of its\\nown intelligent labor to exchange for those of the other. Let the\\nNew England or New York merchant or mechanic, who has been\\ndeceived by this doughface plea, ask himself whether his branch of\\nbusiness is the better or the worse for having in the Union such\\nyoung, vigorous and Free States as Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois,\\nIowa, Wisconsin and Minnesota, and whether it would be worse or\\nbetter for him, if they had come in slaveholding communities like\\nArkansas, Texas and Florida\\nJ. WATSON WEBB.\\nIn his paper of Oct. 1, 1850, Gen. Webb, the veteran\\neditor of the New York Courier and Enquirer, says\\nIt is idle, it is worse than idle, for Southern men or for ourselves,\\nto blind the eyes to the fact that it is the sense of the civilized world\\nthat African slavery is a dishonor and a reproach to the American\\nRepublic. The fact that the principal nations of Europe have abol-\\nished it at a sacrifice, and set it down in the catalogue of crimes, is,\\nin itself, irrefragable proof of the fact. And this sense weighs most\\nheavily upon those Europeans who have the most adequate appreci-\\nation of the grandeur of our Republic, and the glorious principles\\nupon which it is framed. The venerable Humboldt speaks as the\\nrepresentative of all that is most liberal and enlightened in the mind\\nof Europe, when he says\\nBut there is one thing, sir, which grieves me more than I can describe, and\\nthat is the policy you have lately adopted in regard to slavery. I am not so\\nile as to expect that yon should instantly emancipate your slaves. I", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0306.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 303\\nknow well the formidable difficulties that you have to contend with in solving\\nthe problem of slavery. But what occasions deep sorrow and pain, believe\\nme, to all lovers of your great country, is to find that, instead of adopting any\\nmeans, however slow and gradual, to relieve yourselves of it, you are con-\\nstantly trying to extend and consolidate a system which is not only opposed to\\nall the principles of morality, but, as it appears to me, is pregnant with appall-\\niug and inevitable dangers to the future of the Republic itself. Tell your\\ncountrymen this from me.\\nEvery man in the civilized world, who has a life to live in this\\nnineteenth century, has an interest in this struggle. Whether they\\nare on the immediate field or not, they all must, more or less, par-\\nticipate in its fortunes. Human hearts have their affinities and\\nmutual influences, which distance cannot dissipate, or difference in\\noutward circumstances neutralize. Ideas, too, in these times, are\\nwinged and whether good or evil, they find, fly where they may,\\nprinciples and aims german to, if not identical with, those they serve\\nin the land of their origin, or at least the conditions out of which\\nsuch principles and aims may spring. They are as sure everywhere\\nof the same human nature as of the same ambient atmosphere.\\nGAMALIEL BAILEY.\\nAs editor and proprietor of the National Era, the late\\nDr. Bailey, of Washington City, whose very able and con-\\nsistent management of the paper won for him the high regard\\nof every true lover of liberty, said\\nThe tendency of slavery to diffuse itself, and to crowd out free\\nlabor, was early observed by American patriots, North and South\\nand Mr. Jefferson, the- great apostle of Eepublicanism, made an\\neffort in 1784 to cut short the encroaching tide of barbaric despotism,\\nby prohibiting slavery in all the Territories of the Union, down to\\nthirty-one degrees of latitude, which was then our Southern boun-\\ndary. His beneficent purpose failed, not for want of a decisive ma-\\njority of votes present in the Congress of the Confederation, but in\\nconsequence of the absence of the delegates from one or two States,\\nwhich were necessary to the constitutional majority. When the", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0307.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "304 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nsubject again caine up, in 1787, Mr. Jefferson was minister to France,\\nand the famous ordinance of that year was adopted, prohibiting\\nslavery North and West of the Ohio Eiver. Between 1784 and\\n1787, the strides of slavery westward into Tennessee and Kentucky,\\nhad become too considerable to admit of the policy of exclusion\\nand besides those regions were then integral parts of Virginia and\\nISTorth Carolina, and of course they could not be touched without the\\nconsent of those States. In 1820, another effort was made to arrest\\nthe progress of slavery, which threatened to monopolize the whole\\nterritory west of the Mississippi. In the meantime the South had\\napostatized from the faith of Jefferson. It had ceased to love univer-\\nsal liberty, and the growing importance of the cotton culture had\\ncaused the people to look with indifference upon the moral deformity\\nof slavery; and, as a matter of course, the politicians became its\\napologists and defenders. After a severe struggle a compromise was\\nagreed upon, by which Missouri was to be admitted with slavery,\\nwhich was the immediate point in controversy and slavery was to\\nbe excluded from all the territory north and west of that State.\\nWe have shown, from the most incontestable evidence, tbat\\nthere is in slave society a much greater tendency to diffuse itself\\ninto new regions, than belongs to freedom, for the reason that it has\\nno internal vitality. It cannot live if circumscribed, and must, like\\na consumptive, be continually roving for a change of air to recupe-\\nrate its wasting energies.\\nLYDIA MARIA CHILD.\\nAs long ago as 1836, Mrs. Child, always an able and\\nearnest pleader for truth and justice (certainly not less so\\nnow than then, as is fully evinced in heT recent correspond-\\nence with Gov. Wise and Mrs. Mason, of Virginia), said:\\nThe beginning of slavery is the triumph of power over weak-\\nness; its continuance is the tyranny of knowledge over ignorance.\\nIn a community where all the labor is done by one class,\\nthere must, of course, be another class who live in indolence and\\nwe all know how much people who have nothing to do are tempted", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0308.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OTJR CON TEMTOR TIES. 305\\nby what the world calls pleasures the result is, that all slaveholding\\nStates and Colonies are proverbial for dissipation. Hence, too, the\\ncontempt for industry which prevails in such a state of society.\\nWhere none work but slaves, usefulness becomes degradation.\\nThose who take from laborers the natural and healthy stimulus of\\nAvagcs, and try to supply its place by the coercive power of a driver\\nand whip, pursue a course as irrational and impolitic as a man would\\nwho took the main-spring from his watch, and hired a boy to turn\\nthe hands round. The difficulty of subduing slavery, on\\naccount of the great number of interests which become united in it,\\nand the prodigious strength of the selfish passions enlisted in its\\nsupport, is by no means its least alarming feature. This Hydra has\\nten thousand heads, every one of which will bite or growl, when the\\nbroad daylight of truth lays open the secrets of its hideous den.\\nHARRIET BEECHER STOWE.\\nIn her Key to Uncle Tom s Cabin, Mrs. Stowe, whose\\nname is everywhere wreathed and immortalized on the scrolls\\nof liberty, says\\nSlavery is a simple retrogression of society to the worst abuses\\nof the middle ages. We must not, therefore, be surprised to find the\\nopinions and practices of the middle ages, as to civil and religious\\ntoleration, prevailing It is no child s play to attack an\\ninstitution which has absorbed into itself so much of the political\\npower and wealth of this nation. The very heart shrinks to think\\nwhat the faithful Christian must endure who assails this institution\\non its own ground but it must be done. How was it at the North\\nThere was a universal effort to put down the discussion of it here by\\nmob-law. Printing-presses were broken, houses torn down, property\\ndestroyed. Bra-ve men, however, stood firm martyr blood was\\nshed for the right of free opinion in speech and so the right of dis-\\ncussion was established. Nobody tries that sort of argument now\\nits day is past. In Kentucky, also, they tried to stop the discussion\\nby similar means. Mob violence destroyed a printing press, and\\nthreatened the lives of individuals. But there were brave men", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0309.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "306 TESTIMONY OF ODE CONTEMPORARIES.\\nthere, who feared not violence or threats of death and emancipation\\nis now open for discussion in Kentucky. The fact is the South must\\ndiscuss the matter of slavery. She cannot shut it out, unless she\\nlays an embargo on the literature of the whole civilized world; if it\\nbe, indeed, divine and God-appointed, why does she so tremble to\\nhave it touched If it bo of God, all the free inquiry in the world\\ncannot overthrow it. Discussion must and will come. It only\\nrequires courageous men to lead the way.\\nMATTIE GRIFFITH.\\nIn her very able and interesting Autobiography of a\\nFemale Slave, a work of fiction, which is fuller of fact than\\nany book of the kind that we have ever read a work which,\\nfor v^vid, accurate delineation of indoor life in the South, and\\nfor terse, graphic portrayal of slaveholding manners and\\nmorals, has no equal Miss Griffith, one of Kentucky s truest\\nand noblest daughters, who, by the emancipation of her own\\nslaves, has set a lofty example of pure patriotism and bene-\\nvolence, says, writing pointedly to the people of her native\\nState\\nBy the oppression to which we were subjected under the yoke\\nof Britain, and against which we wrestled so long, so patiently, so\\nvigorously, in so many ways, and at last so triumphantly, I adjure\\nyou to put an end at once, and forever, to the disreputable and des-\\npotic business of holding slaves. African slavery, as practised in\\nAmerica, is oppression indeed, in comparison with which, that which\\ndrew forth our angry and bitter complaints against England was very\\nfreedom. Let us, instead of perpetuating the infamous system of\\nslavery, be true to ourselves let us vindicate the pretensions we set\\nup when we characterize ours as the land of liberty, the asylum of\\nthe oppressed, by proclaiming to the nations of the earth that, so\\nsoon as a slave touches the soil of the United States, his manacles\\nshall fall from him: let us verity the words engraven in enduring\\nbrass on the old bell which, from the tower of Independence Hall,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0310.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 307\\nrang out our glorious Declaration, and indeed and in truth proclaim\\nLiberty to the captive, and the opening of the prison doors to them\\nthat are bound. As you value truth, honor, justice, consistency\\naye, humanity even, wipe out the black blot which defiles the border\\nof our escutcheon, and the country will then be in reality what it is\\nnow only in name, a free country, loving liberty disinterestedly for\\nits own sake, and for that of all peoples, and nations, and tribes, and\\ntongues.\\nMARGARET DOUGLASS.\\nIn a highly interesting narrative of her sufferings, Mrs.\\nDouglas, a native of Washington city, who was imprisoned\\nin Norfolk, Virginia, in 1854, for teaching negro children to\\nread and write, contrary to the statutes in such cases made\\nand provided, and against the peace and dignity of the Com-\\nmonwealth, says\\nI now approach a subject vitally connected with the interests of\\nthe South and the welfare of humanity. In doing so, I have no ran-\\ncor or malice to serve, but boldly speak my miud, and tell my\\nSouthern sisters a truth which, however they may have learned it\\nby sad experience, has probably never been thus presented to them\\nbefore. It is the one great evil hanging over the Soiithern Slave\\nStates, destroying domestic happiness and the peace of thousands. It\\nis summed up in the single word Amalgamation. This, and this\\nonly, causes the vast extent of ignorance, degradation, and crime,\\nthat lies like a black cloud over the whole South. And the practice\\nis more general than even Southerners are willing to allow. While\\neven the Northern libertine usually revolts from the intimate society\\nof those in whose veins courses a drop of black blood, the Southern\\ngentleman takes them to his very bosom and revels in their fancied\\ncharms, until satiety disgusts him, when he deliberately sells them\\ninto lower degradation, as he would a disabled horse.\\nIt is impossible to deny that this unnatural custom prevails to a\\nfearful extent throughout the South. The testimony is of too posi-\\ntive and personal a character to be overcome. Neither is it to bo", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0311.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "308 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nfound only in the lower order of the white population. It pervades\\nthe entire society. Its followers are to be found aiming all ranks,\\noccupations, and professions. The white mothers and daughters of\\nthe South have suffered under it for years have seen their dearest\\naffections trampled upon their hopes of domestic happiness destroy ed\\nand their future lives embittered, even to agony, by those who\\nshould be all in all to them as husbands, sons, and brothers. I can-\\nnot use too strong language in reference to this subject, for I know it\\nwill meet with a heartfelt response from every Southern woman. I\\nwould deal delicately with them if I could, but they know the fact,\\nand their hearts bleed under its knowledge, however they may have\\nattempted to conceal their discoveries. Southern wives know that\\ntheir husbands come to them reeking with pollution from the arms\\nof their tawny mistresses. Father and son seek the same sources of\\nexcitement, and alike gratify their inhuman propensities, scarcely\\nblushing when detected, and recklessly defying every command of\\nGod and every tie of morality and human affection. They have not\\neven the paltry excuse that ordinary libertines sometimes make, that\\ntheir love is real though illicit the whole practice is plainly, une-\\nquivocally, shamelessly beastly. Is there any wonder, then, that\\npeople addicted to these habits are rapidly returning to a state of\\nsemi-barbarism\\nIs it to be supposed that the ordinary teachings of nature do not\\ntell the sable sons and daughters of the South that this custom is\\ninhuman and ungodly Is not chastity a natural instinct, even\\namong the most savage nations of the earth Will not the natural\\nimpulses rebel against what becomes with them a matter of force\\nThe female slave, however fair she may have become, by the various\\ncomminglings of her progenitors, or whatever her mental and moral\\nacquirements, knows that she is a slave, and as such, powerless be-\\nneath the whims or fancies of her master. If he casts upon her a\\ndesiring eye, she knows that she must submit, There is no way of\\nescape, and her only thought is, that the more gracefully she yields\\nthe stronger and longer hold she may, perchance, retain upon the\\nbrutal appetite of her master. Still she feels her degradation, and\\nso do others with whom she is connected. She has parents, brothers\\naud sisters, a lover perhaps, all of whom suffer through and with her,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0312.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 309\\nand in whose hearts spring up i oots of bitterness which are destined\\nto grow into trees whose branches will sooner or later overshadow\\nthe whole land.\\nSARAH M. GRIMKE.\\nIn her Reasons for Action at the North, Miss Grinike,\\nan estimable, right-minded lady, from South Carolina, says\\nLet Northerners respectfully ask for an alteration in that part of\\nthe Constitution by which they are bound to assist the South in quell-\\ning servile insurrections. Let them see to it that they send no man\\nto Congress who would give his vote to the admission of another\\nSlave State into the national Union. Let them protest against the\\ninjustice and cruelty of delivering the fugitive slave back to his mas-\\nter as being a direct infringement of the Divine command. Let them\\npetition their different legislatures to grant a jury trial to the friend-\\nless, helpless runaway, and for the repeal of those laws which secure\\nto the slaveholder his unjust claim to his slave, after he has volun-\\ntarily brought him within the verge of their jurisdiction, and for the\\nenactment of such laws as will protect the colored man, woman, and\\nchild from the fangs of tbe kidnapper, who is constantly skulking\\nabout in the Northern States, seeking whom he may devour. Let\\nthe Northern churches refuse to receive slaveholders at their com-\\nmunion tables, or to permit slaveholding ministers to officiate in\\ntheir pulpits.\\nANGELINA E. WELD.\\nIn her eloquent Appeal to the Women of the Nominally\\nFree States, Mrs. Weld, of New Jersey, formerly Miss\\nGrimke, of South Carolina, says:\\nIt is not the character alone of the mistress that is deeply injured\\nby the possession and exercise of despotic power, nor is it the degra-\\ndation and suffering to which the slave is continually subject; but\\nanother important consideration is, that in consequence of the dread-\\nful state of morals at the South, the wife and the daughter sometimes", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0313.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "310 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMrOEAEIICS.\\nfind their homes a scene of the most mortifying, heart-rending prefe-\\nrence of the degraded domestic, or the colored daughter of the head\\nof the family. There are, alas, too many families, of which the con-\\ntentions of Abraham s household is a fair example. But we forbear\\nto lift the veil of private life any higher let these few hints suffice\\nto give you some idea of what is daily passing lehind that curtain\\nwhich has been so carefully drawn before the scenes of domestic life\\nin slaveholding America.\\nLUCEETIA MOTT.\\nMrs. Mott, who, for more than a quarter of a century, has,\\nwith admirable clearness and emphasis, borne unwavering\\ntestimony against Slavery, says\\nWhile we aid, to the extent of our power, the fugitive from in-\\njustice and oppression, let us not yield to solicitations for money to\\npurchase his freedom from his claimants thus acknowledging a right\\nof property in man, and giving an indirect support to slavery. Rather\\nlet our main and most vigorous exertions be directed to the over-\\nthrow of the outrageous system of American Slavery. Im-\\nmediate emancipation is therefore to be advocated, because of the\\nslave s right to himself, and the duty of the master no less to yield\\nto him that right. All attempts at gradualism have failed and all\\nexperience proved the safety of doing right now, at onceP\\nMARIA WESTON CHAPMAN.\\nMrs. Chapman, whose earnest, efficient labors in the cause\\nof Freedom will ever be gratefully remembered, says\\nNever were our prospects so encouraging as now. Even those\\nwho hate the cause are made its servants. How could we, few in\\nnumbers and feeble in resources, make ourselves heard through the\\nland, in vindication of our principles? Providence has provided for\\nthis contingency, in supplying us with opposers, to whom right seen is\\nso great an absurdity, and truth so really ridiculous, that they assume", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0314.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUE CONTEMPORARIES. 311\\nthe trouble and expense of this promulgation, under the idea that\\nprinciple can be overwhelmed by odium. Happily there is in every\\nhuman heart that which responds to right and truth and what was\\nrelied on for our defeat bids fair to secure our success\\nOur efforts must be strenuous and open for the promulgation of the\\nprinciples of freedom, on which rest the welfare of our country and\\nour posterity. We are working for all coming time, and the\\nthought cheers and strengthens us for continually renewed labors.\\nWe have had progenitors who have labored for us, and we must\\nrepay the debt to those who shall come after us. One generation of\\nthem left its fatherland for religious freedom another gave up the\\nsummer of its years for civil liberty and grateful though we are to\\nhave been born of that npble strain, our heaviest labor should not be\\nto build our fathers sepulchres. It is for us to finish the work they\\nleft undone, so that our children shall rise up and call us blessed. It\\nlies mainly with us to determine whether our children, or at furthest\\nour children s children, shall dwell in the land we leave them in free-\\ndom and in peace, surrounded by bappy and joyous influences; or\\nwhether their lives shall pass in convulsive struggles with an injured\\nrace, awakened to a sense of wrong, and thirst of vengeance, by a\\ncomparison of republican theory with republican practice.\\nJOHN C. UNDERWOOD.\\nRemonstrating against the consummate system of despo-\\ntism which exiled him from his home and family in Virginia,\\nin 185C, Mr. Underwood says\\nThe history of the world, and especially of the States of this\\nUnion, shows, most conclusively, that public prosperity bears an\\nalmost mathematical proportion to the degree of freedom enjoyed by\\nall the inhabitants of the State. Men will always work better for\\nthe cash than for the lash. The free laborer will produce and save\\nas much, and consume and waste as little as he can. The slave, on.\\nthe contrar} r will produce and save as little, and consume and waste\\nas much as possible. Hence States and countries filled with tho\\nformer class must necessarily flourish and increase in population, arts,", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0315.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "312 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPOK ARIES.\\nmanufactures, wealth and education, because they are animated and\\nincited by all the vigor of the will, while States and countries filled\\nAvith the latter class, must exhibit comparative stagnation, because\\nit is a universal law of nature that force and fear end in ruin and\\ndecay. We have an instructive example of one class in the activity,\\nenterprise, prosperity and intelligence of New England, and of the\\nother in the pitiable condition of poor South Carolina, a State which,\\nby neglecting the teachings of her Marions, and following her But-\\nlers, her Brookses, her Keitts and her Quattlebums, in the race of\\naristocracy and Africanization, is rapidly sinking into agricultural\\nsterility, bloated egotism, and brutal barbarism, until she has most\\nsignificantly adopted a cane for her emblem, which equally and\\nstrikingly typifies her military resources, and that imbecility and\\ndecrepitude which, without something to lean upon, must inevitably\\nfall into speedy death and dissolution.\\nDANIEL E. GOODLOE.\\nMr. Goodloe, now of Washington city, formerly of North\\nCarolina, says\\nThe history of the United States shows, that while the Slave\\nStates increase in population less rapidly than the Free, there is a\\ntendency in slave society to diffusion, greater than is exhibited by\\nfree society. In fact, diffusion or extension of area, is one of the\\nnecessities of slavery the prevention of which is regarded as\\ndirectly and immediately menacing to the existence of the institu-\\ntion. This arises from the almost exclusive application of slave\\nlabor to the one occupation of agriculture, and the difficulty, if not\\nimpossibility, of diversifying employments. Free society, on the\\ncontrary, has indefinite resources of development within a restricted\\narea. It will far excel slave society in the cultivation of the ground,\\nfirst, on account of the superior intelligence of the laborers; and\\nsecondly, in consequence of the greater and more various demands\\nupon the earth s products, where commerce, manufactures, and the\\narts, abound. Then, these arts of life, by bringing men together in", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0316.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUK CONTEMPORARIES. 313\\ncities and towns, and employing them in the manufacture or trans-\\nportation of the raw materials of the farmer, give rise to an indefinite\\nincrease of wealth and population. The confinement of a free peo-\\nple within narrow limits seems only to develop new resources of\\nwealth, comfort and happiness while slave society, pent up, withers\\nand dies. It must continually be fed by new fields and forests, to\\nbe wasted and wilted under the poisonous tread of the slave.\\nBENJAMIN S. HEDEICK.\\nFor daring to have political opinions of his own, and\\nbecause he did not deem it his duty to conceal the fact that\\nhe loved liberty better than slavery, Prof. Hedrick, whose\\ntestimony w T e now offer, was peremptorily dismissed from his\\npost as Analytical and Agricultural Chemist in the University\\nof North Carolina, ignominiously subjected to the indignities\\nof a mob, and then savagely driven beyond the borders of\\nhis native State. His tyrannical persecutors, if not called to\\nsettle their accounts in another world within the next ten\\nyears, will probably survive to repent of the enormity of\\ntheir pro-slavery folly.\\nIn a letter vindicating his course at Chapel Hill his only\\noffence having been a mild expression of opinion in favor\\nof .Republicanism Prof. II. says\\nOf my neighbors, friends and kindred, nearly one-half have left\\nthe State since I was old enough to remember. Many is the time I\\nhave stood by the loaded emigrant wagon, and given the parting\\nhand to those whose faces I was never to look upon again. They\\nwere going to seek homes in the free West, knowing, as they did,\\nthat free and slave labor could not both exist and prosper in the\\nsame community. If any one think that I speak without know-\\nledge, let him refer to the last census. He will there find that in\\n1850 there were fifty-eight thousand native North Carolinians living\\nin the Free States of the West thirty-three thousand in Indiana\\nalone. There were, at the same time, one hundred and eighty thou-\\n14", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0317.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "314 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nsand Virginians living in the Free States. Now, if these people\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2were so much in love with the institution, why did they not\\nremain where they could enjoy its blessings?\\nFrom my knowledge of the people of North Carolina, I believe\\nthat the majority of them who will go to Kansas during the next\\nfive years, would prefer that it should be a Free State. I am sure\\nthat if I were to go there I should vote to exclude slavery.\\nMONCURE D. CONWAY.\\nIn his volume entitled Tracts for To-day, Mr. Conway,\\nof Cincinnati, Ohio, formerly of Virginia, says\\nAs a Virginian, with no ties of relationship northward of the\\nremotest kind, past or present, I feel how easily I might slide into a\\njustification of my dear mother, the South. But the soul knows no\\nprejudices or sections, and must see all under the pure light of rea-\\nson and conscience I fear that, with the majority of us,\\nthe binding of a slave is not so horrible as the doubting of a miracle.\\nThe first error of the South has been an impatience in\\nthe discussion of the slavery question, reminding calm men of those\\nunfortunate persons met with in lunatic asylums, Avho speak ration-\\nally on all topics until you touch that on which they are deranged,\\nwhen their insanity bursts wildly forth. This has caused them to\\nput themselves in an attitude before the world which has brought\\ndown its severest censure; and, feeling that this was not just what\\nthey deserved since they were at least sincere it has led them on\\nto a still greater rage against a judgment which, however unfair,\\nwas the result of their own mistaken heat. It has precluded free-\\ndom of discussion even among themselves, a policy which no human\\nbrain or heart ever respected yet. The native sons of the South\\nhave again and again sought to discuss it in their own vicinities, and\\nhave as often been threatened and visited with angry processes,\\nthough the privilege is secured to them in the Bill of Eights of\\nnearly every Southern State. The South lias thus lost the confi-\\ndence of many of her own children, who find that a freedom exer-\\ncised by their lordly ancestors Washington, Jefferson, Henry, and", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0318.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 315\\nby them transmitted as an eternal inheritance, is now denied them\\nby men who, beside those, are lilliputian.\\nJ. E. SNODGRASS.\\nVindicating his course, as editor of the Baltimore Satur-\\nday Visitor, against an unsuccessful attempt of certain\\nmembers of the Maryland legislature, in 1846, to suppress his\\npaper and procure his imprisonment, Dr. Snodgrass, of\\nVirginia, more recently of Maryland, now of New York,\\nsaid\\nThere need be no fear of my arraying the slave against his mas-\\nter (as I have been charged with doing), however anxious I may be\\nto array the sympathies of the master in favor of his slave in other\\nwords, to bring about the abolition of slavery in Maryland by lawful\\nas well as peaceful means, and with results which shall convince my\\naccusers tbat I have been the best friend of both master and slave,\\nand that the adoption of such views as I have been wont to pro-\\nmulge on all suitable occasions, both in the Visitor and in my\\nprivate intercourse with my fellow-citizens, would be the surest\\nguaranty of the glorious redemption of Maryland from the thralldom\\nof an institution which has been her ever-present curse, hanging as\\nit does, like an incubus upon the prosperity of the State, and utterly\\ncrashing her every hope of future progress.\\nJOHN G. FEE.\\nIii his Anti-Slavery Manual, Mr. Fee, a noble, self-sacri-\\nficing preacher of a free Gospel in Kentucky, says\\nSlavery causes the slaves to disregard the relation of marriage,\\nand practise the consequent vice, concubinage. In our land, mar-\\nriage, as a civil ordinance, they do not enjoy. Our laws do not\\nrecognize this relation among them, nor defend it, nor enforce its\\nduties. This would interfere with the claims and interest of the\\nmaster. Hence, to use the language of the slaves themselves, they", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0319.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "316 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\ntake up with one another. And this continues as long as their\\nown convenience, and that of the master, requires.\\nMarriage is the great preservative against the abhorrent vices of\\nconcubinage and adultery. It is the origin of those strong ties\\nwhich cement and bind together society. It is the fountain of the\\ndearest earthly pleasures that man enjoys domestic bliss. Without\\nit, the endearing relations of husband and wife, parent and child,\\nwould be unknown. Without it, man and woman would wander\\nforth, selfish, shameless, and unrestrained, like one vast herd of\\nbrutes. And yet the very tendency of our system of slavery is to\\nabolish it. Christians! yea, all lovers of virtue and order! what\\nwould you think, and how would you act, did these evils exist to the\\nsame extent among the whites And are they any the less ruinous\\nto society and any the less criminal in the sight of God, in the black\\nman than in the white man How many there are among us who\\nare parents, and yet know no one whom they can call husband or\\nwife And how many, even of those in whose veins courses much\\nof the blood of the white man who know not their parents Oh\\nis it true that there is a single woman in the whole South who is\\nopposed to the abolition of slavery, when she remembers how many\\nbosoms have been wrung with anguish at the reflection that the hus-\\nbands of their choice have been unfaithful, in cases that never would\\nhave occurred had it not been for slavery? And I will ask one\\nmore question. Is there in our State, even among Christians, as\\nmuch regard for the purity of the marriage relation of their slaves,\\nand the proper descent of slave children, as there is to have the best\\nstock of sheep, hogs, cattle, to say nothing of horses? May God\\npardon our shameful neglect of a relation which he has so greatly\\nhonored.\\nJAMES D. PRETTYMAX.\\nAs editor of the Peninsular News and Advertiser, pub-\\nlished in Milford, Del., Dr. Prettyman, who is there laboring\\nmanfully for the right, says\\nThe great question to be settled by the people of this country in", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0320.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 317\\nthis the nineteenth century, is, whether this boasted land of freedom\\nshall become a nation of masters and slaves, or whether it sball be\\nmade a land, tbe atmosphere of which no slave can breathe and live\\na slave. We were born in a land of slavery, have lived in a\\nland of slavery, and are now writing in a land which is deeply in-\\njured by slavery, and have had an opportunity to see and know\\nsomething of its inhumanity and wrong. We often wonder by what\\nprocess of reasoning men justify themselves in advocating the base,\\nblighting institution. Slavery is bad policy, it is an obstacle to the\\nprosperity of the State, it has a demoralizing effect on both master\\nand slave, it is the origin of inhumanity, injustice and crime but far\\nabove all other arguments, objections, and sentiments of policy stands\\nthe unconcealed truth, that it is wrong. It originated in wrong it\\nis the greatest wrong of our age.\\nJOHN DIXON LONG.\\nIn his Pictures of Slavery, the painting of which aroused\\nthe mobocratic ire of his slaveholding neighbors, who forced\\nhim to leave the State, Mr. Long, of Maryland, a minister of\\nthe Methodist Episcopal Church, says\\nIt is contended that if the General Conference should make slave-\\nholding a test of membership, the preachers will not attempt to\\ncarry it out in slaveholding territory. Very well. Then the respon-\\nsibility will rest on the preachers and members of that particular\\nlocality. The church at large and the discipline would be free from\\nslaveholding taint and brethren at the North and West would no\\nlonger have their cheeks mantled with shame, when infidels point to\\nthe discipline as it is, and prove that it allows men to hold human\\nbeings in ignorance and slavery, and will them at death to ungodly\\nrelatives, who may sell them as oxen. Let no man in the ministry\\nor the laity of the M. E. Church leave her communion because her\\ndiscipline is not yet perfect but let him pray and labor, and lift up\\nhis voice against the abominations of chattel slavery, till a sound\\npublic opinion shall blow it away like chaff before the whirlwind.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0321.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "318 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nWILLIAM S. BAILEY.\\nIn his paper of May 13, 1859, in an article on the guberna-\\ntorial campaign, then progressing in his State, Mr. Bailey,\\nthe fearless editor of the Free South, formerly published\\nin Newport, Kentucky, said\\nIt must strike the mind of every reflecting man in Kentucky, as\\nsomething strange and abnormal, to see the rank and file of the two\\npolitical parties in the State engaged in a rivalry for extending over\\nthe domain of the Union the system of human chattelism which has\\nbeen a blight and a curse to their own commonwealth. Such mad-\\ncap zeal and transparent folly cannot long sway the minds of intelli-\\ngent and honest men. There must be a reaction speedily, unless the\\npropagandists succeed in carrying their measures, and in binding the\\nwhite freemen of the country in fetters, before they become aroused\\nto the impending danger.\\nThe present discussion, though of little moment in itself con-\\nsidered, may have some beneficial results. It may open the eyes of\\nsome men who have heretofore seemed half asleep, to the humili-\\nating and disgraceful fact tbat our governments, State and National,\\nare fast becoming mere engines for the perpetuation and propagation\\nof slavery. In this direction, they are impelled by the slaveholding\\noligarchy, which aims at nothing short of the entire subjection of\\nthe whole country to the iron will of its despotism.\\nRICHARD HILDRETH.\\nIn his Despotism in America, Mr. Ilildretb, the eminent\\nhistorian, says\\nSlavery is a continuation of the state of war. It is true that one\\nof the combatants is subdued and bound; but the war is not ter-\\nminated. If I do not put the captive to death, this apparent clem-\\nency does not arise from any good will toward him, or any extinc-\\ntion on my part of hostile feelings and intentions. I spare his life\\nmerely because I exnect to be able to put him to a use more", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0322.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUK CONTEMPORARIES. 319\\nadvantageous to myself. And if the captive, on the other hand,\\nfeigns submission, still he is only watching for an opportunity to\\nescape my grasp, and if possible to inflict upon me evils as great as\\nthose to which I have subjected him.\\nWar is justly regarded, and with the progress of civilization it\\ncomes every day more and more to be regarded, as the very greatest\\nof social calamities. The introduction of slavery into a community,\\namounts to an eternal protraction of that calamity, and a universal\\ndiffusion of it through the whole mass of society, and that, too, in\\nits most ferocious form.\\nTHEODORE TILTON.\\nIn his speech before the New York Anti-Slavery Society, in\\nthe City Assembly Rooms, May 11, 1859, Mr. Tilton says\\nIf there were no slavery on the face of the earth I mean no per-\\nsonal bodily servitude such as exists in the Southern States there\\nwould still be need of anti-slavery societies. Not perhaps called by\\nthat name. But there would still be a need of declaring the great\\ntruth of man s freedom of man s immortality through his freedom,\\nand of man s freedom through his immortality. This is a thing of\\ncontinual need this is the province of anti-slavery societies to de-\\nclare this is the thing I declare to-night. I can point you to a\\nhundred men in every street whose minds, hardly once in their life-\\ntime, ever rise to the dignity of a noble thought There are honest\\nmen, industrious men, useful men,*good men, who think never of\\nprinciples, but only of things whose judgments are of goods and\\nprices, ships and freights, houses and comforts, friendships and plea-\\nsures who have no interest whatever in great moral and eternal\\ntruths. There are men who live like mice among the ground-leaves\\nof forests who never come out of their little retreats whose lives\\nare bounded with a narrow horizon who not only never give birth\\nto a great idea themselves, but are not fit even to be nurses to keep\\nalive, in their breasts, a great idea born of some one else. On the\\nother hand, there are men, large-minded and generous, who soar like\\neagles through the air, whose lives seem lifted into a higher and", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0323.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "320 TESTIMONY OF OUK CONTEMPORARIES.\\nnobler sphere, to whom a great truth is of more value than a freighted\\nship because it has more precious freight; to whom the progress of\\na great idea through the world is a cause for which they would will-\\ningly live, and for which they would willingly die! Now, do you\\nsuppose that to these different orders of men, at these different points\\nof development, the thought of freedom comes with the same mean-\\ning, and the same unspeakable value I tell you that there are men\\nwho sit in the solitude of the study, busy at work with pen and ink,\\nto whom this thought comes like the thrill of old wine in the pulse,\\nwhile there are others to whom it comes only as sunshine to blind\\nmen, who enjoy a measure of its comfort, but never know with what\\nglory God sent it to fill the world Freedom is proved\\nto be man s right, because it is man s necessity. It is the first essen-\\ntial condition of true manhood. I mean not merely freedom of the\\nbody, but of the mind yet I mean also freedom of the body for the\\nsake of the mind for the body is made honorable by the nature\\nwhich it enshrines.\\nO. B. FROTHINGHAM.\\nIn his speech before the American Anti-Slavery Society, in\\nNew York, May 8, 185G, Rev. Mr. Frothingham inquired\\nWhen shall we learn to speak plainly and sincerely against\\nslavery, and to follow up our speech by our deeds? When shall we\\nlearn to throw our whole action unreservedly on the side of God\\nWhen will we believe that he w^io seeks first the kingdom of heaven\\nshall have everything else added to him They threaten us with war\\nif we take this position. Useless threat The war is already de-\\nclared The war has already begun The war has been raging for\\nhalf a century Slavery itself is a condition of war. It had its\\norigin in Avar, its first victims being captives of the spear. It lives\\nby war its agents being perpetually engaged in fomenting feuds\\nbetween the native princes of Africa to gain materials for their traffic.\\nIt protects itself by war it hides behind walls and gates it rings\\nalarm bells its barracks are guarded by armed patrols it never\\nwalks abroad without bowie-knife and pistol it appears in Boston,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0324.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 321\\nand the streets bristle with files of soldiery the hall of justice is\\nstunned by the din of arms outcast ruffians and murderers stalk\\nabout insulting the citizens. It extends itself by war, riding into\\nKansas with rifle and halter, to oonquer a territory it has stolen sub-\\nstituting martial for civil law, and proclaiming the warrior s axiom\\nthat might is right. The very virtues incident to a state of slavery,\\nthe virtues of the dominant class, are warlike virtues such as belong\\nto the soldier alone. The dashing recklessness, the hot-blooded\\nchivalry, the lavish generosity, the fiery sense of honor, the careless\\ngaiety, the frank, easy good-nature, the impetuous passion, whether\\nof love or hate, the swaggering grace, the luxury, all mark the soldier.\\nSuch qualities are peculiar to feudal, which is military society.\\nSlavery is ever breathing menaces of war. On the least provocation\\nit offers battle. For fifty years it has kept the country on the brink\\nof civil broils. Only the greatest moderation on our part has saved\\nus from bloodshed. It has submitted Boston to martial rule it is\\nwaging war in Kansas. The North stands on the defensive with a\\npistol pointed at her breast. What is to be done We must fight-\\nin behalf of peace and order we must fight.\\nPARKE GODWIN.\\nIn his volume entitled Political Essays, Mr. Godwin,\\nwho always treats his subjects with remarkable elucidation\\nand thoroughness, says\\nWhen the Constitution of the United States was formed, slavery\\nexisted in nearly all the States; but it existed as an acknowledged\\nevil, which, it was hoped, the progress of events would, in the course\\npf a few years, extinguish. With the exception of South Carolina\\nthere was not a State in which some decided efforts had not been\\nmade toward its alleviation and ultimate removal. It was this feel-\\ning, that it was an evil, and that it would soon be abated, which ex-\\ncluded all mention of slavery by name from the Constitution, and\\nwhich led to the adoption of such phraseology, in the parts referring\\nto the subject, that they do not necessarily imply its existence. The\\nConstitution was made for all time, while the makers of it supposed\\n14*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0325.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "322 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES\\nslavery to be but a transient fact, and the terms of it consequently\\nwere adapted to the larger purpose, and not to the temporary exis-\\ntence. A jurist from the interior of China, who knew nothing of the\\nactual condition of our country, or Justinian, could he arise from the\\ndead, would never learn, from the mere reading of that instrument,\\nof the existence of slavery. He would read of persons held to ser-\\nvice, and of certain other persons, who were to be counted only\\nas three-fifths in the distribution of representative population but\\nhe would never imagine them, unless expressly told, a species of\\nproperty. The general sentiment was averse to slavery, and the men\\nof the Eevolution were unwilling to recognize it, except in an indi-\\nrect and roundabout way, and then only, as they expected, for a\\nlimited period.\\nCHARLES W. ELLIOTT.\\nIn the second volume of Ms excellent History of New\\nEngland, Mr. Elliott says\\nA State is good or bad exactly in the degree in which it secures\\nto each and all liberty to act out their individual natures according\\nto the true principles of humanity and justice. Perfect society is\\ncomplete individuality, acting in harmony with true law. The love\\nof society is one of the strongest instincts of man s nature it is a\\nnecessity. A hermit, therefore, is a monster, and anarchy impossi-\\nble. It is also true that change and re-formation are a law of nature,\\nopposed by stupidity, timidity, and selfish inaction. It is clear, too,\\nthat governments have, heretofore, been organized and upheld by the\\nfew for their own benefit, and the world has had only aristocracies\\nand class legislation. The Eepublics of Greece and Eome were not\\nrepublics, for they rested on a writhing people held in slavery. No\\nsuch governments can or ought to continue long in peace, for revolt\\nis the only remedy for the oppressed New England has\\ndone much to colonize and civilize the wide Western prairies, and\\nwherever her men and women go, order, decency, industry, and edu-\\ncation prevail over barbarism and violence. But she has more work\\nto do we may hope that she will shake off that old man of the sea\\nwho hangs upon her may more fully learn that principle is above", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0326.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 323\\nprofit, and a sound heart is better than a silver dollar that she will\\nlay her hand to the building up of galleries, and museums, and libra-\\nries, as well as of mills and workshops and that she will not fear to\\nmeet and drive back the black brood of slavery to its own place, and\\nassert, and maintain, and extend the rule of Eight over Might so\\nthat in the future, Democracy the rights of all may everywhere\\nprevail over Aristocracy, which secures the privileges of the few, but\\nperpetuates the wrongs of the many.\\nWILLIAM HENRY BURLEIGH.\\nIn a volume of his fugitive poems, the reading of which\\nhas afforded us a high degree of pleasure, Mr. Burleigh says\\nNow, tyrants! look well to your path!\\nA cloud shall come over your fame,\\nAnd the terrible storm of a free people s wrath,\\nOverwhelm you with anguish and shame\\nTo years and to ages unborn,\\nThroughout every kindred and clime,\\nYe shall be as a by-word, a hissing and scorn,\\nTo the pure and the good of all time\\nThe curse of the slave and the taunt of the free\\nHenceforth and forever your portion shall be\\nThank God that a limit is set\\nTo the reach of the tyrant s control\\nThat the down-trodden serf may not wholly forget\\nThe right and the might of his soul\\nThat though years of oppression may dim\\nThe fire on the heart s altar laid,\\nYet lit by the breath of Jehovah, like Him\\nIt lives, and shall live, undecayed!\\nWill the fires of the mountain grow feeble and die\\nBeware for the tread of the Earthquake is nigh.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0327.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "324: TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nCHARLES C. BURLEIGH.\\nOn the subject of Slavery and the North, Mr. Burleigh\\nsays\\nThe question of slavery is undeniably, for this country at least,\\nthe great question of the age. On the right decision of it depend\\ninterests too vast to be fitly set forth in words. Here are three mil-\\nlions of slaves in a land calling itself free three millions of human\\nbeings robbed of every right, and, by statute and custom, among a\\npeople self-styled Christian, held as brutes. Knowledge is forbidden,\\nand religious worship, if allowed, is clogged with fetters the sanctity\\nof marriage is denied and home and family and all the sacred names\\nof kindred, which form the dialect of domestic love, are made un-\\nmeaning words. The soul is crushed, that the body may be safely\\ncoined into dollars. And not occasionally, by here and there a hard-\\nened villain, reckless alike of justice, law, and public sentiment; fear-\\ning not God nor regarding man; but on system, and by the combined\\nstrength of the whole nation. Most men at the North, and many\\neven at the South, admit that this is wrong, all wrong in morals, in\\npolicy every way wrong that it is a gross injustice to the slave, a\\nserious evil to the master, a great calamity to the country that it\\nbelies the nation s high professions, brings deep disgrace upon its\\ncharacter, and exposes it to unknown perils and disasters in the time\\nto come.\\nJ. MILLER MCKIM.\\nIn his speech in the City Assembly Rooms, New York,\\nMay 11, 1859, Mr. McKim said:\\nWhat the anti-slave trade agitation did incidentally for England,\\nthe anti-slaveholding agitation is doing collaterally for this country.\\nIt is rectifying public sentiment on all great questions of prerogative\\nand duty. It is improving our politics, meliorating our religion, and\\nraising the standard of public and social morals. The evidence of\\nthis is so palpable, that no one with eyes can fail to see it.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0328.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 325\\nIn religion, the change, though less easily measured, is none the less\\nstriking. Ecclesiastically, as well as politically, anti-slavery has been\\na benefactor. It has stripped hypocrisy of its disguise, and divested\\npriestcraft of much of its power for evil. Let me not be misunder-\\nstood I use this language in no sectarian sense. In what I say I\\nallude to mere professional clergymen men who live by religion as\\ndemagogues do by politics Protestant as well as Catholic Tetzels,\\nwho peddle Christianity as a trade, and subsist on its profits.\\nThe literature of the country has been revolutionized by our move-\\nment. Anti-slavery publications used to be burned in Charleston,\\nand drowned in Philadelphia. Paulding and Park Benjamin, and\\nthe like, held sway in the republic of letters. Carey and Hart ex-\\npurgated Longfellow s poems to increase their profits, and Hildreth\\nand Whittier were only read by such as found their way into the\\nanti-slavery office. How changed is everything now. The entire\\nliterature of the country everything that is worthy of the name is\\nagainst slavery. Pro-slavery booksellers grow rich on anti-slavery\\nnovels, and pandering theatrical managers put money in their purses\\nfrom abolition dramas. All the best daily and weekly journals, and\\nmonthly and quarterly magazines, are anti-slavery.\\nWILLIAM HENRY FURNESS.\\nIn his Derby Lecture, the Rev. Dr. Furness, of Phila-\\ndelphia, says\\nIf we possessed the good that God hath showed us, were we\\nobedient to his requisitions were we to do justly, the fetters of the\\nslave would disappear as if consumed by fire before the majestic and\\nall-commanding sense of justice expressed in the action of the free\\nNorthern heart. Does any one ask at this late day, when the giant\\nwrong which our country legalizes and fights for, threatens to strip\\nus of the dearest attributes of freedom and humanity does any one\\nask, what have we to do with the injustice that exists not here but\\nin another part of the land I answer freely, distinctly, emphati-\\ncally, nothing. In simple justice we have no right to have anything\\nto do with it. We have no right to stand guard over it as we do,", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0329.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "326 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nv\\nwith our unjust prejudices, more fatal than muskets or artillery. We\\nhave no right to surrender to it the sacred principle of freedom of\\nspeech, as we have done. We have no right to afford it the broad\\nprotection of our silence, as we do. We have no right to allow it to\\nflourish in the capital of the nation, as we do. We have no right to\\naid in extending and perpetuating and fighting for it, as, may God\\nhave mercy on us we have done, and are doing. As we are doing\\nall these unjust things, we are guilty of interfering most imperti-\\nnently with things with which we have no right to interfere. We\\nmust turn over a new leaf, and learn, hard as the lesson may be, to\\nmind every one his own business. And what is our business Why,\\nto do justly. It is what God specially requires of us, to cease from\\ndoing evil; to maintain freedom of speech, that precious thing with-\\nout which our civil security is but stubble, which the outbursting\\nfires of violent passions may at any moment consume to guard the\\npublic liberties in the person of the meanest of the land to destroy\\ninjustice of all kinds, and let the voice of humanity, the swelling\\nkey-note of the world, be heard, pleading for the right.\\nA. I). MAYO.\\nIn his new miscellaneous work, Symbols of the Capital,\\na volume full of vigorous essays and fascinating delineations\\nof life in the Empire State, the Rev. Mr. Mayo says\\nThe question of free labor is not to be argued so much from its\\neconomical results, though here the argument is triumphant, as from\\nits spiritual aspects. Every true son of Adam will maintain that the\\nhappiest word that ever greeted his ears was his command to leave\\nthe Eden of childish innocence for a wilderness of manly toil. Free\\nindustry is for the elevation and education of the race. All human\\nexperience has demonstrated that the only way to greatness of any\\nkind is the straight and narrow way of labor. And when man toils,\\nin the exercise of his great attribute of freedom, lie is in the way to\\ngain his chief distinction. Creation is the grandest attribute of\\nman, the point in which he approaches nearest his maker. To\\ncreate new combinations from the material universe by the disci-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0330.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUE CONTEMPORARIES. 327\\npline of free industry to discover the creative laws of Omnipotence,\\nand by obedience to them to express his best conceptions of exist-\\nence to impress himself on the whole earth, and even fill the invisi-\\nble elements with the finer energy of his victorious mind especially\\nto create in the realm of spirit molding human nature into higher\\nforms of individual and social life, and by a far-reaching insight,\\npeopling the realms of imagination with new and glorious beings,\\nwhich bear the seal of reality, and become the ideals of the gener-\\nations. This is God-like, and only through Free Labor can man ap-\\nproach this throne of his power, and rise into the companionship\\nof the creative love of the Father of all.\\nTHOMAS DAVIS.\\nIn the course of one of the best speeches ever made on the\\nKansas question a speech replete with irrefutable facts and\\narguments the delivery of which, in the House of Represen-\\ntatives, May 9, 1854, at once distinguished him in Congress\\nand throughout the country, Mr. Davis of Rhode Island, said\\nThe despotism of slavery is not standing on its own basis, or\\ndefended by its own power, force or ingenuity. It calls to its aid,\\nand insists upon the obligation enforced by the doctrine that the\\nConstitution of the United States requires of the General Government\\nto protect, maintain, and extend slavery. It is no longer an evil to\\nbe tolerated or endured, but, in the estimation of its fanatical advo-\\ncates, it is to be extended and perpetuated.\\nIt is maintained by the combined power of monarchy, as repre-\\nsented in the Executive v wielding all the patronage of government\\nby directly rewarding those who are subservient to its dictates, and\\nproscribing all who dare to exercise with open manliness the right\\nof American freemen, in condemnation of its rank injustice.\\nNext, we have the slaveowners, who are an aristocracy not\\nelected by or subject to any higher power, but firmly united by ties\\nof common interest, ownership, and. absolute control, amounting to\\na state of perpetual warfare where the weapons are all in the hands\\nof one party. These combinations of power, monarchy, and oli-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0331.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "328 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\ngarchy, might be deemed ample for the maintenance of their unholy\\nascendency but, sir, it seems it is not enough, for we have now\\na new proclamation in its defence. It finds itself incapable, with\\ntl i e a v capons it has heretofore wielded, of accomplishing its pur-\\nposes, and it now demands that the great and vital doctrine of the\\nsovereignty of the people is peculiarly its own. Thus we have the\\ncombination of monarchy, or the powers of one man oligarchy, or\\nthe favored few and democracy, or the powers of the whole people.\\nSeizing upon this last principle, it profanes its holy name, using it\\nfor the purpose of sustaining a system destructive of all human\\nrights for just in proportion as men feel the force and grandeur of\\ntheir own nature and being, will they regard with sacred reverence\\nthe rights of others, which in a republic, must be their highest\\nsecurity. Chattel slavery strikes at the root of this individual con-\\nviction, and is, to an alarming extent, destructive of the principles\\nof self-government.\\nFREDERICK LAW OLMSTED.\\nIn his Seaboard Slave States, Mr. Olmsted, the emi-\\nnently clever and competent superintendent of the great\\nCentral Park, in New York city a traveller and author of\\nexquisite discernment and indubitable veracity, writing from\\nNorfolk, in Virginia, says\\nIncidents, trifling in themselves, constantly betray to a stranger\\nthe bad economy of using enslaved servants. The catastrophe of one\\nsuch occurred since I began to write this letter. I ordered a fire to\\nbe made in my room, as I was going out this morning. On my\\nreturn, I found a grand fire the room door having been closed and\\nlocked upon it, and, by the way, I had to obtain assistance to open\\nit, the lock being out of order. Just now, while I was writing,\\ndown tumbled upon the floor, and rolled away close to the valance\\nof the bed, half a hodful of ignited coal, which had been so piled\\nup on the diminutive grate, and left without a fender or any guard,\\nthat this result was almost inevitable. If I had not returned at the\\ntime I did, the house would have been fired, and probably an incen-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0332.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUK CONTEMPORARIES. 329\\ndiary charged with it, while some Northern Insurance Company\\nmade good the loss to the owner Such carelessness on\\nthe part of these enslaved servants you have momentarily to notice.\\nThe constantly occurring delays, and the waste of time and labor\\nthat you encounter everywhere, are most annoying and provoking.\\nThe utter want of system and order, almost essential, as it would\\nappear, where slaves are your instruments, is amazing. At a hotel,\\nfor instance, you go to your room and find no conveniences for\\nwashing ring and ring again, and hear the office-keeper ring and\\nring again. At length two servants appear together at your door,\\nget orders and go away. A quarter of an hour afterward, perhaps,\\none returns with a pitcher of water, hut no towels and so on.\\nIt is impossible that the habits of the whole community should not\\nbe influenced by, and be made to accommodate to these habits of its\\nlaborers. It irresistibly affects the whole industrial character of the\\npeople. You may see it in the habits and manners of the free white\\nmechanics and tradespeople. All of these must have dealings or be\\nin competition with slaves, and so have their standard of excellence\\nmade low, and become accustomed to, until they are content with,\\nslight, false, unsound workmanship.\\nTHEODORE D. WELD.\\nWielding a vigorous pen in behalf of a noble cause, the\\nPestalozzi of our country, Mr. Weld, founder and present\\nprincipal of the famous eclectic school at Eagleswood, New\\nJersey, says\\nThere is not a man on earth who does not believe that slavery\\n.s a curse. Human beings may be inconsistent, but human nature is\\ntrue to herself. She has uttered her testimony against slavery with\\na shriek ever since the monster was begotten and till it perishes\\namidst the execrations of the universe, she will traverse the world\\non its track, dealing her bolts upon its head, and dashing against it\\nher condemning brand. We repeat it, every man knows that slavery\\nis a curse. Whoever denies this, his lips libel his heart. Try him", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0333.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "330 TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES.\\nclank the chains in his ears, and tell him they are for him give\\nhim an hour to prepare his wife and children for a life of slavery\\nbid him make haste and get ready their necks for the yoke, and\\ntheir wrists for the coffle-chains, then look at his pale lips and trem-\\nbling knees, and you have nature s testimony against slavery.\\nThus, in the six last chapters, inclusive, have we introduced\\na mass of anti-slavery arguments, human and divine, which\\nwill stand, irrefutable and convincing, as long as the earth\\nitself shall continue to revolve in its orbit. Aside from un-\\naffected truthfulness and candor, no merit is claimed for any-\\nthing we have said on our own account. With the best of\\nmotives, and in the language of nature rather than that of\\nart, we have simply given utterance to the honest convic-\\ntions of our heart being impelled to it by a long harbored\\nand unmistakable sense of duty which grew stronger and\\ndeeper as the days passed away.\\nIf half the time which has been spent in collecting and\\narranging these testimonies had been occupied in the compo-\\nsition of original matter, the weight of paper and binding,\\nand the number of pages would have been much greater but\\nthe value and effect of the contents* would have been far less.\\nFrom the first, our leading motive has been to convince our\\nfellow-citizens of the South, non-slaveholders and slaveholders,\\nthat slavery, whether considered in all its bearings, or setting\\naside the moral aspect of the question, and looking at it only\\nin a pecuniary point of view, is impolitic, unprofitable, and\\ndegrading how well, thus far, we have succeeded in our\\nundertaking, time will, perhaps, fully disclose.\\nIn the words of a contemporaneous German writer, whose\\nlanguage we readily and heartily indorse, It is the shame\\nof our age that argument is needed against slavery. Tak-\\ning things as they are, however, argument being needed, we\\nhave offered it and we have offered it from such sources as", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0334.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF OUR CONTEMPORARIES. 331\\nwill, in our honest opinion, confound the devil and his incar-\\nnate confederates.\\nThese testimonies, culled from the accumulated wisdom of\\nnearly sixty centuries, beginning with the great and good\\nmen of our own time, and running back through distant ages\\nto Saint Paul, Saint John, and Saint Luke to Cicero, Plato,\\nand Socrates, to Solomon, David and Moses, and even to the\\nDeity himself, are the pillars of strength and beauty upon\\nwhich the popularity of our work will, in all probability, be\\nprincipally based. If the ablest writers of the Old Testament\\nif the eloquent prophets of old; if the renowned philosophers\\nof Greece and Rome if the heavenly-minded authors and\\ncompilers of the New Testament if the illustrious poets and\\nprose-writers, heroes, statesmen, and sages of all nations, an-\\ncient and modern if God himself and the hosts of learned\\nministers whom he has commissioned to proclaim his word\\nif all these are wrong, then we are wrong on the other\\nhand, however, if they are right, we are right for in effect,\\nwe only repeat and endeavor to enforce their precepts.\\nIf we are in error, we desire to be corrected and, if it is\\nnot asking too much, we respectfully request the advocates\\nof slavery to favor us with an expose of what they, in their\\none-sided view of things, conceive to be the advantages of\\ntheir favorite and peculiar institution. Such an expose, if\\nskillfully executed, would doubtless be regarded as the fun-\\nniest novel of the times a fit production, if not too immoral\\nin its tendencies, to be incorporated into the next edition of\\nD Israeli s Curiosities of Literature.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0335.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX.\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nGod fix d it certain, that, whatever day\\nMakes man a slave, takes half his worth away.\\nPope s Homer.\\nThe end will come it will not wait\\nBonds, yokes, and scourges, have their date;\\nSlavery itself must pass away,\\nAnd be a tale of yesterday.\\nMontgomery.\\nUnder this heading we propose to introduce the remainder\\nof the more important statistics of the Free and of the Slave\\nStates especially those that relate to Commerce, Manufac-\\ntures, Internal Improvements, Education and Religion. Ori-\\nginally it Avas our intention to devote a separate chapter to\\neach of the industrial and moral interests above-named hut\\nother considerations have so greatly encroached on our space,\\nthat we are compelled to modify our design. To the thought-\\nful and discriminating reader, however, the chief statistics\\nwhich follow will be none the less interesting for not bein^\\nthe subjects of annotation.\\nAt present, all we ask of pro-slavery men, no matter in\\nwhat part of the world they may reside, is to look these\\nfigures thirty in the face. We wish them to do it, in the first\\ninstance, not on the platforms of public debate, where the ex-\\nercise of eloquence is too often characterized by violent pas-\\nsion and subterfuge, but in their own private apartments,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0336.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "FKEE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 333\\nwhere no eye save that of the All-seeing One will rest upon\\nthem, and where, in considering the relations which they sus-\\ntain to the past, the present, and the future, an opportunity\\nwill be afforded them of securing that most valuable of all\\npossessions attainable on earth, a conscience void of offence\\ntoward God and man.\\nEach separate table or particular compilation of statistics\\nwill afford food for at least an hour s profitable reflection\\nindeed, the more these figures are studied, and the better\\nthey are understood, the sooner will the author s object be\\naccomplished the sooner will the genius of Universal Liberty\\ndispel the dark clouds of slavery.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0337.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "334\\nFEEE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE 13.\\nTONNAGE, EXPORTS AND IMPORTS OP THE FREE AND OF THE SLAVE\\nSTATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1859.\\nFREE\\nSTATES.\\nTonnage.\\nExports.\\nImports.\\nSLAVE\\nSTATES.\\nTon ge.\\nExports.\\nImports.\\nCalifornia,\\n80,650\\n$15,919,18S\\n$11,163,558\\nAlabama,\\n52,821\\n$28,933,662\\n$778,164\\n115,786\\n1,144,311\\n491,067|\\nArkansas,\\nIllinois,\\n73.4S5\\n1,269,385\\n93,588!\\nDelaware,\\n22,939\\n49,511\\n529\\nIndiana,..\\nFlorida,\\n20,209\\n3,192,362\\n2S6,971\\nIowa,\\nGeorgia,\\n40,478\\n15,562,154\\n624,645\\nMaine,.\\n739,846\\n8,240,839\\n2,157,086\\nKentucky\\n29,626\\n829,033\\n18,168,818\\n43,184,500\\nLouisiana\\n219,881\\n101,666,538\\nIS i lfi\\nMiclygan,\\n74,370\\n3,624,624\\n1,067,339!\\nMaryland\\n251,\\n9,236,399\\n9,713,921\\nN. Hamp.,\\n34,485\\n9,793\\n23,227|\\n3,194\\nN. Jersey,\\n119,615\\n21,938\\n5,046\\nMissouri\\n60,759\\nNew York,\\n1,628,651\\n117,539,825\\n229,181,349\\nN. C......\\n42,918\\n435,409\\n168,645\\nOhio,\\n125,057\\n263,011\\n267,846\\nS. C.,\\n62,567\\n17,972,5S0\\n1,438,535\\nOregon,..\\n7,166\\n5,000\\n2,097i\\nTenn.,\\n13,046\\n2S4,743\\n5,375,226\\n14,520,331!\\nTexas,....\\n12,ls7\\n3,855,909\\n468,162\\nRhode Is.,\\n40,471\\n310,813\\n1,819,068\\nVirginia,..\\n84,496\\n6,722,162\\n1,116,193\\nX ermont,..\\n7,033\\n1,136,565\\n1,MI2,00S\\nDist. of C.\\n42,536\\nWisconsin,\\n24,864\\n699,088\\n28,946\\n958,957\\n$187,626,6S6\\n4,1S5,855\\n$10S,71S,424\\n$305,S07,716\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2$32,955,281\\nTABLE 14.\\nPRODUCTS AND MANUFACTURES IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE\\nSTATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nFREE\\nSTATES.\\nValun of\\nAnnual Pro-\\nducts.\\nCapita]\\nInvested.\\nHands\\nEmpl d\\nSLAVE\\nSTATES.\\nValue of\\nAnnual Pro-\\nducts.\\nCapital\\nInvested.\\nHan, Is\\nEmpl d.\\nCalifornia,\\n$12,862,522\\n$1,006,197\\n15,904\\nAlabama,\\n$4,538,S78\\n$3,450,000\\n4,936\\nConn.,.\\n45,110,102\\n28,890,848\\n47,770\\nArkansas,\\n607,436\\n324,065\\n903\\nIllinois,\\n17,236,078\\n6,885,887\\n12,1105\\nDelaware,\\n4,649,296\\n2,978,945\\n3,SS8\\nIndiana,.\\nL8,922,651\\n7,941,602\\n14,342\\nFlorida,.\\n668,388\\n547,000\\n991\\nIowa,\\n3,551,783\\n1,292,875\\n1,707\\nGeorgia,..\\n7,086,525\\n.5,401 1,4-3\\nB,878\\nMaine,.\\n24,664,185\\n14,700,452\\n28,078\\nKentucky\\n24,588,483\\n12,850,734\\n24,885\\nMass.,\\n151,137,145\\n88,857,642\\n165,938\\nLouisiana\\n7,320,94S\\n5,818,074\\n6,487\\nMichigan,\\n10,976,894\\n6,534,250\\n9,290\\nMaryland\\n32,477,702\\n14,758,143\\n30,124\\nN. Hamp.,\\n3,104,503\\n1 -,242. 114\\n27,092\\n2,972,088\\n1,833,420\\n3,173\\nN. Jersey,\\n89,713,586\\n22,184,730\\n87,811\\nMissouri,.\\n28,749,265\\n9,079,695\\n16,850\\nNew York,\\n237,597,249\\n99,904,405\\n199,849\\nN. C......\\n9,111,245\\n7,252,225\\n12,444\\nOhio,\\n62,647,259\\n29,019,538\\n51,489\\ns. c,\\n7,063,513\\n6,056,865\\n7,009\\nPenn.,\\n155,044,910\\n94,478,810\\n146,766\\nTenn.,\\n9,728,488\\n6,975,279\\n12,032\\nRhode Is.,\\n22,093j258\\n12,923,170\\n20,881\\nTexas\\n1,165,538\\n589,290\\n1,066\\nA ermont,..\\n8,570,920\\n5,001,877\\n8,445\\nVirginia,..\\n29,705,3S7\\n18,109,993\\n29,109\\nWisconsin,\\n9,298,068\\n3,382,14s\\n6,089\\n$842,586,058\\n$430,240,051\\n780,576\\n$165,413,027\\n$95,029,879\\n161,733", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0338.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n335\\nTABLE 15.\\nMILES OF CANALS AND RAILROADS IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE\\nSTATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1858-1859.\\nFREE\\nSTATES.\\nCanals,\\nmiles.\\n1858.\\nRailronds,\\nmiles.\\n1859.\\nCost of\\nRailroads.\\n1859.\\nSLAVE\\nSTATES.\\nCanals,\\nmiles.\\n1858.\\nRailroads,\\nmiles,\\n1859.\\nCost of\\nRailroads,\\n1859.\\nCalifornia,\\nIllinois,.\\nIndiana,\\nMaine,\\nMichigan,\\nN. Hamp.,\\nN. Jersey,\\nNew York,\\nOhio,\\nRhode Is.,\\nVermont,..\\nWisconsin,\\n*102\\n543\\n50\\n79\\n1\\n2\\n149\\n1,040\\n796\\n1,349\\nC\\n1\\n2\\n22\\n665\\n2,752\\n1,327\\n395\\n544\\n1,428\\n1,132\\n565\\n556\\n2,756\\n3,008\\n3,081\\n63\\n537\\n826\\n$2,447,100\\n25,19S,199\\n107,720,937\\n31,656,371\\n13,347,475\\n20,431,701\\n65,319,921\\n44,072,226\\n17,785,111\\n26,463,458\\n137,077,621\\n127,949,123\\n149,509,261\\n2,747,568\\n21,785,752\\n44,576,044\\n$S7S,07S,S65\\nAlabama,.\\nArkansas,\\nDelaware,\\nFlorida,.\\nGeorgia,.\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMiss.,\\nMissouri,.\\nN. C,\\ns. c,\\nTennessee,\\nTexas,\\nVirginia,...\\n52\\nl4\\n28\\n487\\n25\\n191\\nl4\\n53\\ni.S9\\n798\\n38\\n117\\n289\\n1,241\\n45S\\n419\\n833\\n365\\n723\\n770\\n807\\n1,062\\n284\\n1,525\\n$20,975,639\\n1,130,110\\n2,345,825\\n6,368,699\\n25,687,220\\n13,852,062\\n16,073,270\\n41,526,424\\n9,024,444\\n31,771,116\\n13,69\\\\4i;:\\n19,083,343\\n27,348,141\\n7,578,943\\n43,069,360\\n4,120\\n19,657\\n1,053\\n9,729\\n$339,463,065\\nTABLE 1G.\\nBANK CAPITAL IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1859.\\nFREE STATES.\\nCapital.\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nCapital.\\n$4,900,000\\n$21,951,670\\n6,118,000\\n4,395,000\\n727,000\\n7,848,000\\n04,519,200\\n1,200,000\\n180,000\\n4,941,000\\n7,996,410\\n111,884,992\\n5,894,846\\n25,362,832\\n20,814,169\\n4,011,500\\n7,755,000\\n1,756,000\\n1 282 300\\nDistrict of Columbia,\\nIowa,\\n230,000\\nKentucky,\\n9,302,400\\n14,878 000\\n24,496,860\\n12,524,122\\nNew Hampshire,\\n800,000\\n11,910,406\\n6,891,000\\n13,588,451\\n9,437,500\\nNew Jersey,\\nSouth Carolina,\\nOhio,\\n17,025,300\\n$295,599,619\\n$124,831,345", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0339.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "336\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE 17.\\nPOST OFFICE OPERATIONS IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLATE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1859.\\nCalifornia\\nConn.,\\nIllinois,\\nIndiana,.\\nIowa,\\nMaine,\\nMass\\nMichigan,\\nN. FT am p.,\\nN. Jersey,\\nN.York,..\\nOhio,\\nPenn.,\\nRhode Is.,\\nVermont,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Wisconsin\\nTotal\\nReceipts.\\n$283,468\\n189,307\\n446,536\\n208,970\\n139,447\\n154,528\\n607,249\\n10S.554\\n103,319\\n129,068\\n1,553,680\\n519,999\\n661,823\\n66,666\\n103,218\\n180,238\\n$6,156,665\\nTotal\\nExpenses.\\n$948,661\\n202,393\\n6S1,625\\n379,056\\n283,664\\n208.8S5\\n449,627\\n269,443\\n110,903\\n156,818\\n1,107,887\\n806,414\\n671,532\\n47,175\\n137,742\\n251,648\\nDeficiency\\n$665,193\\n13,086\\n235,089\\n170,0S6\\n144,217\\n54,362\\n100,S94\\n7,5S4\\n27,150\\n286,415\\n9,709\\n34,524\\n71,410\\n$6,723,478 ,$1,819,719\\nAlabama,\\nArkansas,\\nDelaware,\\nFlorida,\\nGeorgia,.\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMiss.,\\nMissouri,.\\nN. C,\\nS.C......\\nTenn.,..\\nTexas,.\\nVirginia,\\nTotal\\nReceipts.\\n$129,103\\n42,532\\n28,129\\n25,932\\n168,665\\n151,717\\n196,202\\n180,258\\n101,549\\n227,877\\n88,491\\n107,536\\n132,502\\n100,597\\n255,076\\nTotal\\nExpenses.\\nDeficiency.\\n$363,629\\n320,312\\n34,8S3\\n171,185\\n35s,iso\\n365,675\\n777,517\\n299,767\\n870,004\\n727,091\\n2711,762\\n319,068\\n:;::4.v!ii\\n723,380\\n510,801\\n$134,526\\n277,780\\n6,655\\n145,253\\n189,515\\n218,958\\n581,315\\n119,509\\n268,455\\n499,214\\n182,271\\n211,582\\n202,318\\n622,783\\n255,725\\n$1,936,166 $5,947,074 $3,910,808\\nI I\\nt.aj3:l,:e is.\\nMILITIA FORCE OF THE FREE AND OF THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1S59.\\nFItKE STATES.\\nCalifornia,\\nConnecticut,\\nIllinois,\\nIndiana,\\nIowa,\\nMaine,\\nMassachusetts,..\\nMichigan,\\nMinnesota,\\nNew Hampshire,.\\nNew Jersey,\\nNew York,\\nOhio,\\nPennsylvania,.\\nRhode Island,\\nVermont,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Wisconsin,\\nMilitia Force.\\n207\\n51.\\n257.\\n53;\\n730\\n605\\n420\\n918\\n73\\n157.\\n97.\\n23\\n33,\\n81.\\n837,\\n279\\n350\\n16.\\n23.\\n51,\\n,552\\n,868\\n094\\n,972\\n,533\\n,984\\n,235\\n-ii:t\\n,000\\n,711\\n,915\\n321\\n2,097,867\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nAlabama,\\nArkansas,\\nDelaware,\\nFlorida,\\nGeorgia,\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMississippi,\\nMissouri,\\nNorth Carolina,.\\nSouth Carolina,.\\nTennessee,\\nTexas,\\nVirginia,\\n76,\\n47,\\n9\\n12\\n78,\\n88,\\n91,\\n46,\\n86;\\n118.\\n79,\\n36,\\n71,\\n19,\\n150,\\n,662\\n750\\n,229\\n,122\\n,699\\n979\\n824\\n864\\n084\\n047\\n448\\n072\\n252\\n766\\n000\\n962,298", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0340.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "FKEE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n337\\nTABLE 19.\\nPUBLIC SCHOOLS IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nFREE STATES.\\nNumber.\\nTeachers.\\nPupils.\\n1\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nNumber.\\nTeachers.\\nPupils.\\nCalifornia,..\\nConnecticut,\\nIllinois,\\nIndiana,\\nIowa,\\nMichigan,...\\nNew Hamp.,\\nNew Jersey,\\nNew York,..\\nOhio,\\nRhode Is.,.\\nVermont,.\\nWisconsin,..\\n2\\n1,656\\n4,052\\n4,822\\n740\\n4,042\\n3,679\\n2,714\\n2,381\\n1,473\\n11,580\\n11,661\\n9,061\\n416\\n2,731\\n1,423\\n2\\n1,7S7\\n4,248\\n4,860\\n828\\n5,540\\n4,443\\n3,231\\n3,013\\n1,574\\n13,965\\n12,886\\n10,024\\n518\\n4,173\\n1,529\\n49\\n71,269\\n125,725\\n161,500\\n29,556\\n192,815\\n176,475\\n110,455\\n75,643\\n77,930\\n675,221\\n4S4,153\\n413,706\\n23,130\\n93,457\\n5S.817\\nAlabama,..\\nArkansas,.\\nDelaware,\\nFlorida.\\nGeorgia,...\\nKentucky,.\\nLouisiana,.\\nMaryland,.\\nMississippi,\\nMissouri,\\nN. Carolina\\nS. Carolina\\nTennessee,\\nTexas,\\nA irginia,...\\n1,152\\n353\\n194\\n69\\n1,251\\n2,234\\n664\\n898\\n7S2\\n1,570\\n2,657\\n724\\n2,680\\n349\\n2,930\\n1,195\\n355\\n214\\n73\\n1,265\\n2,306\\n822\\n986\\n826\\n1,620\\n2,730\\n739\\n2,819\\n360\\n2,997\\n28,380\\n8,493\\n8,970\\n1,878\\n32,705\\n71,429\\n25,046\\n33,111\\n18,746\\n51,754\\n104,095\\n17,838\\n104,117\\n7,946\\n67,353\\n62,433\\n72,621\\n2,769,901\\n1S,507\\n19,307\\n581,861\\nTABLE SO.\\nLIBRARIES OTHER THAN PRIVATE IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE\\nSTATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nFREE STATES.\\nNumber.\\nVolumes.\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nNumber.\\nVolumes.\\n164\\n152\\n151\\n32\\n236\\n1,462\\n417\\n129\\n128\\n11,013\\n352\\n393\\n96\\n96\\n72\\n165,318\\n62,486\\n68,403\\n5,790\\n121,909\\n684,015\\n107,943\\n85,759\\n8Q,SS5\\nls760,820\\n186,826\\n363,400\\n104,342\\n64,641\\n21,020\\nArkansas,\\nGeorgia,\\n56\\n3\\n17\\n7\\n88\\n80\\n10\\n124\\n117\\n97\\n38\\n26\\n84\\n12\\n54\\n20,623\\n420\\n17,950\\n2,668\\n31 788\\n79,466\\n26,800\\n125,042\\n21,737\\n75,056\\n29,592\\n107,472\\n22,896\\n4,230\\nNew Hampshire,.\\nNew Jersey,\\nOhio,\\nPennsylvania,\\nNorth Carolina,..\\nSouth Carolina,..\\n88,462\\n14,911\\n3,888,234\\n695 649,577\\n15", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0341.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "338\\nFEEE FIGUKES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE 31.\\nNEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS PUBLISHED IN THE FREE AND IN TnE\\nSLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nFREE STATES.\\nNumber.\\nCopies printed\\nannually.\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nNumber.\\nCopies printed\\nannually.\\nMaine,\\n7\\n46\\n107\\n107\\n29\\n49\\n202\\n58\\n3S\\n51\\n428\\n261\\nS09\\n19\\n35\\n46\\n761,200\\n4,267,932\\n5,102,276\\n4,316,828\\n1,512,800\\n4,203,064\\n64,620,564\\n3,247,786\\n3,067,552\\n4,098,678\\n115,385,473\\n30,473,407\\n84,S9S,672\\n2,756,950\\n2,567,662\\n2,665,487\\nN. Carolina\\nCO\\n9\\n10\\n10\\n51\\n62\\n55\\n68\\n50\\n61\\n51\\n46\\n50\\n34\\n87\\n2,662,741\\n377,000\\n421,200\\n319,S00\\n4,070,S68\\n6,582,838\\n12,416,224\\n19,612,724\\n1,752,504\\n6,195,560\\n2,020,564\\n7,145,930\\n6,940,750\\n1,296,924\\n9,223,068\\nNew Hampshire,..\\nOhio,\\nPennsylvania,\\nRhode Island,\\nVermont,\\nWisconsin,\\n1,790\\n334,146,2S1\\n704\\n81,038,693\\nTABLE 33.\\nILLITERATE WHITE ADULTS IN TnE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1S50.\\nFREE STATES.\\nNative.\\nForeign. Total.\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nNative.\\nForeign.\\nTotal.\\nCalifornia,\\nConnecticut,\\nMassachusetts,\\nMichigan,\\nN. Hampshire,.\\nNew Jersey,\\nNew York,\\nOhio,\\nPennsylvania,.\\nRhode Island,\\nWisconsin,\\n2,201\\n826\\n84,107\\n67,275\\n7,043\\n1,999\\n1,055\\n4,903\\n893\\n8,370\\n23,241\\n51,968\\n41,944\\n981\\n565\\n1,459\\n2,917\\n4,013\\n5,947\\n3,265\\n1,077\\n4,148\\n26,4S4\\n8,009\\n2,064\\n5,878\\n68,052\\n9,062\\n24,989\\n2,859\\n5,624\\n4,902\\n5,118\\n4,739\\n40,054\\n70,540\\n8,120\\n6,147\\n27,539\\n7,912\\n2,957\\n14,248\\n91,293\\n61,030\\n66,928\\n8,840\\n6,189\\n6,36\\\\l\\nArkansas,\\nFlorida,\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMississippi,\\nN. Carolina,\\nS. Carolina,\\nTennessee,\\nTexas,\\n33,61S\\n16,792\\n4,132\\n3,564\\n40,794\\n64,340\\n14,950\\n17,364\\n18,824\\n84,420\\n78,226\\n15,580\\n77.017\\n8,037\\n139\\n27\\n404\\n295\\n406\\n2,347\\n6,271\\n3,451\\n81\\n1,S61\\n840\\n104\\n505\\n2,488\\n1,137\\n33,757\\n16,819\\n4,536\\n3,859\\n41,200\\n60,6S7\\n21,221\\n20,815\\n13,405\\n86,281\\n73,566\\n15,684\\n77,522\\n10,525\\n77,005\\n248,725\\n173,790 422,515\\n493,026\\n19,856 512,882", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0342.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n339\\nTABLE 23.\\nNATIONAL POLITICAL POWER OF THE FREE AND OF THE SLATE\\nSTATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1859.\\nfree states. Senators.\\nRepresenta-\\ntives in low-\\ner H.ofC.\\nElectoral\\nVotes.\\nSLAVE STATES.\\n[Representa\\nSenators, lives in low-\\ner H. of C.\\nElectoral\\nVotes.\\nCalifornia,..\\nConnecticut,\\nIndiana,.\\nMichigan,....\\nMinnesota,.\\nN. Hampshire\\nNew Jersey,\\nNew York,...\\nOhio,\\nOregon,\\nPennsylvania,\\nRhode Island,\\nVermont,\\nWisconsin,...\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n4\\n9\\n11\\n2\\n6\\n11\\n4\\n2\\n3\\n5\\n33\\n21\\n1\\n25\\n2\\n3\\n3\\n4\\n6\\n11\\n13\\n4\\n8\\n13\\n6\\n4\\n5\\n7\\n35\\n23\\n3\\n2T\\n4\\n5\\n5\\nAlabama,\\nArkansas,..\\nDelaware,.\\nFlorida,\\nGeorgia,\\nKentucky,.\\nLouisiana,.\\nMaryland,.\\nMississippi,\\nMissouri,.\\nN. Carolina\\nS. Carolina,\\nTennessee,\\nVirginia,\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n7\\n2\\n1\\n1\\n8\\n10\\n4\\n6\\n5\\n7\\n8\\n6\\n10\\n2\\n13\\n9\\n4\\n3\\n8\\n10\\n12\\n6\\n8\\n7\\n9\\n10\\n8\\n12\\n4\\n15\\n36\\n147\\n183\\n30\\n90\\n120\\nTABLE 24.\\nPOPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT BY TnE FREE AND BY THE SLAVE\\nSTATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1S56.\\nFREE\\nVrp.\\nA men\\nDem.\\nSLAVE\\nBep.\\nA mer.\\nPern.\\nSTA1 K-\\nFremont.\\nFillmore.\\nBuchanan.\\nstates.\\nFrem t\\nFillmore.\\nBucha n.\\nCal.,..\\n20,339\\n85,113\\n51,925\\n107,377\\nAla.,..\\n28,552\\n46,739\\n75,291\\nConn.,\\n42,715\\n2,615\\n34,995\\n80,325\\nArk.,..\\n10,787\\n21,910\\n82,697\\n111.,\\n96,1S9\\n87,444\\n105,348\\n238.9S1\\nDel.,...\\n30S\\n6,175\\n8,004\\n14,487\\nInd.,..\\n94,375\\n22,386\\n11S,670\\n235,431\\nFlor.,..\\n4,833\\n6,358\\n11,191\\nIowa\\n43,954\\n9,180\\n36,170\\nMI.:;oi\\nGeo.,..\\n42,228\\n56,578\\n98,806\\nMaine,\\n67,379\\n3,325\\n39,080\\nK 9,7 4\\nKy.,..\\n314\\n67,416\\n74,642\\n142,372\\nMass.,\\n108,190\\n19,626\\n39,240\\n167,056\\nLa.,.\\n20,709\\n22,164\\n43,873\\nMich.,\\n71,762\\n1,660\\n52,136\\n125,558\\nMd.,...\\n281\\n47,460\\n39,115\\n86,856\\nN. II.,\\n38,345\\n422\\n:;\u00e2\u0096\u00a0_\\n71.556\\nMiss.,..\\n24,195\\n35,446\\n59,041\\nN. J.,..\\n28,333\\n24,115\\n40,943\\n99,396\\nMo.,\\n48,524\\n58,164\\n106,688\\nN. Y.\u00e2\u0080\u009e\\n276,907\\n124,604\\n195,87S\\n597,389\\nN. C.,.\\n36,8S6\\n48,246\\n85,132\\nOhio,.\\n187,497\\n28,126\\n170,S74\\n386,497\\ns. c.,*.\\nPenn.,\\n147,510\\n82,175\\n230,710\\n460,895\\nTenn.,\\n66,178\\n73,638\\n139,816\\nR.I.,..\\n11,467\\n1,675\\n6,5S0\\n19,7- 2\\nTexas,\\n15,244\\n2S.757\\n44,001\\nVt,\\n39,561\\n545\\n10,569\\n50,(175\\nVa.,...\\n60,27S\\n89,826\\n150,395\\nAY is.,..\\n66,090\\n579\\n5 J,s43\\n119,512\\n1,340,618\\n393,590\\n1,224,750\\n2,958,958\\n1,194 j 479,465\\n609,5S7\\n1,090,246\\nNo popular vote.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0343.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "340\\nFEEE FIGUKES AND SLATE.\\nT.AJB;l,E 35.\\nVALUE OF CHURCHES IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nFREE STATES.\\nValue.\\nSLATE STATES.\\nValue.\\n$2SS,400\\n3,599,330\\n1,532,305\\n1,568,906\\n235,412\\n1,794,209\\n10,504,8SS\\n793,1 SO\\n1,433,2613\\n8,712,868\\n21,589,561\\n5,S60,059\\n11,853.291\\n1,293,000\\n1, 251,055\\n512,552\\n$1,244,741\\n149,6S6\\n340,345\\n192,600\\n1,327,112\\n2,295,353\\n1,940,495\\nFlorida,\\nKentucky,\\n3,974,116\\n1,730,135\\n907,785\\nOhio\\n2,181,476\\nL.246,951\\nIn- 94 I\\nPennsylvania,\\n2,902,220\\n$07,773,477\\n$21,674,581\\nTABLE 3G.\\nPATENTS ISSUED ON NEW INVENTIONS IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE\\nSTATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1859.\\nFliEE STATES.\\nCalifornia,\\nConnecticut,\\nIllinois,\\nIndiana,\\nIowa,\\nMaine,\\nMassachusetts,\\nMichigan,\\nMinnesota,\\nNew Hampshire,\\nNew Jersey,\\nNew York,\\nOhio,\\nOregon,\\nPennsylvania,\\nRhode Island,\\nVermont,\\nWisconsin,\\n43\\n256\\n200\\n142\\n37\\n51\\n492\\n64\\n5\\n05\\n119\\n1,237\\n890\\n1\\n532\\n65\\n63\\n71\\n4,059\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nAlabama,\\nArkansas,\\nDistrict of Columbia,\\nDelaware,\\nFlorida,\\nGeorgia,\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMississippi,\\nMissouii,\\nNorth Carolina,\\nSouth Carolina,\\nTennessee,\\nTexas,\\nVirginia,\\n26\\n5\\n58\\n12\\n4\\n53\\n41\\n51\\n116\\n25\\n63\\n26\\n15\\n31\\n29\\n65\\n625", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0344.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n341\\nTABLE 37.\\nBIBLE CAUSE AND TRACT CAUSE IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE\\nSTATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1S58-1859.\\nFREE STATES.\\nContributions\\nfor the Bible\\nCause,\\nContributions\\nfor the Tract\\nCause.\\nSLAVE STATES.\\ni lontriburions\\nfor the Hible\\nCause.\\nContributions\\nfor the Tract\\nCause.\\nConnecticut,\\nMassachusetts,\\nMichigan,\\nNew Hampshire,\\nNew Jersey,\\nOhio,\\nPennsylvania,.\\nRhode Island,\\n$6,761\\n32,735\\n51,831\\n13,2SS\\n6,266\\n7,148\\n58,047\\n12,752\\n1,006\\n6,242\\n29,095\\n269,447\\n152,602\\n1,8411\\n48,269\\n5,042\\n7,701\\n5,548\\n$1,022\\n13,123\\n1,100\\n500\\n350\\n1,049\\n39,073\\n650\\n117\\n1,735\\n4,222\\n53,106\\n3,132\\n435\\n3,611\\n2,156\\n1,395\\n113\\nAlabama,\\nArkansas,\\nDelaware,\\nDistrict of C.,.\\nFlorida,\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMississippi,.\\nMissouri,\\nN. Carolina,\\nS. Carolina,\\nTennessee,.\\nTexas,\\nVirginia,\\n$12,172\\n6,426\\n1,147\\n2,327\\n3,736\\nln,7*s\\n12,197\\n23,046\\n17,647\\n6,301\\n12,531\\n7,814\\n12,466\\n14.337\\n6,742\\n13,713\\n$1,077\\n66\\n107\\n393\\n20\\n2,S99\\n1,129\\n2,65S\\n14,437\\n923\\n3,628\\n2,274\\n2,736\\n2,047\\n160\\n4,549\\n$715,620\\n$129,590\\n$163,390\\n$39,103\\nTABLE 38.\\nMISSIONARY CAUSE IN TnE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1859.\\nFREE STATES.\\ni Vmtributions\\nfor Missions\\nin general.\\nContributions\\nfor Home\\nMissions.\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nContributions\\nfor Missions\\nin general.\\nContributions\\nfor Home\\nMissions.\\nCalifornia,\\nConnecticut,\\nIllinois,\\n$2S3\\n40,755\\n5,453\\n2,046\\n775\\n7,569\\n113,447\\n2,888\\n196\\n10,210\\n5,S93\\n75,916\\n10,181\\n166\\n10,212\\n8,710\\n12,061\\n1,362\\n$379\\n29,406\\n3,582\\n1,785\\n1,150\\n11,565\\n47,607\\n2,016\\n428\\n10,296\\n1,184\\n58,331\\n6,156\\n517\\n9,274\\n1,964\\n10,546\\n1,444\\nAlabama,\\nArkansas,\\nDelaware,\\nDistrict of C.,.\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMississippi,.\\nMissouri,\\nN. Carolina,..\\nS. Carolina,\\nTennessee,\\nTexas,\\n$130\\n549\\n705\\n101\\n2,776\\n120\\n32\\n7S5\\n7\\n714\\n2\\n95\\n603\\n10\\n295\\n$30\\n20\\n115\\nMassachusetts,..\\nMichigan,\\nNew Hampshire,\\nNew York,\\nOhio\\nOregon,\\nPennsylvania,.\\nRhode Island,\\nVermont,\\n10\\n81\\n5\\n7\\n$66S,123\\n$197,630\\n$6,924\\n$270", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0345.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "342\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE 39.\\nSUNDAY-SCHOOL CAUSE IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1857.\\nFREE STATES.\\nTotal\\nContributions.\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nTotal\\nContributions.\\nCalifornia,\\n$3,568\\n1,606\\n924\\n887\\n579\\n5,370\\n543\\n100\\n29S\\n3,SS0\\n29,402\\n2,750\\n10,180\\n760\\n117\\n211\\nAlabama,\\nArkansas,.\\nDelaware,\\nDistrict of Columbia,\\nFlorida,\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\n$812\\n31\\n101\\n51\\n16\\n751\\n1,904\\n1,094\\n211\\nIllinois\\nIndiana,\\nIowa,\\nMaine,\\nMichigan,\\nMinnesota,\\nNew Hampshire,\\nNew Jersey,\\nMississippi,\\n190\\n1 5*t\\nNew York,\\nNorth Carolina,\\n6\\nOhio,\\n807\\n1,125\\n42\\n542\\nPennsylvania,\\nTennessee,\\nVermont,\\n$61,175\\n$9,207\\nTABLE 30.\\nRESPECTIVE AGGREGATE RELIEF CONTRIBUTIONS BY THE INDEPENDENT\\nORDER OF ODD FELLOWS, IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES,\\nFOR A DECADE OF YEARS ENDING IN 1853.\\nfi:ee states.\\nConnecticut,\\nIllinois,\\nIndiana,\\nIowa,\\nMaine,\\nMassachusetts,.\\nMichigan,\\nNew Hampshire,\\nNew Jersey,\\nNew York,\\nOhio,\\nPennsylvania,..\\nRhode Island,.\\nVermont,\\nWisconsin,\\nEntire Relief\\nContributions.\\n9S\\n25\\n53\\n5\\n68\\n246,\\n26.\\n34;\\n115.\\ns is;\\ni6s.\\nsea:\\n30;\\n,080\\n,391\\n,352\\n,586\\n282\\n,884\\n,862\\n,721\\n643\\n,499\\n423\\n195\\n171\\n669\\n246\\n$2,305,004\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nAlabama,\\nArkansas,\\nDelaware,\\nDistrict of Columbia,\\nFlorida,\\nGeorgia,\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMississippi,\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina,\\nSoutb Carolina,\\nTennessee,\\nTexas\\nVirginia,\\nEntire Relief\\nContributions.\\n19,685\\n14,739\\n32,844\\n28,647\\n60 Til\\n49,287\\n277,439\\n20,188\\n45,146\\n10,872\\n48,802\\n28,068\\n2,943\\n84,953\\n$718,319", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0346.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "FKEE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n343\\nTABLE 31.\\nDEATHS IN THE FREE AND IN TnE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.*\\nFREE STATES.\\nNumber of\\nHeaihs.\\nRatio to the\\nNumber\\nLiving.\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nNumber of\\nDeaths.\\nRatio to the\\nNumber\\nLiving.\\n5,781\\n11,619\\n12,728\\n2,044\\n7,545\\n19,414\\n4,520\\n4,268\\n6,467\\n44,339\\n28,949\\n28,818\\n2,241\\n3,182\\n2,8S4\\n64.13\\n73.28\\n77.65\\n94.03\\n77.29\\n51.23\\n88.19\\n74.49\\n75.70\\n69.85\\n68.41\\n81.63\\n65.83\\n100.13\\n105.82\\nGeorgia,\\nMaryland,\\nN. Carolina,\\n9,0S4\\n2,987\\n1,209\\n933\\n9,H20\\n15,206\\n11,948\\n9,594\\n8,711\\n12,211\\n10,207\\n7,997\\n11,759\\n3,046\\n19,053\\n84.94\\n70.18\\n75.71\\n93.67\\n91.93\\n64.60\\n42.85\\nNew Hampshire,..\\nNew York,\\nOhio,\\nPennsylvania,\\n60.77\\n69.93\\n55.81\\n85.12\\n83.59\\n85.34\\n69.79\\n74.61\\n1S4,249 72.91\\n133,865\\n71.82\\nTABLE 32.\\nFREE WHITE MALE PERSONS, OVER FIFTEEN TEARS OF AGE, ENGAGED IN\\nAGRICULTURAL AND OTHER OUT-DOOR LABOR IN THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1S50.\\nAlabama,\\nArkansas,\\nDelaware,\\nFlorida,\\nGeorgia,\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMississippi,\\nMissouri,\\nNorth Carolina,\\nSouth Carolina,\\nTennessee,\\nTexas,\\nVirginia,\\nNumber engaged\\nin Agriculture.\\n67,742\\n28,436\\n6,225\\n5,472\\n82,107\\n110,119\\n11,524\\n24,672\\n50,02S\\n64,292\\n76,338\\n37,612\\n115,844\\n24,987\\n97,654\\n803,052\\nNumber engaged\\nin other out-door\\nlabor.\\n7,229\\n5,596\\n4,184\\n2,598\\n11,054\\n26,30S\\n13,827\\n17,146\\n6,823\\n19,900\\n21,876\\n6,991\\n16,795\\n22,713\\n33,928\\n215,968\\n74,971\\n34,032\\n10,409\\n8,070\\n93,161\\n136,427\\n25,351\\n41,818\\n55,851\\n84,192\\n98,214\\n44,603\\n132,639\\n47,700\\n131,582\\n1,019,020\\nFor an explanation of this table see the next five pages.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0347.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "344 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nToo hot in the South, and too unhealthy there white men\\ncan t staud it negroes only can endure the heat of South-\\nern climes How often are our ears insulted with such wick-\\nedly false assertions as these In what degree of latitude\\npray tell us in what degree of latitude do the rays of the\\nsun hecome too calorific for white men Certainly hi no part\\nof the United States, for in the extreme South we find a very\\nlarge number of non-slaveholding whites over the age of fif-\\nteen, who derive their entire support from manual labor in\\nthe open fields. The sun, that brilliant bugbear of pro-\\nslavery politicians, shone on more than one million of free\\nwhite laborers mostly agriculturists in the Slave States in\\n1850, exclusive of those engaged in commerce, trade, manu-\\nfactures, the mechanic arts, and mining. Yet, notwithstand-\\ning all these instances of exposure to his wrath, we have had\\nno intelligence whatever of a single case of coup de soleil. Ala-\\nbama is not too hot sixty-seven thousand white sons of toil\\ntill her sdfl. Mississippi is not too hot fifty-five thousand\\nfree white laborers are hopeful devotees of her out-door pur-\\nsuits. Texas is not too hot forty-seven thousand free white\\npersons, males, over the age of fifteen, daily perform their\\nrural vocations amidst her unsheltered air.\\nIt is stated on good authority that, in January, 185G, native\\nice, three inches thick, was found in Galveston Bay we have\\nseen it ten inches thick in North Carolina, with the mercury\\nin the thermometer at two degrees below zero. In January,\\n1857, while the snow was from three to five feet deep in many\\nparts of North Carolina, the thermometer indicated a degree\\nof coldness seldom exceeded in any State in the Union\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nthirteen degrees below zero. The truth is, instead of its\\nbeing too hot in the South for Avhite men, it is too cold for\\nnegroes and we long to see the day arrive when the latter\\nshall have entirely receded from their uncongenial homes", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0348.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "FKEE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 345\\nin America, and given full and undivided place to the\\nformer.\\nToo hot in the South for white men It is not too hot for\\nwhite women. Time and again, in different counties in North\\nCarolina, have we seen the poor white wife of the poor white\\nhusband, following him in the harvest-field from morning till\\nnight, binding up the grain as it fell from his cradle. In the\\nimmediate neighborhood from which we hail, there are not\\nless than thirty young women, non-slaveholding whites, be-\\ntween the ages of fifteen and twenty-five some of whom are\\nso well known to us that we could call them by name who\\nlabor in the fields every summer often hiring themselves\\nout during harvest-time, the very hottest season of the year,\\nto bind wheat and oats each of them keeping up with the\\nreaper and this for the paltry consideration of twenty-five\\ncents per day.\\nThat any respectable man any man with a heart or a soul\\nin his composition can look upon these poor toiling white\\nwomen without feeling indignant at that accursed system of\\nslavery which has entailed on them the miseries of poverty,\\nignorance, and degradation, we shall not do ourself the vio-\\nlence to believe. If they and their husbands, and their sons\\nand daughters, and brothers and sisters, are not righted in\\nsome of the more important particulars in which they have\\nbeen wronged, the fault shall lie at other doors than our own.\\nIn their behalf, chiefly, have we written and compiled this\\nwork and until our object shall have been accomplished, or\\nuntil life shall have been extinguished, there shall be no abate-\\nment in our efforts to aid them in regaining the natural and\\ninalienable prerogatives out of which they have been so craft-\\nily swindled. We want to see no more ploughing, or hoeing,\\nor raking, or grain-binding, by white women in the Southern\\nStates employment in cotton-mills and other factories would", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0349.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "346 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nbe far more profitable and congenial to them, and this they\\nwill have within a short period after slavery shall have been\\nabolished.\\nToo hot in the South for white men What is the testimony\\nof reliable Southrons themselves Says Cassius M. Clay, of\\nKentucky\\nIn the extreme South, at New Orleans, the laboring men the\\nstevedores and hackmen on the levee, where the heat is intensified\\nby the proximity of the red brick buildings, are all white men, and\\nthey are in the full enjoyment of health. But how about cotton I\\nam informed by a friend of mine himself a slaveholder, and there-\\nfore good authority that in northwestern Texas, among the German\\nsettlements, who, true to their national instincts, will not employ the\\nlabor of a slave they produce more cotton to the acre, and of a bet-\\nter quality, and selling at prices from a cent to a cent and a half a\\npound higher than that produced by slave labor.\\nSays Gov. Hammond of South Carolina\\nThe steady heat of our summers is not so prostrating as the short,\\nbut frequent and sudden, bursts of Northern summers.\\nIn an extract, which may be found in our second chapter,\\nand to which we respectfully refer the reader, it will be seen\\nthat this same South Carolinian, speaking of not less than\\nfifty thousand non-slaveholding whites, says Most of these\\nnow follow agricultural pursuits.\\nSays Dr. Cartwright, of New Orleans\\nHere in New Orleans, the larger part of the drudgery\u00e2\u0080\u0094 work re-\\nquiring exposure to the sun, as railroad-making, street-paving, dray-\\ndriving, ditching, and building, is performed by white people.\\nTo the statistical tables which show the number of deaths\\nin the Free and in the Slave States in 1850, we would direct\\nspecial attention. Those persons, particularly the propagan-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0350.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 347\\ndists of negro slavery, who, heretofore, have been so dread-\\nfully exercised on account of what they have been pleased to\\nterm the insalubrity of Southern climes, will there find\\nsomething to allay their fearful apprehensions. A critical\\nexamination of said tables will disclose the fact that, in pro-\\nportion to population, deaths occur more frequently in Mas-\\nsachusetts than in any Southern State except Louisiana;\\nmore frequently in New York than in any of the Southern\\nStates, except Maryland, Missouri, Kentucky, Louisiana, and\\nTexas more frequently in New Jersey, in Pennsylvania, and\\nin Ohio, than in either Georgia, Florida, or Alabama. Leav-\\ning Wisconsin and Louisiana out of the account, and then\\ncomparing the bills of mortality in the remaining Northern\\nStates, with those in the remaining Southern States, we find\\nthe difference decidedly in favor of the latter for, according\\nto this calculation, while the ratio of deaths is as only one to\\n74.G0 of the living population in the Southern States, it is as\\none to 72.39 in the Northern.\\nSays Dr. J. C. Nott, of Mobile:\\nHeat, moisture, animal and vegetable matter, are said to be tbe\\nelements which produce the diseases of the South, and yet the testi-\\nmony in proof of the health of the banks of the lower portion of the\\nMississippi Eiver is too strong to be doubted not only the river\\nitself, but also the numerous bayous which meander through Louisi-\\nana, Here is a perfectly flat alluvial country, covering several\\nhundred miles, interspersed with interminable lakes, lagunes and\\njungles, and still we are informed by Dr. Cartwright, one of the\\nmost acute observers of the day, that this country is exempt from\\nmiasmatic disorders, and is extremely healthy. His assertion has\\nbeen confirmed to me by hundreds of witnesses, and we know from\\nour own observation, that the population present a robust and\\nhealthy appearance.\\nBut the best part is yet to come, In spite of all the blatant", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0351.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "348 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nassertions of the oligarchy, that the climate of the South was\\narranged expressly for the negroes, and that the negroes were\\ncreated expressly to inhabit it as the healthful servitors of\\nother men, a carefully kept register of all the deaths that\\noccurred in Charleston, South Carolina, for the space of six\\nyears, shows that, even in that locality which is generally\\nregarded as so unhealthy, the annual mortality was much\\ngreater among the blacks, in proportion to population, than\\namong the whites. Dr. Nott himself shall state the facts.\\nHe says:\\nThe average mortality for the last six years in Charleston for\\nall ages is 1 in 51, including all classes. Blacks alone 1 in 44\\nwhites alone, 1 in 58 a very remarkable result, certainly. This\\nmortality is perhaps not an unfair test, as the population during the\\nhast six years has heen undisturhed hy emigration, and acclimated\\nin a greater proportion than at any former period.\\nNumerous other authorities might be cited in proof of the\\ngeneral healthiness of the climate South of Mason and\\nDixon s line. Of 127 remarkable cases of American longe-\\nvity, published in a recent edition of Blake s Biographical\\nDictionary, 68 deceased centenarians are credited to the\\nSouthern States, and 59 to the Northern the list being\\nheaded with Betsey Trantham, of Tennessee a white woman\\nwho died in 1834, at the extraordinarily advanced age of\\n154 years.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0352.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "FEEE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n349\\nTABLE 33.\\nNATIVES OF THE SLAVE STATES IN THE FREE STATES, AND NATIVES OF\\nTHE FREE STATES IN THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -1S50.*\\nFREE STATES.\\nNatives of il it-\\nSlave Stales.\\nSLAVE ST.-.T::S.\\nNatives of Ihe\\nFree States.\\nCalifornia,\\n24,055\\n1,390\\n144,809\\n176,581\\n31,392\\n45S\\n2,980\\n3,634\\n215\\n4,110\\n12,629\\n152,319\\n47,180\\n9S2\\n140\\n6,353\\n4,947\\n7,965\\n6,996\\n1,718\\n4,249\\n31,340\\n14,567\\n23,815\\nOhio,\\n4,517\\n55,664\\n2,167\\n2,4-27\\n6,571\\n9,9S2\\n28,999\\n609,223\\n205,921\\nTABLE 34.\\nVALUE OF THE SLAVES AT $400 PER HEAD\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1S50.+\\nSTATES.\\nValue of the Slaves at $400\\nper head.\\nValue of Real and Personal\\nICstate, less i he value of\\nslaves at $100 per head.\\n$137,137,000\\n18,840,000\\n916,000\\n15,724,000\\n152,672,800\\n84,392,400\\n97,923,600\\n36,147,200\\n123,951,200\\n34,968,800\\n115,419,200\\n153,993,600\\n95,783,600\\n23,264,41)0\\n189,011,200\\n$81,066,732\\n21,001,025\\n17,939.8ft)\\n7,474,734\\n182,752,914\\n217-,236,056\\n136,075,164\\n1S3,070,164\\n105,000.000\\n102,278,907\\n111,381,272\\n131,264.094\\n111,671,104\\n32,097,940\\n202,034,638\\n$1,2S0,145,600\\n$1,655,945,137\\nThis table, compiled from the 116th page of the Compendium of the Seventh Census,\\nshows, in a most lucid and startling manner, how negroes, slavery and slaveholders are\\ndriving the native non-slaveholding whites away from their homes, and keeping at a dis-\\ntance other decent people. From the South the tide of emigration still Hows in a westerly\\nartd northwesterly direction, and so it will continue to do until slavery is abolished.\\nIt is intended that this table shall be considered in connection with table No. 10.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0353.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "350\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTo Dr. G. Bailey, late editor of the National Era, Wash-\\nington City, D. C, we are indebted for the following useful\\nand interesting statistics, to which some of our readers will\\ndoubtless have frequent occasion to refer\\nPRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nMarch 4, 1789 j. George Washington, Virg.\\nMarch 4, 1797 J John Adamg) Magg\\nMarch 4, 1S01 i Thomas j e fferson, Virg.\\nMarcli 4. 1809 I T r\\no -1017 f James Madison, Virg.\\nMa ch 3; 1825 James Monroe Tir s-\\nMarch 4, 1S25 T\\n3 1S ?9 I onn Q- Adams, Mass.\\nMarch 4. 1S29 T _\\n3 1S 7 f Ancn ew Jackson, Tenn.\\nMa Ch t] mi Martin Van Buren, N. Y.\\nMarch 4, 1S41 j ixr.,.. __ TT _..\\n11 g jg^g J- William II. Harrison, Ohio.\\nMarch 4, 1845 T _,\\nii g jg^g James K. Polk, Tenn.\\nMarch 4, 1849 I T\\n11 3 jggg za.chary Taylor, Louis.\\nMarch 4, 1853 _. _\\n11 g jg 5 7 Franklin Pierce, N. H.\\nMarch 4, 1857 T m _ n\\n11 g 1861 f James Buchanan, Penn.\\nAt the close of the term for which Mr. Buchanan is elected, it\\nwill have been seventy-two years since the organization of the pre-\\nsent government.\\nIn that period, there have been eighteen elections for President,\\nthe candidates chosen in twelve of them being Southern men and\\nslaveholders, in six of them Northern men and non-slaveholders.\\nNo Northern man has ever been reelected, but five Southern men\\nhave been thus honored.\\nGen. Harrison, of Ohio, died one month after his inauguration.\\nGen. Taylor, of Louisiana, about four months after his inauguration.\\nIn the former case, John Tyler, of Virginia, became acting President,\\nin the latter, Millard Fillmore, of New York.\\nOf the seventy-two years, closing with Mr. Buchanan s term\\nshould he live it out, Southern men and slaveholders liave occupied\\nthe Presidential chair forty-eight years and three months, or a little\\nmore than two-thirds of the time.\\nTHE SUPREME COURT.\\nThe judicial districts are organized so as to give five judges to the\\nSlave States, and four to the Free, although the population, wealth", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0354.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n351\\nand business of the latter are far in advance of those of the former.\\nThe arrangement affords, however, an excuse for constituting the\\nSupreme Court, with a majority of judges from the slaveholding\\nStates.\\nMEMBERS.\\nChief Justice R. B. Taney, Maryland.\\nAssociate Justice J. M. Wayne, Georgia.\\nJohn Catron, Tenn.\\nP. V. Daniel, Virginia.\\nJohn A. Campbell, Ala.\\nJohn McLean, Ohio.\\nAssociate Justice S. Nelson, New York.\\nR. C. (irier, Pa.\\nNathan Clifford, Me.\\nReporter, B. C. Iloward, Maryland.\\nClerk, W. T. Carroll, D. C.\\nSECRETARIES OF STATE.\\nThe highest office in the Cabinet is that of Secretary of State, who\\nhas under his charge the foreign relations of the country. Since the\\nyear 1789, there have been twenty -three appointments to the office\\nfourteen from Slave States, nine from Free. Or, counting by years,\\nthe post has been filled by Southern men and slaveholders very\\nnearly forty years out of sixty-nine, as follows\\nAppointed.\\nSept. 2G, 1TS9,\\nJan. 2, 1794,\\nDec. 10, 1795,\\nMay 13, 1S00,\\nMarch 5, 1801,\\nMarch 6, 1S09,\\nApril 2, 1811,\\nFeb. 28, 1S15,\\nMarch 5, 1S15,\\nMarch 7, 1S25,\\nMarch 6, 1S29,\\nMay 24, 1831,\\nThomas Jefferson, Virginia\\nE. Randolph, Virginia.\\nT. Pickering, Mass.\\nJ. Marshall, Virginia.\\nJames Madison, Virginia.\\nR. Smith, Maryland.\\nJames Monroe, Virginia.\\nJ. Q. Adams, Mass.\\nHenry Clay, Kentucky.\\nMartin Van Buren, N. Y.\\nE. Livingston, Louisiana.\\nAppointed.\\nMay 29, 1S33,\\nJune 27, 1834,\\nMarch 5, 1841,\\nJuly 24, 1S43,\\nMarch 6, 1844,\\nMarch 5, 1845,\\nMarch 7, 1849,\\nJuly 20, 1850,\\nDec. 9, 1851,\\nMarch 5, 1853,\\nMarch 6, 1857,\\nLouis McClane, Delaware.\\nJ. Forsyth, Georgia.\\nDaniel Webster, Mass.\\nA. P. Upshur, Virginia.\\nJ. C. Calhoun, S. C.\\nJames Buchanan, Pa.\\nJ. M. Clayton, Delaware.\\nDaniel Webster, Mass.\\nE. Everett, Mass.\\nW. L. Marcy, N. Y.\\nLewis Cass, Michigan.\\nPRESIDENTS TEO TEM. OF THE SENATE.\\nSince the year 1809, every President pro tern, of the Senate of the\\nUnited States has been a Southern man and slaveholder, with the\\nexception of Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey, who held the office\\nfor a very short time, and Mr. Bright, of Indiana, who has held it\\nfor one or two sessions, we believe, having been elected, however,\\nas a known adherent of the slave interest, believed to be interested\\nin slave property.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0355.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "352\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nSPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.\\nApril, 1TS9\\nMarch 3, 1791\\nOct. 24, 1791\\nMarch 2, 1793\\nDec. 2, 1793\\nMarch 3, 1795\\nDec. 7, 1795\\nMarch 3, 1797\\nMay 15, 1797\\nMarch 3, 1799\\nDec. 2, 1799\\nMasch 3, 1801\\nDec. 7, 1801\\nMarch 3, 1807\\nOct. 26, 1807\\nMarch 8, 1S11\\nMarch 4, 1811\\nJan. 19, 1814\\nJan. 19, 1814\\nMarch 2, 1S15\\nDec. 4, 1815\\nNov. 13, 1820\\nNov. 15, 1820\\nMarch 3, 1821\\nDec. 3, 1821\\nMarch 3, 1823\\nDec. 1, 1823\\nMarch 8, 1S25\\nDec. 5, 1825\\nMarch 3, 1827\\ni F. A. Muhlenberg, Pa.\\nj-J. Trumbull, Con.\\nIt. A. Muhlenberg, Pa.\\n[\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Jonathan Dayton, N. J.\\n{\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Theodore Sedgwick, Mass.\\n[\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Nathaniel Macon, N. C.\\nJ. B. Varnum, Mass.\\n[\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Henry Clay, Kentucky.\\nLangdon Cheves, S. C.\\nHenry Clay, Kentucky.\\nJ. W. Taylor, New York.\\nP. B. Barbour, Virginia.\\nHenry Clay, Kentucky.\\nJ. W. Taylor, N. Y.\\nDec. 3, 1827\\nJune 2, 1884\\nJune 2. 1884\\nMarch 3, 1S35\\nDec. 7, 1835\\nMarch 3, 1S39\\nDec. 16, 1S89\\nMarch 3, IS 11\\nMay 31, 1S41\\nMarch 8, 1S43\\nDec. 4, 1S43\\nMarch 3, 1S45\\nDec. 1, 1S45\\nMarch 3, 1S47\\nDec. 6, 1847\\nMarch 3, 1849\\nDec. 22, 1S49\\nMarch 3, 1851\\nDec. 1, 1S51\\nMarch 3, 1S53\\nDec. 1, 1853\\nMarch 3, 1S55\\nFeb. 28, 1S56\\nMarch 3, 1S57\\nDec. 7, 1857\\nMarch 3, 1S59\\nFeb. 1, 1S60\\nMarch 3, 1S61\\n{\u00e2\u0096\u00a0A. Stevenson, Virginia.\\n[\u00e2\u0096\u00a0John Bell, Tenn.\\n[-James K. Polk, Tenn.\\nj- R. M. T. Hunter, Virginia.\\n[John White, Tenn.\\nJ. W. Jones, Virginia.\\nV J. W. Davis, Indiana.\\nR. C. Winthrop, Mass.\\nj-nowell Cobb, Georgia.\\n[Linn Boyd, Kentucky.\\nNathaniel P. Banks, Mass.\\nj- James L. Orr, S. C.\\nWilliam Pennington, N. J.\\nPOSTMASTERS-GENERAL.\\nAppointed\\nSept. 26, 1789, S. Osgood, Mass.\\nAug. 12, 1791, T. Pickering, Mass.\\nFeb. 25, 1795, J. Habersham, Georgia.\\nNov. 28, 1801, G. Granger, Conn.\\nMarch 17, 1814, R. J. Meigs, Ohio.\\nJune 25, 1S23, John McLean, Ohio.\\nMarch 9, 1829, W. T. Barry, Ky.\\nMay 1, 1S35, A. Kendall, Ky.\\nMay IS, 1S40, J. M. Niles, Conn.\\nAppointed\\nMarch 6,1841,\\nSept. 18, 1841,\\nMarch 5, 1845,\\nMarch 7, 1849,\\nJuly 20, 1850,\\nAug. 81, 1852,\\nMarch 5, 1S58,\\nMarch 6, 1S57,\\nF. Granger, N. Y.\\nC. A. Wickliffe, Ky.\\nC. Johnson, Tenn.\\nJ. Collamer, Vt,\\nN. K. Hall, N. Y.\\nS. D. Hubbard, Conn.\\nJ. Campbell, Pa.\\nAaron V. Brown, Tenn.\\nSectionalism does not seem to have had much to do with this de-\\npartment or with that of the interior, created in 1848-49.\\nSECRETARIES OF THE INTERIOR.\\nAppointed\\nMarch 7, 1849, T. Ewing, Ohio.\\nJuly 20, 1850, J. A. Pearce, Maryland.\\nAug. 15, 1S50, T. M. T. McKennon, Pa.\\nAppointed\\nSept. 12, 1850, A. II. II. Stuart, Virginia.\\nMarch 5, is:,:!, McClelland, Michigan.\\nMarch 0, 1S57, Jacob Thompson, Miss.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0356.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n353\\nATTORNEYS-GENERAL.\\nAppointed-\\nSept. 26, 1789,\\nJune 27, 1794,\\nDec. 10, 1795,\\nFeb. 20, 1800,\\nMarch 5, 1S01,\\nMarch 2, 1805,\\nDec. 23, 1S05,\\nJan. 20, 1S07,\\nDec. 11, 1811,\\nFeb. 10, 1814,\\nNov. 13, 1S17,\\nMarch 9, 1829,\\nJuly 20,1831,\\nE. Randolph, Virginia.\\nW. Bradford, I a.\\nC. Lee, Virginia.\\nT. Parsons, Mass.\\nL. Lincoln, Mass.\\nK. Smith, Maryland.\\nJ. Breckinridge, Ky.\\nC. A. Rodney, Pa.\\nW. Pinkney, Maryland.\\nR. Rush, Pennsylvania.\\nW. Wirt, Virginia.\\nJ. McPherson Berrien, Ga.\\nRoger B. Taney, Maryland.\\nAppointed\\nNov. 15, 1833,\\nJuly 7, 1838,\\nJan. 10, 1S40,\\nMarch 5, 1841,\\nSept. 13, 1841,\\nJuly 1, 1843,\\nMarch 5, 1S45,\\nOct. 17, 1846,\\nJune-21, 184S,\\nMarcTi 7, 1849,\\nJuly 20, 1850,\\nMarch 5, 1853,\\nMarch 6, 1S57,\\nB. F. Butler, New York.\\nF. Grundy, Tennessee.\\nII. D. Gilpin, Pa.\\nJ. J. Crittenden, Ky.\\nH. S. Legare, S. C.\\nJohn Nelson, Maryland.\\nJ. Y. Mason, Va.\\nN. Clifford, Maine.\\nIsaac Toucey, Conn.\\nR. Johnson, Maryland.\\nJ. J. Crittenden, Ky.\\nC. Cushing, Mass.\\nJeremiah S. Black, Pa.\\nSECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY.\\nThe post of Secretary of the Treasury, although one of great im-\\nportance, requires financial abilities of a high order, which are more\\nfrequently found in the North than in the South, and affords little\\nopportunity for influencing general politics, or the questions spring-\\ning out of slavery. We need not, therefore, be surprised to learn that\\nNorthern men have been allowed to discharge its duties some forty-\\neight years out of sixty-nine, as follows\\nAppointed\\nSept. 11,1789,\\nFeb. 8, 1795,\\n31, 1S0O,\\n14, 1801,\\n9, 1814,\\n6, 1814,\\n22, 1816,\\nMarch 7, 1825,\\nMarch 6, 1829,\\nAug. 8, 1831,\\nMay 29, 1833,\\nDec.\\nMay\\nFeb.\\nOct.\\nOct.\\nA. Hamilton, N. Y.\\n0. Wolcott, Conn.\\nS. Dexter, Mass.\\nA. Gallatin, Penn.\\nG. W. Campbell, Tenn.\\nA. J. Dallas, Penn.\\nW. H. Crawford, Ga.\\nR. Rush, Penn.\\nS. D. Ingham, Penn.\\nL. McLane, Delaware.\\nW. J. Duane, Penn.\\nAppointed\\nSept. 23, 1S33,\\nJune 27, 1S34,\\nMarch 5, 1841,\\nSept. 13, 1841,\\nMarch 3, 1843,\\nJune 15, 1844,\\nMarch 5, 1S45,\\nMarch 7, 1S49,\\nJune 20, 1850,\\nMarch 5, 1858,\\nMarch 6, 1S57,\\nRoger B. Taney, Md.\\nL. Woodbury, N. H.\\nThomas Ewing, Ohio.\\nW. Forward, Penn.\\nJ. C. Spencer, N. Y.\\nG. M. Bibb, Ky.\\nR. J. Walker, Miss.\\nW. M. Meredith, Penn.\\nThomas Corwin, Ohio.\\nJames Guthrie, Ky.\\nHowell Cobb, Ga.\\nSECRETARIES OF WAR AND THE NAVY.\\nThe slaveholders, since March 8th, 1841, a period of nearly eight-\\neen years, have taken almost exclusive supervision of the navy,\\nNorthern men having occupied the Secretaryship only six years.\\nNor has any Northern man been Secretary of War since 1849. Con-\\nsidering that nearly all the shipping belongs to the Free States, which\\nalso supply the seamen, it does seem remarkable that slaveholders", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0357.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "354\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nshould have monopolized for the last eighteen years the control of\\nthe navy.\\nSECRETARIES OF WAR.\\nJan.\\nMay\\nMay\\nFeb.\\nAppointed-\\nSept. 12, 17S9,\\nJan. 2, 1795,\\n27, 179G,\\n7, 1800,\\n13, 1800,\\n3, 1801,\\nMarch 5, 1801,\\nMarch 7, 1S02,\\nJan. 13, 1S13,\\nSept. 27, 1814,\\nMarch 3, 1S15,\\nMarch 5, 1817,\\nApril 7, 1817,\\nOct. 8, 1S17,\\nMarch 7, 1825,\\nMay 26,1828,\\nHenry Knox, Mass.\\nT. Pickering, Mass.\\nJ. McIIenry, Md.\\nJ. Marshall, Va.\\nS. Dexter, Mass.\\nR. Griswold, Conn.\\nII. Dearborn, Mass.\\nW. Eustis, Mass.\\nJ. Armstrong, N. Y.\\nJames Monroe, Va.\\nW. 11 Crawford, Ga.\\nJ. Shelby, Ky.\\nG. Graham, Va.\\nJ. C. Calhoun, S. C.\\nJ. Barbour, Va.\\nP. B. Porter, Penn.\\nAppointed\\nMarch 9, 1829,\\nAug. 1, 1831,\\nMarch 8, 1837,\\nMarch 7, 1837,\\nMarch 5, 1841,\\nSept. 13, 1S41,\\nOct. 12, 1S41,\\nMarch 8, 1843,\\nFeb. 15, 1S44,\\nMarch 5, 1845,\\nMarch 7, 1849,\\nJuly 20, 1850,\\nAug. 15, 1850,\\nMarch 5, 185S,\\nMarch 6, 1S57,\\nJ. H. Eaton, Tenn.\\nLewis Cass, Ohio.\\nB. F. Butler, N. Y.\\nJ. R. Poinsett, S. C.\\nJames Bell, Tenn.\\nJohn McLean, Ohio.\\nJ. C. Spencer, N. Y.\\nJ. W. Porter, Penn.\\nW. Wilkins, Penn.\\nWilliam L. Marcy, N.\\nG. W. Crawford, Ga.\\nE. Bates, Mo.\\nC. M. Conrad, La.\\nJefferson Davis, Miss.\\nJohn B. Floyd, Va.\\nSECRETARIES OF THE NAVY,\\nAppointed\\nMay 8, 179S,\\nMay 21, 1798,\\nJuly 15, 1S01,\\nMay 8, 1805,\\nMarch 7, 1809,\\nJan. 12, 1813,\\nDec. 17, 1814,\\nNov. 9, ISIS,\\nSept. 1, 1823,\\nSept. 16, 1823,\\nMarch 9, 1829,\\nMay 23,1831,\\nJune 30, 1S34,\\nG. Cabot, Mass.\\nB. Stoddart, Mass.\\nR. Smith, Md.\\nJ. Crowninshield, Mass.\\nP. Hamilton, S. C.\\nW. Jones, Penn.\\nB. W. Crowninshield, Mass.\\nSmith Thompson, N. Y.\\nJohn Rogers, Mass.\\nS. L. Southard, N. J.\\nJohn Branch, N. C.\\nL. Woodbury, N. H.\\nM. Dickerson, N. J.\\nAppointed\\nJune 20, 1838,\\nMarch 5, 1S41,\\nSept. 13,1841,\\nJuly 24,1843,\\nFeb, 12, 1S44,\\nMarch 14, 1844,\\nMarch 10, 1845,\\nSept. 9, 1846,\\nMarch 7, 1849,\\nJuly 20, 1S50,\\nJuly 22, 1S52,\\nMarch 8, 1853,\\nMarch 6, 1857,\\nJ. K. Paulding, N. Y.\\nG. F. Badger, N. C.\\nA. P. Upshur, Va.\\nD. Henshaw, Mass.\\nT. W. Gilmer, Va.\\nJames Y. Mason, Va.\\nG. Bancroft, Mass.\\nJames Y. Mason, Va.\\nW. B. Preston, Va.\\nW. A. Graham, N. C.\\nJ. P. Kennedy, Md.\\nJ. C. Dobbin, N. C.\\nIsaac Toucey, Conn.\\nRECAPITULATION.\\nPresidency. Southern men and slaveholders, 48 years 3 months\\nNorthern men, 23 years 9 months.\\nPro Tern. Presidency of the Senate. Since 1809 held by Southern\\nmen and slaveholders, except for three or four sessions by Northern\\nmen.\\nSpeakership of the House. Filled by Southern men and slaveholders\\nforty-five years, Northern men twenty -five.\\nSupreme Court. A majority of the Judges, including Chief-Justice,\\nSouthern men and slaveholders.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0358.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "FEEE FIGUEES AND SLAVE. 355\\nSecretaryship of State. Filled by Southern men and slaveholders\\nforty years; Northern, twenty -nine.\\nAttorney- Generalship. Filled by Southern men and slaveholders\\nforty-twx years Northern men, twenty-seven.\\nWar and Navy. Secretaryship of the Navy, Southern men and\\nslaveholders, the last eighteen years, with an interval of six years.\\nWILLIAM HENRY HUELBTJT,\\nOf South Carolina, a gentleman of enviable literary attain-\\nments, and one from whom we may expect a continuation of\\ngood service in the eminently holy crusade now going on\\nagainst slavery and the devil, furnished not long since to the\\nEdinburgh Review, in the course of a long and highly-\\ninteresting article, the following summary of oligar chal usur-\\npations showing that slaveholders have occupied the princi-\\npal posts of the government nearly two-thirds of the time\\nPresidents It out of lfi\\nJudges of the Supreme Court 17 out of 28\\nAttorneys-General 14 out of 19\\nPresidents of the Senate 61 out of 77\\nSpeakers of the House 21 out of 83\\nForeign Ministers 80 out of 134\\nAs a matter of general interest, and as showing that, while\\nthere have been but eleven non-slaveholders directly before\\nthe people as candidates for the Presidency, there have been\\nat least sixteen slaveholders who were willing to serve their\\ncountry in the capacity of chief magistrate, the following\\ntable may be here introduced", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0359.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "356\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nRESULT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN THE UNITED\\nSTATES FROM 1796 TO 1850.\\nYear.\\n1790\\n1S00 1\\n1804]\\nisosj\\n1812 -j\\n1816 1\\n1820 1\\nf\\n1824-j\\nI\\n1S2S-!\\nName of Candidate. Elect l\\nJohu Adams\\nThomas Jefferson\\nThomas Jefferson\\nJohn Adams\\nThomas Jefferson\\nCharles C. Pinckney\\nJames Madison\\nCharles C. Pinckney\\nJames Madison\\nDe Witt Clinton\\nJames Monroe\\nRufus King\\nJames Monroe\\nNo opposition but one vote.\\nAndrew Jackson*\\nJohn Q. Adams\\nW. II. Crawford\\nHenry Clay\\nAndrew Jackson\\nJohn Q. Adams\\nvote.\\n71\\n68\\n73\\n64\\n162\\n14\\n128\\n45\\n122\\n89\\n183\\n34\\n218\\n84\\n41\\n37\\n83\\nYear.\\n1S32J\\n1SS6-!\\n1840 1\\n1844 j\\n1848\\n1S52\\n1S56-J\\nName of Candidate.\\nAndrew Jackson\\nHenry Clay\\nJohn Floyd\\nWilliam Wirt\\nMartin Van Buren\\nWilliam H. Harrison.\\nHughL. White\\nWillie P. Mangum\\nDaniel Webster\\nWilliam H. Harrison...\\nMartin Van Buren\\nJames K. Polk\\nHenry Clay\\nZachary Taylor\\nLewis Cass\\nFranklin Pierce\\nGeneral Winfield Scott.\\nJames Buchanan\\nJohn C. Fremont\\nMillard Fillmore\\n%ct I\\nvote.\\n219\\n49\\n11\\n7\\n170\\n73\\n26\\n11\\n14\\n234\\n60\\n170\\n105\\n163\\n127\\n254\\n42\\n174\\n114\\nAID FOR KANSAS.\\nAs a sort of accompaniment to many of the preceding\\ntables, we will here introduce a few items which will more\\nfully illustrate the liberality of Freedom and the niggardliness\\nof Slavery.\\nFrom an editorial article that appeared in the Richmond\\n(Va.) Dispatch, in July, 1856, bewailing the close-fistedness\\nof slavery, we make the following extract\\nGerrit Smith, the Abolitionist, has just pledged himself to give\\n$1,500 a month for the next twelve months to aid in establishing\\nfreedom in Kansas. He gave, but a short time since, at the Kansas\\nrelief meeting in Albany, $3,000. Prior to that he had sent about\\n$1,000 to the Boston Emigrant Committee. Out of his own funds,\\nhe subsequently equipped a Madison County company of one hun-\\ndred picked men, and paid their expenses to Kansas. At Syracuse\\nhe subscribed $10,000 for Abolition purposes, so that his entire con-\\ntributions amount to at least $40,000.\\nNo choice by the people,\\nsentatives.\\nJohu Q. A dams elected by the House of Repre-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0360.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 357\\nUnder date of August 9, 1856, an Eastern paper informs\\nus that\\nThe sum of $500 was contributed at u meeting at New Bedford\\non Monday evening, to make Kansas free. The following sums have\\nbeen contributed for the same purpose $2,000 in Taunton; $600 in\\nRaynham $800 in Clinton $300 in Danbury, Ct. In Wisconsin,\\n$2,500 at Janesville $500 at Dalton $500 at the Women s Aid\\nMeeting in Chicago $2,000 in Rockford, 111.\\nA telegraphic dispatch, dated Boston, January 2, 1857,\\nsays\\nThe Secretary of the Kansas Aid Committee acknowledges the\\nreceipt of $42,678.\\nExclusive of the amounts above, the readers of the New\\nYork Tribune contributed at least $30,000 for the purpose\\nof securing Kansas to Freedom; and with the same object in\\nview, other individuals and societies, as occasion required,\\nmade large contributions, of which we failed to keep a memo-\\nrandum. The Legislature of Vermont appropriated $20,000\\nand other Free State legislatures were prepared to appropri-\\nate millions, if necessary. Free men had determined that\\nKansas should be free, and free it is, and will ever so remain.\\nAll honor to the immortal patriots who saved her from the\\ndeath-grasp of Slavery\\nNow let us see how Slavery rewarded the poor, ignorant\\ndeluded, and degraded mortals swaggering lickspittles\\nwho labored so hard to gain for it a local habitation and a\\nname in the disputed territory. One D. B. Atchison, chair-\\nman of the Executive Committee of Border Ruffians, shall\\ntell us all about it. Over date of October K?th, 1856, he\\nsays\\nUp to this moment, from all the States except Missouri, we have", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0361.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "358 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nonly received the following sums, and through the following per-\\nsons;\\nA. W. Jones, Houston, Miss $152\\nH. D. Clayton, Eufala, Ala ....500\\nCapt. Deediick, South Carolina 500\\n$1,152\\nOn this subject, further comment is unnecessary.\\nNumerous other contrasts, equally disproportionate, might\\nbe drawn between the vigor and munificence of Freedom and\\nthe impotence and stinginess of Slavery. We will, however,\\nin addition to the above, advert to only a single instance.\\nDuring the latter part of the siunmer of 1855, the citizens of\\nthe despicable little slave-towns of Norfolk and Portsmouth\\nin Virginia, were sorely plagued with yellow fever. Many\\nof them fell victims to the disease, and most of those Avho sur-\\nvived, and who were not too unwell to travel, left their homes\\nhorror-stricken and dejected. To the honor of mankind in\\ngeneral, and to the glory of freemen in particular, contribu-\\ntions in money, provisions, clothing, and other valuable sup-\\nplies, poured in from all parts of the country for the relief of\\nthe sufferers. Portsmouth alone, according to the report of\\nher relief association, received $42,547 in cash from the Free\\nStates, and only $12,182 in cash from all the Slave States,\\nexclusive of Virginia, within whose borders the malady pre-\\nvailed. Including Virginia, the sum total of all the Slave\\nState contributions amounted to only |33,398. Well did the\\nRichmond Examiner remark at the time we fear that\\ngenerosity of Virginians is but a figure of speech. Slavery\\nthy name is shame\\nThe following statistics of Congressional representation,\\nwhich we transcribe from Reynolds Political Map of the\\nUnited States, published in 1856, deserve to be carefully\\nstudied", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0362.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 359\\nUNITED STATES SENATE.\\nSixteen Free States, with a white population of 13,238,670, have\\nthirty-two Senators.\\nFifteen Slave States, with a white population of 6,186,477, have\\nthirty Senators.\\nSo that 413,708 free men of the North enjoy hut the same political\\nprivileges in the United States Senate as is given to 206,215 slave\\npropagandists.\\nHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.\\nThe Free States have a total of 144 memhers.\\nThe Slave States have a total of 90 memhers.\\nOne Free State Representative represents 91,935 white men and\\nwomen.\\nOne Slave State Representative represents 68,725 white men and\\nwomen.\\nSlave Representation gives to slavery an advantage over freedom\\nof thirty votes in the House of Representatives.\\nCUSTOM HOUSE RECEIPTS 1854.\\nFree States $60,010,4^9\\nSlave States 5,136,969\\nBalance in favor of the Free States $54,873,520\\nA contrast quite distinguishable\\nThat the apologists of slavery cannot excuse the shame and\\nthe shabbiness of themselves and their country, as we have\\nfrequently heard them attempt to do, by falsely asserting\\nthat the North has enjoyed over the South the advantages\\nof priority of settlement, will fully appear from the following\\ntable", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0363.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "360\\nFKEE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nFREE STATES.\\n1614 New York first settled by the Dutch.\\n1620 Mass. settled by the Puritans.\\n1623 N. H. settled by the Puritans.\\n1624 New Jersey settled by the Dutch.\\n1635 Conn, settled by the Puritans.\\n1636 R. I. settled by Roger Williams.\\n1682 Pa. settled by William Penn.\\n1791 Vt. admitted into the Union.\\n1802 Ohio admitted into the Union.\\n1S16 Indiana admitted into the Union.\\n1818 Illinois admitted into the Union.\\n1820 Maine admitted into the Union.\\n1836 Michigan admitted into the Union.\\n1546 Iowa admitted into the Union.\\n1848 Wisconsin admitted into the Union.\\n1850 California admitted into the Union.\\n1858 Minnesota admitted into the Union.\\n1859 Oregon admitted into the Union.\\nSLATE STATES.\\n1607 Virginia first settled by the English.\\n1627 Del. settled by the Swedes and Fins.\\n1635 Md. settled by the Irish Catholics.\\n1650 N. C. settled by the English.\\n1670 S. C. settled by the Huguenots.\\n1733 Ga. settled by Gen. Oglethorpe.\\n17S2 Ky. admitted into the Union.\\n1796 Tenn. admitted into the Union.\\n1S11 La. admitted into the Union.\\n1817 Miss, admitted into the Union.\\n1819 Alabama admitted into the Union.\\n1821 Missouri admitted into the Union.\\n1S30 Arkansas admitted into the Union.\\n1845 Florida admitted into the Union.\\n1S46 Texas admitted into the Union.\\nIn the course of an exceedingly interesting article on the\\nearly settlements in America, II. K. Browne, formerly editor\\nand proprietor of the San Francisco Evening Journal,\\nsays\\nMany people seem to think that the Pilgrim Fathers were the\\nfirst who settled upon our shores, and therefore that they ought to\\nbe entitled, in a particular manner, to our remembrance and esteem.\\nThis is not the case, and we herewith present to our readers a\\nlist of settlements made in the present United States, prior to that\\nof Plymouth\\n1564. A Colony of French Protestants under Eibault, -settled in\\nFlorida.\\n1565. St. Augustine* founded by Pedro Melendez.\\n1584. Sir Walter Paleigh obtains a patent and sends two vessels to\\nthe American coast, which receives the name of Virginia.\\n1607. The first effectual settlement made at Jamestown, Va., by\\nthe London Company.\\n1614. A fort erected by the Dutch upon the site of New York.\\n1615. Fort Orange built near the site of Albany, 1ST. Y.\\n1619. The first General Assembly called in Virginia*\\n1620. The Pilgrims land on Plymouth rock.\\nThe oldest town in the United States.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0364.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 361\\nFREEDOM AND SLAVERY AT THE FAIR.\\nWHAT FREEDOM DID.\\nAt an Agricultural Fair held at Watertown, in the State\\nof New York, on the 2d day of October, 1856, two hundred\\nand twenty premiums, ranging from three to fifty dollars\\neach, were awarded to successful competitors the aggregate\\namount of said premiums being $2,396, or an average of\\n$10 89 each. From the pi-oceedings of the Awarding Com-\\nmittee we make the following extracts\\nBest Team of Oxen, Hiram Converse $50 00\\nBest Horse Colt, George Parish 25 00\\nBest Filly, J. Staplin 20 00\\nBest Brood Mare, A. Blunt 25 00\\nBestBull, Wm. Johnson 25 00\\nBest Heifer, A. M. Rogers 20 00\\nBest Cow, C.Baker 25 00\\nBest Stall-fed Beef, J. W. Taylor 10 00\\nBest sample Wheat, Wm. Ottiey 5 00\\nBest sample Flaxseed, H. Weir 3 00\\nBest sample Timothy Seed, E. S. Hay ward 3 00\\nBest sample Sweet Corn, L.Marshall.. 3 00\\nAggregate amount of twelve premiums $214 00\\nAn average of $17 S3 each.\\nWHAT SLAVERY DID.\\nAt the Rowan County Agricultural Fair, held at Mineral\\nSprings, in North Carolina, on 13th day of November, 1856,\\nthirty premiums ranging from twenty-five cents to two dol-\\nlars each, were awarded to successful competitors the aggre-\\ngate amount of said premiums being $42 00, or an average\\nof $1 40 each. From the proceedings of the Awarding\\nCommittee we make the following extracts:\\n16", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0365.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "362 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nBest pair Match Horses, R. W. Griffith $2 00\\nBest Horse Colt, T. A. Burke 2 00\\nBest Filly, James Cowan 2 00\\nBest Brood Mare, M. W. Goodman 2 00\\nBest Bull, J. F. McCorkle 2 00\\nBest Heifer, J. F. McCorkle 2 00\\nBest Cow, T. A. Burke 2 00\\nBest Stall-fed Beef, S. D. Rankin 1 00\\nBest Sample Wheat, M. W. Goodman 50\\nBest Lot Beets, J. J. Summerell 25\\nBest Lot Turnips, Thomas Barber 25\\nBest Lot Cabbage, Thomas Hyde 25\\nte amount of twelve premiums $16 25\\nAn average of $1 36 each.\\nBesides the two hundred and twenty premiums, amounting\\nin the aggregate to $2,396, Freedom granted several diplo-\\nmas and silver medals besides the thirty premiums amount-\\ning in the aggregate to $42, Slavery granted none nothing.\\nWhile examining these figures, it should be recollected that\\nagriculture is the peculiar province of the Slave States. If\\ncommerce or manufactures bad been the subject of the fair,\\nthe result might have shown even a greater dispro2)ortion in\\nfavor of Freedom, and yet there would have been some\\nexcuse for Slavery, for it makes no pretensions to either the\\none or the other but as agriculture was the subject, Slavery\\ncan have no excuse whatever, but must bear all the shame\\nof its niggardly and revolting impotence this it musl do\\nfor the reason that agriculture is its special and almost only\\npursuit.\\nThe Reports of the Comptrollers of the States of New\\nYork and North Carolina, for the year 1856, are now before\\nus. From each report we have gleaned a single item, which\\nwhen compared, the one with the other, speaks volumes in\\nfavor of Freedom and against Slavery. We refer to the\\naverage value per acre of lands in the two States let slave-\\nholders read, reflect, and repent.\\nIn 1856, there were assessed for taxation in the State of", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0366.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 363\\nNEW YORK.\\nVa[ued\u00c2\u00b0 f at and 8( W\u00c2\u00b0\u00c2\u00b0\\nAverage value pe r acre 1 112 1 1 |6\\nIn 1856, there were assessed for taxation in the State of\\nXOETH CAROLINA.\\n$98^800^636\\nSEA! -JMMyw\\nAverage value per acre 1V..IV/. V. .V. V. .V 13 06\\nIt is difficult for us to make any remarks on the official facts\\nabove. Our indignation is struck almost dumb at this astound-\\ning and revolting display of the awful wreck that slavery is\\neverywhere leaving behind it in the South. We will, however,\\ngo into a calculation for the purpose of ascertaining as\\nnearly as possible, in this one particular, how much North\\nCarolina has lost by the retention of slavery. As we have\\nalready seen, the average value per acre of land in the State\\nof New York is $36 97 in North Carolina it is only $3 06\\nwhy is it so much less, or even any less, in the latter than in\\nthe former The answer is, Slavery. In soil, in climate, in\\nminerals, in water-power for manufacturing purposes, and in\\narea of territory, North Carolina has the advantage of New\\nYork, and, with the exception of slavery, no plausible reason\\ncan possibly be assigned why land should not be, at least, as\\nvaluable in the valley of the Yadkin as it is along the banks\\nof the Genesee.\\nThe difference between $36 97 and $3 06 is $33 91, which,\\nmultiplied by the whole number of acres of land in North\\nCarolina, will show, in this one particular, the enormous loss\\nthat freedom has sustained on account of slavery in the\\nOld North State. Thus\\n32,450,560 acres a $33 91 $1,100,398,489.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0367.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "364: FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nLet it be indelibly impressed on the mind, however, that\\nthis amount, large as it is, is only a moiety of the sum that it\\nhas cost to maintain slavery in North Carolina. From time to\\ntime, hundreds upon hundreds of millions of dollars have left\\nthe State, either in search of profitable, permanent invest-\\nment abroad, or in the shape of profits to Northern merchants\\nand manufacturers, who have become the moneyed aristo-\\ncracy of the country by supplying to the South such articles\\nof necessity, utility, and adornment, as would have been\\nproduced at home but for the pernicious presence of the\\npeculiar institution.\\nA reward of eleven hundred million of dollars is offered\\nfor the conversion of the lands of North Carolina into free\\nsoil. The lands themselves, desolate and impoverished under\\nthe fatal foot of slavery, offer the reward. How, then, can\\nit be made to appear that the abolition of slavery in North\\nCarolina, and, indeed, throughout all the Southern States\\nfor slavery is exceedingly inimical to them all is not de-\\nmanded by every consideration of justice, prudence and good\\nsense In 1850, the total value of all the slaves of the State\\nat the rate of four hundred dollars per head, amounted to\\nless than one hundred and sixteen million of dollars. Is the\\nsum of one hundred and sixteen million of dollars more desir-\\nable than the sum of eleven hundred million of dollars?\\nWhen a man has land for sale, does he reject thirty-six dollars\\nper acre and take three Non-slaveholding Whites look well\\nto your interests Many of you have lands comparatively\\nspeaking, you have nothing else. x\\\\bolish slavery, and you\\nwill enhance the value of every league, your own and your\\nneighbors from three to thirty-six dollars per acre. Your\\nlittle tract containing two hundred acres, now valued at the\\npitiful sum of only six hundred dollars, will then be worth\\nseven thousand. Your children, now deprived of even the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0368.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 365\\nmeagre advantages of common schools, will then reap the\\nbenefits of a collegiate education. Your rivers and smaller\\nstreams, now wasting their waters in idleness, will then turn\\nthe wheels of multitudinous mills. Your bays and harbors,\\nnow unknown to commerce, will then swarm with ships\\nfrom every enlightened quarter of the globe. Non-slavehold-\\ning Whites look well to your interests\\nWould the slaveholders of North Carolina lose anything by\\nthe abolition of slavery Let us see. According to their\\nown estimate, their slaves are worth, in round numbers,. say,\\none hundred and twenty millions of dollars. There are in the\\nState twenty-eight thousand slaveholders, owning, it may be\\nsafely assumed, an average of at least five hundred acres of\\nland each fourteen millions of acres in all. This number of\\nacres, multiplied by thirty-three dollars and ninety-one cents,\\nthe difference in value between free soil and slave soiL makes\\nthe enormous sum of four hundred and seventy-four million\\nof dollars showing that by the abolition of slavery, the\\nslaveholders themselves would realize a net profit of not less\\nthan three hundred and fifty-four million of dollars.\\nNot long since, a gentleman in Baltimore, a native of\\nMaryland, remarked in our presence, that he was an abolition-\\nist because he felt that it was right and proper to be one\\nbut, inquired he, are there not, in some of the States,\\nmany widows and orphans who would be left in destitute\\ncircumstances, if their negroes were taken from them In\\nanswer to the question, we replied that slavery had already\\nreduced thousands and tens of thousands of non-slaveholding\\nwidows and orphans to the lowest depths of poverty and ig-\\nnorance, and that we did not believe one slaveholding widow\\nand three orphans were of more, or even of as much conse-\\nquence as five non-slaveholding widows and fifteen orphans.\\nYou are right, exclaimed the gentleman, you are right I", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0369.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "366 FKEE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nhad not viewed the subject in that light before I perceive\\nyou go in for the greatest good to the greatest number. Of\\ncourse we were right we do go in for the greatest good to\\nthe greatest number.\\nThe fact is, every slave in the South costs the State in which\\nhe resides at least three times as much as he, in the whole\\ncourse of his life, is worth to his master. Slavery benefits no\\none but its immediate, individual owners, and them only in a\\npecuniary point of view, and at the sacrifice of the dearest\\nrights and interests of the whole mass of non-slaveholders,\\nwhite and black. Even the masters themselves, as we have\\nalready shown, would have been far better off without it than\\nwith it. To all classes of society the system is a curse an\\nespecial curse is it to those who own it not. Non-slavehold-\\ning Whites look well to your interests", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0370.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X.\\nCOMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nIf great improvements are seldom to be expected from great proprietors,\\nthey are least of all to be expected when they employ slaves for their work-\\nmen. The experience of all ages and nations, I believe, demonstrates that the\\nwork done by slaves, though it appears to cost only their maintenance, is in\\nthe end the dearest of any. A person who can acquire no property, can have\\nno interest but to eat as much, and to labor as little as possible. Whatever\\nwork he does beyond what is sufficient to purchase his own maintenance, can\\nbe squeezed out of him by violence only, and not by any interest of his own.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nAdam Smith.\\nDegraded to a beast of burden, the slave never raises himself above a blind\\nroutine, and one generation succee ds another without any progress in improve-\\nment.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Jeremy Bentham.\\nGods can a Roman Senate long debate\\nWhich of the two to choose, slavery or death\\nA day an hour of virtuous liberty,\\nIs worth a whole eternity of bondage.\\nAddison.\\nOur theme is a city a great Southern importing, export-\\ning and manufacturing city, to be located at some point or\\nport on the coast of the Carolinas, Georgia or Virginia, where\\nwe can carry on active commerce, buy, sell, fabricate, receive\\nthe profits which accrue from the exchange of our own com-\\nmodities, open facilities for direct communication with foreign\\ncountries, and establish all those collateral sources of wealth,\\nutility and adornment, which are the usual concomitants of a\\nmetropolis, and which add so very materially to the interest\\n86T", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0371.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "308 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nand importance of a nation. Without a city of this kind, the\\nSouth can never develop her commercial resources nor attain\\nto that eminent position to which those vast resources would\\notherwise exalt her. According to calculations based upon\\nreasonable estimates, it is owing to the lack of a .great com-\\nmercial city in the South, that we are now annually drained\\nof more than One Hundred and Twenty Millions of Dollars\\nWe should, however, take into consideration the negative loss\\nas well as the positive. Especially should we think of the\\ninflux of emigrants, of the visits of strangers and cosmopo-\\nlites, of the patronage to hotels and public halls, of the profits\\nof travel and transportation, of the emoluments of foreign and\\ndomestic trade, and of numerous other advantages which have\\ntheir origin exclusively in wealthy, enterprising and densely\\npopulated cities.\\nNothing is more evident than the fact, that our jieople have\\nnever entertained a proper opinion of the importance of home\\ncities. Blindly, and greatly to our own injury, we have con-\\ntributed hundreds of millions of dollars toward the erection\\nof mammoth cities at the North, while our own magnificent\\nbays and harbors have been most shamefully disregarded and\\nneglected. Now, instead of carrying all our money to New\\nYork, Philadelphia, Boston and Cincinnati, suppose we had\\nkept it on the South side of Mason and Dixon s line as we\\nwould have done had it not been for slavery and had dis-\\nbursed it in the upbuilding of Norfolk, Beaufort, Charleston\\nor Savannah, how much richer, better, greater would the\\nSouth have been to-day How much larger and more intelli-\\ngent would have been our population How many hun-\\ndred thousand natives of the South would now be thriving at\\nhome, instead of adding to the wealth and political power of\\nother parts of the Union How much greater would be the\\nnumber and length of our railroads, canals, turnpikes and", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0372.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 369\\ntelegraphs How much greater would be the extent and\\ndiversity of our manufactures How much greater would he\\nthe grandeur, and how much larger would he the number of\\nOur churches, theatres, schools, colleges, lyceums, banks, hotels,\\nstores and private dwellings How many more clippers and\\nsteamships would we have sailing on the ocean, how vastly\\nmore reputable would we be abroad, how infinitely more re-\\nspectable, progressive and happy would we be at home\\nThat we may learn something of the importance of cities\\nin general, let us look for a moment at the great capitals of\\nthe world. What would England be without London\\nWhat would France be without Paris? What would Tur-\\nkey be without Constantinople Or, to come nearer home,\\nwhat would Maryland be without Baltimore What would\\nLouisiana be without New Orleans? What would South\\nCarolina be without Charleston Do we ever think of these\\ncountries or States without thinking of their cities also If\\nwe want to learn the news of the country, do we not go to\\nthe city, or to the city papers Every metropolis may be\\nregarded as the nucleus or epitome of the country in which\\nit is situated and the more prominent features and charac-\\nteristics of a country, particularly of the people of a country,\\nare almost always to be seen within the limits of its capital\\ncity. Almost invariably do we find the bulk of the floating\\nfunds, the best talent, and the most vigorous energies of a\\nnation concentrated in its chief cities and does not this con-\\ncentration of wealth, energy and talent conduce, in an extra-\\nordinary degree, to the growth and prosperity of a nation\\nUnquestionably. Wealth develops wealth, energy develops\\nenergy, talent develops talent. What, then, must be the\\ncondition of those countries which do not possess the means\\nor facilities of centralizing their material forces, their ener-\\ngies and their talents Are they not destined to occupy an\\n16*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0373.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "370 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\ninferior rank among the nations of the earth Let the South\\nanswer.\\nAnd now let us ask, and we would put the question par-\\nticularly to Southern merchants, what do we so much need as\\na great Southern metropolis Merchants of the South,\\nslaveholders you are the avaricious assassinators of your\\ncountry You are the channels through which more than\\none hundred and twenty millions of dollars are annually\\ndrained from the South and conveyed to the North. You\\nare daily engaged in the unmanly and unpatriotic work of\\nimpoverishing the land of your birth. You are constantly\\nenfeebling our resources and rendering us more and more\\ntributary to distant parts of the nation. Your conduct is\\nreprehensible, base, criminal.\\nWhether Southern merchants ever think of the numerous\\nways in which they contribute to the aggrandizement of the\\nNorth, while, at the same time, they enervate and dishonor\\nthe South, has for many years, with us, been a matter of more\\nthan ordinary conjecture. If, as it would seem, they have\\nnever yet thought of the subject, it is certainly desirable that\\nthey should exercise their minds upon it at once. Let them\\nscrutinize the workings of Southern money after it passes\\nnorth of Mason and Dixon s line. Let them consider how\\nmuch they pay to Northern railroads and hotels, how much to\\nNorthern merchants and shopkeepers, how much to Northern\\nshippers and insurers, how much to Northern theatres, news-\\npapers and periodicals. Let them also consider what dispo-\\nsition is made of it after it is lodged in the hands of the\\nNorth. Is not the greater part of it paid out to Northern\\nmanufacturers, mechanics and laborers, for the very articles\\nwhich are purchased at the North and to the extent that\\nthis is done, are not Northern manufacturers, mechanics, and\\nlaborers directly countenanced and encouraged, while, at the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0374.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\n371\\nsame time, Southern manufacturers, mechanics, and laborers,\\nare indirectly abased, depressed and disabled It is, how-\\never, a matter of impossibility, on these small pages, to notice\\nor enumerate all the methods in which the money we deposit\\nin the North is made to operate against us; suffice it to say\\nthat it is circulated and expended there, among all classes of\\nthe people, to the injury and impoverishment of almost every\\nindividual in the South. And yet, our cousins of the North\\nare not, by any means, blameworthy for availing themselves\\nof the advantages which we have voluntarily yielded to them.\\nThey have shown their wisdom in growing great at our ex-\\npense, and we have shown our folly in allowing them to do\\nso. In this respect, Southern merchants, slaveholders, and\\nslavebreeders, should be the special objects of our censure;\\nthey have desolated and impoverished the South they are\\nnow making merchandise of the vitals of their country patri-\\notism is a word nowhere recorded in their vocabulary town,\\ncity, country they care for neither with them, self is always\\nparamount to every other consideration.\\nFrom letters received in 1857, from the mayors of eighteen\\nof our great commercial cities, nine free, and nine slave,\\nwhich letters have been published in all the original book\\neditions of this work, we present the following important\\nparticulars\\nNINE FREE CITIES.\\nName.\\nPopulation.\\nWealth..\\nWealth\\nper capita.\\n700,000\\n500,000\\n165,000\\n225,000\\n210,000\\n112,000\\n60,000\\n90,000\\n21,000\\n$511,740,492\\n325,000,000\\n249,162,500\\n95,800,440\\n88,810,734\\n171,000,000\\n58,064,516\\n45,474,476\\n27,047,000\\n$781\\n650\\n1,510\\n425\\n422\\n1,527\\n967\\n505\\n1,288\\n2,0S3,000\\n$1,572,100,158\\n$754", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0375.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "372\\nCOMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nXINE SLAVE CITIES.\\nName.\\nPopulation.\\nWealth.\\nWealth\\nper capita.\\nBaltimore\\n250,000\\n175,000\\n140,000\\n60,000\\n70,(100\\n40,000\\n17,000\\n25,000\\n10,000\\n$102,053,S39\\n91,188,195\\n63,000,000\\n36,127,751\\n31,500,000\\n20,143,520\\n12,000,000\\n11,999,015\\n7,850,000\\n$40S\\n521\\n450\\n602\\n450\\n503\\n705\\n480\\nWilmington\\n785\\n7S7,000\\n$375,802,320\\n$477\\nLet it not be forgotten that the slaves themselves are valued\\nat so much per head, and counted as part of the wealth of\\nslave cities and yet, though we assent, as we have done, to\\nthe inclusion of all this fictitious wealth, it will he observed\\nthat the residents of free cities are far wealthier, per capita,\\nthan the residents of slave cities. The reader, we trust, will\\nnot fail to examine the figures with great care.\\nIn this age of the world, Commerce is an indispensable ele-\\nment of national greatness. Without commerce we can have\\nno great cities, and without great cities we can have no relia-\\nble tenure of distinct nationality. Commerce is the forerunner\\nof wealth and population and it is mainly these that make\\ninvincible the power of undying states.\\nSpeaking in general terms of the commerce of this country,\\nand of the great cities through which that commerce is chiefly\\ncarried on, the Boston Traveller says\\nThe wealth concentrated at the great commercial points of the\\nUnited States is truly astonishing. Tor instance, one-eighth part of\\nthe entire property of this country is owned by the cities of New-\\nYork and Boston. Boston alone, in its corporate limits, owns one-\\ntwentieth of the property of this entire Union, being an amount equal\\nto the wealth of any three of the New England States, except Massa*\\nchusetts. fn this city is found the richest community, per capita.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0376.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 373\\nof any in the United States. The next city in point of wealth, ac-\\ncording to its population, is Providence, (R. I.,) which city is one of\\nthe richest in the Union, having a valuation of fifty-six millions, with\\na population of fifty thousand.\\nThe same paper, in the course of an editorial article on the\\nWealth of Boston and its Business, says\\nThe assessors return of the wealth of Boston will probably show\\nthis year an aggregate property of nearly three hundred millions.\\nThis sum, divided among 100,000 people, would give nearly $2,000\\nto each inhabitant, and will show Boston to be much the wealthiest\\ncommunity in the United States, save New York alone, with four\\ntimes its population. The value of the real estate in this city is in-\\ncreasing now with great rapidity, as at least four millions of dollars\\nworth of new houses and stores will be built this year. The personal\\nestate in ships, cargoes, stocks, etc., is greatly increasing with each\\nsucceeding year, notwithstanding the many disasters and losses con-\\nstantly occurring in such kinds of property.\\nIt is impossible to get the exact earnings of the nearly six hun-\\ndred thousand tons of sbipping owned in this city. But perhaps it,\\nwould not be much out of the way to set the total amount for 1855\\nat from fifteen to twenty millions of dollars. This sum has probably\\nbeen earned by our fleet engaged in the domestic trade, and in com-\\nmercial transactions with the East and West Indies, South America,\\nthe Pacific, Europe, and Africa. The three sources from which the\\npopulation of Boston is maintained, and its prosperity continued, are\\nthese Commerce, trade, and manufactures. Its annual trade and\\nsales of merchandise are said now, by competent judges, to amount\\nto three hundred millions of goods per annum, and will soon greatly\\nexceed that vast sum. The annual manufactures of this city are much\\nmore in amount than in many entire States in this Union. They\\namount, according to recent statistics, to nearly seventy-five millions\\nof dollars.\\nThe late Freeman Hunt, as editor of Hunt s Mer-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0377.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "374 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nchants Magazine, writing on the Progressive Growth of\\nCities, says\\nLondon is now the greatest concentration of human power the\\nworld has ever known. Will its supremacy be permanent or will\\nit, like its predecessors, be eclipsed by western rivals New-Yorkers\\ndo not doubt, and indeed have no reason to doubt, that their city,\\nnow numbering little more than one third of the population of Lon-\\ndon, will, within the next fifty years, be greater than the metropolis\\nof the British empire.\\nNew York, with her immediate dependencies, numbers about\\n900,000. Since 1790 she has established a law of growth which\\ndoubles her population once in fifteen years. If this law continues\\nto operate, she may be expected to possess 1,800,000 in 1871,\\n3,600,000 in 1886, and 7,200,000 in 1901. If twenty years be allowed\\nNew York as her future period of duplication, she would overtake\\nLondon by the end of fifty years; London may then have five\\nmillions; New York will almost certainly have more than that\\nnumber.\\nWill the star of empire become stationary at New York? The\\ninterior plain of North America has within itself more means to sus-\\ntain a dense population in civilized comfort than any other region\\nof the world. The star of empire cannot be arrested in its western\\ncourse before it reaches this plain. Its most promising city, at pre-\\nsent, is Chicago. The law of its growth since 1840 seems to be a\\nduplication within four years. It 1840 it numbered 4,379. In Juno\\nof this year it will contain 88,000. At the same rate of increase\\ncarried forward, it would overtake New York within twenty years.\\nIf six years be allowed for each future duplication, Chicago would\\novertake New York in thirty-three years. If the growth of Chicago\\nshould in future be measured by a duplication of every seven years,\\nit would contain 5,622,000 in forty-two years.\\nIn 1901, forty-five years from this time, the central plain, includ-\\ning the Canadas, will contain about eighty millions of people. Its\\nchief city may be reasonably expected to contain about one-tenth of\\nthis population. Before the end of this century the towns and cities\\nof the contra! plain will contain, with their suburbs, not less than", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0378.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 375\\nhalf the entire population that is to say, forty millions. How these\\nmillions shall be apportioned among the cities of that day, is a sub-\\nject for curious speculation.\\nA FLEET OF MERCHANTMEN\\nThe Boston Journal, of a recent date, says\\nAbout one hundred sail of vessels, of various descriptions, entered\\nthis port yesterday, consisting of traders from Europe, South Ame-\\nrica, the West Indies, and from coastwise ports. The waters of the\\nbay and li arbor presented a beautiful appearance from the surround-\\ning shores, as this fleet of white-winged messengers made their way\\ntoward the city, and crowds of people must have witnessed their ad-\\nvent with great delight. A more magnificent sight is seldom seen\\nin our harbor.\\nWould to heaven that such sights could sometimes be seen\\nin Southern harbors When slavery shall cease to paralyze\\nthe energies of our people, then ships, coming to us from the\\nfour quarters of the globe, will, with majestic grandeur, begin\\nto loom in the distance our bays will rejoice in the presence\\nof the white-winged messengers, and our levees resound\\nas never before with the varied din of commerce.\\nHow it is, in this enlightened age, that men of ordinary\\nintelligence can be so far led into error as to suppose that\\ncommerce, or any other noble enterprise, can be established\\nand successfully prosecuted under the dominion of slavery, is,\\nto us, one of the most inexplicable of mysteries. Southern\\nConventions, composed of the self-titled lordlings of slavery,\\nGenerals, Colonels, Majors, Captains, and Squires may act\\nout their annual programmes of farcical nonsense from now\\nuntil doomsday but they will never add one iota to the ma-\\nterial, moral, or mental interests of the South never can,\\nuntil their ebony idol shall have been utterly demolished.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0379.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "376 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nBALTIMORE PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE.\\nWe are indebted to the Baltimore Patriot for the fol-\\nlowing interesting sketch of the Monumental City as it was,\\nand as it is, and as it may be\\nThe population of Baltimore in 1790 was 13,503; in 1800,\\n15,514; in 1810, 35,583; in 1820, 62,738; in 1830, 80,625; in 1840,\\n110,313; in 1850, 169,054. The increase of inhabitants within two\\nparticular decades, will be found, by reference to the above table, to\\nbe remarkable. Between 1800 and 1810, the population nearly\\ndoubled itself; between 1840 and 1850, the increase was two-thirds;\\nand for the past five years the numerical extension of our population\\nhas been even more rapid than during the previous decade. We\\nmay safely assume that Baltimore contains, at the present time, not\\nless than 250,000 inhabitants. But the increase in the manufactured\\nproducts of the State, as shown by the report of the Secretary oft lie\\nTreasury, is a matter of even greater astonishment. The statistical\\ntables of 1840 estimate the aggregate value of the manufactures of\\nMaryland at $13,509,636 thirteen million jive hundred, and vine\\nthousand six hundred and thirty-six dollars. In 1850, the value of\\nthe articles manufactured within the limits of the State amounted\\nto $32,593,635 thirty-two million Jive hundred and ninety-three\\nthousand six hundred and thirty-five dollars A signal proof that\\nthe wealth of the State has increased with even far greater rapidity\\nthan its population. A quarter of a century ago, the sum of our manu-\\nfactures did not much exceed five millions of dollars per annum. At\\nthis day it may be set down as falling but little short of fifty millions.\\nThese are facts taken from official sources, and therefore understated\\nrather than exceeded. They are easily verified by any one who will\\ntake the necessary trouble to examine the reports for himself; and they\\njustify us in the assertion that we are but fifteen years behind Phila-\\ndelphia in population, and are only at the same relative distance\\nfrom her in point of wealth.\\nA change has been going on for some time past in our commercial\\nand industrial affairs which all may have noticed, but the extent of", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0380.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 377\\nwhich is known to but few, and we hazard nothing in saying that\\nthis enormous progression must continue, because it is based upon a\\nsolid foundation, and therefore subject to no ordinary contingencies.\\nOccupying geographically the most central position on this Conti-\\nnent, with vast mines of coal lying within easy distance to the north\\nand west of us, with a harbor easy of access, and with railroads\\npenetrating by the shortest routes the most fertile sections of the\\nUnion, we need nothing but the judicious fostering of a proper\\nspirit among our citizens to make Baltimore not only the commer-\\ncial emporium of the South and West, but also the great coal mart\\nof the Union. Our flour market is already the most extensive in\\nihe known world we speak without exaggeration, for this also is\\nproven by unquestionable facts. There is more guano annually\\nbrought into our port than into all the other ports of the United\\nStates put together, and the demand for this important article of\\ncommerce is steadily increasing. Our shipments of tobacco are\\nimmense, and as the improvement in the depth of the channel of the\\nPatapsco increases, must inevitably become much greater.\\nSuch, then, is our present condition as a commercial community\\nand when we add that our prosperity is as much owing to our\\nadmirable geographical position as to the energy of our merchants\\nand manufacturers, we design to cast no imputation on these excel-\\nlent citizens, but rather to stimulate them to reneAved efforts in a\\nfield where enterprise cannot fail of reaping its due reward.\\nTake any common map of the United States and rule an air line\\nacross it from Baltimore to St. Louis, and midway between the two\\nit will strike Cincinnati the great inland centre of trade travers-\\ning at the same time those wonderfully fertile valleys which lie\\nbetween the latter point and the Mississippi river. Now let it be\\nremembered that since the introduction of railways fluvial naviga-\\ntion has been, to a considerable extent, superseded by inland transport,\\nbecause of the greater speed and certainty of the latter. Let it be\\nremembered also that the migration westward is incessantly going\\non, and that with every farm opened within striking distance of a\\ngreat arterial railway, or its anastomosing branches, a certain amount\\nof freight must find its way to the seaboard markets, while the\\ndemand for manufactured products, and for domestic or foreign", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0381.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "378 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE\\ncommodities, in exchange for breadstuffs or raw material, most\\nnecessarily increase thereby adding greatly to the prosperity of the\\ncommercial centre toward wbich articles of export tend, and from\\nwhich imports in return are drawn. It would be difficult to esti-\\nmate the value of what this trade will be fifty years hence, or what\\nthe population of Baltimore, situated as she is, will, by that time\\nhave become.\\nReasoning from causes to effects, and presuming that ordinary\\nperseverance will be used in promoting the interests of our city,\\nindustrially and commercially, we are justified in believing that its\\nprogress must be in an accelerated ratio, and that there are those\\nnow living who will look back with surprise and wonder at its\\ngrowth and magnitude, as we have done while comparing its present\\naspect with that which it exhibited within our own memory.\\nIt is a remarkable fact, but one not at all surprising to those\\nwhose philosophy leads them to think aright, that Baltimore\\nand St. Louis, the two most prosperous cities in the Slave\\nStates, have fewer slaves in proportion to the aggregate popu-\\nlation than any other city or cities in the South. While the\\nentire population of the former is now estimated at 250,000,\\nand that of the latter at 150,000 making a grand total of\\n400,000 in the two cities, less than 6,000 of this latter number\\nare slaves indeed, neither city is cursed with half the number\\nof 0,000.\\nIn 1S50, there Avere only 2,946 slaves in Baltimore, and\\n2,656 in St. Louis total in the two cities, 5,602 and in both\\nplaces, thank heaven, this heathenish class of the population\\nwas rapidly decreasing. The census of 1870, will, in all pro-\\nbability, show that the two cities are entirely exempt from\\nslaves and slavery and that of 1880 will, we prayerfully hope,\\nshow that the United States at large, at that time, will have\\nbeen wholly redeemed from the unspeakable crime and curse\\nof human bondage.\\nAVhat about Southern commerce Is it not almost entirely", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0382.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 379\\ntributary to the commerce of the North Are we not de-\\npendent on New York, Philadelphia, Boston, and Cincinnati,\\nfor nearly every article of merchandise, whether foreign or\\ndomestic? Where are our ships, our mariners, our naval\\narchitects Alas echo answers, where\\nReader! would you understand how abjectly slaveholders\\nthemselves are enslaved to the products of Northern indus-\\ntry? If you would, fix your mind on a Virginia gentleman\\na breeder, buyer, and seller of bipedal black cattle who,\\nwithal, professes to be a Christian Observe the routine of\\nhis daily life. See him rise in the morning from a Northern\\nbed, and clothe himself in Northern apparel see him walk\\nacross the floor on a Northern carpet, and perform his ablu-\\ntions out of a Northern ewer and basin. See him uncover a\\nbox of Northern powders, and cleanse his teeth with a\\nNorthern brush see him reflecting his physiognomy in a\\nNorthern mirror, and arranging his hair with a Northern\\ncomb. See him dosing himself with the medicaments of\\nNorthern quacks, and perfuming his handkerchief with\\nNorthern cologne. See him referring to the time in a Northern\\nwatch, and glancing at the news in a Northern gazette. See\\nhim and his family sitting in Northern chairs, and singing and\\npraying out of Northern books. .See him at the breakfast\\ntable, saying grace over a Northern plate, eating with Northern\\ncutlery, and drinking from Northern utensils. See him\\ncharmed with the melody of a Northern piano, or musing\\nover the pages of a Northern novel. See him riding to his\\nneighbor s in a Northern carriage, or furrowing his lands with\\na Northern plough. See him lighting his cigar with a Nor-\\nthern match, and flogging his negroes with a Northern lash.\\nSee him with Northern pen *and ink, Avriting letters on\\nNorthern paper, and sending them away in Northern enve-\\nlopes, sealed with Northern wax, and impressed with a", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0383.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "380 COMMEECIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nNorthern stamp. Perhaps our Virginia gentleman is a mer-\\nchant if so, see him at his store, making an unpatriotic use\\nof his time in the miserable traffic of Northern gimcracks and\\nhaberdashery see him when you will, where you will, he is\\never surrounded with the industrial products of those whom,\\nin the strange inconsistency of his heart, he execrates as ene-\\nmies, yet treats as friends. His labors, his talents, his influ-\\nence, are all for the North, and not for the South. For the\\nstability of slavery, and for the sake of his own personal\\naggrandizement, he is willing to sacrifice, and does sacrifice,\\nthe dearest interests of his country.\\nAs we see our ruinous system of commerce exemplified in\\nthe family of our Virginian gentleman a branch of one of the\\nfirst fiunilies, of course so we may see it exemplified, to a\\ngreater or lesser degree, in almost every other family through-\\nout the length and breadth of the slaveholding States. We\\nare all constantly buying, and selling, and wearing, and using\\nNorthern merchandise, at a double expense to both ourselves\\nand our neighbors. If Ave but look at ourselves attentively,\\nwe shall find that Ave are all clothed cap-d-pie in Northern\\nhabiliments. Our hats, our caps, our cravats, our coats, our\\nvests, our pants, our gloves, our boots, our shoes, our under-\\ngarments all come from the North whence, too, Southern\\nladies procure all their bonnets, plumes, and flowers dresses,\\nshawls, and scarfs frills, ribbons, and ruffles cuffs, capes, and\\ncollars.\\nTrue it is that the South has wonderful powers of endur-\\nance and recuperation but she cannot forever support the\\nreckless prodigality of her sons. We are all spendthrifts\\nsome of us should become financiers. We must learn to take\\ncare of our money we should withhold it from the North,\\nand open avenues for its circulation at home. We should not\\nrun to New York, to Philadelphia, to Boston, to Cincinnati,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0384.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 381\\nor to any other Northern city, every time we want a shoe-\\nstring or a bedstead, a fish-hook or a hand-saw, a tooth-pick or\\na cotton-gin. In ease and luxury we have been lolling long\\nenough we should now bestir ourselves, and keep pace with\\nthe progress of the age. We must expand our energies, and\\nacquire habits of enterprise and industry we should arouse\\nourselves from the couch of lassitude, and inure our minds to\\nthought and our bodies to action. We must begin to feed on\\na more substantial diet than that of pro-slavery politics we\\nshould leave off our siestas and post-meridian naps, and em-\\nploy our time in profitable vocations. Before us there is a\\nvast work to be accomplished a work which has been accu-\\nmulating on our hands for many years. It is no less a work\\nthan that of infusing the spirit of liberty into all our systems of\\ncommerce, agriculture, manufactures, government, literature,\\nand religion. Oligarchal despotism must be overthrown\\nslavery must be abolished.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0385.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XI.\\nFACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nSlavery is the infringement of all laws. A law having a tendency to pre-\\nserve slavery would be the grossest sacrilege. Man to be possessed by his\\nfellow-man! man to be made property of! The image of the Deity to be put\\nunder the yoke Let these usurpers show us their title-deeds Bolivar.\\nMeanwhile a change was proceeding, infinitely more momentous than the\\nacquisition or loss of any province, than the rise or fall of any dynasty.\\nSlavery, and the evils by which slavery is everywhere accompanied, were fast\\ndisappearing. Macaulay.\\nHe who permits oppression, shares the crime.\\nDarwin.\\nLiberty! thou goddess heavenly bright!\\nProfuse of bliss, and pregnant with delight\\nEternal pleasures in thy presence reign,\\nAnd smiling Plenty leads thy wanton train.\\nAddison.\\nFreedom s battle once begun,\\nBequeath d by bleeding sire to son,\\nThough baffled oft, is ever won.\\nByron.\\nFinding that we shall have to leave unsaid a great many\\nthings which we intended to say, and that we shall have to\\nomit much valuable matter, the product of other pens than\\nour own, but which, having collected at considerable labor\\nand expense, we had hoped to be able to introduce, we have\\nconcluded to present, under the above heading, only a few of\\nthe more important particulars.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0386.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 383\\nIn the first place, Ave will give an explanation of the reason\\nWHY THE PRESENT VOLUME WAS NOT PUBLISHED IN\\nBALTIMORE.\\nA considerable portion of this work was written in Balti-\\nmore and the whole of it would have been written and pub-\\nlished there, but for the following odious clause, which we\\nextract from the Statutes of Maryland\\nBe it enacted by the General Assembly of Maryland, That after\\nthe passage of this act, it shall not be lawful for any citizen of this\\nState, knowingly to make, print, or engrave, or aid in the making,\\nprinting, or engraving, within this State, any pictorial representation,\\nor to write or print, or to aid in the writing or printing any pamph-\\nlet, newspaper, handbill or other paper of an inflammatory character,\\nand having a tendency to excite discontent, or stir up insurrection\\namongst the people of color of this State, or of either of the other\\nStates or Territories of the United States, or knowingly to carry or\\nsend, or to aid in the carrying or sending the same for circulation\\namongst the inhabitants of either of the other States or Territories\\nof the United States, and any person so offending shall be guilty of a\\nfelony, and shall on conviction be sentenced to confinement in the\\npenitentiary of this State, for a period not less than ten nor more\\nthan twenty years, from the time of sentence pronounced on such\\nperson. Act passed Dec. 1831. See 2d Dorset/, page 1218.\\nNow, so long as slaveholders are clothed with the mantle\\nof office, so long will they continue to make laws, like the\\nabove, expressly calculated to bring the non-slaveholding\\nwhites under a system of vassalage little less onerous and\\ndebasing than that to which the negroes themselves are ac-\\ncustomed. What- wonder is it that there is no native litera-\\nture in the South The South can never have a literature\\nof her own until after slavery shall have been abolished.\\nSlaveholders are either too lazy or too ignorant to write it,", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0387.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "384 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nand the non-slaveholders\u00e2\u0080\u0094 even the few whose minds are cul-\\ntivated at all are not permitted even to make the attempt.\\nDown with the oligarchy Ineligibility of slaveholders\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nnever another vote to the trafficker in human flesh\\nLEGISLATIVE ACTS AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nIn his Compendium of the Seventh Census, Mr. DeBow\\nhas compiled the following useful and highly interesting\\nfacts\\nThe Continental Congress of 1774 resolved to discontinue the\\nslave trade, in which resolution they were anticipated by the Con-\\nventions of Delegates of Virginia and North Carolina. In 1789 the\\nConvention to frame the federal Constitution, looked to the abolition\\nof the traffic in 1S08. On the 2d of March, 1807, Congress passed\\nan Act against importations of Africans into the United States after\\nJanuary 1st, 1808. An act in Great Britain in 1807 also made the\\nslave trade unlawful. Denmark forbid the introduction of African\\nslaves into her colonies after 1804. The Congress of Vienna, in 1815,\\npronounced for the abolition of the trade. France abolished it in\\n1817, and also Spain, but the acts were to take effect after 1820.\\nPortugal abolished it in 1818.\\nIn Pennsylvania slavery was abolished in 1780. In New Jersey\\nit was provisionally abolished in 1784 all children born of a slave\\nafter 1804 are made free in 1820. In Massachusetts, it was declared\\nafter the revolution, that slavery was virtually abolished by their\\nConstitution (1780). In 1784 and 1797, Connecticut provided for a\\ngradual extinction of slavery. In Ehode Island, after 1784, no per-\\nson could be born a slave. The constitutions of Vermont and New\\nHampshire, respectively, abolished slavery. In New York it was\\nprovisionally abolished in 1799, twenty-eight years ownership being\\nallowed in slaves born after that date, and in 1817 it was enacted\\nthat slavery was not to exist after ten years, or 1827. The\\nordinance of 1787 forbid slavery in the territory northwest of the\\nOhio.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0388.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 385\\nBesides the instances enumerated above, Slavery has been\\nabolished in more than forty different parts of the world\\nAvithin the last half century, and with good results every-\\nwhere, except two or three West India islands, where the\\nnegro population was greatly in excess of the white and\\neven in these, the evils, if any, that have followed, are not\\njustly attributable to abolition, but to the previous demorali-\\nzation produced by slavery.\\nIn tills connection we may very properly introduce the tes-\\ntimony of a West India planter to the relative advantages of\\nfree over slave labor. Listen to Charles Pettyjohn, of Bar-\\nbadoes, who, addressing himself to a citizen of our own coun-\\ntry, says\\nIn 1834, I came in possession of 257 slaves, under the laws of\\nEngland, which required the owner to feed, clothe, and furnish them\\nwith medical attendance. With this number I cultivated my sugar\\nplantation until the Emancipation Act of August 1st, 1838, when\\nthey all became free. I now hire a portion of those slaves, the best\\nand cheapest of course, as you hire men in the United States. The\\naverage number which I employ is 100, with which I cultivate more\\nland at a cheaper rate, and make more produce than I did with 257\\nslaves. With my slaves I made from 100 to 180 tons of sugar yearly.\\nWith 100 free negroes I think I do badly if I do not annually pro-\\nduce 250 tons.\\nIf, in the forty and more instances to which we have\\nalluded, the abolition of slavery had proved injurious in a\\nmajority of cases, the attempt to abolish it elsewhere might,\\nperhaps, be regarded as an ill-advised effort but, seeing that\\nits abolition has worked well in at least fourteen-fifteenths of\\nall the cases on record, the fact becomes obvious that it is\\nour duty and our interest to continue to abolish it until the\\nwhole world shall be freed, or until we shall begin to see\\nmore evil than good result from our acts of emancipation.\\n17", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0389.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "386 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY TIJE WAYSIDE.\\nSLAVERY THOUGHTFUL SIGNS OF CONTRITION.\\nThe real condition of the South is most graphically de-\\nscribed in the following doleful admissions from the Charles-\\nton Standard\\nIn its every aspect, our present condition is provincial. We\\nhave within our limits no solitary metropolis of interest or ideas\\nno marts of exchange no radiating centres of opinion. Whatever\\nwe have of genius and productive energy, goes freely in to swell the\\nimportance of the North. Possessing the material which constitutes\\ntwo-thirds of the commerce of the whole country, it might have\\nbeen supposed that we conld have influence upon the councils of\\nforeign States; but we are never taken into contemplation. It\\nmight have been supposed that England, bound to us by the cords\\nupon which depend the existence of four millions of her subjects,\\nwould be considerate of our feelings but receiving her cotton from\\nthe North, it is for them she has concern, and it is her interest and\\nher pleasure to reproach us. It might have been supposed,, that,\\nproducing the material which is sent abroad, to us would come the\\narticles that are taken in exchange for it but to the North they go\\nfor distribution, and to us are parcelled out the fabrics that are suited\\nto so remote a section.\\nInstead, therefore, of New York being tributary to Norfolk,\\nCharleston, Savannah or New Orleans, these cities are tributary to\\nNew York. Instead of the merchants of New York standing cap in\\nhand to the merchants of Charleston, the merchants of Charleston\\nstand cap in hand to the merchants of New York. Instead of receiv-\\ning foreign ships in Southern waters, and calling up the merchants\\nof the country to a distribution of the cargo, the merchants of the\\nSouth are hurried off to make a distribution elsewhere. In virtue\\nof our relations to a greater system, we have lit ^development of\\ninternal interests; receiving supplies from the great centre, we have\\nmade little effort to supply ourselves. We support the makers of\\nboots, shoes, hats, coats, shirts, flannels, blankets, carpets, chairs,\\ntables, mantels, mats, carriages, jewelry, cradles, couches, coffins, by", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0390.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 387\\nthe thousand and hundreds of thousands but they scorn to live\\namongst us. They must have the gaieties and splendors of a great\\nmetropolis, and are not content to vegetate upon the dim verge of\\nthis remote frontier.\\nAs it is in material interest, so it is in arts and letters\u00e2\u0080\u0094 our pictures\\nare painted at the North, our books are published at the North, our\\nperiodicals and papers are printed at the North. We are even fed\\non police reports and villainy from the North. The papers pub-\\nlished at the South which ignore the questions at issue between the\\nsections are generally well sustained the books which expose the\\nevils of our institution are even read with avidity beyond our limits,\\nbut the ideas that are turned to the condition of the South are in-\\ntensely provincial. If, as things now are, a man should rise with all\\nthe genius of Shakspeare or Dickens, or Fielding, or of all the three\\ncombined, and speak from the South, he would not receive enough\\nto pay the costs of publication. If published at the South, his book\\nwould never be seen or heard of, and published at the North it\\nwould not be read. So perfect is our provincialism, therefore, that\\nenterprise is forced to the North for a sphere\u00e2\u0080\u0094 talent for a market\\ngenius for the ideas upon which to work indolence for ease, and\\nthe tourist for attractions.\\nThis extract exhibits in bold relief, ami in small space, a\\nlarge number of the present evils of past errors. It is charm-\\ningly frank and truthful. De Quincey s Confessions of an\\nOpium Eater, are nothing to it. A distinguished writer on\\nmedical jurisprudence informs us that knowledge of the\\ndisease is half the cure and if it be true, as perhaps it is, we\\nthink the Standard is in a fair way to be reclaimed from\\nthe enormous vices of pro-slavery statism.\\nFREE LABOR MOVEMENTS IN THE SOUTH.\\nThose of our readers avIio share with us the conviction\\nthat one of the very best means of ridding the South of the\\ngreat crime and curse of slavery, is by a system of thorough", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0391.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "388\\nFACTS AND AEGTTMENT8 BY TUB WAYSIDE.\\norganization on the part of a considerable number of indi-\\nviduals, to bring Free Labor into direct competition with\\nForced Labor, will also share with us the profound satisfac-\\ntion of learning, from the following communication, that the\\nunited efforts of gentlemen of noble instincts and purposes\\nhave been eminently successful in this regard and that the\\nfuture is glowing with promises of grand results which are\\ndestined soon to be brought about through the energy and\\npatriotism of such companies and corporations as the one in\\nquestion\\nOffice of the American Emigrant Aid and Homestead Company,\\nNo. 146 Broadway, New York, June 9th, 1S59.\\nH. E. Helper, Esq.:\\nDear Sir In fulfillment of my promise, I will try to give you\\nan outline of the object and operations of the American Emigrant\\nAid and Homestead Company. Your Impending Crisis has abun-\\ndantly demonstrated the fact, that land in the Slave States is valued,\\npurchased, and sold at prices many times less than the same quality\\nof land will command in the Free States. It is likewise easy to show\\nthat, in the border Slave States, counties comparatively free are worth\\nmany times as much per acre as land of the same quality in counties\\ncursed with the incubus of slavery.\\nIn the little State of Delaware, containing only three counties,\\nnearly all the slaves are found in the Southern county of Sussex,\\nwhich by the last census was appraised at $8 per acre, while the\\nNorthern county of Newcastle, without slaves, was, by the same cen-\\nsus, appraised at over $28 per acre. The fact above stated, is also\\nvery clearly shown by the statistics of the following counties in Vir-\\nginia:\\nName.\\nAcres.\\nValuation.\\nValue per Acre.\\nFreemen.\\nSlaves.\\n49,739\\n52,441\\n59,781\\n335,691\\n156,988\\n$1,181,512\\n1,816,591\\n2,025.951\\n1,068,103\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a01 7,178\\n$23 75\\n25 10\\n34 00\\n3 oi\\n2 Vii\\n4,047\\n5,023\\n17,842\\n7, Till\\n1,854\\n3\\nOhio\\n31\\n164\\nSouthampton,\\n5,755\\n3,785", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0392.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 389\\nIt is worthy of note that the comparatively free counties here given\\nare very hilly, far from tide water, and settled within the last fifty\\nor sixty years, while the slave counties have a beautiful, gently roll-\\ning surface, lie near tide water, and the unequalled harbor of Nor-\\nfolk, and have had the advantage of cultivation for nearly two hundred\\nyears. The Homestead Company, looking at these tacts, proposes\\nChristian colonization in the border Slave States, not by single or\\nseparate settlement, but by organized emigration, carrying with it all\\nthe schools, churches, habits of industry, social institutions, and ele-\\nments of a high civilization and thus, settling large tracts by united\\nand sympathizing companies, of liberty and Union-loving men, their\\ninvestments are quadrupled in value by the mere act of settlement.\\nWe believe there is no department of human enterprise more bene-\\nfited by system and cooperation than that of emigration. Our ex-\\nperience has amply proved that this plan is not only profitable to all\\nparties concerned as a financial operation, but that it furnishes the\\nmost feasible means of extending the Empire of Freedom and genuine\\nChristianity, and is, in fact, one of the most inviting and beneficent\\nenterprises of the age. We feel confident that our movement of\\nconcerted emigration has already demonstrated the truth of the pro-\\nposition, that freedom, like godliness, is profitable for the life that\\nnow is, as well as that which is to come and that it has opened an\\neasy, practicable, and profitable way to establish free institutions in\\nall the border Slave States.\\nOur operations have been thus far confined principally to the\\nState of Virginia, and the results to myself, have been highly gratify-\\ning. One of the outgrowths of our enterprise, has been the establish-\\nment of freedom of speech. During the last year I have been allowed\\na liberty of discussion on the subject of slavery, which, in 185 6\\nwould have demanded my blood or banishment. Indeed, in the\\ntowns of Western Virginia I have been serenaded, and invited to public\\nentertainments, and to make addresses on that subject so lately pro-\\nscribed, and scarcely breathed without incurring the penalty of exile\\nor ostracism. We have now, in Western Virginia, three excellent\\nweekly Republican papers, and one daily and tri-weekly, and we\\nexpect shortly to welcome several others to the ranks of freedom.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0393.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "390 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nThese are but a few of the many encouraging results of our experi-\\nments.\\nIn the cause of liberty and humanity,\\nYours truly,\\nJohn 0. Undebwood.\\nAs well might the Oligarchy attempt to stay the flux and\\nreflux of the tides, as to attempt to stay the progress of Free-\\ndom in the South. Approved of God, the edict of the genius of\\nUniversal Emancipation has been proclaimed to the world, and\\nnothing save Deity himself, can possibly reverse it. To con-\\nnive at the perpetuation of slavery is to disobey the com-\\nmands of heaven. Not to be an Abolitionist, is to be a willful\\nand diabolical instrument of the devil. The South needs to\\nbe free, the South wants to be free, the South shall be free.\\nTo all our readers, especially to our Southern readers, we\\ncordially commend the following list of\\nREPUBLICAN NEWSPAPERS PUBLISHED IN THE SLAVE STATES.\\nENGLISH.\\nThe Missouri Democrat St. Louis, Missouri.\\nThe Free Democrat St. Joseph,\\nThe Wheeling Intelligencer Wheeling, Virginia.\\nThe Wellsburg Herald Wellsburg,\\nThe Ceredo Crescent Ceredo,\\nThe Pruntytown Visitor Pruntytown,\\nThe Journal and Statesman Wilmington, Delaware.\\nThe Delaivare Republican\\nThe News and Advertiser Milford,\\nGERMAN.\\nDer Anzeiger des Western St. Louis, Missouri.\\nDie Westliche Post\\nDas Hermann Wochenblatt Herrmann,\\nDer St. Charles Demokrat St. Charles,\\nDie Deutsche Zeitung St. Joseph,\\nDie Missouri Post Kansas City,\\nDer Lou.isvilkr Au-ciger Louisville, Kentucky.\\nDer Baltimore Wicker Baltimore, Maryland.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0394.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "FACiS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 391\\nNon-slaveholders of the South it is of the highest impor-\\ntance to you that these papers should be well sustained, and\\nthat ample encouragement should be given for the establish-\\nment of others. Patronize as many of them as you can, consist-\\nently with your other duties and interests subscribe for one at\\nleast and lose no opportunity to extend their circulation\\namong your neighbors. Just in proportion as the masses are\\nenlightened will they love Liberty and abhor Slavery.\\nThe following extracts from Southern newspapers, and from\\nthe letters of Southern correspondents, will show that the\\nglorious light of a better era has already begun to penetrate\\nand dispel the portentous clouds of Slavery. The Wellsburg\\n(Va.) w Herald, an independent weekly journal, referring to\\nthe vote of thirteen Democrats from that section, refusing, in\\nthe Virginia Legislature, in 1856, to appropriate money from\\nthe general treasury for the recapture of runaway slaves,\\nsays\\nWe presume these delegates in some degree represent their con-\\nstituents, and we are thereby encouraged and built up in the confi-\\ndence that there are other interests in Virginia to be seen to beside\\nthose pertaining to slavery.\\nA non-slaveholcling Southron, in the course of a communi\\ncation in a more recent number of the same paper, says\\nWe are taxed to support slavery. The clean cash goes out of\\nour own pockets into the pockets of the slaveholder, and this in many\\nways. I will now allude to but two. If a slave, for crime, is put to\\ndeath or transported, the owner is paid for him out of the public\\ntreasury, and under this law thousands are paid out every year.\\nAgain, a standing army is kept up in the city of Richmond for no\\nother purpose than to be ready to quell insurrection among the\\nslaves this is paid for out of the public treasury annually. This\\nstanding army is called the public guard, but it is no less a standing\\narmy always kept up. We will quote from the acts of 1856 the ex-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0395.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "392 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\npense of these two items to the State, on the 23d and 24th pages of\\nthe acts To pay for slaves executed and transported, $22,000 to\\nthe public guard at Richmond, $24,000. This, be it noticed, is only\\nfor one year, making near $50,000 for these two objects in one year;\\nbut it can be shown by the present unequal plan of taxation between\\nslave property and other property, that this is but a small item of\\nour cash pocketed by the slaveholders* and yet some will say we\\nhave no reason to complain.\\nThe St. Louis Democrat talks thus boldly in favor of\\nthe abolition of slavery in Missouri\\nViewing the question as a subject of State policy, we will ven-\\nture to say that it is the grandest ever propounded to the people.\\nIf it were affirmed in a constitutional convention, and thoroughly\\ncarried out without any violation of vested rights, Missouri, in a few\\nyears subsequent to its consummation, would he the foremost Stato\\non the American continent. Population would flow in from all sides,\\nwere the barrier of negro-slavery once removed, and in place of\\n80,000 slaves, we should have 800,000 white men, which, in addition\\nto the population we would have at that time, would give us at onco\\nan aggregate of two millions.\\nIs Missouri ambitious of political power a power which is slip-\\nping away from the South. The mode of acquiring it is found. We\\nare not rash enough to attempt a description of our condition if the\\nelement of Free Labor were introduced. The earth would give up its\\nhidden treasures at its bidding as the sea will give up its dead and\\nthe soil would bloom more luxuriantly than if it drank the dews of\\nHermon nightly ten thousand keels would vex our rivers, towns\\nalong their banks would grow into cities, and St. Louis would soon\\nunite in itself the attributes of the greatest commercial manufacturing\\nand literary metropolis in the world. Let it be remembered that we\\nhave every inanimate element of wealth and power within our\\nlimits, and that we require only labor free labor for we need not\\nsay that servile labor is inadequate.\\nThere heed be no pernicious agitation, and even if there should, it\\nis the penalty which we cannot avoid paying at some time and it is", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0396.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 393\\neasier to pay it now, than in the future. Who that watches passing\\nevents and indications, is not sensible of the fact that great internal\\nconvulsions await the Slave States? Better to grapple with the\\ndanger in time, if danger there he, and avert it, than wait nntil it\\nbecomes formidable. One thing is certain, or history is no guide\\nthat is, that Slavery cannot be perpetuated anywhere. An agitation\\nnow would be the effort of the social system to throw off a disease\\nwhich had not touched its vitals hereafter it would be the struggle\\nfor life with a mortal sickness. But we do not apprehend any agita-\\ntion more violent than has been forced upon us for years by the pro-\\nslavery politicians. Agitating the slavery question has been their\\nconstant business, and nothing worse has resulted from it than their\\nelevation to office no very trifling evil, by the way and the tem-\\nporary subjugation of Kansas.\\nBesides, we know that all the Free States emancipated their\\nslaves, and England and France theirs suddenly and we have yet to\\nlearn that a dangerous agitation arose in any instance.\\nIn reference to the mayoralty elections in St. Lonis, for the\\nlast four or five years, in which the Emancipation party have\\nuniformly and gloriously triumphed, the Wheeling (Va.)\\nIntelligencer says\\nThese elections do demonstrate this fact, beyond a cavil, that the\\nsentiment of the great majority of the people of this Union is irre-\\nvocably opposed to the extension of slavery that they are deter-\\nmined, if overwhelming public sentiment can avail anything, another\\nSlave State shall not be admitted into the confederacy. And why\\nare they so determined Because they believe, and not only be-\\nlieve, but see and know, that slavery is an unmitigated curse to the\\nsoil that sustains it. They know this, because they see every Free\\nState outstripping every Slave State in all the elements that make a\\npeople powerful and prosperous because they see the people in the\\none educated and thrifty, and in the other ignorant and thriftless;\\nbecause they have before their eyes a State like our own, once the\\nvery Union itself almost in importance, to-day taking her rank as a\\nfifth rate power.\\nIV", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0397.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "894 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nHow copies of this work itself, both of the original edition\\nand of the Compendium, have been received by Southern Non-\\nslaveholders, will appear from the following extracts from\\nletters received from them, from time to time, as they could,\\nwithout incurring too great risk or suspicion, prior to the\\npresent disturbed state of society in the South, avail them-\\nselves of opportunities to write\\nA citizen of Richmond, Va., in a letter enthusiastically\\ncommending the book, says\\nBefore I had read fifty pages of the work, I exclaimed to a friend,\\nWith a copy of this hook in the hands of every poor white man, I\\ncould revolutionize public opinion in ninety days. But then a\\nthought Sashed across my mind, leading me to inquire What effect\\nwould the work have on the 70,000 poor white men and women who\\ncannot read It would he as a lamp in the hands of the hlind. In\\nour cities, however, it is different. ATost of our people here in\\nEichmond, and in the other large towns in the State, can read, and,\\nas we have much intercourse with the farmers, if the hook could be\\njudiciously distributed throughout the country, I doubt not that it\\nwould engender a boldness of expression on the subject of slavery,\\nout of which, in a short time, would come many daring and impas-\\nsioned orators, who would, with utter fearlessness, go among the\\nmasses of the people, and, with the light of truth, dispel the darkness\\nthat now enshrouds them.\\nIt is to slavery alone that Virginia owes the sad misfortune of\\nhaving within her borders more grown men and women who cannot\\nread than any other State in the Union. Eastern Virginia, where\\nmost of our uneducated people live, is, by having half a million of\\nslaves, so sparsely populated by whites that but few can attend\\nschool, unless parents can afford to keep a horse for the sole purpose\\nof taking their children to and from the school-house. This is the\\nchief impediment, but there is another. The good land in Eastern\\nVirginia in fact, all the land bordering on the rivers is in posses-\\nsion of the slaveholders, while the great mass of the white popula-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0398.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 395\\ntion, the non-slaveholders, live on lands that give but meagre returns\\nfor the labor bestowed upon them. You are aware of the beautiful\\nrivers that flow through our section of the State from the mountains\\nto the Chesapeake, and of the magnificent harbors which indent our\\nsea-coast and yet, sir, it is but truth to say that these wear the\\nalmost desolate appearance that they did in the day when the Cre-\\nator first bade them ebb and flow.\\nWhy is it that the banks of our great rivers are not crowded\\nwith a dense, intelligent population, and adorned with cities and\\nvillages almost without number? Why is it that we do not possess\\nfleets of merchantmen and trade with all the world Why is it that\\nthe State of New York, for which nature has not done half so much,\\nis still so greatly our superior Sir, I can assign but one reason\\nthe answer is Slavery. Take our slave population, from childhood\\nto old age, and they do not consume, on an average, more t\\\\umjive\\ndollars worth of merchandise per annum while a free population\\nwill average at least twenty dollars per annum. In this view we\\nhave, in fact, the secret of the decay of Norfolk, once the chief sea-\\nport of the United States. Four hundred thousand slaves could\\ncontribute no more, even if as much, to her commerce as could one\\nhundred thousand freemen. Her vessels carried tobacco, flour and\\ncorn to Europe but, with their return cargoes, had to land at\\nNorthern cities, where the laborer was respected and acknowledged\\nworthy of his hire, and where, in consequence, a thrifty population\\nincreased, and the demand for wares and merchandise became greater\\nthan anywhere existed at the South.\\nThe Rev. Daniel Worth, of North Carolina, a noble, staunch\\nscion of the Saxon stock, who, at the very time we write, is\\nimprisoned for circulating the book, said, in the course *of his\\ncorrespondence antecedent to the date of his incarceration\\nI am a minister in charge of Guilford Circuit of Wesleyan Metho-\\ndists, North Carolina. I think you have some knowledge of our\\ndenomination. I am a native of Guilford County, but have resided\\nsome thirty-five years in the West. Last fall I returned to North\\nCarolina, to remain and preach at least a year. I boldly preach", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0399.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "396 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nAnti-Slavery from my pulpit. Various threats of mob violence have\\nbeen made against me but I have the pleasing satisfaction of inform-\\ning you that thus far, in the performance of my duty, I have sus-\\ntained no personal injury. Both myself and wife have numerous\\nrelations in Guilford and Eandolph Counties, which, joined to my\\nage and Southern birth, has operated much in my favor\\nReturning from the west part of my circuit yesterday, I found\\nyour letter of the 12th inst., to which I hasten this reply. You are\\nat perfect liberty to use my correspondence in any way you may\\njudge best, as I am already committed at every place where I speak\\nto the most open hostility to the system of human bondage. I have\\ndenounced it at every point, and especially its clerical supporters\\nand apologists, with whatever of language and emphasis I could\\ncommand. They deem me more plain, more caustic, than either of\\nmy predecessors, Crooks or McBride. If no danger results from my\\nspeech here, none need be apprehended from the publication of my\\nletters. The Boston Tract letter, reprinted in the snivelling, servile,\\nlittle Day Book, which you sent me, went the rounds of the\\nNorth Carolina press. From it sprang much angry, excited discus-\\nsion, and one challenge for a duel. This was given by the editor of\\nthe Fayetteville Carolinian to the editor of the Salisbury Watch-\\nman. Considerable ink was shed, but no blood. Continued refer-\\nence was made to me in these newspaper missiles, as the Reverend\\nwriter of the Boston Tract letter, or the Reverend gentleman sup-\\nposed to be the author of the Boston Tract letter and though\\nevery one knew to whom these references pointed, I am not certain\\ntl i at my name has been once given in a Carolina paper\\nI think the Impending Crisis should be extensively circulated\\nin this poor old slavery-cursed State, and I am willing to take the\\nresponsibility of putting it in circulation to the extent of my travel.\\nIt is highly probable that a North Carolina court might deem the\\nbook incendiary, but I am willing to risk the result. The facts the\\nbook contains should be generally known\\nI have disposed of the fifty copies of the Impending Crisis,\\nwhich I brought with me from the city last fall, and want more\\nplease send me forty additional copies. Our success in\\nspreading the principles of Freedom has been beyond my most san-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0400.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 397\\nguine expectations I am particularly surprised that no\\nexcitement has followed the distribution of the book. Formerly,\\nIfcBride, my predecessor here in the ministry, was prosecuted and\\nconvicted for vending a single sheet to prove slavery inconsistent\\nwith the Ten Commandments, and now I am suffered quietly to\\nscatter broadcast the Impending Crisis over this whole community.\\nAnd the onslaught I make from the pulpit on slavery is said to be\\nfar more severe than the words of my predecessor yet slaveholders,\\neven, bear it with all the patience of a Job. I first began\\nto vend the work privately, but soon throwing off all concealment,\\nI did it as publicly as a Yankee peddler would sell a tin hair-comb.\\nIf a prosecution were instituted against me, I would read\\nin my defence before a jury every syllable of the book, making the\\nnecessary comments. The gentleman to whom I referred some\\ntime since was Mr. of Greensboro well known in that place\\nas an anti-slavery man. His remark was this: When the first copies\\nof the Crisis reached Greensboro such was the anxiety to learn\\nits contents that the citizens would gather in clubs of some fifteen\\nor twenty, on Sunday afternoons, and one would read, and the others\\nwould listen, and so deep was the interest to hear that, he continued,\\nfacetiously, I feared it would soon supplant the Bible!\\nOne of the most worthy Quaker residents of Guilford\\nCounty, North Carolina, writes as follows\\nIgnorance perpetuates slavery, and slavery perpetuates ignorance.\\nIn our schools, academies and other institutions of learning, only cer-\\ntain kinds of books are allowed to be used. From our pulpits only\\ncertain texts of Scripture are allowed to be preached, and from our\\nrostrums only certain kinds of political speeches are allowed to be\\nmade.\\nThe manner in which the children of the slaveholder are brought\\nup is known to be loose and to the male portion, in particular, in-\\nducements to vice ever open at their own doors, of a character not\\nto be spoken of, yet of direful consequences. The females are reared\\nin idleness and supineness, which disqualify them for the active\\nduties of life, and otherwise greatly impair their mental and physical", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0401.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "398 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nconstitutions so that it is impossible for them to exercise, freely and\\nfully, the natural moral influences which are necessary for the well-\\nbeing of society.\\nThe lack of means of education for the lower classes of the white\\npopulation is a most serious disadvantage and, what is worse still,\\nit is the policy and practice of slaveholders to throw every po\\nobstacle in the way of overcoming the evil. The children\\nof the wealthy imbibe so many low ideas, and acquire so many vul-\\ngarisms of language, from their early association with negro slaves,\\nthat it takes almost a whole lifetime to get rid of them. These\\nthings, taken in connection with the idle habits and boisterous dispo-\\nsition engendered by the every-day experiences passing before their\\neves, render them an easy prey to intemperance, lust and violence.\\nTo insure success in business, it is necessary that the opera-\\ntor should think as well as work but, here in the South, those who\\nare considered entitled to do the thinking are too proud to do the\\nwork, while those who are compelled to do the work are scarcely\\nallowed to think at all and, as a consequence, we work like balky\\nhoi-ses, without concert of action, and get but little done.\\nA resident of Botetourt County, in Virginia, writes as fol-\\n\\\\vs:\\nWherever African slavery exists to any considerable extent in\\nVirginia and further South, it has laid the foundation of a high-toned\\naristocracy, which creates a distaste for labor, for the reason that it\\nis the duty of slaves to work and thus is drawn an unhappy line of\\ndistinction between the rich and the poor. Hence the impossibility\\nof adopting a system of general education. Hence the large per-\\ncentage of native ignorance which we have in the Slave States.\\nin amoral and social point of view, we are more seriously af-\\nfected. In early life our white children are always more or less as-\\nbed with the blacks, from whom they learn many rude and vul-\\ngar habits. Tims, poor, ignorimt negro slaves become (in part at\\nleast) tin instructors of our children, and this, too, at an age in\\nwhich the minds of the latter are most susceptible of gross supersti-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0402.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 399\\ntions. There are probably thousands of aged white persons now\\nliving whose minds are still haunted with horrible ghost stories\\nwhich, in childhood, they heard from colored nurses and black play-\\nmates.\\nIn Virginia, such is our loyalty to slavery that, if an ultra-Abo-\\nlitionist, who contends for amalgamation, were to come among us,\\nand advocate his theory, he would certainly, to say the least, get a\\ncoat of tar and feathers but, when we look at the face of society,\\nit is demonstrable, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that we have\\npractical amalgamationists by the score. In some of our towns and\\nvillages, more than half flie colored population are of mixed Mood;\\nand such is the state of things, to a greater or less extent, throughout\\nthe entire South, as far as I have travelled. Thus, in this respect,\\ntruth compels me to make the humiliating concession, that Virginia\\npractice is worse than Massachusetts theory.\\nYou see, then, how we are cursed with an illegitimate, adulte-\\nrous population the offspring of free men born in slavery\u00e2\u0080\u0094 from\\nwhom the privileges of education and legal matrimony are withheld.\\nThousands of the slaves of this State are of a mixed race,\\nthe sons and daughters of white fathers. To remedy the\\nsad consequences of this leprous sore upon the body politic, the ex-\\nertions of the wise and good should at once be called forth.\\nIn a material point of view, we are also most disadvantageous^\\naffected by African slavery. In proof of this, we need only look at\\nthe idleness of a large portion of our white population, the cheerless\\ncondition of our wasted lands, the very low price of real estate, the\\nunimportance of our commerce, and our absolute dependence on the\\nNorth for manufactured fabrics.\\nThere are also positive grievances under which a large majority\\nof the free white men of Virginia are laboring and to these I desire\\nto call attention. When a slave commits murder, and is condemned to\\nbe hung, the law, made by and for slaveholders, authorizes the court\\nto award compensation to the owner, to be paid out of the State\\nTreasury. Therefore, every person who pays State tax shares the\\nburden. Under the operation of this law, A. can have a thievish slave,\\nwho steals pigs or other property from his neighbor B., who has the\\nslave arrested, tried and whipped. The slave then seeks revenge by", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0403.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "400 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY TIIE WAYSIDE.\\nburning B. s barn or dwelling, or by taking bis life. The slave is\\nagain arrested, tried, found guilty, and sentence of death passed upon\\nhim and the court, according to law, pays A. out of the State Tre-\\nsuiy, for liis thievish and murderous slave, and our courts are gene-\\nrally liberal on such occasions, and allow a high price for the chattel,\\nnotwithstanding he thus proves to be, in reality, a thousand times\\nworse than worthless. But the worst feature of this law is yet to lie-\\ntold. As tax-payers, the widow and orphans of the murdered hus-\\nband and father are compelled to help to pay for the very slave who\\nmurdered him!\\nIn the course of a very long letter, an Anti-slavery friend,\\nwho resides in one of the southwestern counties of North\\nCarolina says\\nI am not in the habit of going from home only on public occa-\\nsions, such as court and election days, and am consequently not\\nnotorious as a public man. In one sense, however, I have become\\nnotorious, and that was when I sent for six copies of The Crisis.\\nOne of these, a friend borrowed, and a neighbor of his, seeing it lying\\nupon his table, requested the loan of it, which was granted. This\\nman carried the book with him to his store, and it was there seen\\nand read by all who were so inclined. It was not long before it was\\ngenerally known that I had sent for abolition books, 1 and distributed\\nthem; and several of the leading citizens of our town, together with\\na number of lickspittles who have no interest whatever in slaves,\\nheld a grave council, in order to determine what should be done with\\nme, for having, as they charged, violated an act of Assembly, made to\\nprevent and to punish the circulation of incendiary publications cal-\\nculated to incite the negroes to insurrection. Some insisted that I\\nshould be arrested in the night, carried to jail, and there kept to\\nanswer at the Supreme Court an indictment for the infamous pro-\\nceeding above named. Others said Wait a while and we shall have\\nmore testimony against him. It was also decided that the judge\\nshould he informed of the necessity of charging the grand jury, espe-\\ncially upon offences of this sort.\\nAll this was communicated to me by a friend and although I felt", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0404.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 401\\nconscious that I had violated no law, and entertained no criminal in-\\ntent, yet I felt somewhat uneasy, lost the fanatics should get me into\\ntrouble, which no doubt they would have done, and, moreover, would\\nhave gladly seen me compelled to submit to an ignominious punish-\\nment, if they could have found anything upon which to base an\\naction. I was apprehensive of evil, and attended the first day of the\\ncourt, in order to hear the charge of the judge to the grand jury,\\nfully expecting that he would charge them strictly to take cognizance\\nof that class of transgressions but he never even alluded to the sub-\\nject, and in this, I confess, I was somewhat disappointed. Indeed, I\\nhad a sort of secret wish to test the question Whether the freedom\\nof the press, and the free expression of opinion, are things of the\\npast, or whether they exist and have a value in North Carolina.\\nI am aware that I have lost the good will and esteem of many\\nwhom I once regarded as friends. Three of my neighbors in particu-\\nlar, have openly declared that they will no longer hold friendly in-\\ntercourse with me, because, 1 as one of them expressed himself, the\\nd d rascal has been circulating Abolition books. I mention this\\nmerely to show the feeling that exists here among those who are\\nregarded as the ruling class, and that it is no small matter for a man\\ncircumstanced as I am, to do anything which they believe to be\\nhostile to slavery. I confess, dear sir, that at times, I almost despair of\\never seeing the principles and policy so ably set forth in The Ci\u00e2\u0080\u00a2isis,\\nadopted and carried into successful operation in the South, and the\\nreason is the want of intelligence among the great mass of non-slave-\\nholders, and the actual stupidity and indifference which too many\\nplainly manifest I must bring my letter to a close by\\nsuggesting to you the propriety of my addressing you hereafter under\\nan assumed name. I fear that the jealousy and suspicion of the pro-\\nslavery fanatics, among whom is the postmaster at this place, may\\nlead them to intercept our correspondence.\\nWriting from Orange County, North Carolina (his native\\nplace), a correspondent says\\nThe advocates of slavery have monopolized the means of educa-\\ntion among us all the institutions of learning of the higher class are", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0405.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "402 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nfilled with students -who are, or soon expect to he, owners of slaves.\\nI reside not far from Ohapel Hill, the University of the State and\\namong the hundreds who have graduated from that college, I scarcely\\nknow oue who was not an advocate of slavery. During the late\\nPresidential contest, one of the Professors was dismissed for\\nmerely expressing a preference for the election of the Republican\\ncandidate.\\nAll the students are taught that slavery is of divine origin, and\\nthat it is their duty, as citizens, Christians and patriots, to defend\\nand retain it. In the meantime, the great mass of poor whites go\\nwith but little schooling, and hence the great lack of mental activity\\namong the larger portion of the population of North Carolina, and\\nof the South generally. Those who own slaves must neces-\\nsarily lay aside all pure morality and religion, in order to manage\\nthem to pecuniary advantage.\\nIn 1848, I assisted in getting up what was called a Free Soil\\nticket for President, and we were threatened with persecution if we\\nvoted it. Through the mental darkness above mentioned, many\\nfriends of the ticket were deterred from voting. I think it was dur-\\ning the next year, or at least not long after, that an anti-slavery\\npreacher, by the name of Jesse McBride, was seized by a mob in\\nGuilford County, adjoining this, and taken out by force the county\\nattorney, whose duty it was, in accordance with his oath, to return\\nand prosecute all offences against the law, having headed the mob\\nAnd this palpable and disgraceful violation of law has never been\\nmentioned in court up to this day Such are the morals and patri-\\notism that slavery disseminates.\\nThere are two important points relating to slavery, which writers\\non the subject too often overlook. According to one of our North\\nCarolina statutes, if a slave is on trial for a capital offence, a free-\\nholder, who is not a slave7iolder, is not allowed to sit on the jury\\nconsequently a white man who cannot always afford to send an\\nescort of protectors with his daughters, when they necessarily have\\nto go from home, is liable to have them insulted, and even murdered,\\nand his equals dare not sit on a jury to jinlne the cause; but slave-\\nIn filers, who know the value of negroes, and are sometimes not over\\nwilling to lose them, must decide it. Thus you perceive that, under", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0406.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 403\\nthe laws of this State, negro slaves are much less liable to he hung\\nfor rapes and murders than white men. I have frequently heard it,\\npublicly proclaimed, before a trial of this kind, that if the slave was\\ncleared, he was to be run off and sold, and the price thus saved to\\nhis owner. This statute touches many sorely, who would otherwise\\ntruckle to the system for the countenance and approbation of the\\ngoverning class. Our statute also provides that, in case of insurrec-\\ntion, three Justices of the Peace may call out the militia. The ques-\\ntion then arises, Who are the militia There is certainly not more\\nthan one slaveholder in fifty militiamen consequently, the men who\\nhave no earthly interest in slavery (only that it should cease to ex-\\nist) must leave their families entirely unprotected, and risk their\\nown lives in the settlement of dangers in which they are involved by\\nslaves and slaveowners. A warfare with intelligence is\\nan easy task, but with ignorance and cupidity it is indeed to be\\ndreaded.\\nTIIE ILLITERATE POOR WHITES OF THE SOUTH.\\nHad we the power to sketch a true picture of life among\\nthe non-slaveholding whites of the South, every intelligent\\nman who lias a spark of philanthropy in his breast, and who\\nshould happen to gaze upon the picture, would burn with un-\\nquenchable indignation at that system of African slavery,\\nwhich entails unutterable stupidity, shiftlessness and degra-\\ndation on the superior race. It is quite impossible, however,\\nto describe accurately the miserable condition of the class to\\nwhich r e refer. Their poverty, their ignorance and their\\ncomparative nothingness, as a power in the State, are de-\\nplorable in the extreme. The serfs of Russia have reason to\\ncongratulate themselves that they are neither the negroes nor\\nthe non-slaveholding whites of the South. Than the latter\\nthere can be no people in Christendom more unhappily situ-\\nated. Below will be found a few extracts which will throw\\nsome light on the subject now under consideration.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0407.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "404 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nIn an address Avkich he delivered before the South Carolina\\nInstitute, in 1851, William Gregg says:\\nFrom the best estimates that I have been able to make, I put\\ndown the white people who ought to work, and who do not, or who\\nare so employed as to be wholly unproductive to the State, at one\\nhundred and twenty-five thousand. Any man who is an observer\\nof things could hardly pass through our country without being struck\\nwith the fact, that all the capital, enterprise and intelligence, is em-\\nployed in directing slave labor and the consequence is, that a large\\nportion of our poor white people are wholly neglected, and are suf-\\nfered to while away an existence in a state but one step in advance\\nof the Indian of the forest. It is an evil of vast magnitude, and\\nnothing but a change in public sentiment will effect its cure. These\\npeople must be brought into daily contact with the rich and intelli-\\ngent they must be stimulated to mental action, and taught to appre-\\nciate education and the comforts of civilized life and this, we be-\\nlieve, may be effected only by the introduction of manufactures. My\\nexperience at Graniteville has satisfied me that unless our poor peo-\\nple can be brought together in villages, and some means of employ-\\nment afforded them, it will be an utterly hopeless effort to undertake\\nto educate them. We have collected at that place about eight hun-\\ndred people, and as likely looking a set of country girls as may be\\nfound industrious and orderly people but deplorably ignorant,\\nthree-fourths of the adults not being able to read or to write their\\nown names.\\nIt is only necessary to build a manufacturing village of shanties,\\nin a healthy location, in any part of the State, to have crowds of\\nthese people around you, seeking employment at half the compensa-\\ntion given to operatives at the North. It is indeed painful to be\\nbrought in contact with such ignorance and degradation.\\nAgain, he asks\\nShall we pass unnoticed the thousands of poor, ignorant, de-\\ngraded white people among us, who, in this land of plenty, live in\\ncomparative nakedness and starvation? Many a one is reared in", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0408.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 405\\nproud South Carolina, from birtli to manhood, who has never passed\\na month in which he has not, some part of the time, been stinted for\\nmeat. Many a mother is there who will tell you that her children\\nare but scantily provided with bread, and much more scantily with\\nmeat and, if they be clad with comfortable raiment, it is at the ex-\\npense of these scanty allowances of food. These may be startling\\nstatements, but they are nevertheless true and if not believed in\\nCharleston, the members of our legislature who have traversed the\\nState in electioneering campaigns, can attest the truth.\\nIn an article on Manufactures in South Carolina, published\\nsome time ago in De Bow s Review, J. II. Taylor, of\\nCharleston (S. C.) says\\nThere is in some quarters, a natural jealousy of the slightest in-\\nnovation upon established habits, and because an effort has been\\nmade to collect the poor and unemployed white population into our\\nnew factories, fears have arisen that some evil woidd grow out of the\\nintroduction of such establishments among us. Tbe poor\\nman has a vote as well as the rich man, and in our State the number\\nof the former will largely overbalance the latter. So long as these\\npoor but industrious people can see no mode of living except by a\\ndegrading operation of work with the negro upon the plantation,\\nthey will be content to endure life in its most discouraging forms,\\nsatisfied that they are above the slave, though faring often worse\\nthan he.\\nSpeaking j n favor of manufactures in Georgia, the Hon. J.\\nII. Lumpkin, of that State, says\\nIt is objected that these manufacturing establishments will be-\\ncome the hotbeds of crime. But I am by no means ready to concede\\nthat our poor, degraded, half-fed, half-clothed, and ignorant popu-\\nlation Avithout Sabbath Schools, or any other kind of instruction,\\nmental or moral, or without any just appreciation of character will\\nbe injured by giving them employment, which will bring them under\\nthe oversight of employers, who will inspire them with self-respect\\nby taking an interest in their welfare.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0409.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "406 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nIn a paper on the extension of cotton and woollen factories\\nat the South, Mr. Steadman, of Tennessee, says:\\nIn Lowell, labor is paid the fair compensation of 80 cents a day\\nfor men, and $2 a week for women, beside board, while in Tennessee\\nthe average compensation for labor does not exceed 50 cents per day\\nfor men, and $1 25 per week for women.\\nIn the course of a speech which he delivered in Congress\\nseveral years ago, Mr. T. L. Clingman, of North Carolina,\\nsaid:\\nOur manufacturing establishments can obtain the raw material\\n(cotton) at nearly two cents on the pound cheaper than the New\\nEngland establishments. Labor is likewise one hundred per cent,\\ncheaper. In the upper parts of the State, the labor of either a free\\nman or a slave, including board, clothing, etc., can be obtained for\\nfrom $110 to $120 per annum. It will cost at least twice that sum\\nin New England. The difference in the cost of female labor, whether\\nfree or slave, is even greater.\\nThe Richmond (Va.) Dispatch, says:\\nu AYe will only suppose that the ready-made shoes imported into\\nthis city from the North, and sold here, were manufactured in Rich-\\nmond. What a great addition it would be to the means of employ-\\nment How many boys and females would find the means of earn-\\ning their bread, who are now suffering for a regular supply of the\\nnecessaries of life.\\nA citizen of New Orleans, writing in De Bow s Review,\\nsays:\\nAt present the sources of employment open to females (save in\\nmenial offices) are very limited and an inability to procure suitable\\noccupation is an evil much to be deplored, as tending in its conse-\\nquences to produce demoralization. The superior grades of female\\nlabor may be considered such as imply a necessity for education on", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0410.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 407\\nthe part of the employee, while the menial class is generally regarded\\nas of the lowest and in a Slave State, this standard is in the lowest\\ndepths, a lower deep, from the fact that, by association, it is a re-\\nduction of the white servant to the level of their colored fellow-\\nmenials.\\nBlack slave labor, though far less. valuable, is almost inva-\\nriably better paid than free white labor. The reason is this\\nthe fiat of the oligarchy has made it fashionable to have\\nnegroes around, and there are, we are grieved to say, many\\nnon-slaveholding white sycophants, who, in order to retain\\non their premises a hired slave whom they falsely imagine\\nsecures to them not only the appearance of wealth, but also a\\nposition of high social standing in the community, keep them-\\nselves in a perpetual strait.\\nIn the spring of 1856, we made it our special business to\\nascertain the ruling rates of wages paid for labor, free and\\nslave, in North Carolina. We found sober, energetic white\\nmen, between twenty and forty years of age, engaged in\\nagricultural pursuits at a salary of $7 per month including\\nboard only negro men, slaves, who perform little more than\\nhalf the amount of labor, and who were exceedingly sluggish,\\nawkward, and careless in all their movements, were hired out\\non adjoining firms, at an average of about $10 per month,\\nincluding board, clothing, and medical attendance. Free\\nwhite men and slaves were in the employ of the North Caro-\\nlina Railroad Company the former, whose services, in our\\nopinion, were at least twice as valuable as the latter, received\\nonly $12 per month each the masters of the latter received\\n$16 per month for every slave so employed. Industrious,\\ntidy white girls, from sixteen to twenty years of age, had\\nmuch difficulty in hiring themselves out as domestics in pri-\\nvate families for $40 per annum hoard only included negro\\nwenches, slaves, of corresponding ages, so ungraceful, stupid", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0411.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "408 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nand filthy, that no decent man would ever permit one of them\\nto cross the threshold of his dwelling, were in brisk demand\\nat from $65 to $70 per annum, including victuals, clothes,\\nand medical attendance. These are facts, and in considering\\nthem, the students of political and social economy will not fail\\nto arrive at conclusions of their own.\\nNotwithstanding the greater density of population in the\\nFree States, labor of every kind is, on an average, about one\\nhundred per cent, higher there than it is in the Slave States.\\nThis is another important fact, and one that every non-slave-\\nholding white should keep registered in his mind.\\nPoverty, ignorance, and superstition, are the three leading\\ncharacteristics of the non-slaveholding whites of the South.\\nMany of them grow up to the age of maturity, and pass\\nthrough life without ever owning as much as five dollars at a\\ntime. Thousands of them die at an advanced age, as ignorant\\nof the common alphabet as if it had never been invented. All\\nare more or less impressed with a belief in witches, ghosts,\\nand supernatural signs. Few are exempt from habits of sen-\\nsuality and intemperance. None have anything like adequate\\nideas of the duties which they owe either to their God, to\\nthemselves, or to their fellow-men. Pitiable, indeed, in the\\nfullest sense of the term, is their condition.\\nIt is the almost utter lack of an education that has reduced\\nthem to their present unenviable situation. In the entire\\nSouth there is scarcely a publication of any kind devoted to\\ntheir interests. They are now completely under the domina-\\ntion of the oligarchy, and it is madness to suppose that they\\nwill ever be able to rise to a position of true manhood, until\\nafter the Slave Power shall have been utterly overthrown.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0412.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XII.\\nSOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nHere s Freedom to them that would read,\\nHere s Freedom to them that would write,\\nThere s none ever feared that the truth should be heard.\\nBut they whom the truth would indict.\\nMay Liberty meet with success,\\nMay Prudence protect it from evil,\\nMay tyrants and tyranny tine in their mist,\\nAnd wander their way to the devil\\nBurns.\\nWrite, speak, avenge, for ancient sufferings feel,\\nImpale each tyrant on your pens of steel,\\nDeclare how freemen can a world create,\\nAnd slaves and masters ruin every State.\\nBaelow.\\nThe plantations of the South are graveyards of the mind the inexpressive\\ncountenances of the slaves are monuments of souls expired and their spiritless\\neyes are their epitaphs.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Thome.*\\nIt is Avith some degree of hesitation that we add a chapter\\non Southern Literature not that the theme is inappropriate\\nto this work still less, that it is an unfruitful one but our\\nhesitation results from our conscious inability, in the limited\\ntime and space at our command, to do the subject justice,\\nFew, except those whose experience has taught them, have\\nany adequate idea of the amount of preparatory labor requi-\\nsite to the production of a work into which the statistical\\nRev. James A. Thome, a native of Kentucky.\\n18", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0413.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "410 SOUTHERN LITEBA.THEE.\\nelement largely enters especially is this so, when the statis-\\ntics desired are not readily accessible through public and offi-\\ncial documents. The author who honestly aims at entire\\naccuracy in his statements, may find himself baffled for weeks\\nin his pursuit of a single item of information, not of much\\nimportance in itself perhaps, when separately considered, but\\nnecessary in its connection with others, to the completion .of\\na harmonious whole. Not unfrequently, during the prepara-\\ntion of the preceding pages, have we been subjected to this\\ndelay and annoyance.\\nThe following brief references to the protracted preparatory\\nlabors and inevitable delays to which authors are subjected,\\nmay interest our readers, and induce them to regard with\\ncharity any deficiencies, either in detail or in general arrange-\\nment, whirl), owing to the necessary haste of preparation,\\nthese concluding pages of our work may exhibit.\\nGoldsmith was engaged nine years in the preparation of\\nThe Traveller, and five years in gathering and arranging\\nthe incidents of his Deserted Village, and two years in\\ntheir versification.\\nBancroft, the American Historian, has been more than\\nthirty years engaged upon his History of the United States,\\nfrom his projection of the work to the present date and that\\nHistory is not yet completed.\\nHildreth, a no less eminent historian, from the time he\\nbegan to collect materials for his History of the United\\nStates to the date of its completion, devoted no less than\\ntwenty-five years to the work.\\nWebster, our great lexicographer, gave thirty-five years\\nof his life in bringing his Unabridged Dictionary of the Eng-\\nlish Language to the degree of accuracy and completeness in\\nwhich we now find it.\\nDr. John W. Mason, after ten years labor in the accumu-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0414.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 411\\nlation of materials for a Life of Alexander Hamilton, was\\ncompelled to relinquish the work on account of impaired\\nhealth.\\nMr. James Banks, of Fayetteville, North Carolina, who\\nrecently delivered a lecture upon the Life and Character of\\nFlora McDonald, was eighteen years in the collection of his\\nmaterials.\\nOulibicheft* a distinguished Russian author, sj)ent twenty-\\nfive years in writing the Life of Mozart.\\nExamples of this kind might be multiplied to an almost\\nindefinite extent. Indeed, almost all the poets, prose-\\nwriters, painters, sculptors, composers, and other devotees\\nof Art, who have won undying fame for themselves, have\\ndone so through long years of earnest and almost uninter-\\nmitted toil.\\nWe are quite conscious that the fullness and accuracy of\\nstatement which are desirable in this chapter cannot be\\nattained in the brief time allowed its for its completion but,\\nthough much will necessarily be omitted that ought to bo\\nsaid, we shall endeavor to make no statement of facts which\\nare not well authenticated, and no inferences from the same\\nwhich are not logically true. We can only promise to do\\nthe best in our power, with the materials at our command, to\\nexhibit the inevitable influences of slavery upon Southern\\nLiterature, and to demonstrate that the accursed institution\\nso cherished by the oligarchy, is no less prejudicial to our\\nadvancement in letters, than it is destructive of our material\\nprosperity.\\nWhat is the actual condition of Literature at the South\\nOur question includes more than simple authorship in the\\nvarious departments of letters, from the compilation of a\\nprimary reader to the production of a Scientific or Theologi-\\ncal Treatise. We comprehend in it all the activities engaged", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0415.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "412 SOUTHERN LITEEATUEE.\\nin the creation, publication, and sale of books and periodicals,\\nfrom the penny primer to the heavy folio, and from the dingy,\\ncoarse-typed weekly paper, to the large, well-filled daily.\\nIt would be unjust to deny a degree of intellectual activity\\nto the South. It has produced a few good authors a few\\ncompetent editors, and a moderately large number of clever\\nmagazinists, paragraphists, essayists and critics. Absolutely,\\nthen, it must be conceded that the South has something that\\nmay be called a literature; it is only when we speak of her\\nin comparison with the North, that Ave say, with a pardona-\\nbly strong expression, The South has no literature. This\\nwas virtually admitted by more than one speaker at the late\\nSouthern Slaveholders Convention at Savannah. Said a\\nSouth Carolina orator on that occasion It is important\\nthat the South should have a literature of her own, to defend\\nher principles and her rights a sufficiently plain concession\\nthat she has not, now, such a literature. But facts speak\\nmore significantly than the rounded periods of Convention\\norators. Let us look at fi\\\\cts, then.\\nFirst, turning our attention to the periodical literature of\\nthe South, we obtain these results: By the census of 1850,\\nAve ascertain that the entire number of periodicals, daily,\\nsemi-Aveekly, Aveekly, semi-monthly, monthly and quarterly,\\npublished in the Slave States, including the District of Co-\\nlumbia, were seven hundred and twenty-two. These had an\\naggregate yearly circulation of ninety-tAvo million one hun-\\ndred and sixty-seven thousand one hundred and twenty-nine.\\n(92,167,129). The number of periodicals of eA r ery class, pub-\\nlished in the non-slaveholding States (exclusive of California)\\nwas one thousand eight hundred and ninety-three, with an\\naggregate yearly circulation of three hundred and thirty-\\nthree million three hundred and eighty-six thousand and\\neighty-one. (333,386,081).", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0416.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 413\\nWe are aware that there may be inaccuracies in the fore-\\ngoing estimates but the compilers of the census, not we, are\\nresponsible for them. Besides, the figures are unquestionably\\nas fair for the South as for the North we accept them,\\ntherefore, as a just basis of our comparisons. Ten years have\\nelapsed since these statistics were taken, and these ten years\\nhave wrought an immense change in the journalism of the\\nNorth, without any corresponding change in that of the\\nSouth. It is noteworthy that, as a general thing, the prin-\\ncipal journals of the free States are more comprehensive in\\ntheir scope, more complete in every department, and enlist,\\nif not a higher order of talent, at least more talent, than they\\ndid ten years ago. This improvement extends not only to\\nthe metropolitan, but to the country papers also. In fact,\\nthe very highest literary ability, in finance, in political eco-\\nnomy, in science, in statism, in law, in theology, in medicine,\\nin the belles-lettres, is laid under contribution by the journals\\nof the non-slaveholding States. This is true only to a very\\nlimited degree of Southern journals. Their position, with\\nbut few exceptions, is substantially the same that it was ten\\nyears ago. They are neither worse nor better the imbe-\\ncility and inertia which attaches to everything which slavery\\ntouches, clings to them now as tenaciously as it did when\\nHenry A. Wise thanked God for the paucity of newspapers\\nin the Old Dominion, and the platitudes of Father Ritchie\\nwere recognized as the political gospel of the South. They\\nhave not, so far as we can learn, increased materially in\\nnumber, nor in the aggregate of their yearly circulation. In\\nthe free States no week passes that does not add to the num-\\nber of their journals, and extend the circle of their readers\\nand their influence. Since the census tables to which we\\nhave referred were prepared, two of the many excellent\\nweekly journals of which the city of New York can boast,", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0417.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "414\\nSOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nhave sprung into being, and attained an aggregate circulation\\nmore than twice as large as that of the entire newspaper press\\nof Virginia in 1850 and exceeding, by some thousands, the\\naggregate circulation of the two hundred and fifty journals\\nof which Alabama, Arkansas, Kentucky, Georgia, North\\nCarolina and Florida could boast at the time above-men-\\ntioned.\\nFacts of great interest and importance appertaining to\\nthe two most widely circulated and influential journals in\\nAmerica perhaps we might, with propriety, say in the world\\nwill be found in the following carefully-prepared tabular\\nstatement\\nTABLE 35.\\nAGGREGATE CIRCULATION OF THE DAILY, SEMI-WEEKLY, AND WEEKLY\\nNEW YORK TKEBUNE* APRIL 10, 1S60, AND OP THE DAILY NEW YORK\\nHERALD,t AUGUST 2, 1S56.\\nFKEE STATES.\\nTribune.\\nHerald.\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nTribune.\\n11,- aid.\\nCalifornia,\\nConnecticut,\\nMassachusetts,..\\nMinnesota,\\nN. Hampshire,\\nNew Jersey,\\nNew York,\\nOhio,\\n7,396\\n9,822\\n15,(170\\n13,639\\n11,579\\n10,088\\n10,704\\n111,620\\n3,927\\n7,347\\n6,555\\n93,547\\n25,949\\n864\\n27,104\\n2.245\\n9,332\\n12,173\\n1\\n2,146\\n858\\n36\\n49\\n58\\n1,058\\n256\\n139\\n8,330\\n47,275\\n200\\n2,510\\n322\\n135 j\\n38\\nArkansas,\\nDistrict of\\nFlorida,\\nGeorgia,\\nKentucky,\\nLouisiana,\\nMaryland,\\nMississippi\\nMissouri,\\nN. Carolina,\\nS. Carolina,.\\nTennessee,\\n50\\n261\\n206\\n7\\n31\\n3S6\\n-1\\n555\\n22\\n1,1 I.V.I\\n68\\n26\\n264\\n89\\n390\\nSO\\n\u00c2\u00a335\\n817\\n45\\n170\\n68\\n85\\n1,153\\n.11\\n41\\n44\\n139\\n4-2\\nPeiinsyh ania,.\\nRhode Island,.\\nWisconsin,\\n5\\n170\\n277,961\\n58,410\\n3,501\\n2,611\\nSee The Tribune of April, 10, 1S60.\\nt See The Herald of August 6, 1856.\\nNote. For the enlarged edition of this work, brought out in May, 1S60, the author\\nmade special application at the office of the Herald for later statistics in regard to its\\ncirculation, but, after several days delay, was Finally refused the desired information.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0418.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 415\\nThroughout the non-slaveholding States, the newspaper or\\nmagazine that has not improved during the last decade of\\nyears, is an exception to the general rule. Throughout the\\nentire slaveholding States, the newspaper or magazine that\\nhas improved during that time, is no less an exception to the\\ngeneral mile that there obtains. Outside of the larger cities\\nof the South, there are not, probably, half a dozen newspapers\\nin the whole slaveholding region that can safely challenge a\\ncomparison with the country-press of the North. What that\\ncountry-press was twenty-years ago, the country-press of the\\nSouth is now.\\nWe do not deny that the South has produced able journal-\\nists and that some of the newspapers of her principal cities\\nexhibit a degree of enterprise and talent that cannot fail to\\ncommand for them the respect of all intelligent men. But\\nthese journals, we regret to say, are marked exceptions to\\nthe general condition of the Southern press and even the\\nbest of these fall far below the standard of excellence attained\\nby the leading journals of the North. In fact, whether our\\ncomparison embraces quantity only, or extends to both\\nquantity and quality, it is found to be immeasurably in favor\\nof the non-slaveholding States, which in journalism, as in all\\nother industrial pursuits, leave their slavery-cursed com-\\npetitors at an infinite distance behind them, and thus vindi-\\ncate the superiority of free institutions, which, recognizing\\nlabor as honorable, secure its rewards for all.\\nThe literary vassalage of the South to the North consti-\\ntutes in itself a most significant commentary upon the dia-\\ntribes of the former concerning a purely Southern litera-\\nture. To begin at the beginning the Alphabetical Blocks\\nand Educational tables from which our Southern abecedarian\\ntakes his initial lesson, were projected and manufactured in\\nthe North. Going forward a step, we find the youngling", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0419.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "416 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nintent in spelling short sentences, or gratifying his juvenile\\nfondness for the fine arts by copying tlie wood-cuts from his\\nNorthern primer. Yet another step, and we discover him\\nwith his Sanders Reader, his Mitchell s Geography, his\\nEmerson s Arithmetic, all produced by Northern mind\\nand Northern enterprise. There is nothing wrong in this\\nit is only a little ridiculous in view of the fulminations of the\\nSouthern pro-slavery press against the North. Occasionally\\nhowever we are amused by the efforts of the oligarchs to\\nmake their own school-books, or to root out of all educational\\ntext books every reference to the pestilential heresy of free-\\ndom. A gentleman in Charleston, S. C, is devoting his\\nenergies to the preparation of a series of pro-slavery elemen-\\ntary Avorks, consisting of primers, readers, etc., and lo they\\nare all printed, stitched and bound north of Mason and\\nDixon s line A single fact like this is sufficient to overturn\\nwhole folios of theory concerning the divinity of slavery. The\\ntruth is, that, not school-books alone, but works of almost\\nevery class produced by the South, depend upon Northern\\nenterprise and skill for their introduction to the public.\\nMr. De Bow, the eminent Statistician, publishes a Southern\\nReview, purporting to be issued from New Orleans. It is\\nprinted and bound in the city of New York. We clip the\\nfollowing paragraph from a recent number of the Vicksburgh\\n(Miss.) Whig\\nSoutherx Exterphise. Even the Mississippi Legislature, at its\\nlate session allowed its laws to go to Boston to be printed, and made\\nan appropriation of $3,000 to pay one of its members to go there and\\nread the proof sheets instead of having it done in the State, and\\nthereby assisting in building up a Southern publishing house. What\\na commentary on the Yankee-haters!\\nThe Greensboro (N. C.) Patriot thus records a similar", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0420.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 417\\ncontribution, on the part of that State, to the creation of\\na purely Southern Literature:\\nWe have heard it said, that those who had the control of the\\nprinting of the revised Statutes of North Carolina,* in order to save\\na few dimes, had the work executed in Boston, in preference to giv-\\ning the job to a citizen of this State. We impugn not the motives\\nof the agents of this matter; but it is a little humiliating that no\\nwork except the commonest labor, can be done in North Carolina;\\nthat everything which requires a little skill, capital, or ingenuity,\\nmust be sent North. In the case under consideration, we have heard\\nit remarked, that when the whole bill of expenses connected with\\nthe printing of the Revised Statutes in Boston was footed up, it only\\namounted to a few thousand dollars more than the job would have\\ncost in this State. But then we have the consolation of knowing\\nthat the book came from the JSTo? th, and that it was printed among\\nthe abolitionists of Boston the peculiar friends of North Carolina\\nand the South generally. Of course we ought to be willing to pay a\\nfew extra thousands in consideration of these important facts!\\nSouthern divines give us elaborated Bible arguments\\nSouthern statists heap treatise upon treatise through which\\nthe Federal Constitution is tortured into all monstrous\\nshapes Southern novelists bore us ad infinitum with pic-\\ntures of the beatitudes of plantation life and the negro-quar-\\nters Southern verse-wrights drone out their drowsy dactyls\\nor grow ventricious with their turgid heroics, all in defence of\\nslavery priest, politician, novelist, bardling, severally ring-\\ning the changes upon the Biblical institution, the conser-\\nvative institution, the humanizing institution, the\\npatriarchal institution and then have their books printed\\non Northern paper, with Northern types, by Northern arti-\\nsans, stitched, bound and made ready for the market by\\nRevised Code of North Carolina, published in 1855. by Little, Brown and\\nCompany, of Boston.\\n18*", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0421.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "418 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nNorthern industry and yet fail to see in all this, as a true\\nphilosophical mind must see, an overwhelming refutation of\\ntheir miserable sophisms in behalf of a system against which\\nhumanity in all its impulses and aspirations, and civilization\\nin all its activities and triumphs, utter their perpetual pro-\\ntest.\\nFrom a curious article in the American Publishers Circu-\\nlar on Book Making in America, we give the following\\nextracts:\\nIt is somewhat alarming to know that the number of houses now\\nactually engaged in the publishing of books, not including periodi-\\ncals, amounts to more than three hundred. About three-fourths of\\nthese are engaged in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore\\nthe balance being divided between Cincinnati, Buffalo, Auburn,\\nAlbany, Louisville, Chicago, St. Louis, and a few other places.\\nThere are more than three thousand booksellers who dispense the\\npublications of these three hundred, besides six or seven thousand\\napothecaries, grocers, and hardware dealers, who connect literature\\nwith drugs, molasses and nails.\\nThe best printing iu America is probably now done in Cam-\\nbridge; the best cloth binding in Boston, and the best calf and\\nmorocco in New York and Philadelphia. In these two latter styles\\nwe are, as yet, a long distance from Heyday, the pride of London.\\nHis finish is supreme. There is nothing between it and perfection.\\nBooks have multiplied to such an extent in our country, that\\nit now takes 750 paper-mills, with 2,000 engines in constant opera-\\ntion, to supply the printers, who work day and night, endeavoring\\nto keep their engagements with publishers. These tireless mills pro-\\nduced 270,000,000 pounds of paper the past year, which immense\\nsupply has sold for about $27,000,000. A pound and a quarter of\\nrags were required for a pound of paper, and 400,000,000 pounds\\nwere therefore consumed in this way last year. The cost of manu-\\nfacturing a twelve months supply of paper for the United States,\\naside from labor and rags, is computed at $4,000,000.\\nThe Harper establishment, the largest of our publishing houses,", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0422.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITEKATUXE. 419\\ncovers half an acre of ground. If old Mr. Caxton, who printed those\\nstories of the Trojan war so long ago, could follow the Ex-Mayor of\\nNew York in one of his morning rounds in Franklin Square, he would\\nhe, to say the least, a little surprised. He would see in one room the\\nfloor loaded with the weight of 150 tons of presses. The electrotyping\\nprocess would puzzle him somewhat the drying and pressing pro-\\ncess would startle him the hustle would make his head ache; and\\nthe stock-room would quite finish him. An edition of Harpers\\nMonthly Magazine alone consists of 175,000. Few persons have any\\nidea how large a numher this is as applied to the edition of a book.\\nIt is computed that if these magazines were to rain down, and one\\nman should attempt to pick them up like chips, it would take him a\\nfortnight to pick up the copies of one single number, supposing him\\nto pick up one every second, and to work ten hours a day.\\nThe rapidity with which books are now manufactured is almost\\nincredible. A complete copy of one of Bulwer s novels, published\\nacross the water in three volumes, and reproduced here in one, was\\nswept through the press in New York in fifty hours, and offered for\\nsale smoking hot in the streets. The fabulous edifice proposed by a\\nYankee from Vermont, no longer seems an impossibility. Build the\\nestablishment according to my plan, 1 said he drive a sheep in at\\none end, and he shall immediately come out at the other, four quar-\\nters of lamb, a felt hat, a leather apron, and a quarto Bible.\\nThe business of the Messrs. Harper, whose establishment\\nis referred to in the foregoing extract, is probably more gene-\\nrally diffused over every section of this country than that of\\nany other publishing house. From inquiries recently made\\nof them we learn that they issue, on an average, 3,000 bound\\nvolumes per day, throughout the year, and that each volume\\nwill average 500 pages making a total of about one million\\nof volumes, and not less than five hundred millions of pages\\nper annum. This does not include the Magazine and books\\nin pamphlet form, each of which contains as much matter as\\na bound volume. Their bills for paper exceed $300,000 an", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0423.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "420 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nnually, and as the average cost is fifteen cents per pound, they\\nconsume more than two millions of pounds say one thousand\\ntons of white paper.\\nThere are rSgularly employed in their own premises about\\n550 persons, including printers, binders, engravers, and clerks.\\nThese are all paid in full once a fortnight in bankable money.\\nBesides these, there are numerous authors and artists in every\\nsection of the country, who furnish manuscripts and illustra-\\ntions, on terms generally satisfactory to all the parties inter-\\nested.\\nThe Magazine has a monthly circulation of between 175,-\\n000 and 200,000, or about two millions of copies annually.\\nEach number of the Magazine is closed up about the fifth of\\nthe month previous to its date. Five or six days thereafter\\nthe mailing begins, commencing with more distant sub-\\nscribers, all of Avhom are supplied before any copies are sold\\nfor delivery in New York. The intention of the publishers\\nis, that it shall be delivered as nearly as possible on the same\\nday in St. Louis, New Orleans, Cincinnati, Philadelphia, Bos-\\nton, and New York. It takes from ten to twelve days to\\ndispatch the whole edition (which weighs between four and\\nfive tons) by mail and express.\\nTheir new periodical, Harper s Weekly, has, in a little\\nmore than three years, reached a sale of fully 100,000 copies.\\nThe mailing of this commences on Monday night, and occu-\\npies about three days.\\nEx-Mayor Harper, whom we have found to be one of the\\nmost affable and estimable gentleman in the city of New York,\\ninformed us, some time ago, that, though he had no moans\\nof knowing positively, he was of the opinion that about eighty\\nper cent, of all-their publications find final purchasers in the\\nFree States the remainder, about twenty per cent., in the\\nSlave States. Yet it is probable that, with one or two excep-", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0424.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 421\\ntions, no other publishing house in the country has so large a\\nper centage of Southern trade.\\nOf the more than three hundred houses engaged in the\\npublication of books, to which the writer in the American\\nPublishers Circular refers, upward of nine-tenths of the\\nnumber are in the non-slaveholding States, and these represent\\nnot less than ninety-nine hundredths of the whole capital\\ninvested in the business. Baltimore has twice as many pub-\\nlishers as any other Southern city and nearly as many as the\\nwhole South beside. The census returns of 1850 give but\\ntwenty-four publishers for the entire South, and ten of these\\nwere in Maryland. The relative disproportion which then\\nexisted in this branch of enterprise, between the North and\\nthe South, still exists or, if it has been changed at all, that\\nchange is in favor of the North. So, of all the capital, enter-\\nprise and industry involved in the manufacture of the mate-\\nrial that enters into the composition of books. All the paper\\nmanufactories of the South do not produce enough to supply\\na single publishing house in the city of New York. Perhaps a\\nSouthern Literature does not necessarily involve the several\\nenterprises requisite to the manufacture of books but ex-\\nperience has shown that there is a somewhat intimate relation\\nbetween the author, printer, paper-maker and publisher in\\nother words, that the intellectual activity which expresses\\nitself in books, is measurable by the mechanical activities\\nengaged in their manufacture. Thus, a State that is fruitful\\nin authors, will almost necessarily be fruitful in publishers\\nand the number of both classes will be proportioned to the\\nreading population. The poverty of Southern literature is\\nlegitimately shoAvn, therefore, in the paucity of Southern pub-\\nlishers. We do not deny a high degree of cultivated talent\\nto the South^ we are familiar with the names of her sons\\nwhose genius has made them eminent all that we insist upon", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0425.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "422 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nis, that the same accursed influence which has smitten her\\nindustrial enterprises with paralysis, and retarded indefinitely\\nher material advancement, has exerted a corresponding influ-\\nence upon her literature. How it has done this we shall more\\nfully indicate before we close the chapter.\\nAt the Southern Slaveholders Convention held afew years\\nsince at Savannah, a good deal was said about Southern litera-\\nture, and many suggestions made in reference to the best\\nmeans for its promotion. One speaker thought that they\\ncould get text books at home without going to either Old\\nEngland or New England for them. Well, they can try.\\nThe effort will not harm them nor the North either. The\\norator was confident that the South had talent enough to\\ndo anything that needs to be done, and independence enough\\nto do it. The talent we shall not deny the independi nee\\nwe are ready to believe in when we see it. When she throws\\noff the incubus of slavery under which she goes staggering\\nlike the Sailor of Bagdad under the weight of the Old Man\\nof the Sea, she will prove her independence, and demonstrate\\nher ability to do anything that needs to be done. Till then\\nshe is but a fettered giant, whose vitals are torn by the dogs\\nwhich her, own folly has engendered.\\nAnother speaker, on the occasion referred to, half-uneon-\\nsciously, it would seem, threw a gleam of light upon the sub-\\nject under discussion, which, had not himself and his hearers\\nbeen bat-blind, would have revealed the clue that conducts\\nfrom the darkness in which they burrow to the day of re-\\ndemption for the South. Said he\\nNorthern publishers employ the talent of the South and of the\\nwhole country to write for them, and ponr out thousands annually\\nfor it; but Southern men expect to get talent without paying for it.\\nThe Southern Quarterly Review and the Liteffery Messenger\\nare literally struggling for existence, for want of material aid.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0426.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 423\\nIt is not the South that builds up Northern literature they do it\\nthemsehes. There is talent and mind and poetic genius enough in\\nthe South to build up a literature of a high order; but Southern pub-\\nlishers cannot get money enough to assist them in their enterprises,\\nand, therefore, the South has no literature.\\nHere are truths. Southern men (slaveholders) expect to\\nget talent without paying for it. A very natural expecta-\\ntion, considering that they have been accustomed to have\\nall their material wants supplied by the uncompensated toil\\nof their slaves. In this instance it may seem an absurd one,\\nbut it results legitimately from the system of slavery. That\\nsystem, in fact, operates in a two-fold way against the\\nSouthern publisher first, by its practical repudiation of the\\nscriptural axiom that the laborer is worthy of his hire and\\nsecondly, by restricting the circle of readers through the igno-\\nrance which it inevitably engenders. How is it that the people\\nof theXovth buildup their literature Two words reveal the\\nsecret intelligence\u00e2\u0080\u0094 compensation. They are a reading\\npeople the poorest artisan or day-laborer has his shelf of\\nbooks, or his daily or weekly paper, whose contents he sel-\\ndom fails to master before retiring at night and they are\\naccustomed to pay for all the boohs and papers which they\\nperuse. Readers and payers\u00e2\u0080\u0094 these are the men who insure\\nthe prosperity of publishers. Where a system of enforced\\nservitude prevails, it is very apt to beget loose notions about\\nthe obligation of paying for anything and many minds fail\\nto see the distinction, morally, between compelling Sambo to\\npick cotton without paying him wages, or compelling Lippin-\\ncott Co. to manufacture books for the planter s pleasure\\nor edification upon the same liberal terms. But more than\\nthis where a system of enforced servitude prevails, a fearful\\ndegree of ignorance prevails also, as its necessary accompa-\\nniment. The enslaved masses are, of course, thrust back", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0427.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "424 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nfrom the fountains of knowledge by the strong arm of law,\\nwhile the poor non-slaveholding classes are almost as effec-\\ntually excluded from the institutions of learning by their\\npoverty the sparse population of shareholding districts being\\nunfavorable to the maintenance of free schools, and the exi-\\ngencies of their condition forbidding them to avail themselves\\nof any more costly educational privileges.\\nNorthern publishers can employ the talent of the South\\nand of the whole country to write for them, and pour out\\nthousands annually for it, simply because a reading popula-\\ntion, accustomed to pay for the service which it receives,\\nenables them to do so. A similar population at the South\\nwould enable Southern publishers to do the same. Substi-\\ntute free labor for slave labor, the institutions of freedom for\\nthose of slavery, and it would not long remain true that\\nSouthern publishers cannot get money enough to assist\\nthem in their enterprises, and therefore the South has no\\nliterature. This is the discovery which the South Carolina\\norator from whom we quote, but narrowly escaped making,\\nwhen he stood upon its very edge, and rounded his periods\\nwith the truths in whose unapprehended meanings was hidden\\nthis germ of redemption for a nation.\\nThe self-stultification of folly, however, was never more\\nevident than it is in the current gabble of the oligarchs about\\na Southern literature. They do not mean by it a healthy,\\nmanly, normal utterance of unfettered minds, without winch\\nthere can be no proper literature but an emasculated substi-\\ntute therefor, from which the element of freedom is elimi-\\nnated husks, from which the kernel has escaped a body,\\nIVoiu which the vitalizing spirit has fled a literature which\\nignores manhood by confounding it with brutehood or, at\\nbest, deals with all similes of freedom as treason against the\\npeculiar institution. There is not a single great name in", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0428.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATUKE. 425\\nthe literary annals of the old or new world that conld dwarf\\nitself to the stature requisite to gain admission into the Pan-\\ntheon erected by these devotees of the Inane for their\\nLilliputian deities. Thank God, a Southern literature, in the\\nsense intended by the champions of slavery, is a simple im-\\npossibility, rendered such by that exility of mind which they\\ndemand in its producers as a prerequisite to admission into\\nthe guild of Southern authorship. The tenuous thoughts of\\nsuch authorlings coidd not survive a single breath of manly\\ncriticism. The history of the rise, progress, and decline of\\ntheir literature could be easily written on a child s smooth\\npalm, and leave space enough for its funeral oration and\\nepitaph. The latter might appropriately be that which, in\\none of our rural districts, marks the grave of a still-born\\ninfant\\nIf so early I am done for,\\nI wonder what 1 was begun for!\\nWe desire to see the South bear its just proportion in the\\nliterary activities and achievements of our common country.\\nIt has never yet done so, and it never will until its own man-\\nhood is vindicated in the abolition of slavery. The impulse\\nwhich such a measure would give to all industrial pursuits\\nthat deal with the elements of material prosperity, would be\\nimparted also to the no less valuable but more intangible\\ncreations of the mind. Take from the intellect of the South\\nthe incubus which now oppresses it, and its rebound would\\nbe glorious the era of its diviner inspirations would begin\\nand its triumphs would be a perpetual vindication of the\\nsuperiority of free institutions over those of slavery.\\nTo diyckiuck s Cyclopedia of American Literature a\\nsort of Omnium-gatherum that reminds one of Jeremiah s\\nfis:s we are indebted for the following facts: The whole", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0429.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "420 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nnumber of American authors whose place of nativity is\\ngiven, is five hundred and sixty-nine. Of these seventy-nine\\nwere foreign born, eighty-seven were natives of the South,\\nnud four hundred and three a vast majority of the whole,\\nfirst breathed the vital air in the free North. Many of those\\nwho were born in the South, received their education in the\\nNorth, quite a number of whom became permanent residents\\nthereof. Still, for the purjioses of this computation, we\\ncount them on the side of the South. Yet how significant\\nthe comparison which this computation furnishes Throwing\\nthe foreign born (adopted citizens, mostly residents of the\\nNorth) out of the reckoning, and the record stands,\\nNorthern authors four hundred and three Southern, eighty-\\nseven a difference of three hundred and sixteen in favor of\\nthe North And this, probably, indicates very fairly the\\nrelative intellectual activity of the two sections.\\nWe accept the facts gleaned from Duyckinck s work as a\\nbasis, simply, of our estimate not as being absolutely ac-\\ncurate in themselves, though they are doubtless reliable in\\nthe main, and certainly as fair for the South as they are for\\nthe North. We might dissent from the judgment of the\\ncompiler in reference to the propriety of applying the term\\nliterature to much that his compilation contains but as\\ntastes have proverbially differed from the days of the vene-\\nrable dame who kissed her cow not to extend our researches\\ninto the condition of things anterior to that interesting event\\nwe will not insist upon our view of the matter, but take it\\nfor granted that he has disentombed from forgotten reviews,\\nnewspapers, pamphlets, and posters, a fair relative proportion\\nof authors for both North and South, for which Ame-\\nrican Literature is unquestionably under infinite obligations\\nto him\\nGriswold s Poets and Poetry of America and Thorcas", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0430.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 427\\nBuchanan Read s Female Poets of America furnish evi-\\ndence, equally conclusive, of the benumbing influence of\\nslavery upon the intellect of a country. Of course, these\\ncompilers say nothing about slavery, and probably never\\nthought of it in connection with their respective works, but\\nnone the less significant on that account is the testimony of\\nthe facts which they give. From the last edition of Gris-\\nwold s compilation (which contains the names of none of our\\nfemale writers, he having included them in a separate volume)\\nwe find the names of one hundred and forty-one writers of\\nverse: of these one was foreign-born, seventeen natives of the\\nslaveholdiug, and one hundred and twenty-three of the non-\\nslavehokling States. Of our female poets, whose nativity is\\ngiven by Mr. Read, eleven are natives of the South and\\nseventy-three of the North These simple arithmetical figures\\nare God s eternal Scripture against the folly and madness of\\nSlavery, and need no aid of rhetoric to give emphasis to the\\nstartling eloquence of their revelations.\\nBut, after all, literature is not to be estimated by cubic\\nfeet or pounds averdupois, nor measured by the bushel or the\\nyard-stick. Quality, rather than quantity, is the true standard\\nof estimation. The fact, however, matters little for our\\npresent purpose for the South, we are sorry to say, is as\\nmuch behind the North in the former as in the latter. We\\ndo not forget the names of Gayarre, Benton, Simms, and\\nother eminent citizens of the Slave States, who have by their\\ncontributions to American letters conferred honor upon them-\\nselves and upon our common country, when we affirm, that\\nthose among our authors who enjoy a cosmopolitan reputa-\\ntion, are, with a few honorable exceptions, natives of the Free\\nNorth and that the names which most brilliantly illustrate\\nour literature, in its every department, are those which have\\ngrown into greatness under the nurturing influence of free", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0431.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "428 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\ninstitutions. Comparisons are odious, it is said and\\nwe will not, unnecessarily, render them more so, in the\\npresent instance, by contrasting, name by name, the lite-\\nrary men of the South and the literary men of the North.\\nWe do not depreciate the former, nor over-estimate the\\nLitter. But, let us aslc, whence come our geographers,\\nour astronomers, our chemists, our meteorologists, our\\nethnologists, and others, who have made their names illus-\\ntrious in the domain of the Natural Sciences Not from\\nthe Slave States certainly. In the Literature of Law, the\\nSouth can furnish no name that can claim peership with those\\nof Story and of Kent in History, none that tower up to the\\naltitude of Bancroft, Prescott, Hildreth, Motley and Wash-\\nington Irving in Theology, none that can challenge favorable\\ncomparison with those of Edwards, Dwight, Channing, Bel-\\nlows, Bushnell, Parker, and Wayland in Fiction, none that\\ntake rank with Cooper, and Mrs. Stowe and but few that\\nmay do so with even the second class novelists of the North\\nin Poetry, none that can command position with Bryant,\\nHalleck, and Percival, with Whittier, Longfellow, and Lowell,\\nwith Willis, Stoddard and Taylor, with Holmes, Saxe, and\\nBurleigh and we might add twenty other Northern names\\nbefore we found their Southern peer, with the exception of\\npoor Poe, who, within a narrow range of subjects, showed\\nhimself a poet of consummate art, and occupies a sort of\\ndebatable ground between our first and second-class writers.\\nWe might extend this comparison to our writers in every\\ndepartment of letters, from the compiler of school-books to\\nthe author of the most profound ethical treatise, and with\\nWe Southrons all glory in the literary reputation of Mr. Simms yet we\\nmust confess his inferiority to Cooper, and prejudice alone will refuse to admit\\nthat, while in the art of the novelist he is the superior of Mrs. Stowe, in geniua\\nhe must take position below her.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0432.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 429\\nprecisely the same result. But we forbear. The task is dis-\\ntasteful to our State pride, and would have been entirely\\navoided had not a higher principle urged us to its perform-\\nance. It remains for us now to inquire,\\nWhat has produced this literary pauperism of the\\nSouth? One single word, most pregnant in its terrible\\nmeanings, answers the question. That word is Slavery\\nBut we have been so long accustomed to the ugly thing\\nitself, and have become so familiar with its no less ugly fruits,\\nthat the common mind fails to apprehend the connection be-\\ntween the one, as cause, and the other as effect and it there-\\nfore becomes necessary to give a more detailed answer to our\\ninterrogatory.\\nObviously, then, the conditions requisite to a flourishing\\nliterature are wanting at the South. These are\\nI. Readers. The people of the South are not a reading-\\npeople. Many of the adult population never learned to read\\nstill more, do not care to read. We have been impressed,\\nduring a temporary sojourn in the North, with the difference\\nbetween the middle and laboring classes in the Free States,\\nand the same classes in the Slave States, in this respect.\\nPassing along the great routes of travel in the former, or\\ntaking our seat in the comfortable cars that pass up and down\\nthe avenues of our great commercial metropolis, we have not\\nfailed to contrast the employment of our fellow-passengers\\nwith that which occupies the attention of the .corresponding\\nclasses on our various Southern routes of travel. In the one\\ncase, a large proportion of the passengers seem intent upon\\nmastering the contents of the newspaper, or some recently\\npublished book. The merchant, the mechanic, the artisan,\\nthe professional man, and even the common laborer, going to\\nor returning from their daily vocations, are busy with their\\nmorning or evening paper, or engaged in an intelligent dis-", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0433.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "430 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\ncussion of some topic of public interest. This is their leisure\\nhour, and it is given to the acquisition of such information as\\nmay be of immediate or ultimate use, or to the cultivation of\\na taste for elegant literature. In the other case, newspapers\\nand books seem generally ignored, and noisy discussions of\\nvillage and State politics, the tobacco and cotton crops, fili-\\nbusterism in Cuba, Nicaragua, or Sonora, the price of negroes\\ngenerally, and especially of fine-looking wenches, the beau-\\nties of lynch-law, the delights of horse-racing, the excitement\\nof street-fights with bowie-knives and revolvers, the mani-\\nfest destiny theory that justifies the stealing of all territory\\ncontiguous to our own, and kindred topics, constitute the\\nwarp and woof of conversation. All this is on a level with\\nthe general intelligence of the Slave States. It is true,\\nthese States have their educated men the majority of whom\\nowe their literary culture to the colleges of the North. Not\\nthat there are no Southern colleges for there are institutions,\\nso called, in a majority of the Slave States. Some of them,\\ntoo, are not deficient in the appointments requisite to our\\nhigher educational institutions but as a general thing,\\nSouthern colleges are colleges only in name, and will scarcely\\ntake rank with a third-rate Northern academy, while out-\\nacademies, with a few exceptions, are immeasurably inferior\\nto the public schools of New York, Philadelphia, and Boston.\\nThe truth is, there is a vast inert mass of stupidity and igno-\\nrance, too dense for individual effort to enlighten or remove,\\nin all communities cursed with the system of slavery. Dis-\\nguise the unwelcome truth as we may, slavery is the parent\\nof ignorance, and ignorance begets a whole brood of follies\\nand of vices, and every one of these is inevitably hostile to\\nliterary culture. The masses, if they think of literature at\\nall, think of it only as a costly luxury, to be monopolized by\\nthe few.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0434.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\n431\\nWhat follows, our readers will, we think, agree with us, is\\nof great significance in this connection\\nTABLE 36.\\nNUMBER OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS FRANKED BY UNITED STATES SENATORS*\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n1S58.\\nFRKE STATE SENATORS.\\nSLAVE STATE SENATORS.\\nState.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut.\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMass\\nMichigan\\nN. Ilamp\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPenn\\nRhode Isl d.\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nDocu-\\nments.\\n18,000\\n19,000\\n7,000\\n315,000 I\\n40,000\\n11,000\\n15,000\\n4,000\\n10,000\\n14,000 I\\n10,000\\ni,666 i\\n49,000\\n214,000\\nTotal.\\n37,500\\n7,000\\n3S5,000\\n2G,000\\n14,000\\n24,000\\n1,000\\nI\\n263,000\\n65,000,\\n8,000\\n100,000\\n6,000\\n61,000\\n2,800\\n5,000\\n10,000\\nState.\\nTotal 1,019,800\\nAlabama\\nArkansas.\\nDelaware\\nFlorida.\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky.\\nLouisiana.\\nMaryland.\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nN. Carolina.\\nS. Carolina\\nTennessee...\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nName.\\nDocu-\\nments.\\nFitzpatrick\\nClay\\nSebastian\\nJohnson\\nBates.\\nBayard.\\nMallory.\\nYulee\\nIverson..\\nToombs..\\nThompson,\\nCrittenden\\nBenjamin.\\nSlidell\\nPearce.\\nKennedy.\\nBrown\\nDavis\\nGreen\\nPolk\\nReid\\nClingman\\nEvans\\nI latum ond\\nBell\\nJohnson.\\nHouston\\nHenderson\\nMason.\\nHunter\\n1,500 I\\n11,500 1\\n2,000 I\\n8,000\\n6,000 I\\n2,000 I\\n3,000 j\\n2,000\\nib ,666 f\\n11,000 i\\n8,000\\n6,000 I\\n5,000 j\\n18,000\\n6,000 I\\n12,000 I\\n15,000\\n1,000 I\\n21,500\\ni\\n7,000 I\\n11,000 I\\n5,000 I\\n2.000\\n2,000\\n13,000\\n10,000\\n8,000\\n5,000\\n10,000\\n19,000\\n11,000\\n24,000\\n27,000\\n22,500\\n1^,000\\n,000\\n4,000\\nTotal 170,500\\nThus we perceive by the above table, that, Avhile thirty-two\\nFree State senators send 1,019,800 documents an average\\nSee debate on the proposed amendment to the Post-office bill, to increase\\nthe rates of postage, in the United States Senate, February 24, 1859. Senators\\nfrom the Slave States strongly, but unsuccessfully, advocated the passage\\nof the amendment. Thanks to the Free State senators, who opposed and de-\\nfeated it", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0435.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "432 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nof 31,869 each, thirty Slave State senators send only 1 1 6,500\\ndocuments an average of but 5,833 each, showing an ave-\\nrage balance of 25,986 in favor of every Free State senator!\\nThus do the lazy pro-slavery officials of the South perpetuate\\nthe ignorance and degradation of their constituents, by with-\\nholding from them especially from their miserably-duped\\nnon-slaveholding constituents the means of information to\\nwhich they are justly entitled, and which they would re-\\nceive, if represented by men whose sense of duty and honor\\nwas not irremediably debased by social contact with slaves\\nand slavery.*\\nWe are aware that this is very plain language, but it is truthful also, and\\nslaves and slaveholders are welcome to make the most of it. Objections have\\nbeen frequently urged by certain gentlemen who criticised the first editions\\nof the work in hand, because, as they say, we have uniformly treated our sub-\\nject with too great intensity of feeling with too little calmness and forbear-\\nance with too little charity for the unfortunate persons whom we have so un-\\nl-emittedly belabored with our invectives and solemn protests. Granting to\\nothers the liberty of fully exercising their own opinions upon this and all other\\nsubjects, we claim that the same liberty should be conceded to us. We have\\nperformed our task in accordance with what seemed to devolve upon us as\\na duty. He who thinks that we have not done well, will please do better.\\nWith all of us there is always ample room for improvement, and it would, per-\\nhaps, hardly be safe to aver that there is, in all the world, anything whatever,\\nanimate or inanimate, entirely free from offensive features and imperfections.\\nOn the great question of the age, however, no man need go bookless because\\nhe does not approve the Impending Crisis for, besides numerous novels,\\nwhich, with wonderful power, depict the evils of Slavery, there are before the\\npublic many matter-of-fact works, which demonstrate, in a clear and masterly\\nmanner, the unequalled blessings of Liberty. Of publications of the latter\\nclass, the following are a few of the most valuable\\nWeston s Progress of Slavery.\\nGoodloe s Southern Platform.\\nSpooneb s Unconstitutionality of Slavery.\\nAmes Legion of Liberty.\\nJay s Miscellaneous Writings on Slavery,\\nCheever s Scriptures (the) on the Guilt of Slavery.\\nGoodell s Slavery and Anti-Slavery.", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0436.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\n433\\nThe proportion of white adults over twenty years of age\\nin each State, who cannot read and write, to the whole white\\npopulation, is as follows\\nConnecticut,\\nVermont,\\nN. Hampshire,\\nMassachusetts,\\nMaine,\\nMichigan,\\nRhode Island,\\nNew Jersey,\\nNew York,\\nPennsylvania,\\nOhio,\\nIndiana,\\nIllinois,\\nto every 568\\n473\\n810\\n166\\n108\\n97\\n67\\n58\\n56\\n50\\n43\\n18\\n17\\nLouisiana, 1 to every 3S\u00c2\u00a3\\nMaryland, 1 27\\nMississippi, 1 20\\nDelaware, 1 18\\nSouth Carolina, 1 17\\nMissouri, 1 16\\nAlabama, 1 15\\nKentucky, 1 13*\\nGeorgia, 1 13\\nVirginia, 1 12\u00c2\u00a3\\nArkansas, 1 11\u00c2\u00a3\\nTennessee, 1 11\\nNorth Carolina, 1 7\\nIn this table, Illinois and Indiana are the only Free States\\nwhich, in point of education, are surpassed by any of the\\nSlave States and this disgraceful fact is owing, principally,\\nto the influx of foreigners, and to emigrants from the Slave\\nStates. New York, Rhode Island, and Pennsylvania have\\nalso a large foreign element in their population, that swells\\nvery considerably this percentage of ignorance. For instance,\\nNew York shows, by the last census, a population of 98,722\\nwho cannot read and write, and of this number 68,052 are\\nforeigners Rhode Island, 3,607, of whom 2,359 are foreign-\\ners Pennsylvania, 76,272, of whom 24,989 are foreigners.\\nOn the other hand, the ignorance of the Slave States is\\nprincipally native ignorance, but comparatively few emigrants\\nfrom Europe seeking a home upon soil cursed with human\\nbondage. North Carolina has a foreign popidation of only\\n340, South Carolina only 104, Arkansas only 27, Tennessee\\nonly 505, Virginia only 1,137 who cannot read and write\\nAbbott s South and Nofth.\\nChase and Sanbokn s North and South.\\nThe last-mentioned work, especially, (by Henry Chase and C. H. Sanborn,)\\nfull, rich and manifold in statistical facts and arguments, and, withal, free\\nfrom everything like taunt and menace, is deserving of a place in every house-\\nhold at the altars of which have been kindled the fires of Freedom.\\n19", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0437.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "434 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nwhile the aggregate of native ignorance in these five States\\n(exclusive of the slaves, who are debarred all education by\\nlaw) is 278,948 No longer ago than 1837, Governor Clark,\\nof Kentucky, in his message to the Legislature of that State,\\ndeclared that, by the computation of those most familiar\\nwith the subject, one-third of the adult population of the\\n/State are tenable to write their names and Governor\\nCampbell, of Virginia, reported to the Legislature, that from\\nthe returns of ninety-eight clerks, it appeared that of 4,614\\napplications for marriage licenses in 1837, no less than 1,047\\nwere made by men unable to write.\\nIn the Slave States the proportion of free whte children\\nbetween the ages of five and twenty, who are found at any\\nschool or college, is not quite one-fifth of the whole in the\\nFree States, the proportion is more than three-fifths.\\nWe could fill our pages with facts like these to an almost\\nindefinite extent, but it cannot be necessary. No truth is\\nmore demonstrable, nay, no truth is more abundantly demon-\\nstrated, than this that slavery is hostile to general educa-\\ntion its strength, its very fife, is in the ignorance and sto-\\nlidity of the masses it naturally and necessarily represses\\ngeneral literary culture. To talk, therefore, of the creation\\nof a purely Southern Literature, without readers to demand,\\nor writers to produce it, is the mere babble of idiocy.\\nII. Another thing essential to the creation of a literature is\\nMental Freedom. How much of that is to be found in the\\nregion of slavery We will not say that there is none; but\\nif.it exists, it exists as the outlawed antagonist of human\\nchattelhood. He who believes that the despotism of the ac-\\ncursed system expends its malignant forces upon the slave,\\nleaving intact the white and (so called) free population, is the\\nvictim of a most monstrous delusion. One end of the yoke\\nthat bows the African to the dust, presses heavily upon the", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0438.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 435\\nneck of his Anglo-Saxon master. The entire mind of the\\nSouth either stultifies itself into acquiescence with Slavery,\\nsuccumbs to its authority, or chafes in indignant protest\\nagainst its monstrous pretensions and outrageous usurpations.\\nA free press is an institution almost unknown at the South.\\nFree speech is considered as treason against Slavery and\\nwhen people dare neither speak nor print their thoughts, free\\nthought itself is well-nigh extinguished. All that can be said\\nin defence of human bondage, may be spoken freely; but\\nquestion either its morality or its policy, and the terrors of\\nlynch-law are at once invoked to put down the pestilent\\nheresy. The legislation of the Slave States for the suppres-\\nsion of the freedom of speech and the press, is disgraceful\\nand cowardly to the last degree, and can find its parallel only\\nin the meanest and bloodiest despotisms of the Old World.\\nNo institution that could bear the light would thus sneakingly\\nseek to burrow itself in utter darkness. Look, too, at the\\nmobbings, lynchings, robberies, social and political .proscrip-\\ntions, and all manner of nameless outrages, to which men in\\nthe South have been subjected, simply upon the suspicion that\\nthey were the enemies of Slavery. We could fill page after\\npage of this volume with the record of such atrocities. But\\na simple reference to them is enough. Our countrymen have\\nnot yet forgotten why John C. Underwood was, but a short\\nwhile since, banished from his home in Virginia, and the ac-\\ncomplished Hedrick driven from his College professorship in\\nNorth Carolina. They believed Slavery inimical to the best\\ninterest of the South, and for daring to give expression to\\nthis belief in moderate yet manly language, they were ostra-\\ncised by the despotic Slave Power, and compelled to seek a\\nrefuge from its vengeance in States where the principles of\\nfreedom are better understood. Pending the last Presidential\\nelection, there were thousands, nay, tens of thousands of", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0439.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "436 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nvoters in the Slave States, who desired to give their suffrages\\nfor the Republican nominee, John C. Fremont, himself a\\nSouthron, but a non-slaveholder. The Constitution of the\\nUnited States guaranteed to these men an expression of their\\npreference at the ballot-box. But were they permitted such\\nan expression Not at all. They were denounced, threat\\nened, overawed, by the Slave Power and it is not too much\\nto say that there was really no Constitutional election that\\nis, no such free expression of political preferences as the Con-\\nstitution aims to secure in a majority of the Slave States.\\nFrom a multiplicity of facts like these, the inference is un-\\navoidable, that Slavery tolerates no freedom of the press no\\nfreedom of speech no freedom of opinion. To expect that a\\nwhole-souled, manly literature can flourish under such con-\\nditions, is as absurd as it would be to look for health amid\\nthe pestilential vapors of a dungeon, or for the continuance\\nof animal life without the aid of oxygen.\\nIII. Mental activity force enterprise are requisite to\\nthe crea tion of literature. Slavery tends to sluggishness\\nimbecility inertia. Where free thought is treason, the\\nmasses will not long take the trouble of thinking at all.\\nDesuetude begets incompetence the dare-not soon becomes\\nthe cannot. The mind thus enslaved, necessarily loses its\\ninterest in the processes of other minds and its tendency is\\nto sink down into absolute stolidity or sottishness. Our\\nremarks find melancholy confirmation in the abject servilism\\nin which multitudes of the non-slaveholdmg whites of the\\nSouth are involved. In them, ambition, pride, self-respect,\\nhope, seem alike extinct. Their slaveholdiug fellows are, in\\nsome respects, in a still more unhappy condition helpless,\\nnerveless, ignorant, selfish yet vain-glorious, self-sufficient\\nand brutal. Are these the chosen architects who are ex\u00c2\u00ab\\npected to build up a purely Southern literature", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0440.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 437\\nThe truth is, slavery destroys, or vitiates, or pollutes,\\nwhatever it touches. No interest of society escapes the in-\\nfluence of its clinging curse. It makes Southern religion a\\nstench in the nostrils of Christendom it makes Southern\\npolitics a libel upon all the principles of Republicanism it\\nmakes Southern literature a travesty upon the honorable\\nprofession of letters. Thau the better class of Southern\\nauthors themselves, none will feel more keenly the truth of\\nour remarks. They write books, but can find for them\\nneither publishers nor remunerative sales at the South. The\\nexecutors of Calhoun seek, for his works, a Northern pub-\\nlisher. Benton writes history and prepares voluminous com-\\npilations, which are given to the world through a Northern\\npublisher. Simms writes novels and poems, and they are\\nscattered abroad from the presses of a Northern publisher.\\nEighty per cent, of all the copies sold are probably bought\\nby Northern readers.\\nWhen will Southern authors understand their own inter-\\nests When will the South, as a whole, abandoning its pre-\\nsent suicidal policy, enter upon that career of prosperity,\\ngreatness, and true renown, to which God by his word and\\nhis providences, is calling it If thou take away from the\\nmidst of thee the yoke, the putting forth of the finger and\\nspeaking vanity and if thou draw out thy soul to the hun-\\ngry and satisfy the afflicted soul then shall thy light rise in\\nobscurity and thy darkness be as the noonday And the Lord\\nshall guide thee continually and satisfy thy soul in drought,\\nand make fat thy bones and thou shalt be like a watered\\ngarden, and like a spring of water, whose waters fail not.\\nAnd they that shall be of thee shall build the old waste\\nplaces thou shalt raise up the foundations of many genera-\\ntions and thou shalt be called, The repairer of the breach,\\nThe restorer of paths to dwell in.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0441.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "438 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nOur limits, not our materials, are exhausted. We would\\ngladly say more, but can only, in conclusion, add as the result\\nof our investigations in this department of our subject, that\\nLiterature and Liberty are inseparable the one can never\\nhave a vigorous existence without being wedded to the other.\\nOur work is done. It is the voice of the 1ST on-slaveholding\\nWhites of the South, through one identified with them by\\ninterest, by feeling, by position. That voice, by whomsoever\\nspoken, must yet be heard and heeded. The time hastens\\nthe doom of Slavery is written the redemption of the South\\ndraws nigh.\\nIn taking leave of our readers, we know not how we can\\ngive more forcible expression to our thoughts and intentions\\nthan by saying that, in concert with the intelligent Free\\nVoters of the North, we, the Non-slaveholding Whites of\\nthe South, desire and expect to elevate to the Presidency, in\\n1860, an able and worthy representative of the great princi-\\nples enunciated in the Republican platform adopted at Phila-\\ndelphia in 1856 and that, forever thereafter, we will, if we\\ncan, by our suffrages, hold the Presidential chair, and other\\nhigh official positions in the Federal Government, sacredly\\nintact from the occupancy and corruption of Pro-Slavery de-\\nmagogues, whether from the North or from the South and\\nfurthermore, that if, in any case, the Oligarchs do not quietly\\nsubmit to the will of a constitutional majority of the peoj)le,\\nas expressed at the ballot-box, the first battle between Free-\\ndom and Slavery will be fought at home and may God de-\\nfend the Right\\nTHE END.\\nN t \u00c2\u00bbv 3 I860.", "height": "2693", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0442.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "WRITINGS AID SPEECHES\\nALVAN STEVAET,\\nSLAVERY.\\nEDITED BY\\nLUTHEE RAWS ON MARSH.\\nNEW YORK\\nA. B. BURDICK, 145 NASSAU STREET.\\n1860.", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0443.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "AGENTS WANTED\\nIN\\nALL PARTS OF THE COUNTRY\\nTo engage at once in the sale of our Books. We have\\njust removed our Publishing House to the New Park\\nBuilding (No. 145 Nassau Street), and are now pre-\\npared to fill all orders promptly.\\nACTIVE AGENTS\\nCAN MAKE\\nFrom $3b to $100 per month, net profits,\\nin the sale of our Books. Even $200 per month have\\nBeen made by experienced Agents.\\nWe offer none but live books, and give liberal terms\\nto Agents.\\nwe sell for cash only\\nSend for our Descriptive Catalogue with terms to\\nAgents.\\nAddress, A. B. BTJRDICK, Publisher,\\n145 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK.", "height": "2630", "width": "1654", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0444.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0445.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0446.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "u", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0447.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "1 a\\nu", "height": "2558", "width": "1649", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0448.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2589", "width": "1664", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0449.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2833", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso00help_0450.jp2"}}