{"1": {"fulltext": "v^\\np\\n-rff-lj\\niii\\nIii:\\nill\\n.*v\\n^.:^*r*^\u00c2\u00bb:^\\nnm-ff*^^\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^bf-^^-i^^-a.\\n^^iCi*\\nis iMi.", "height": "3416", "width": "2147", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "I LIBRAIIY OF CONGRESS, t\\nf UNITED STATE8 OF AMERICA.^\\n13 %\u00c2\u00bb^l. %^\u00c2\u00abb lfe, ^^i %,j3fl,", "height": "3328", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3375", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3328", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3375", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3328", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3375", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3328", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA\\nBy JOHN STUART MILL\\nKEPRINTED FROM FRASER S MAGAZINE\\nBOSTON\\nLFTTLE, BROWN AND COMPANY\\nMDCCCLXII", "height": "3375", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "RIVERSIDE. CAMBRIDGE:\\nTBI N TED BY H. O. HOUGHTON", "height": "3328", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nThe cloud which for the space of a month hung\\ngloomily over the civilized world, black with far\\nworse evils than those of simple war, has passed\\nfrom over our heads without bursting. The fear\\nhas not been realized, that the only two first-rate\\nPowers who are also free nations would take to\\ntearing each other in pieces, both the one and the\\nother in a bad and odious cause. For while, on the\\nAmerican side, the war would have been one of reck-\\nless persistency in wrong, on ours it would have\\nbeen a war in alliance with, and, to practical pur-\\nposes, in defence and propagation of, slavery. We\\nhad, indeed, been Avronged. We had suffered an\\nindignity, and something more than an indignity,\\nwhich, not to have resented, would have been to in-\\nvite a constant succession of insults and injuries from\\nthe same and from every other quarter. We could\\nhave acted no otherwise than we have done: yet it is\\nimpossible to think, without something like a shudder,\\nfrom what we have escaped. We, the emancipators\\nof the slave who have wearied every Court and\\nGovernment in Europe and America with our pro-", "height": "3375", "width": "2075", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "4 THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nte^ts and remonstrances, until we goaded them into\\nat least ostensibly cooperating with us to prevent\\nthe enslaving of the negro we, who for the last\\nhalf century have spent annual sums, equal to the\\nrevenue of a small kingdom, in blockading the Afri-\\ncan coast, for a cause in which we not only had no\\ninterest, but which was contrary to our pecuniary\\ninterest, and which many believed would ruin, as\\nmany among us still, though erroneously, believe\\nthat it has ruined, our colonies, ive should have\\nlent a hand to setting up, in one of the most com-\\nmanding positions of the world, a powerful repub-\\nlic, devoted not only to slavery, but to pro-slavery\\npropagandism should have helped to give a place\\nin the community of nations to a conspiracy of\\nslave-owners, who have broken their connection with\\nthe American Federation on the sole ground, osten-\\ntatiously proclaimed, that they thought an attempt\\nwould be made to restrain, not slavery itself, but\\ntheir purpose of spreading slavery wherever migra-\\ntion or force could carry it.\\nA nation which has made the professions that\\nEngland has, does not with impunity, under how-\\never great provocation, betake itself to frustratino-\\nthe objects for which it has been calling on the rest\\nof the world to make sacrifices of what they think\\ntheir interest. At present all the nations of Europe\\nhave sympathized with us have acknowledo-ed that\\nwe were injured, and declared with rare unanimity,\\nthat we had no choice but to resist, if necessary by", "height": "3333", "width": "1898", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA. 5\\narms. But the consequences of such a war would\\nsoon have buried its causes in oblivion. When the\\nnew Confederate States, made an independent Power\\nby English help, had begun their crusade to carry\\nnegro slavery from the Potomac to Cape Horn\\nwho would then have remembered that England\\nraised up this scourge to humanity not for the evil s\\nsake, but because somebody had offered an insult to\\nher flag? Or even if unforgotten, who w^ould then\\nhave felt that such a grievance was a sufficient pal-\\nliation of the crime Every reader of a newspaper,\\nto the farthest ends of the earth, would have believed\\nand remembered one thing only that at the criti-\\ncal juncture w4iich was to decide whether slavery\\nshould blaze up afresh with increased vigor or be\\ntrodden out at the moment of conflict between\\nthe good and the evil spirit at the dawn of a\\nhope that the demon might now at last be chained\\nand flung into the pit, England stepped in, and, for\\nthe sake of cotton, made Satan victorious.\\nThe world has been saved from this calamity, and\\nEngland from this disgrace. The accusation would\\nindeed have been a calumny. But to be able to\\ndefy calumny, a nation, like an individual, must\\nstand very clear of just reproach in its previous\\nconduct. Unfortunately, we ourselves have given\\ntoo much plausibility to the charge. Not by any-\\nthing said or done by us as a Government or as a\\nnation, but by the tone of our press, and in some\\ndegree, it must be owned, the general opinion of", "height": "3303", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "5 THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nEnglish society. It is too true, that the feelings\\nwhich have been manifested since the beginning of\\nthe American contest the judgments which have\\nbeen put forth, and the wishes which have been ex-\\npressed concerning the incidents and probable event-\\nualities of the struggle the bitter and irritating\\ncriticism which has been kept up, not even against\\nboth parties equally, but almost solely against the\\nparty in the right, and the ungenerous refusal of all\\nthose just allowances which no country needs more\\nthan our own, whenever its circumstances are as\\nnear to those of America as a cut finger is to an\\nalmost mortal w^ound, these facts, with minds not\\nfavorably disposed to us, would have gone far to\\nmake the most odious interpretation of the war in\\nwhich we have been so nearly engaged with the\\nUnited States, appear by many degrees the most\\nprobable. There is no denying that our attitude\\ntowards the contending parties (I mean our moral\\nattitude, for politically there was no other course\\nopen to us than neutrality) has not been that which\\nbecomes a people who are as sincere enemies of\\nslavery as the English really are, and have made as\\ngreat sacrifices to put an end to it where they could.\\nAnd it has been an additional misfortune that some\\nof our most powerful journals have been for many\\nyears past very unfavorable exponents of English\\nfeeling on all subjects connected with slavery: some,\\nprobably, from the influences, more or less direct,\\nof West Indian opinions and interests others from", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\ninbred Toryism, which, even when compelled by\\nreason to hold opinions favorable to liberty, is al-\\nways adverse to it in feeling which likes the spec-\\ntacle of irresponsible power exercised by one person\\nover others wdiich has no moral repugnance to the\\nthought of human beings born to the penal servi-\\ntude for life, to which for the term of a few years\\nwe sentence our most hardened criminals, but keeps\\nits indignation to be expended on rabid and fanat-\\nical abolitionists across the Atlantic, and on those\\nwriters in Eiigland who attach a sufficiently serious\\nmeaning to their Christian professions, to consider a\\nfight against slavery as a fight for God.\\nNow, when the mind of England, and it may\\nalmost be said, of the civilized part of mankind, has\\nbeen relieved from the incubus which had weighed\\non it ever since the Trent outrage, and when we are\\nno longer feeling towards the Northern Americans\\nas men feel towards those with whom they may be\\non the point of struggling for life or death now, if\\never, is the time to review our position, and consider\\nwdiether we have been feeling what ouo^ht to have\\nbeen felt, and wishing what ought to have been\\nwished, regarding the contest in which the Northern\\nStates are engaged with the South.\\nIn considering this matter, we ought to dismiss\\nfrom our minds, as far as possible, those feelings\\nagainst the North, which have been engendered not\\nmerely by the Trent aggression, but by the previous\\nanti-British effusions of newspaper writers and stump", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "g THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\norators. It is hardly worth while to ask how far\\nthese explosions of ill-humor are anything* more\\nthan might have been anticipated from ill-disciplined\\nminds, disappointed of the sympathy which they just-\\nly thought they had a right to expect from the great\\nanti-slavery people, in their really noble enterprise.\\nIt is almost superfluous to remark that a democratic\\nGovernment always shows worst where other Gov-\\nernments generally show best, on its outside that\\nunreasonable people are much more noisy than the\\nreasonable that the froth and scum are the part of\\na violently fermenting liquid that meets the eyes, but\\nare not its body and substance. Without insisting\\non these things, I contend, that all previous cause\\nof offence should be considered as cancelled, by the\\nreparation w^hich the American Government has so\\namply made not so much the reparation itself,\\nwhich might have been so made as to leave still\\ngreater cause of permanent resentment behind it\\nbut the manner and spirit in which they have made\\nit. These have been such as most of us, I venture\\nto say, did not by any means expect. If reparation\\nwere made at all, of which few of us felt more than\\na hope, we thought that it would have been made\\nobviously as a concession to prudence, not to princi-\\nple. We thought that there would have been truck-\\nling to the newspaper editors and supposed fire-eaters\\nwho were crying out for retaining the prisoners at\\nall hazards. We expected that the atonement, if\\natonement there were, would have been made with", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA. 9\\nreservations, perhaps under protest. We expected\\nthat the correspondence woukl have been spun out,\\nand a trial made to induce Eng^land to be satisfied\\nwith less or that there would have been a proposal\\nof arbitration or that England would have been\\nasked to make concessions in return for justice or\\nthat if submission was made, it would have been\\nmade, ostensibly, to the opinions and wishes of Con-\\ntinental Europe. We expected anything, in short,\\nwhich would have been weak and timid and paltry.\\nThe only thing which no one seemed to expect, is\\nwhat has actually happened. Mr. Lincoln s Gov-\\nernment have done none of these things. Like\\nhonest men, they have said in direct terms, that our\\ndemand was right that they yielded to it because it\\nwas just that if they themselves had received the\\nsame treatment, they would have demanded the same\\nreparation and that if what seemed to be the Ameri-\\ncan side of a question was not the just side, they\\nwould be on the side of justice happy as they were\\nto find after their resolution had been taken, that it\\nwas also the side which America had formerly de-\\nfended. Is there any one, capable of a moral judg-\\nment or feeling, who will say that his opinion of\\nAmerica and American statesmen, is not raised by\\nsuch an act, done on such grounds The act itself\\nmay have been imposed by the necessity of the cir-\\ncumstances but the reasons given, the principles of\\naction professed, were their own choice. Putting\\nthe worst hypothesis possible, which it would be the", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "IQ THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nheight of injustice to entertain seriously, that the con-\\ncession was really made solely to convenience, and\\nthat the profession of regard for justice was hypoc-\\nrisy, even so, the ground taken, even if insincerely,\\nis the most hopeful sign of the moral state of the\\nAmerican mind which has appeared for many years.\\nThat a sense of justice should he the motive which\\nthe rulers of a country rely on, to reconcile the pub-\\nlic to an unpopular, and what might seem a humili-\\nating act that the journalists, the orators, many\\nlawyers, the Lower House of Congress, and Mr.\\nLincoln s own naval secretary, should be told in the\\nface of the world, by their own Government, that\\nthey have been giving public thanks, presents of\\nswords, freedom of cities, all manner of heroic hon-\\nors to the author of an act which, though not so in-\\ntended, was lawless and wrong, and for which the\\nproper remedy is confession and atonement that\\nthis should be the accepted policy (supposing it to\\nbe nothing higher) of a Democratic Republic, shows\\neven unlimited democracy to be a better thing than\\nmany Englishmen have lately been in the habit of\\nconsidering it, and goes some way towards proving\\nthat the aberrations even of a ruling multitude are\\nonly fatal when the better instructed have not the\\nvirtue or the courage to front them boldly. Nor\\nought it to be forgotten, to the honor of Mr. Lin-\\ncoln s Government, that in doing what was in itself\\nright, they have done also what was best fitted to\\nallay the animosity which was daily becoming more", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA. J X\\nbitter between the two nations so long as the question\\nremained open. They have put the brand of con-\\nfessed injustice upon that rankling- and vindictive\\nresentment with which the profligate and passionate\\npart of the American press has been threatening us\\nin the event of concession, and which is to be mani-\\nfested by some dire revenge, to be taken, as they\\npretend, after the nation is extricated from its pres-\\nent difficulties. Mr. Lincoln has done what depend-\\ned on him to make this spirit expire with the occa-\\nsion which raised it up and we shall have ourselves\\nchiefly to blame if we keep it alive by the further\\nprolongation of that stream of vituperative elo-\\nquence, the source of which, even now, when the\\ncause of quarrel has been amicably made up, does\\nnot seem to have run dry.^\\nLet us, then, without reference to these jars, or\\nto the declamations of newspaper writers on either\\nside of the Atlantic, examine the American question\\n1 I do not forget one regrettable passage in Mr. Seward s letter,\\nin which he said that if the safety of the Union required the de-\\ntention of the captured persons, it would be the right and duty of\\nthis Government to detain them. I sincerely grieve to find this\\nsentence in the dispatch, for the exceptions to the general rules of\\nmorality are not a subject to be lightly or unnecessarily tampered\\nwith. The doctrine in itself is no other than that professed and\\nacted on by all governments that self-preservation, in a State,\\nas in an individual, is a warrant for many things which at all other\\ntimes ought to be rigidly abstained from. At all events, no nation\\nwhich has ever passed laws of exception, which ever supended\\nthe Habeas Corpus Act or passed an Alien Bill in dread of a Char-\\ntist insurrection, has a right to throw the first stone at Mr. Lincoln s\\nGovernment.", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "12 THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nas it stood from the beginning its origin, the pur-\\npose of both the combatants, and its various possi-\\nble or probable issues.\\nThere is a theory in England, believed perhaps\\nby some, half believed by many more, which is only\\nconsistent with original ignorance, or complete sub-\\nsequent forgetfulness, of all the antecedents of the\\ncontest. There are people who tell us that, on the\\nside of the North, the question is not one of slavery\\nat all. The North, it seems, have no more objec-\\ntion to slavery than the South have. Their leaders\\nnever say one word implying disapprobation of it.\\nThey are ready, on the contrary, to give it new\\nguarantees to renounce all that they have been\\ncontending for to win back, if opportunity offers,\\nthe South to the Union by surrendering the whole\\npoint.\\nIf this be the true state of the case, what are\\nthe Southern chiefs fighting about I Their apolo-\\ngists in England say that it is about tariffs, and\\nsimilar trumpery. T/ie^ say nothing of the kind.\\nThey tell the world, and they told their own citi-\\nzens when they wanted their votes, that the object\\nof the fight was slavery. Many years ago, when\\nGeneral Jackson was President, South Carolina did\\nnearly rebel (she never was near separating) about\\na tariff but no other State abetted her, and a strong\\nadverse demonstration from Virginia brought the\\nmatter to a close. Yet the tariff of that day was\\nrigidly protective. Compared with that, the one in", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA. 13\\nforce at the time of the secession was a free-trade\\ntariff. This latter was the result of several succes-\\nsive modifications in the direction of freedom and\\nits principle was not protection for protection, but\\nas much of it only as might incidentally result\\nfrom duties imposed for revenue. Even the Morrill\\ntariff (which never could have been passed but for\\nthe Southern secession) is stated by the high au-\\nthoiity of Mr. H. C. Carey to be considerably more\\nliberal than the reformed French tariff under Mr.\\nCobden s treaty insomuch that he, a Protectionist,\\nwould be glad to exchange his own protective tariff\\nfor Louis Napoleon s free-trade one. But why dis-\\ncuss, on probable evidence, notorious facts The\\nworld knows what the question between the North\\nand South has been for many years, and still is.\\nSlavery alone was thought of, alone talked of. Sla-\\nvery was battled for and against, on the floor of\\nCongress and in the plains of Kansas on the sla-\\nvery question exclusively was the party constituted\\nwhich now rules the United States on slavery Fre-\\nmont was rejected, on slavery Lincoln was elected\\nthe South separated on slavery, and proclaimed sla-\\nvery as the one cause of separation.\\nIt is true enough that the North are not carrying\\non war to abolish slavery in the States where it legal-\\nly exists. Could it have been expected, or even per-\\nhaps desired, that they should A great party does\\nnot change suddenly, and at once, all its principles\\nand professions. The Republican party have taken", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "I4f THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\ntheir stand on law, and the existing constitution of\\nthe Union. They have disclaimed all right to at-\\ntempt anything which that constitution forbids. It\\ndoes forbid interference by the Federal Congress\\nwith slavery in the Slave States but it does not\\nforbid their abolishing it in the District of Colum-\\nbia and this they are now doing, having voted, I\\nperceive, in their present pecuniary straits, a million\\nof dollars to indemnify the slave-owners of the\\nDistrict. Neither did the Constitution, in their own\\nopinion, require them to permit the introduction of\\nslavery into the territories which were not yet States.\\n^To prevent this, the Republican party was formed,\\nand to prevent it, they are now fighting, as the\\nslave-owners are fighting to enforce it.\\nThe present government of the United States is\\nnot an Abolitionist government. Abolitionists, in\\nAmerica, mean those who do not keep within the\\nconstitution who demand the destruction (as far\\nas slavery is concerned) of as much of it as pro-\\ntects the internal legislation of each State from the\\ncontrol of Congress; who aim at abolishing slavery\\nwherever it exists, by force if need be, but certainly\\nby some other power than the constituted authorities\\nof the Slave States. The Republican party neither\\naim nor profess to aim at this object. And when\\nwe consider the flood of wrath which would have\\nbeen poured out against them if they did, by the\\nvery writers who now taunt them with not doing\\nit, we shall be apt to think the taunt a little mis-", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA. J 5\\nplaced. But though not an Abohtionist party, they\\nare a Free-soil party. If they have not taken arms\\nagainst slavery, they have against its extension.\\nAnd they know, as we may know if we please, that\\nthis amounts to the same thing. The day when\\nslavery can no longer extend itself, is the day of its\\ndoom. The slave-owners know this, and it is the\\ncause of their fury. They know, as all know who\\nhave attended to the subject, that confinement within\\nexisting limits is its death-warrant. Slavery, under\\nthe conditions in which it exists in the States, ex-\\nhausts even the beneficent powers of nature. So\\nincompatible is it with any kind whatever of skilled\\nlabor, that it causes the whole productive resources\\nof the country to be concentrated on one or two\\nproducts, cotton being the chief, which require, to\\nraise and prepare them for the market, little besides\\nbrute animal force. The cotton cultivation, in the\\nopinion of all competent judges, alone saves North\\nAmerican slavery but cotton cultivation, exclu-\\nsively adhered to, exhausts in a moderate number\\nof years all the soils which are fit for it, and can\\nonly be kept up by travelling farther and farther\\nwestward. Mr. Olmsted has given a vivid de-\\nscription of the desolate state of parts of Georgia\\nand the Carolinas, once among the richest specimens\\nof soil and cultivation in the world; and even the\\nmore recently colonized Alabama, as he shows, is\\nrapidly following in the same downhill track. To\\nslavery, therefore, it is a matter of life and death to", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "16 THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nfind fresh fields for the employment of slave labor.\\nConfine it to the present States, and the owners of\\nslave property will either be speedily ruined, or will\\nhave to find means of reforming and renovating\\ntheir agricultural system; which cannot be done\\nwithout treating the slaves like human beings, nor\\nwithout so large an employment of skilled, that is,\\nof free labor, as will widely displace the unskilled,\\nand so depreciate the pecuniary value of the slave,\\nthat the immediate mitigation and ultimate extinction\\nof slavery would be a nearly inevitable and probably\\nrapid consequence.\\nThe Republican leaders do not talk to the pub-\\nlic of these almost certain results of success in the\\npresent conflict. They talk but little, in the existing\\nemergency, even of the original cause of quarrel.\\nThe most ordinary policy teaches them to inscribe\\non their banner that part only of their known prin-\\nciples in which their supporters are unanimous.\\nThe preservation of the Union is an object about\\nwhich the North are agreed and it has many ad-\\nherents, as they believe, in the South generally.\\nThat nearly half the population of the Border\\nSlave States are in favor of it is a patent fact,\\nsince they are now fighting in its defence. It is\\nnot probable that they would be willing to fight\\ndirectly against slavery. The Republicans well\\nknow that if they can reestablish the Union, they\\ngain everything for which they originally contend-\\ned and it would be a plain breach of faith with", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA. in\\nthe Southern friends of the Government, if, after\\nrallying them round its standard for a purpose of\\nwhich they approve, it were suddenly to alter its\\nterms of conjmunion without their consent.\\nBut the parties in a protracted civil war almost\\ninvariahly end by taking more extreme, not to say\\nhigher grounds of principle, than they began with.\\nMiddle parties and friends of compromise are soon\\nleft behind and if the writers who so severely\\ncriticize the present moderation of the Free-soilers\\nare desirous to see the war become an abolition\\nwar, it is probable that if the war lasts long enough\\nthey will be gratified. Without the smallest pre-\\ntension to see further into futurity than other peo-\\nple, I at least have foreseen and foretold from the\\ntirst, that if the South were not promptly put\\ndown, the contest would become distinctly an anti-\\nslavery one nor do I believe that any person, ac-\\ncustomed to reflect on the course of hunian aflairs\\nin troubled times, can expect anything else. Those\\nwho have read, even cursorily, the most valuable\\ntestimony to which the English public have access,\\nconcerning the real state of aflairs in America\\nthe letters of the Tmes correspondent, Mr. Rus-\\nsell must have observed how early and rapidly\\nhe arrived at the same conclusion, and with what\\nincreasing emphasis he now continually reiterates\\nit. In one of his recent letters he names the end\\nof next sunmier as the period by which, if the\\n2", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "|g THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nwar has not sooner terminated, it will have assumed\\na complete anti-slavery character. So early a term\\nexceeds, I confess, my most sanguine hopes but\\nif Mr. Russell be right. Heaven forbid that the\\nwar should cease sooner; for if it lasts till then, it\\nis quite possible that it will regenerate the Amer-\\nican people.\\nIf, however, the purposes of the North may\\nbe doubted or misunderstood, there is at least no\\nquestion as to those of the South. They make\\nno concealment of tJieir principles. As long\\nas they were allowed to direct all the policy of\\nthe Union to break through compromise after\\ncompromise, encroach step after step, until they\\nreached the pitch of claiming a right to carry\\nslave property into the Free States, and, in op-\\nposition to the laws of those States, hold it as\\nproperty there so long, they were willing to re-\\nmain in the Union. The moment a President\\nwas elected of whom it was inferred from his\\nopinions, not that he would take any measures\\nagainst slavery where it exists, but that he would\\noppose its establishment where it exists not, that\\nmoment they broke loose from what was, at least,\\na very solemn contract, and formed themselves\\ninto a Confederation professing as its fundamental\\nprinciple not merely the perpetuation, but the in-\\ndefinite extension of slavery. And the doctrine is\\nloudly preached through the new Republic, that", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "THE COMEST IN AMERICA. ig\\nslavery, whether black or white, is a good in itself,\\nand the proper condition of the working classes\\neverywhere.\\nLet me, in a few words, remind the reader what\\nsort of a thing this is, which the white oligarchy\\nof the South have banded themselves together to\\npropagate and establish, if they could, universally.\\nWhen it is wished to describe any portion of the\\nhuman race as in the lowest state of debasement,\\nand under the most cruel oppression, in which it\\nis possible for human beings to live, they are com-\\npared to slaves. When words are sought by which\\nto stigmatize the most odious despotism, exercised\\nin the most odious manner, and all other compari-\\nsons are found inadequate, the despots are said to\\nbe like slave-masters, or slave-drivers. What, by\\na rhetorical license, the worst oppressors of the\\nhuman race, by way of stamping on them the\\nmost hateful character possible, are said to be,\\nthese men, in very truth, are. I do not mean\\nthat all of them are hateful personally, any more\\nthan all the Inquisitors, or all the buccaneers. But\\nthe position which they occupy, and the abstract\\nexcellence of which they are in arms to vindicate,\\nis that which the united voice of mankind habitu-\\nally selects as the type of all hateful qualities. I\\nwill not bandy chicanery about the more or less\\nof stripes or other torments which are daily requi-\\nsite to keep the machine in working order, nor\\ndiscuss whether the Legrees or the St. Clairs are", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "20 THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nmore numerous among the slave-owners of the\\nSouthern States. The broad facts of the case suf-\\nfice. One fact is enough. There are, Heaven\\nknows, vicious and tyrannical institutions in ample\\nabundance on the earth. But this institution is\\nthe only one of them all which requires, to keep\\nit going, that human beings should be burnt alive.\\nThe calm and dispassionate Mr. Olmsted affirms\\nthat there has not been a single year, for many\\nyears past, in which this horror is not known to\\nhave been perpetrated in some part or other of\\nthe South. And not upon negroes only the Ud-\\ninhu7 gh Revieiv^ in a recent number, gave the\\nhideous details of the burning alive of an unfor-\\ntunate Northern huckster by Lynch law, on mere\\nsuspicion of having aided in the escape of a slave.\\nWhat must American slavery be, if deeds like\\nthese are necessary under it and if they are\\nnot necessary and are yet done, is not the evidence\\nagainst slavery still more damning The South\\nare in rebellion not for simple slavery they are\\nin rebellion for the right of burning human crea-\\ntures alive.\\nBut w^e are told, by a strange misapplication of\\na true principle, that the South had a right to\\nseparate that their separation ought to have been\\nconsented to, the moment they showed themselves\\nready to fight for it and that the North, in re-\\nsisting it, are committing the same error and\\nwrong which England committed in opposing the", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA. gj\\noriginal separation of the thirteen colonies. This\\nis carrying the doctrine of the sacred right of in-\\nsurrection rather far. It is wonderful how easy\\nand liberal and complying people can be in other\\npeople s concerns. Because they are willing to\\nsurrender their own past, and have no objection to\\njoin in reprobation of their great-grandfathers,\\nthey never put themselves the question what they\\nthemselves would do in circumstances far less try-\\ning, under far less pressure of real national calamity.\\nWould those who profess these ardent revolution-\\nary principles consent to their being applied to\\nIreland, or India, or the Ionian Islands How\\nhave they treated those who did attempt so to ap-\\nply them But the case can dispense with any\\nmere argumentiim ad liominem, I am not fright-\\nened at the word rebellion. I do not scruple to\\nsay that I have sympathized more or less ardently\\nwith most of the rebellions, successful and unsuc-\\ncessful, which have taken place in my time. But I\\ncertainly never conceived that there was a sufficient\\ntitle to my sympathy in the mere fact of being a\\nrebel that the act of taking arms against one s\\nfellow-citizens was so meritorious in itself, was so\\ncompletely its own justification, that no question\\nneed be asked concerning the motive. It seems to\\nme a stran^fe doctrine that the most serious and re-\\nsponsible of all human acts imposes no obligation\\non those who do it of showing that they have a\\nreal grievance that those who rebel for the power", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "22 THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nof oppressing others, exercise as sacred a right as\\nthose who do the same thing to resist oppression\\npractised upon themselves. Neither rebellion nor\\nany other act which affects the interests of others,\\nis sufficiently legitimated by the mere will to do it.\\nSecession may be laudable, and so may any other\\nkind of insurrection but it may also be an enor-\\nmous crime. It is the one or the other, according\\nto the object and the provocation. And if there\\never was an object which, by its bare announce-\\nment, stamped rebels against a particular community\\nas enemies of mankind, it is the one professed by\\nthe South. Their right to separate is the right\\nwhich Cartouche or Turpin would have had to se-\\ncede from their respective countries, because the\\nlaws of those countries would not suffer them to\\nrob and murder on the highway. The only real\\ndifference is that the present rebels are more pow-\\nerful than Cartouche or Turpin, and may possibly\\nbe able to effect their iniquitous purpose.\\nSuppose, however, for the sake of argument, that\\nthe mere will to separate were in this case, or in\\nany case, a sufficient ground for separation, I beg\\nto be informed zvhose will The will of any knot\\nof men who, by fair means or foul, by usurpation,\\nterrorism, or fraud, have got the reins of govern-\\nment into their hands If the inmates of Park-\\nhurst Prison were to get possession of the Isle of\\nWight, occupy its military positions, enlist one part\\nof its inhabitants in their own ranks, set the re-", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA. 28\\nmaiiuler of them to work in chain gangs, and\\ndeclare themselves independent, ought their recog-\\nnition by the British Government to be an immedi-\\nate consequence Before admitting the authority\\nof any persons, as organs of the will of the people,\\nto dispose of the whole political existence of a\\ncountry, I ask to see whether their credentials are\\nfrom the whole, or only from a part. And first,\\nit is necessary to ask, Have the slaves been con-\\nsulted Has their will been counted as any part\\nin the estimate of collective volition They are a\\npart of the population. However natural in the\\ncountry itself, it is rather cool in English writers\\nwho talk so glibly of the ten millions (I believe\\nthere are only eight), to pass over the very exis-\\ntence of four millions who must abhor the idea of\\nseparation. Remember, pje consider them to be\\nhuman beings, entitled to human rights. Nor can\\nit be doubted that the mere f[ict of belonging to a\\nUnion in some parts of which slavery is reprobated,\\nis some alleviation of their condition, if only as re-\\ngards future probabilities. But even of the white\\npopulation, it is questionable if there was in the\\nbeginning a majority for secession anywhere but in\\nSouth Carolina. Though the thing was pre-deter-\\nmined, and most of the States committed by their\\npublic authorities before the people were called on\\nto vote though in taking the votes terrorism in\\nmany places reigned triumphant yet even so, in\\nseveral of the States, secession was carried only by", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "g4 THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nnarrow majorities. In some the authorities have\\nnot dared to pubhsh the numbers in some it is\\nasserted that no vote has ever been taken. Further\\n(as was pointed out in an admirable letter by Mr.\\nCarey), the Slave States are intersected in the mid-\\ndle, from their northern frontier almost to the Gulf\\nof Mexico, by a country of free labor the moun-\\ntain region of the Alleghanies and their depen-\\ndencies, forming parts of Virginia, North Carolina,\\nTennessee, Georgia, and Alabama, in which, from\\nthe nature of the climate and of the agricultural\\nand mining industry, slavery to any material extent\\nnever did, and never will, exist. This mountain\\nzone is peopled by ardent friends of the Union.\\nCould the Union abandon them, without even an\\neffort, to be dealt with at the pleasure of an exas-\\nperated slave-owning oligarchy Could it abandon\\nthe Germans who, in Western Texas, have made\\nso meritorious a commencement of growing cotton\\non the borders of the Mexican Gulf by free labor\\nWere the right of the slave-owners to secede ever\\nso clear, they have no right to carry these with\\nthem unless allegiance is a mere question of local\\nproximity, and my next neighbor, if I am a strong-\\ner man, can be compelled to follow me in any law-\\nless vagaries I choose to indulge.\\nBut (it is said) the North will never succeed in\\nconquering the South and since the separation\\nmust in the end be recognized, it is better to do at\\nfirst what must be done at last moreover, if it did", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA. 25\\nconquer them, it conlcl not govern them when con-\\nquered, consistently with free institutions. With\\nno one of these propositions can I agree.\\nWhether or not the Northern Americans 2vill\\nsucceed in reconquering the South, I do not affect\\nto foresee. That they can conquer it, if their pre-\\nsent determination holds, I have never entertained\\na doubt for they are twice as numerous, and ten\\nor twelve times as rich. Not by taking military\\npossession of their country, or marching an army\\nthrough it, but by wearing them out, exhausting\\ntheir resources, depriving them of the comforts of\\nlife, encouraging their slaves to desert, and exclud-\\ning them from communication with foreign coun-\\ntries. All this, of course, depends on the supposi-\\ntion that the North does not give in first. Whether\\nthey will persevere to this point, or whether their\\nspirit, their patience, and the sacrifices they are\\nwilling to make, will be exhausted before reaching\\nit, I cannot tell. They may, in the end, be wearied\\ninto recognizing the separation. But to those who\\nsay that because this may have to be done at last,\\nit ought to have been done at first, I put the very\\nserious question On what terms Have they\\never considered what would have been the mean-\\ning of separation if it had been assented to by the\\nNorthern States when first demanded People\\ntalk as if separation meant nothing more than the\\nindependence of the seceding States. To have ac-\\ncepted it under that limitation would have been, on", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "2Q THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nthe part of the South, to give up that which they\\nhave seceded expressly to preserve. Separation,\\nwith them, means at least half the Territories in-\\ncluding the Mexican border, and the consequent\\npower of invading and overrunning Spanish America\\nfor the purpose of planting there the peculiar in-\\nstitution which even Mexican civilization has found\\ntoo bad to be endured. There is no knowing to\\nwhat point of degradation a country may be driven\\nin a desperate state of its affairs but if the North\\never, unless on the brink of actual ruin, makes\\npeace with the South, giving up the original cause\\nof quarrel, the freedom of the Territories if it re-\\nsigns to them when out of the Union that power of\\nevil which it would not grant to retain them in the\\nUnion it will incur the pity and disdain of pos-\\nterity. And no one can suppose that the South\\nwould have consented, or in their present temper\\never will consent, to an accommodation on any other\\nterms. It will require a succession of humiliation\\nto bring them to that. The necessity of reconciling\\nthemselves to the confinement of slavery within its\\nexisting boundaries, with the natural consequence,\\nimmediate mitigation of slavery, and ultimate eman-\\ncipation, is a lesson which they are in no mood to\\nlearn from anything but disaster. Two or three\\ndefeats in the field, breaking their military strength,\\nthough not followed by an invasion of their terri-\\ntory, may possibly teach it to them. If so, there\\nis no breach of charity in hoping that this severe", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nschooling- may promptly come. When men set\\nthemselves up, in defiance of the rest of the world,\\nto do the devil s work, no good can come of them\\nuntil the world has made them feel that this work\\ncannot be suffered to be done any longer. If this\\nknowledge does not come to them for several years,\\nthe abolition question will by that time have settled\\nitself. For assuredly Congress will very soon make\\nup its mind to declare all slaves free who belong to\\npersons in arms against the Union. When that is\\ndone, slavery, confined to a minority, will soon cure\\nitself; and the pecuniary value of the negroes be-\\nlonging to loyal masters will probably not exceed\\nthe amount of compensation which the United States\\nwill be willing and able to give.\\nThe assumed difficulty of governing the Southern\\nStates as free and equal commonwealths, in case of\\ntheir return to the Union, is purely imaginary. If\\nbrought back by force, and not by voluntary com-\\npact, they will return without the Territories, and\\nwithout a Fugitive Slave Law. It may be assumed\\nthat in that event the victorious party would make\\nthe alterations in the Federal Constitution which\\nare necessary to adapt it to the new circumstances,\\nand which would not infringe, but strengthen, its\\ndemocratic principles. An article would have to be\\ninserted prohibiting the extension of slavery to the\\nTerritories, or the admission into the Union of any\\nnew Slave State. Without any other guarantee, the\\nrapid formation of new Free States would ensure", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "2S THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nto freedom a decisive and constantly increasing-\\nmajority in Congress. It would also be right to\\nabrogate that bad provision of the Constitution (a\\nnecessary compromise at the time of its first estab-\\nlishment) whereby the slaves, though reckoned as\\ncitizens in no other respect, are counted, to the ex-\\ntent of three fifths of their number, in the estimate\\nof the population for fixing the number of repre-\\nsentatives of each State in the Lower House of\\nCongress. Why should the masters have members\\nin right of their human chattels, any more than of\\ntheir oxen and pigs The President, in his Mes-\\nsage, has already proposed that this salutary reform\\nshould be effected in the case of Maryland, addi-\\ntional territory, detached from Virginia, being given\\nto that State as an equivalent thus clearly indicat-\\ning the policy which he approves, and which he is\\nprobably willing to make universal.\\nAs it is necessary to be prepared for all possibili-\\nties, let us now contemplate another. Let us sup-\\npose the worst possible issue of this war the one\\napparently desired by those English writers whose\\nmoral feeling is so philosophically indifferent be-\\ntween the apostles of slavery and its enemies. Sup-\\npose that the North should stoop to recognize the\\nnew Confederation on its own terms, leaving it half\\nthe Territories, and that it is acknowledged by Eu-\\nrope, and takes its place as an admitted member of\\nthe community of nations^ It will be desirable to\\ntake thought beforehand what are to be our own", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\n29\\nfuture relations with a new Power, professing- the\\nprinciples of Attila and Genghis Khan as the foun-\\ndation of its Constitution. Are we to see with in-\\ndifference its victorious army let loose to propagate\\ntheir national faith at the rifle s mouth throus^h\\nMexico and Central America? Shall we suhniit to\\nsee fire and sword carried over Cuba and Porto\\nRico, and Hayti and Liberia conquered and brt ught\\nback to slavery We shall soon have causes\\nenough of quarrel on our own account. When we\\nare in the act of sending an expedition against\\nMexico to redress the wrongs of private British\\nsubjects, we should do well to reflect in time that\\nthe President of the new Republic, Mr. Jefferson\\nDavis, was the original inventor of repudiation.\\nMississippi was the first State which repudiated,\\nMr. Jefferson Davis was Governor of Mississippi,\\nand the Legislature of Mississippi had passed a\\nBill recognizing and providing for the debt, which\\nBill Mr. Jefferson Davis vetoed. Unless we aban-\\ndon the principles we have for two generations con-\\nsistently professed and acted on, we should be at\\nw^ar with the new Confederacy within five years\\nabout the African slave-trade. An EnoHsh Gov-\\nernment will hardly be base enough to recognize\\nthem, unless they accept all the treaties by which\\nAmerica is at present bound nor, it may be hoped,\\neven if de facto independent, would they be admit-\\nted to the courtesies of diplomatic intercourse, un-\\nless they granted in the most explicit manner the", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "30 THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\nriglit of search. To allow the slave-ships of a\\nConfederation formed for the extension of slavery\\nto come and go free, and unexamined, between\\nAmerica and the African coast, would be to re-\\nnounce even the pretence of attempting to protect\\nAfrica against the man-stealer, and abandon that\\nContinent to the horrors, on a far larger scale,\\nwhich were practised before Granville Sharp and\\nClarkson were in existence. But even if the right\\nof intercepting their slavers were acknowledged by\\ntreaty, which it never would be, the arrogance of\\nthe Southern slave-holders would not long submit to\\nits exercise. Their pride and self-conceit, swelled\\nto an inordinate height by their successful struggle,\\nwould defy the power of England as they had al-\\nready successfully defied that of their Northern\\ncountrymen. After our people by their cold disap-\\nprobation, and our press by its invective, had com-\\nbined with their own difficulties to damp the spirit\\nof the Free States, and drive them to submit and\\nmake peace, we should have to fight the Slave\\nStates ourselves at far greater disadvantages, when\\nwe shoukl no longer have the wearied and exhaust-\\ned North for an ally. The time might come when\\nthe barbarous and barbarizing Power, which we by\\nour moral support had helped into existence, would\\nrequire a general crusade of civilized Europe, to\\nextinguish the mischief which it had allowed, and\\nwe had aided, to rise up in the midst of our civi-\\nlization.", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "THE CONTEST IN AMERICA. g\\\\\\nFor these reasons I cannot join with those who\\ncry Peace, peace. I cannot wish that this war\\nshould not have heen engaged in by the North, or\\nthat being engaged in, it should be terminated on\\nany conditions but such as would retain the whole\\nof the Territories as free soil. I am not blind to\\nthe possibility that it may require a long war to\\nlowTr the arrogance and tame the aggressive ambi-\\ntion of the slave-owners, to the point of either re-\\nturning to the Union, or consenting to remain out\\nof it with their present limits. But war, in a good\\ncause, is not the greatest evil which a nation can\\nsuffer. War is an ugly thing, but not the ugliest\\nof things the decayed and degraded state of moral\\nand patriotic feeling which thinks nothing tvorth a\\nwar, is worse. When a people are used as mere\\nhuman instruments for firing cannon or thrusting\\nbayonets, in the service and for the selfish purposes\\nof a master, such war degrades a people. A war\\nto protect other human beings against tyrannical in-\\njustice a war to give victory to their own ideas of\\nright and good, and which is their own war, carried\\non for an Ijonest purpose by their free choice is\\noften the means of their regeneration. A man who\\nhas nothing which he is willing to fight for, nothing\\nwhich he cares more about than he does about his\\npersonal safety, is a miserable creature, who has no\\nchance of being free, unless made and kept so by\\nthe exertions of better men than himself. As long\\nas justice and injustice have not terminated tJiei)^", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "3\u00c2\u00a3 THE CONTEST IN AMERICA.\\never renewing fight for ascendancy in the affairs of\\nmankind, human beings must be willing, when need\\nis, to do battle for the one against the other. I am\\nfar from saying that the present struggle, on the\\npart of the Northern Americans, is wholly of this\\nexalted character that it has arrived at the stage\\nof being altogether a war for justice, a war of prin-\\nciple. But there was from the beginning, and now\\nis, a large infusion of that element in it and this\\nis increasing, will increase, and if the war lasts,\\nwill in the end predominate. Should that time\\ncome, not only will the greatest enormity which still\\nexists among mankind as an institution, receive far\\nearlier its coup de grace than there has ever, until\\nnow, appeared any probability of; but in effecting\\nthis the Free States will have raised themselves to\\nthat elevated position in the scale of morality and\\ndignity, which is derived from great sacrifices con-\\nsciously made in a virtuous cause, and the sense of\\nan inestimable benefit to all future ages, brought\\nabout by their own voluntary efforts.\\nTHE END.", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3298", "width": "1971", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "r\u00c2\u00ab-\\nHiDpa\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Hb\\nLIBRftRY OF CONGRESS\\n012 028 276 1^\\nr..:ip^y-\\n4*\\n^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0iy^^-^\u00e2\u0082\u00ac0l\\ni^^^\\nS*^\\nJ A4f fc-\\n_ J fj\\nLJe.A^*^j;", "height": "3318", "width": "1996", "jp2-path": "contestinamerica00mill_0044.jp2"}}