{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3317", "width": "2341", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Class.\\nBook.\\n-^-jD-", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3317", "width": "2341", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "U: GEN. BURGOYNE.\\ny\\ny yj ^^4^^", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "m\\nr\\nIbistodcal Series.\\nBo. 16.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0015.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "ii", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0016.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "iCy\\nTHE BRITISH INVASION FROM THE NORTH\\nTHE CAMPAIGNS\\nGENERALS CARLETON AND BURGOYNE\\nFROM CANADA, ^Tl^- im\\nWITH THE JOURNAL OF LIEUT. WILLIAM DIGBY, \\\\y\\\\\\n53D, OR SHROPSHIRE REGIMENT OF FOOT.\\nILLUSTRATED WITH HISTORICAL NOTES,\\nJAMES PHINNEY BAXTER, A. M.\\nALBANY, N. Y.:\\nJOEL MUNSELL s sons, 82 STATE STREET.\\n1887.\\nCO\\n^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Va.\\\\w,", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0017.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0018.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nill\\nV\\nI\\n79\\n8i\\n185\\nDedication,\\nIntroduction,\\nThe Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne from Canada,\\nPreface to Digby s Journal,\\nThe Campaign of 1776,\\nThe Campaign of i777.\\nReturn of killed, wounded and prisoners during the Cam-\\npaign of 1777.\\nReturn of the Army of the United States under the com-\\nmand of General Gates, October 17, i777, 354\\nReturn of the British Troops under the command of General\\nBurgoyne,\\nReturn of the German Troops under the command of General\\n324\\n355\\n355\\n356\\nRiedesel,\\nGeneral Burgoyne s Speech to the Indians in Congress, June\\n21, 1777.\\nReply of the Old Chief of the Iroquois, 3oo\\nIllustrations.\\nPortrait of General John Burgoyne, Frontispiece.\\nPortrait of General Horatio Gates,\\nGrave of Adams and Culbertson, ^3\\nBurial of General Eraser, -9-", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0019.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0020.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "DEDICATED\\ntn the\\nMaiTinry\\nnf\\nMy RBVErad FathBTj\\nDr. ELIHU BAXTER;\\nto wham\\ntha Man of tha Ravalutian wara tha mnst Haralc;\\nthe mnst davatad to duty,\\nand tha mast\\npure In heart of all man, anciant or madam,", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0021.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0022.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTION.\\nIn offering to the public a new addendum to that stirring\\ntheme, the British invasion from Canada in the War of the\\nRevolution, a few explanatory words seem proper. While\\nengaged during the fall and winter of 1885-6, in examining\\nmanuscripts in English archives relative to America, a Jour-\\nnal in the British Museum, written by William Digby, an\\nofficer in the army of invasion, and containing interesting\\nparticulars relative to the two campaigns of 1776 and 1777,\\nattracted my attention, and I obtained permission from the\\nMuseum authorities to have it copied. Having familiarized\\nmyself with the Journal, I became so interested in it, that I\\nlaid aside other work in which I was engaged and began\\ncollecting materials for annotating it. This work led to a\\nstudy of the subject, of which the Journal treats but partially,\\nand to complete my task properly, a succinct account of the\\ntwo campaigns and of questions growing out of them con-\\nnected with the hero of the final and more important one\\nGeneral Burgoyne seemed necessary as introductory to\\nDigby s work hence my account of the campaigns of Carle-\\nton and Burgoyne. In my work I have received favors\\nfrom many sources, notably from the officials of the British\\nMuseum, especially from Mr. Henry Kensington from the", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0023.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "vi Introduction.\\nBritish War and Admiralty Offices, which have generously\\nfurnished me with particulars relative to officers engaged\\nin the two campaigns, and from Douglas Brymner, Esq.,\\nof Ottawa, Canadian archivist. Mr, William L. Stone,\\nso well known to all historical students as an authority\\nin matters relating to the Revolutionary period, has been\\nuntiring in giving me valuable aid and encouragement\\nMr. F. D. Stone, librarian of the Pennsylvania Historical\\nSociety, and particularly Mr. John W. Jordan, his able\\nassistant, have rendered me valuable aid, and the same\\nmay be said of Mr. A. R. Spofford of the National\\nLibrary at Washington Mr. F. Saunders of the Astor\\nLibrary, New York, and William H. Egle, M. D., of\\nthe State Library of Pennsylvania at Harrisburg. Last\\nand not least, I must refer to the admirable, I may say\\nunequaled work of Colonel Horatio Rogers, embodied in\\nHadden s Journal and Orderly Books, from which I have\\nderived much information. Of the author of the Journal,\\nWilliam Digby, but little can be said. I have been baffled\\nthus far in obtaining particulars concerning his family and\\nearly history. He entered the British military service as\\nan ensign in the Fifty-third Regiment of Foot, on Febru-\\nary lo, 1770, at which date the regiment was doing garri-\\nson duty in Ireland under the command of Colonel John\\nToovey, an officer of distinction in the British army. In\\nthis capacity he served until April i, 1773, when he was\\npromoted to the rank of lieutenant, which was his rank\\nwhen hostilities commenced between Great Britain and her\\nNorth American colonies. On the 4th of April, 1776, Digby\\nembarked from Ireland with his regiment under Major-\\nGeneral Burgoyne for the relief of Quebec, and shared in\\nthe perils attendant upon the expulsion of the Americans\\nfrom Canada during that year; and through the winter\\nwhich followed was stationed at Chambly. In the spring", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0024.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "Introduction. vii\\nof 1777, the four flank companies of the Fifty-third Regi-\\nment were selected to accompany Burgoyne s expedition\\nto reduce the colonists into submission to the British crown,\\nthe eight battalion companies being left behind to protect\\nCanada against another invasion. These companies were sub-\\nsequently employed by Burgoyne to garrison Ticonderoga\\nbut Digby followed the fortunes of his general through that\\ntrying campaign, which ended in the surrender of the Brit-\\nish army of invasion to the Americans at Saratoga. Digby\\nwas among the paroled officers, but unfortunately has left\\nus no account of his experiences after the surrender. From\\nthe time when he signed the parole at Cambridge, he dis-\\nappears from view until the loth of August, 1785, some\\ntime after the acknowledgment by Great Britain of Ameri-\\ncan independence at which date his regiment was still\\ndoing garrison duty in Canada, when we find him retiring\\non half pay, by exchange receiving the difference, and,\\non March i, 1786, he appears, by record of the War Office,\\nunder the title of lieutenant, by exchange, repaying the\\ndifference. On the twenty-second of the same month he\\nis recorded as having retired. This is the last glimpse we\\nhave of our journalist. Of the Journal itself, I can say but\\nlittle. It is not an original kept during the campaign, but\\na compilation made by the author, undoubtedly, as he says,\\nfor the partial eye of a friend. My copy was made by a\\nscribe recommended to me at the Museum, and was com-\\npared with the original by Mr. Kensington, who pronounced\\nit correct. It has been printed verbatim et literatim, except\\nthat I have introduced capitals in some instances where\\nthey seemed necessary, and have corrected the spelling of\\ntwo or three words, which I believe have been errors of the\\nscribe growing out of obscure writing, as Livingstone for\\nLevestoe, and Ticonderoga for Ticonderago. I have also\\nadded to the punctuation and have placed a few words in", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0025.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "viii Introduction.\\nbrackets to clear up apparent ambiguities of meaning. I\\nregret having been unable to correct proof by the original\\nmanuscript, as this is the only proper way to secure verbal\\naccuracy, but I trust that no material errors will be found\\nin the work.\\n6i Deering St., Portland, Maine, November i, 1887.", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0026.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "THE CAMPAIGNS OF CARLETON AND\\nBURGOYNE FROM CANADA.\\n1776 AND 1777.\\nHE author of the following journal, William\\nDigby, lieutenant of the 53rd Regiment\\nof -British Grenadiers, had passed into\\noblivion and the stream of memory would never\\nhave brought us any tidings of him, had not this\\nwaif, surviving the vicissitudes and perils to which\\nit must have been exposed for more than a century,\\nbrought to hand enough to enable us to mentally\\noutline the man and partially estimate his character.\\nThat his was a manly spirit guided by an unswerving\\ninstinct of justice devoted to duty and singularly\\nfree from that undue proneness to criticism of those\\nabove him so common to men in conditions similar\\nto those in which he- found himself during the disas-\\ntrous campaign of General Burgoyne, all will be ready\\nto admit after perusing his journal, and though we", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0027.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "2 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nmay know nothing of his family tree, of the time or\\nplace of his coming or going, or indeed of any sub-\\nsequent events of his life, we shall regard him with\\nconfidence and respect. The regiment of which\\nDigby was lieutenant was organized in 1755, at a\\ntime when the French with their savage Indian allies\\nwere attacking the American frontier settlements,\\nrendering a war between the mother country and\\nFrance unavoidable.\\nAt the time of its formation it was called the\\n55th, but Governor Shirley^ of Massachusetts, and\\nSir William Pepperell^ had each formed a regiment\\ncalled respectively the 50th and 51st, which after the\\nwar were disbanded, and the gap was closed by\\nlowering the numbers of the regiments above them,\\nby which the 55th became the 53rd. At the time\\nwhen the English colonies in America were demand-\\ning from the home government what they conceived\\nto be their rights, the 53rd was garrisoned in Ire-\\nland, from whence it was ordered to Canada to take\\nVide Historical Record of the 53rd Regiment (Cannon),\\nLondon, 1834. The uniform of the regiment was: Cocked\\nhats red coats faced with red, lined with yellow and orna-\\nmented with yellow lace red waistcoats and breeches and\\nwhite gaiters.\\nWilliam Shirley was governor of Massachusetts from\\n1 741 to 1756, and was prominent in the war with the\\nFrench.\\nSir William Pepperell was a colonel of militia, and dis-\\ntinguished himself at the siege of Louisburg in 1745, for\\nwhich he received the order of Knighthood. He died in\\n1759. Vide Life of, by Parsons, London, 1856.", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0028.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, 3\\npart in that momentous drama, the first scene of\\nwhich had opened in the quiet rural village of\\nLexington. The troops sailed from Ireland with a\\nknowledge of the successes which the American\\narms had achieved in Canada, expecting indeed to\\nlearn on their arrival that Quebec had fallen into\\nthe possession of Montgomery, but with antici-\\npation of a speedy subjugation of their despised\\nantagonists, whose commander the aristocratic sup-\\nporters of royalty designated as Mister,-* declining to\\nrecognize his title of general, and regarding those\\nwho had taken up arms in defense of their rights a\\nlawless rabble, ignorant of civilized warfare.^ The\\nLord George Germaine, the British minister, persisted in\\nhis correspondence with Howe and others in designating\\nGeneral Washington as Mr., and this example of his\\nsuperior the British commander felt bound to follow. He\\ntherefore addressed his first letter to Mr. Washington,\\nwhich the latter declined to receive, and Howe returned\\nit by Colonel Patterson, one of his officers, addressed to\\nGeorge Washington, etc., etc., etc. Washington took no\\nnotice of the insult, but stated that he declined to receive\\nany letter directed to him as a private person when it\\nrelated to his public station. Colonel Patterson pointed\\nout that etc., etc., etc. implied all the titles which he\\nmight choose to claim, and ended by verbally conveying\\nto him the contents of Howe s letter. This folly was not\\nlong persisted in by General Howe, who although he had\\ndeclared that he would acknowledge no rank but that\\nconferred by the king, found himself obliged to recognize\\nWashington by his appropriate title if he would hold com-\\nmunication with him. Vide Sparks Life, Appendix No. i,\\nVol. IV.\\nNot only were they characterized as lawless and igno-\\nrant, but as full of all iniquity. General Gage wrote on", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0029.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "4 The Campaigns of Carleton aud Burgoyne.\\nexpedition, consisting of fifty-four transport ships\\nand convoyed by two men of war, sailed from Cork\\nin April, 1776, the troops being under the charge of\\nLieutenant-Colonel Fraser, who ended his career in\\nthe campaign of the next year with so many others\\nof his brave companions. Leaving these troops to\\npursue their voyage across the Atlantic, we will\\nglance retrospectively at the progress of events\\nduring the preceding year. The battles of Lexing-\\nton and Bunker Hill had disclosed to the king and\\nhis ministers the unpleasant fact, that they had been\\nat fault in supposing that Englishmen in America\\nwould give way at once upon the appearance of\\nregular troops, a fallacy which they had hitherto\\nindulged, and they began to awaken to the unpleas-\\nant prospect of a prolonged conflict, concerning the\\noutcome of which, there was amongf thoug^htful men\\na diversity of opinion.\\nWhat made it the more embarrassing to the\\nBritish government was the opposition of its peo-\\nple at home to the war. The principle for which\\nJuly 24, 1775 A Pamphlet published by the Continental\\nCongress, called a Declaration of the United Colonies, has\\nbeen sent in from the Rebel Camp, copies of which will no\\ndoubt be sent to England from Philadelphia. They pay\\nlittle regard to facts, for the Contents of it is as replete with\\nDeceit and Falsehood as most of their Publications; and,\\nagain, Mr. Washington, who commands the Rebel Army,\\nhas written to me on the subject of the treatment of the\\nRebel Prisoners in our custody. I understand they make\\nwar like Savages, capitivating women and children. Vide\\nCorrespondence in Public Records Office, London.", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0030.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton a7zd Burgoyne. 5\\nthe colonists had taken arms was a popular one,\\nand a powerful party in England warmly espoused\\nit. When the determination of the government to\\nsubjugate the colonists by force of arms became\\nknown, the ministry was bombarded with petitions\\nfrom every part of the kingdom. These petitions\\nset forth all the arguments against the course deter-\\nmined upon which ingenuity could devise. Many\\neven of the first officers in the army threw up their\\ncommissions, declaring that they would not serve in\\nsuch a war against their own countrymen. But the\\nsluggish spirit of George the Third was thoroughly\\naroused against his unruly subjects, and he was\\nstubbornly deaf to arguments in their favor how-\\never reasonable they might be. He was fully bent\\nupon chastising them into submission, and was hotly\\nseconded by his ministers. But the conditions exist-\\ning in the two countries were quite dissimilar. In\\nthe colonies the people freely offered their lives and\\nfortunes to the common cause, and multitudes gath-\\nered under the new flag, animated with hope and\\nwith a fixed determination never to yield their\\nrights, while in England on the contrary, the un-\\npopularity of the war rendered enlistments on a large\\nscale impossible. Though unusual bounties were\\noffered, enlistments proceeded so slowly that the\\nking found it necessary to look across the channel\\nfor aid. He applied to Catherine of Russia to lend\\nhim some of her battalions, but was met with a tart", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0031.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "6 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nrefusal;^ to Holland, which turned an indifferent\\near to his appeal, and finally to Germany with\\nbetter success.\\nThe f)etty sovereigns of this country to their\\neternal disgrace, loaned for hire seventeen thousand\\nof their people to the British king, as they doubtless\\nwould have loaned them to the colonists had they\\nsought them with a larger price. When it became\\nknown in England that the king had hired German\\ntroops in order to subjugate their countrymen in\\nAmerica, a considerable portion of the English peo-\\nple raised their voices against the act. They saw in\\nit perhaps, the possibility of an abridgment of\\ntheir own liberties by similar means. But the king\\nwas delighted with the new acquisitions to his\\nforces indeed, he regarded them with greater com-\\nplacency than he regarded his own more thoughtful\\nsubjects. Their stolid minds were not agitated with\\n^George the Third, when he applied to Catherine of Rus-\\nsia for twenty thousand of her subjects to employ against the\\ncolonies, gallantly left her to fix her own compensation but\\nshe refused his application with so much spirit, that the king\\nin a letter to Lord North said, that some of her expressions\\nmight be civil to a Russian ear, but certainly not to more\\ncivilized ones. Horace Walpole took delight in ridiculing\\nthe king for his correspondence with Sister Kitty. Schiller\\nthus holds up the German sovereign to public view. After\\nspeaking of the objections which some of the soldiers made\\nto being sold for the American war, he continues Our\\ngracious sovereign paraded the troops and had the chatter-\\ning fools shot then and there. We heard the crack of the\\nmuskets, we saw their brains sprinkled against the wall, and\\nthen the rest shouted, Hurrah for America!", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0032.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 7\\ntheories of human rights, and their sympathies\\nwould not be with a people whose manners were\\nto them an offense, and whose language a mystery\\nhence there could be no fear that they would desert\\nto the Americans as some of the English levies\\nmight. The employment of these hirelings against\\nthe colonists was abhorrent to many of the English\\npeople;^ but the employment of the savage Indian\\ntribes against them was still more so, and this\\nfeeling was shared even by the British commanders\\nthemselves. But England possessed a monarch\\nincapable of listening to reason where his prejudices\\nwere opposed, and a ministry whose incapacity has\\nperhaps never been equaled. The harshest meas-\\nures were blindly resolved upon, and it was deter-\\nmined to crush out the rebellion before it could\\ngather more strength, or engage the sympathy of\\nFrance, who was watching the struggle with keen\\nsatisfaction, not a satisfaction in which sympathy\\nfor the oppressed colonists found a place, as it\\nwas but the preposterous struggle of the canaille\\nagainst the noblesse but a satisfaction which would\\nbe intensified if, peradventure, both combatants\\nshould be so weakened as to make it possible\\n^Chatham, Burke and others denounced the employment\\nof the savages in the most ardent manner. We are told that\\nthe vehemence of the latter caused tears of laughter to roll\\ndown the fat cheeks of Lord North at hearing an absent\\nman denounced for measures for which he himself was mainly\\nand directly responsible. Vide Fonblanque s Life of Bur-\\ngoyne, London, 1856, p. 243, n.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0033.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "8 The Cainpaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne,\\nfor ^her to again found her imperium in the new\\nworld.\\nHow was it with the Americans? Hopeful of suc-\\ncess they had assumed the offensive and had made\\ntheir triumphant way into Canada Montgomery\\npushing through the lake region of northern New\\nYork, and Arnold through the wilderness of Maine,\\nfinally joined their forces together in the heart of the\\nenemy s country. Stronghold after stronghold fell\\nbefore the invaders, until at last, the British General\\nCarleton fleeing to escape capture in the habiliments\\nof a peasant, took refuge in the fortress of Quebec,\\nunder whose walls the victorious Americans encamped,\\nconfident of conquering the last remnant of King\\nGeorge s troops left on the soil of Canada. This was\\nthe condition of affairs in December, 1775, while the\\nking was drumming up reluctant recruits in England,\\nand negotiating for others with his brother despots\\non the continent, as before stated. But a Canadian\\nwinter was upon Montgomery disease and exposure\\nwere wasting his army, and something had to be done.\\nThe darkest and shortest days of winter came, and\\nan attack, one of the most daring in the annals of\\narms, was made upon Quebec. Montgomery, whose\\nintrepid spirit had never forecast failure, and whose\\npresence alone gave animation to the enterprise, fell\\nwith many of his no less brave compatriots, and beaten\\nback, shattered but not disheartened, the Americans\\nsullenly sat down before the walls of the city, repaired\\nas well as they could their sore damage, and laid", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0034.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 9\\nout new schemes for the discomfiture of their\\nenemies. Arnold was in command, a man perhaps\\nno less daring nor less fruitful in expedients than\\nMontgomery, and as spring advanced, he prepared\\nfor a final attack upon Carleton. His batteries\\ncommanded the river, his red-hot shot were thrown\\ninto the city, but disease was at work in his army to\\nwhich few recruits found their way. In the beginning\\nof May, Thomas,^ who had been assigned to the\\nchief command, arrived, and while he was consid-\\nering the question of raising the siege, the advance\\nships of the fleet which had sailed from Ireland in\\nApril came in sight, and leaving behind every thing\\nwhich could incumber his retreat, he at once hastened\\nto abandon his position, followed by Carleton\\nwith reinforcements from the fleet. Although the\\nAmericans stubbornly contested their ground, as\\nmay be seen by a perusal of this journal penned by\\n^General John Thomas was from Plymouth, Massachu-\\nsetts, where his descendants still reside. He, like Mont-\\ngomery, had seen service in the French and Indian wars.\\nAt the beginning of the war, he was one of the first to raise\\na regiment, with which he joined the Continental army at\\nRoxbury in 1775. He was appointed one of the first briga-\\ndier-generals, and commanded a division at the siege of\\nBoston. He was appointed a major-general in March, 1776,\\nand in the following May joined the army before Quebec,\\nbut was attacked by the small-pox, which prevailed among\\nthe troops, shortly after his arrival in camp, and died at\\nChambly on the 2d of June. He was a man of ability and\\ngreatly esteemed by his soldiers. Washington placed con-\\nfidence in him, and believed that he would accomplish much\\nfor the American cause.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0035.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "lo The Campaigns of Carlcton and Burgoyne.\\nan unfriendly but just spirit, they were forced back\\nby the superior strength of the British with their\\nGerman and Indian allies. These divided into two\\nparts, one under Carleton, who followed the St.\\nLawrence to Montreal to attack Arnold, who held\\nthat place, and the other under Burgoyne, who\\npressed on toward Fort St. Johns, forcing back Sul-\\nlivan^ to that point.\\nHere however, Arnold, who had retreated before\\nCarleton, was enabled to form a junction with Sul-\\nlivan but the two generals seeing how useless it\\n^John Sullivan was of Irish parentage and a native of\\nBerwick, Maine. He was born February 17, 1740, and was\\nreared on a farm, but upon reaching maturity studied law\\nand began the practice of his profession at Durham, New\\nHampshire. He was a delegate to the first Continental\\nCongress. When the Continental army was organized in\\n1775, he was appointed a brigadier-general, and the follow-\\ning year was made a major-general. He was assigned to\\nthe command left vacant by the death of General Thomas, and\\nshortly after took the place of General Greene on Long\\nIsland. In the battle which took place there in August of the\\nsame year (1776) he was taken prisoner, but was soon\\nexchanged, when he was assigned to the command of General\\nCharles Lee s division in New Jersey, Lee having been taken\\nprisoner. He participated in the battles of Brandywine and\\nGermantown, and soon after was assigned to the command\\nof the Rhode Island troops. He was engaged, in the sum-\\nmer of 1778, in the unsuccessful siege of Newport, and the\\nnext year ended his military career in an expedition against\\nthe Indians. Owing to some difficulty with the board of\\nwar, he resigned his commission in 1779. He was after\\nthis, a member of Congress and president of New Hamp-\\nshire, and in 1789, received the appointment of district\\njudge, an office which he retained until his death, January\\n23. 1795-", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0036.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Bttrgoyne. 1 1\\nwas to attempt to withstand the onset of forces\\nso much superior to their own, determined to fall\\nback upon Crown Point and there make a final\\nstand. This determination they acted upon, leaving\\nthe enemy to pursue them as best they might a\\nproblem difficult of solution. In order to make an\\nattack upon the Americans likely to be attended\\nwith success, vessels were requisite, and these must\\nbe provided. With commendable energy, Carleton\\nat once set about improvising a navy, and by the\\n5th of October had constructed and equipped a\\nfleet of one ship, two schooners, one radeau, one\\ngondola, and twenty-two gunboats with eighty-seven\\nguns. Some of these vessels had been transported\\nin pieces from Chambly to Fort St. Johns and there\\nput together. Being now ready, Carleton proceeded\\nwith his fleet up the Sorel to Isle aux Noix at the\\nentrance to the lake. He was now in a condition\\nto attack the Americans with a good prospect of\\nsuccess, as he knew the force which they possessed\\nwas inferior to his. The fleet to be opposed to him\\nhad three more guns but of much lighter caliber\\nThe word radeau is equivalent to the English raft.\\nThe radeau was the prototype of the modern floating bat-\\ntery, having low but strong bulwarks to protect the men\\nhandling the guns, which were usually of heavy caliber. It\\nwas a cumbersome craft to manage, but, at the same time,\\neffective.\\nA gondola was quite unlike its Venetian namesake, being\\na large flat-bottomed affair with square ends, and having a\\nlarge capacity for carrying.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0037.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "12 The Campaigns of Carleton a?id B^irgoyne.\\nand was inferior in other respects. On the morn-\\ning of the nth of October, accompanied by a large\\nnumber of savages in their birchen canoes, some\\nof which were of immense size, capable of carrying\\nthirty men, Carleton moved upon the American fleet\\nwhich, in command of Benedict Arnold, was drawn\\nup in the form of a crescent between Valcour island\\nand the mainland. A battle ensued, which was con-\\ntested with spirit on both sides, but the tide of\\naffairs with the Americans was at ebb, and when\\nnight fell they found themselves in no condition to\\ncontinue the fight on the following day hence in\\nthe darkness of the night, they passed unperceived\\nthrough the British fleet and made all the speed\\npossible to reach Crown Point, hoping that with the\\nguns of that fortress joined with those of the fleet,\\nthey might counterbalance the superior force of the\\nenemy. When in the morning, Carleton found that\\nArnold had eluded him, he followed in pursuit, and\\nsucceeded after a fierce battle in destroying and dis-\\npersing the American fleet. Nothing now remained\\nfor him to do but to push on to Crown Point. This\\nhe did as quickly as possible, but the Americans had\\nevacuated their works there and fallen back upon\\nTiconderoga, which they put into a good condition\\nfor defense before he was able to make an attack\\nupon them in their new position. The season was\\nadvancing, and perhaps yielding a too-ready ear\\nto the dictates of prudence, instead of following up\\nhis advantage and risking an attack upon Ticon-", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0038.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 13\\nderoga, which if successful might have changed the\\nissue of the war, he resolved to proceed no farther,\\nbut to withdraw his army to winter quarters. Thus\\nclosed the campaign of 76, disastrous and disheart-\\nening to the American patriots.\\nGeneral Carleton, having withdrawn his army from\\nCrown Point, and stationed portions of it at Isle aux\\nNoix, St. Johns, Montreal, and other points in the prov-\\nince, went himself to Quebec where his family was\\ndomiciled, while General Burgoyne sailed for England\\nto make preparations for the campaign of which\\nwould, it was confidently believed by the British gene-\\nrals, terminate the war. The winter passed pleasantly\\nenough with the British troops, who found plenty to\\namuse them, but with the Americans quite differ-\\nently. The latter looked forward with anxiety to\\nthe coming campaign, and labored to put themselves\\nin a condition to meet it successfully. They suffered\\nprivations and hardships innumerable, but having\\nput hand to plow thought not to look back.\\nDoubtless they often longed for the comforts which\\nLord George Germaine sought in this delay an excuse\\nfor venting his rancor against General Carleton, but the\\nking, in spite of the powerful influence which the minister\\nexercised over his mind, defended his officer, for on the\\n17th November he writes to Lord North, Sir Guy Carleton\\ngives sufficient reasons for not earlier attempting to pass\\nthe lakes. He has been, however, severely criticised by\\nwriters for abandoning Crown Point, which would have\\nafforded him an advanced starting point for the next cam-\\npaign. Vide Fonblanque s Life of Burgoyne, n. p. 217\\net seq., and General Phillips Letter, ibid.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0039.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "14 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nthey had once enjoyed the leeks and garlics which\\nthey had forsaken to attain freedom but they had\\nin Washington a Moses in whom they confided, and\\nthey repined not over much. So the winter passed.\\nBurgoyne in England with the ministers of the irate\\nking, laid out an elaborate plan for the coming cam-\\npaign. The New England provinces were to be\\nviolently dissevered from the western and southern\\nby two armies, which were to serve as opposite\\nwedges the northern wedge to be directed by Bur-\\ngoyne, the southern by Howe, and the two lines of\\nfracture to meet at Albany in the State of New\\nYork. It was an excellent plan, and to any but an\\nomniscient eye would have appeared to be almost\\ncertain of success. General Burgoyne arrived at\\nQuebec on the 6th of May, and on the loth. Gene-\\nral Carleton, who was to remain in Canada as com\\nmander-in-chief of the Canadian department, for\\nwhich reinforcements were on the way, passed over\\nto him in accordance with orders from England, the\\ncommand of about seven thousand troops. Germaine\\nhad v/ritten him under date of Whitehall, the 26th\\nof the preceding March With a view of quell-\\ning the rebellion as soon as possible, it is become\\nhighly necessary that the most speedy juncture of\\nthe two armies should be effected and, therefore,\\nas the security and good government of Canada\\nabsolutely require your command for the defense\\nand duties of that province, you are to employ the\\nremainder of your army upon two expeditions the", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0040.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "The Campaig7is of Carlcton and Burgoyne. 15\\none under the command of Lieutenant-General Bur-\\ngoyne, who is to force his way to Albany, and the\\nother under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel St.\\nLeger, who is to make a diversion on the Mohawk\\nriver. 3 Upon receiving his command, Burgoyne\\nat once proceeded to Montreal and began putting\\nthings in readiness to carry out this plan, so far as it\\nrelated to the movement from the north which had\\nbeen intrusted to him, writing to Germaine on the\\n19th of May The only delay in putting the troops\\nin motion is occasioned by the impracticability of\\nthe roads, owing to late extraordinary heavy rains,\\nand this difficulty will be speedily removed by exert-\\ning the services of the parishes as soon as the weather\\nclears. In the mean time, I am employing every\\nmeans that water carriage will admit for drawing the\\ntroops and stores toward this point. I trust I shall\\nhave vessels sufficient to move the army and stores\\ntogether, and, in that case, will take post at once\\nwithin sight of Ticonderoga, and only make use of\\nCrown Point for my hospital and magazine. It is\\nconsigned to the New England colonies to furnish\\nsupplies of men and provision to oppose the progress\\nof my army, and they have undertaken the task,\\nupon condition of being exempt from supplying Mr.\\nWashington s main army.\\nVide A State of the Expedition from Canada. London,\\n1780 Appendix IV, p. vii.\\nIbid., p. xi.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0041.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "1 6 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nThis letter serves as a prelude to that momentous\\ndrama, which Burgoyne has himself conveniently-\\ndivided for us into three acts a drama which all\\nEurope watched with intense curiosity, and which\\nfor a century has been discussed with unflagging\\ninterest. The first act of this great drama opens\\non the 1 2th of June at St. Johns, on the eve of the\\nembarkation of Burgoyne s army. Nothing which\\ncould promote its efficiency in the projected cam-\\npaign had been neglected. Its equipment, which was\\nlavish, included the most approved artillery of the\\nage, and inspired with the confidence of success it\\nawaited the order of its commander to embark.\\nCarleton, with that amiable generosity which charac-\\nterized him, had come to St. Johns to bid his old\\ncomrades in arms a god-speed an abundant feast\\nhad been prepared, and for the last time Burgoyne,\\nRiedesel, Acland, Fraser, Phillips, Carleton, Bal-\\ncarres and others of like bravery, who had passed\\nthus far unharmed through many battles, gathered\\naround the social board in joyous good-fellowship.\\nAfter the repast to which wine and wit gave a\\nkeener zest, Carleton bade them an affectionate but\\nenthusiastic good-bye, and with his staff took the\\nreturn road to his head-quarters at Quebec, while\\nthe first brigade of the army soon began its embark-\\nation, their martial ardor being inspired by the\\nstirring strains of the regimental bands, and the\\nawe-inspiring thunder of artillery as they marched\\nto their boats. Both the English troops and their", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0042.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 17\\nGerman allies were trained soldiers in every sense,\\nmen who could march up to the cannon s mouth\\nwithout flinching, and they made a gala occasion of\\ntheir embarkation on this, the most perilous expe-\\ndition which they had ever undertaken. Burgoyne\\nhad divided his army into brigades, and its progress\\nup the lake was at the rate of about twenty miles a\\nday, every thing being ordered with such exactness,\\nthat each brigade occupied at night the camp left\\nby its predecessor at daybreak. Anburey, whose\\ndescriptions are so graphic, wrote of the splendid\\nspectacle which Burgoyne s army offered to the\\nbeholder as it floated on the placid bosom of the\\nlake: I cannot forbear portraying to your imagi-\\nnation one of the most pleasing spectacles I ever\\nbeheld. When we were in the widest part of the\\nlake, whose beauty and extent I have already de-\\nscribed, it was remarkably fine and clear, not a\\nbreeze was stirring, when the whole army appeared\\nat one view in such perfect regularity as to form the\\nmost complete and splendid regatta you can possibly\\nconceive. In the front the Indians went with their\\nThomas Anburey was a volunteer in Burgoyne s army,\\nand was the author of a book entitled Travels through the\\nInterior Parts of America, in a Series of Letters, By an\\nOfficer. It was published in London in 1789, and a second\\nedition appeared in 1791. It was translated into German\\nand, in 1793, into French^, with annotations by M. Noel, ancien\\nprofesseur de belles-lettres au College de Louis-le-Grand.\\nAnburey remained a prisoner with the captive army until\\nSeptember, 1781, when he returned to England.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0043.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "1 8 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nbirch bark canoes, containing twenty or thirty each\\nthen the advanced corps in regular line with the\\ngunboats then followed the Royal George and\\nInflexible, towing large booms which are to be\\nthrown across two points of land with the two\\nbrigs and sloops following after them Generals\\nBurgoyne, Phillips and Riedesel in their pinnaces\\nnext to them the second battalion followed by the\\nGerman battalion, and the rear was brought up\\nwith the suttlers and followers of the army. Upon\\nthe appearance of so formidable a fleet you may\\nimagine they were not a little dismayed at Ticon-\\nderoga, for they were apprised of our advance as\\nwe every day could see their watch-boats.\\nAt this moment let us pause to take a view of the\\ntheatre of action. While Burgoyne is advancing\\neasily toward Crown Point, which Carleton had\\nabandoned the previous autumn, and which the\\nAmericans have since neglected, St. Leger, who has\\nbeen detached from Burgoyne s command with a\\nthousand men which he soon increases to seven-\\nteen hundred, is quietly sweeping round by the St.\\nLawrence, Lakes Ontario and Oneida, toward Fort\\nSchuyler, and after destroying all obstacles which\\noppose him, is to join his chief at Albany, the ob-\\njective point of Burgoyne s expedition and that to be\\nsent by Howe from the south to act in concert with it.\\nOn the American side, the army under the command of\\nVide Travels Through the Interior Parts of American\\nLondon. 1789. Vol. i, pp. 303-6.", "height": "3224", "width": "2351", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0044.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "The Cainpaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 19\\nGeneral Schuyler is posted at the several forts about\\nLake George and along the Hudson and Mohawk\\nrivers: St. Clair is at Ticonderoga General Ganse-\\nvoort at Fort Schuyler, and the commander-in-\\nchief hitnself at Fort Edward, while various bodies\\nof troops more or less important, are at other points\\nnot far distant, or drawing toward the expected\\nfield of conflict with the Britons from the North. If\\nwe look farther away, we shall find Howe and Clin-\\nton at New York, the former instead of directing a\\nforce up the Hudson to co-operate with Burgoyne at\\nAlbany, strangely preparing an expedition against\\nPhiladelphia, all of his preparations being jealously\\nwatched by Washington, who is planning to baffle\\nhim at every point. Without special incident of\\nimportance, Burgoyne arrived at Crown Point on\\nthe 29th of June, and on the ist of July his\\narmy appeared in front of Ticonderoga. On the\\n2d, Fraser took possession of a rise of ground\\nwhich was named Mount Hope, cutting off St. Clair s\\ncommunication with Lake George, while Phillips and\\nRiedesel advanced, the former taking position on the\\nright and the latter in front of Fort Independence,\\nPeter Gansevoort was a native of Albany, and born on\\nJuly 17, 1749. He was a major under Montgomery in the\\ncampaign against Canada in 1775, and at the time here\\nmentioned held a colonel s commission. His successful\\ndefense of Fort Schuyler when besieged by St. Leger, gained\\nhim the thanks of Congress. In 1781 he was commissioned\\nby the State of New York a brigadier-general. He died\\nJuly 2, 1 8 12, after an honorable and useful life.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0045.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "20 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nwhich formed a part of that system of defenses to\\nwhich Ticonderoga belonged. With inexcusable\\nfolly, St. Clair had neglected to fortify a hill which\\noverlooked and commanded his position, and when\\nthe sun arose on the morning of the 5th of July, his\\nsentinels beheld the British in possession, planting\\ntheir batteries on its summit and watching curiously\\nhis every movement with their glasses. Alarmed\\nat this prospect a council was summoned, and it was\\nresolved to abandon this important post in which so\\nmuch confidence had been placed. Accordingly,\\nSt. Clair on the night of the 6th, fled in haste, not\\neven stopping to destroy his stores which had been\\ncollected at infinite pains, but leaving guns, provisions\\nand cattle to strengthen the hands of the enemy.\\nThe story of this disastrous retreat has been\\nrelated too often to be repeated here suffice it to say,\\nthat the loss of Ticonderoga was a bitter one to the\\nAmericans, and by many was looked upon as a vital\\none, while in England the news of its capture was\\nreceived with transports of joy. Germaine with great\\n^^It would appear from Digby s Journal that the occupa-\\ntion of this hill by Burgoyne was disclosed during the\\nnight to St. Clair, by fires carelessly built, presumably by\\nhis Indian allies. It is remarkable that St. Clair s retreat\\non the next night was disclosed in a like manner, by a fire\\nset carelessly at the head-quarters of General Roche De\\nFermoy, his French ally. Commenting on this latter inci-\\ndent. General De Peyster remarks, that generally whenever\\nthe Americans were unsuccessful, a foreigner was mixed up in\\nit. If Digby s presumption is correct, the English had like\\ncause of complaint.", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0046.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 21\\ncomplacency announced the event in Parliament,\\nas if it had been decisive of the campaign and\\nof the fate of the colonies, and Kine George when\\nhe heard of it was so elated, that he burst into the\\napartment of the queen exclaiming vociferously,\\nI have beat them beat all the Americans\\nBurgoyne was triumphant, and on the loth, cele-\\nbrated his victory by a Thanksgiving, and ended\\nthe day with a feu de joie of artillery at Crown\\nPoint, Ticonderoga, Skenesborough and Castle-\\nton, and with this dramatic demonstration he\\nclosed the first act of his drama.\\nOn the next day he wrote to Germaine. Your\\nLordship will pardon me if I a little lament that my\\norders do not give me the latitude I ventured to pro-\\npose in my original project for the campaign, to make\\na real effort instead of a feint upon New England.\\nAs things have turned out, were I at liberty to march\\nin force immediately by my left, instead of my right,\\nI should have little doubt of subduing before winter\\nthe provinces where the rebellion originated.\\nFeeling however obliged by his orders to force his\\nway to Albany, he applied to Carleton to spare him a\\nsufficient number of troops to garrison Ticonderoga,\\nso that he might not be obliged to weaken his forces\\nby leaving a portion behind for garrison duty; but\\nVide Journal of the Reign of George the Third,\\n(Walpole) London, 1859, ^^l- 2, p. 131.\\nVide A State of the Expedition from Canada.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0047.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "2 2 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nCarleton did not entertain his application favorably,\\nand in spite of his urgent appeal for help, left him to\\nsolve the problem of the campaign unaided, as best\\nhe might.\\nPreparations therefore for an advance were actively\\nundertaken, but while they were going forward\\nSchuyler was not idle. Calm and undismayed by his\\nsevere losses, he directed every effort toward ob-\\nstructing the passage of his enemy southward. The\\nkeen axes of his skillful woodsmen soon laid the\\nforests, which bordered the road leading from Skenes-\\nborough where Burgoyne lay, across the pathway of\\nthe advancing Britons. He destroyed bridges;\\nblocked water-courses with boulders stripped the\\ncountry of subsistence, and drove the cattle away\\nso as to leave nothing to sustain the invaders on\\ntheir advance. Thus blocking the way between him\\nand his enemy, he retreated southward and finally\\nencamped his army near the junction of the Mohawk\\nand Hudson. Here with his advanced outposts at\\nStillwater, he awaited coming events, strengthening\\nby every means in his power his slowly-increasing\\narmy. Burgoyne now began to face troubles which\\nhe had not calculated upon. The difficulty of get-\\nting supplies increased, and the labor required of his\\nsoldiers in removing obstructions from their path\\nbuilding roads and bridges and getting their artillery\\nforward, told upon them severely, so that his pro-\\ngress was slow. His Indian allies, discontented at\\nbeing checked in their murderous career, began to", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0048.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 23\\ndesert in considerable numbers, and these deser-\\ntions, added to his losses in battle and by sickness,\\nweakened his army seriously. While these troubles\\nwere at their height, a messenger arrived at his camp\\nwith news that St. Leger had reached Fort Schuyler,\\nand he at once felt the necessity of a movement\\nforward. He had been informed that the patriots\\nhad gathered at Bennington, horses, provisions and\\nother stores of which he was in sore need, and that\\nmany loyalists in the vicinity were only awaiting a\\nfavorable opportunity to join his army. He there-\\nfore sent forward an expedition composed of Ger-\\nmans under General Baum, to attack Bennington and\\nseize the stores there. By accomplishing this pur-\\npose he would not only obtain provisions, which he\\nso much needed, and horses, which would enable him\\nto mount his cavalry, but would be in a position to\\nopen the way for co-operation with St. Leger. The\\nplan was an unwise one and he paid the penalty of\\nhis rashness. Baum s command was destroyed by\\nStark,^ and a body of troops under Breymann, sent\\nJohn Stark was born of Scotch parents at Londonderry,\\nNew Hampshire, August 28, 1728. When twenty-four years\\nof age he was surprised while on a hunting expedition, by a\\nbody of St. Francis Indians and carried into captivity, but\\nwas ransomed by a friend. He served as a ranger in the\\nFrench and Indian war, and was made a captain in 1756.\\nHe was a conspicuous figure at the battle of Bunker Hill.\\nHe was in command at Trenton and Princeton, and after\\nthe battle of Bennington, he enlisted a considerable force", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0049.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "24 The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne.\\nto the support of the German commander, was\\ndriven back with the loss of guns, baggage, and every\\nthing which could incumber flight. This blow fell\\nheavily upon Burgoyne, who had begun the campaign\\nas though he had an easy task before him, and had\\nmade himself somewhat ridiculous by bombastic\\nproclamations, while success inspired the patriots with\\nnew hope, and their army grew apace while Bur-\\ngoyne s constantly decreased. To add to his em-\\nbarrassments, his Indians who had set out so en-\\nthusiastically under St. Luc, disheartened by the\\naffair at Bennington, deserted him still, his orders\\nwere to force a junction with Howe at Albany, and\\nthere seemed but one duty before him, and that\\nduty was to push forward. On the 20th of August,\\nfour days after the defeat at Bennington, he wrote\\nto Germaine.^^ The great bulk of the country is\\nundoubtedly with Congress in principle and zeal\\nand their measures are executed with a secrecy and\\ndispatch that are not to be equaled. Wherever the\\nking s forces point, militia to the amount of three or\\nfour thousand assemble in twenty-four hours they\\nbring with them their subsistence, etc., and the alarm\\nover, they return to their farms. The Hampshire\\nGrants in particular, a country unpeopled and almost\\nand joined Gates, having been raised to the rank of major-\\ngeneral. He served with honor through the war, and, at its\\nclose, retired to private Hfe. He died on May 8, 1822, and\\nlies buried at Manchester, in his native State.\\n22 Vide A State of the Expedition. Appendix IX, p. 25.", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0050.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 25\\nunknown in the last war, now abounds in the most\\nactive and rebellious race of the continent, and hangs\\nlike a gathering storm on my left. In all parts the\\nindustry and management in driving cattle and remov-\\ning corn are indefatigable and certain and it becomes\\nimpracticable to move without portable magazines.\\nAnother most embarrassing circumstance is the\\nwant of communication with Sir William Howe.\\nOf the messengers I have sent, I know of two being\\nhanged, and am ignorant whether any of the rest\\narrived. The same fate has probably attended\\nthose dispatched by Sir William Howe, for only one\\nletter is come to hand, informing me that his inten-\\ntion is for Pennsylvania that Washington has\\ndetached Sullivan with two thousand five hundred\\nmen to Albany that Putnam is in the Highlands\\nwith four thousand men. That after my arrival at\\nAlbany, the movements of the enemy must guide\\nmine, but that he wished the enemy might be driven\\nout of the province before any operation took place\\nagainst the Connecticut that Sir Henry Clinton\\nremained in the command in the neighborhood of\\nNew York, and would act as occurrences might\\ndirect. No operation, my lord, has yet been\\nundertaken in my favor the Highlands have not\\neven been threatened. Had I a latitude in my\\norders, I should think it my duty to wait in this\\nposition, or perhaps, as far back as Fort Edward,\\nwhere my communication with Lake George would\\nbe perfectly secure, till some event happened to as-\\n4", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0051.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "26 The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne.\\nsist my movement forward but my orders being\\npositive to force a junction with Sir William Howe,\\nI apprehend I am not at liberty to remain inactive\\nlonger than shall be necessary to collect twenty-five\\ndays provision, and to receive the reinforcement of\\nthe additional companies, the German drafts and\\nrecruits now (and unfortunately only now) on Lake\\nChamplain. The waiting the arrival of this rein-\\nforcement is of indispensable necessity, because from\\nthe hour I pass the Hudson s river and proceed\\ntoward Albany, all safety of communication ceases.\\nI must expect a large body of the enemy from my\\nleft will take post behind me. When I wrote more\\nconfidently, I little foresaw that I was to be left to\\npursue my way through such a tract of country, and\\nhosts of foes, without any co-operation from New\\nYork nor did I then think the garrison of Ticon-\\nderoga would fall to my share alone, a dangerous\\nexperiment would it be to leave that post in weak-\\nness, and too heavy a drain it is upon the life blood\\nof my force to give it due strength. I yet do not\\ndespond.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Should I succeed in forcing my way to\\nAlbany, and find that country in a state to subsist\\nmy army, I shall think no more of a retreat, but at\\nthe best fortify there and await Sir W. Howe s\\noperations.\\nWhatever may be my fate, my lord, I submit my\\nactions to the breast of the king, and to the candid\\njudgment of my profession, when all the motives be-\\ncome public, and I rest in the confidence that what-", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0052.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Bttrgoyne. 27\\never decision may be passed upon my conduct, my\\ngood intent will not be questioned.\\nI cannot close so serious a letter without express-\\ning my fullest satisfaction in the behavior and coun-\\ntenance of the troops, and my complete confidence\\nthat in all trials they will do whatever can be expected\\nfrom men devoted to their king and country.\\nFrom this it will be seen that he fully realized the\\nperils of his situation from a military point of view\\nthat when he passed the Hudson his communication\\nwould inevitably be cut off, and that he could not\\ndepend upon the country for subsistence. He had\\nat least expected that Carleton would relieve him to\\nthe extent of forwarding troops to hold Ticonder-\\noga, that he might not be obliged to weaken his\\nforce by garrisoning that post but even in this he\\nwas disappointed, and obliged to leave some of his\\nmost effective troops behind to hold the forts he\\nhad captured. But he had no choice to make. His\\norders were peremptory to push forward. Misfor-\\ntunes never come singly it has been said, and Bur-\\ngoyne soon had reason to realize the truth of the\\nsaying, for he had not recovered from the shock of\\nhis defeat at Bennington, when he learned of the\\ndefeat and flight of St. Leger. Thus was he left\\nalone with his rapidly wasting army to meet the\\nexultant forces of the patriots, and he looked\\nanxiously for help toward the south. Where was\\nClinton, who was to have been sent by Howe from\\nNew York to co-operate with him He had heard", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0053.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "28 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nnothing from that direction, and now sent a messen-\\nger in disguise to urge Clinton to hasten forward to\\nhis relief, ^3 at the same time gathering all the pro-\\nvisions possible for his army, and pushing on toward\\nAlbany. On the nth of September his troops\\nreceived orders to be in readiness to cross the Hud-\\nson, which they had reached, but heavy rains pre-\\nvented them from so doing until the 13th, when\\nthey crossed on a bridge of boats. The hazard of\\nthus severing communication with their base of\\noperations was regarded with apprehension by his\\nofficers, and we know that Burgoyne himself fully\\ncomprehended the responsibility which he took in\\nmaking the step, but it was a necessary one in the\\nplan laid out for him, and in accordance with the\\nkey-note of the campaign This army must not\\nretreat Having crossed the river, he encamped on\\nthe heights and plains of Saratoga, where, like the\\nexcellent dramatist that he was, he completed the\\nsecond act of his drama. Burgoyne did not linger in\\ncamp. Albany, where he was to meet Clinton, and\\nwhere he had hoped also to have met St. Leger, had\\nnot his plans in connection with that officer gone\\nClinton wrote, some days later: There is a report of a\\nmessenger of yours to me having been taken, and the letter\\ndiscovered in a double wooden canteen. Probably this\\nwas the messenger dispatched at this time, and one of the\\nseveral which suffered death at the hands of their captors.\\nPrevious to this he had dispatched at least ten messengers\\nat different times and by different routes to open a commu-\\nnication with Clinton,", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0054.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne. 29\\nawry, was his objective point, and on the 15th, his\\narmy in splendid array set out in three columns to\\nthe music of fife and drum, with standards flutter-\\ning in the breeze, gay uniforms and glittering\\narms, forming a pageant which was never forgotten\\nby those who witnessed it, and which the imaginative\\nmay still depict with approximate accuracy. That\\nnight he encamped his army at Dovegat where it\\nremained for two days, while the way was being\\ncleared for the advance of his artillery. Realizing\\nthe dangers which surrounded him, his orders were\\nstrict. His troops lay upon their arms fully accoutred,\\nand he issued orders that any soldier who passed\\nbeyond his advanced sentries should be instantly\\nhung. As though they already felt the shadow of\\ncoming disaster, a strange silence suddenly fell upon\\nhis camp. It was remarked by the Americans that\\nneither drum beat nor trumpet sounded within the\\nBritish lines, perhaps because of the constant activity\\nrequired in opening roads and getting forward bag-\\ngage and supplies, with the fatigue consequent upon\\nsuch exertions, or that their position might not be\\ntoo well defined. General Gates had superseded\\nSchuyler an officer of superior merit the loss of\\nTiconderoga having afforded the enemies of the\\nlatter an opportunity for a hearing by Congress,\\nand his army blocked Burgoyne s path to Albany.\\nThe Americans had thrown up fortifications from the\\nriver bank back to the heights a mile away. On the\\n19th, Burgoyne having divided his army again into", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0055.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "30 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nthree columns, himself led the center composed of\\nEnglish regiments toward the heights, while Riedesel\\nand Phillips took the road by the river, and Fraser\\nswept round to the west by the Quaker Springs road\\nto join Burgoyne upon a clearing known as Freeman s\\nFarm, near the American left wing, Burgoyne having\\nascertained by a reconnoissance that the American\\nright occupied a position too strong for him to suc-\\ncessfully attack. The march of the British was nec-\\nessarily slow on account of the difficulties which\\nthey encountered, as it was often necessary to halt\\nin order to remove trees and construct bridges over\\nwater-courses. Shortly after noon, Morgan began\\nthe action by attacking the advancing center, which\\nbeing reinforced by Fraser compelled him to give\\nway in confusion but subsequently receiving rein-\\nforcements he renewed the conflict. The battle\\nbecoming general, Arnold, who had harassed the\\nenemy continually on its advance, now engaged in\\nconjunction with Morgan the combined divisions\\nof Burgoyne and Fraser. Although they fought\\nwith desperate energy, the odds were against them,\\nwhen Gates sent his tardy reinforcements to their\\nsupport, and they were seemingly upon the point of\\nvictory when the artillery of Phillips forced them\\nback toward their lines. The two armies were now\\nface to face upon opposite slopes, and for a short\\nspace there was a lull in the storm of battle but the\\nstruggle was soon resumed, and the tide of conflict\\nebbed and flowed, each side at times seeming near", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0056.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 31\\nvictory, when at a critical juncture for the British,\\nRiedesel came upon the field at double quick and\\nwith his well served artillery brought the battle to\\na close the exhausted Americans falling back to\\ntheir camp, carrying with them their wounded and\\nprisoners. At this critical juncture, Fraser and\\nBreymann quickly prepared to follow up the advan-\\ntage thus gained, and were about to pursue and\\nattack the Americans in their camp, when they were\\nrecalled by the prudent Burgoyne, much to their\\nchagrin and that of the troops in their command,\\nwho were eager to follow. What the result of such\\na movement would have been, it is now impossible\\nto calculate, but the failure of Burgoyne to follow\\nup the advantage gained by Riedesel was made\\none of the many subjects of severe criticism against\\nhis management of the campaign. Burgoyne held\\nthe field and claimed a victory but, says an eminent\\nauthority As the intention of the Americans was\\nnot to advance, but to maintain their position, and\\nthat of the English not to maintain theirs, but to\\ngain ground, it is easy to see which had the advan-\\ntage of the day. The British army as it lay upon\\nthe field, was kept in constant alarm through the\\nGeneral Schuyler, in his diary, says Had it not been\\nfor this order of the British general, the Americans would\\nhave been, if not defeated, at least held in such check as to\\nhave made it a drawn battle.\\nColonel William L. Stone, in Burgoyne s campaign,\\nAlbany, 1877, p. 49.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0057.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "32 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nnight by parties of skirmishers from the patriot camp,\\nand could get no rest. The irrepressible Arnold,\\nwho seemed never so happy as when breasting\\nthe infernal billows of carnage, urged Gates with\\nall his eloquence to make a night attack, but was\\nnot listened to, and this difference of opinion\\nresulting in angry words. Gates suspended his\\nimpulsive subordinate from command, an act which\\nprobably ignited that train of passion which finally\\ndestroyed the patriotism which had possessed his\\nsoul, and made room for the foul spirit of treason to\\nbrood in. On the following morning, his sick and\\nwouiided having been removed to the river bank in\\nthe rear of the army, Burgoyne formed his lines\\nfor a forward movement and awaited the lifting of\\nthe river foof, which hung- like a veil between him and\\nthe American camp, when there occurred one of\\nthose singular events which apparently insignificant\\nin themselves, are fraught with momentous conse-\\nquences. General Fraser, who was his most trusted\\nadviser and ever foremost in daring enterprise, sug-\\ngested to Burgoyne that as the grenadiers who were\\nto lead in the attack were fatigued by the duty of the\\nprevious day, it would be well to let them rest until\\nthe following morning, when they would be in a con-\\ndition to advance with greater spirit. To this Bur-\\ngoyne listened and recalled his orders, permitting\\nhis soldiers to retu rn to camp, where they rested as\\nwell as they might under the circumstances. By\\nthis delay a messenger from Clinton was enabled to", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0058.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carle ton aud Burgoyne. 33\\nreach him, bearing a letter in cypher with the cheer-\\ning news that the fleet from the south was about to\\nascend the Hudson for his relief, and that the forts\\nbelow Albany, which was now but about thirty miles\\nfrom his camp, would be attacked on the 22d.\\nThis information completely changed his plans and\\nperhaps the fate of his army, as he resolved to fortify\\nhis camp and to remain where he was until he\\nreceived further news from Clinton, to whom he\\nimmediately sent back his messenger, informing him\\nFonblanque tells us that This communication was\\ndeposited in a hollow silver bullet, which the bearer was\\ndirected to deliver into the general s own hands. The man\\nsucceeded in making his way to Fort Montgomery, on the\\nHudson, where, in compliance with his inquiries for Gen-\\neral Clinton, he was led into the presence, not of Sir Henry\\nClinton, but of a namesake, General Clinton of the Ameri-\\ncan army, the late governor of New York. On discovering\\nhis mistake the unfortunate man swallowed the bullet, but\\nan emetic being administered, the dispatch was discovered,\\nand its bearer hanged as a spy. Vide Life of Burgoyne,\\np. 286 et seq. It is hardly probable that two incidents of pre-\\ncisely the same nature could have occurred, yet there may\\nbe seen in the rooms of the New York Historical Society a\\ncopy of the identical dispatch, in the handwriting of Gov-\\nernor Clinton, which was taken from the silver bullet borne\\nby the messenger who was hung, and this message was not\\nfrom Burgoyne to Clinton, but from Clinton to Burgoyne,\\nand bears date nearly three weeks later than the date of the\\nmessage dispatched by Burgoyne. It is as follows\\nFort Montgomery, October 8, 1777.\\nNous y voici, and nothing now between us and Gates.\\nI sincerely hope this little success of ours may facilitate\\nyour operations. In answer to your letter of the 28th Sep-\\n5", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0059.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "34 1^^^^ Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nof his perilous situation, and urging his co-operation.\\nThis delay was of almost vital importance to the\\ntember, by C. C, I shall only say, I cannot presume to\\norder, or even advise, for reasons obvious. I heartily wish\\nyou success.\\nFaithfully yours,\\nGen. Burgoyne. H.Clinton.\\nThe bearer of this message was Sergeant Daniel Taylor,\\nwho, about noon on the loth of October, rode into the\\ncamp of the American General Clinton and inquired for\\nGeneral Clinton, stating that he was a friend and wished to\\nsee him. Upon being conducted to his presence he saw his\\nmistake, and hastily swallowed the bullet, which was of an oval\\nform. The movement was noticed, and Dr. Moses Higby\\nsent for, who administered an emetic, which caused him to\\nthrow up the bullet. He recovered it and succeeded in\\nswallowing it a second time, and refused to again take an\\nemetic but Clinton threatened to hang him and find it with\\nthe surgeon s knife, when he yielded and again threw it up.\\nOn the 1 2th he was hung upon an apple tree near the\\nchurch in the village of Kingston, during the conflagration\\nof the village, which had been fired by Sir Henry Clinton s\\ntroops who had then reached there. This is substantially\\nthe account given by Lossing and others, and can only be\\nreconciled with Fonblanque s account, which is wholly based\\nupon that of Lamb {vide Journal of Occurrences, etc., p.\\n162), by supposing the messenger sent by Burgoyne to\\nClinton on the night of the 21st of September, to have been\\nDaniel Taylor. Learning subsequently the story of his\\nfatal mistake and death, without knowing the date of its\\noccurrence, Fonblanque supposed his capture to have taken\\nplace while he was on his way to Clinton instead of on his\\nreturn to Burgoyne. We can only account for Taylor s\\nerror in mistaking the American for the British camp, by\\nsupposing that when Taylor left Sir Henry Clinton at Fort\\nMontgomery, which that general had just captured from\\nhis namesake, he understood that Sir Henry was to immedi-\\nately advance, and that meeting with insurmountable diffi-", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0060.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 35\\nAmericans, as it enabled them to strengthen their\\nposition and to get forward much-needed reinforce-\\nments and war material indeed, Wilkinson, who\\ncan never be accused of pessimism, took a rather\\ndespondent view of the situation of the American\\nposition at this moment of suspense when the\\npatriots, anxiously peering through the fog, were\\nawaiting the expected attack. He says We were\\nbadly fitted to defend works, or meet the close ren-\\ncontre the late hour at which the action closed the\\nday before the fatigue of officers and men, and\\nthe defects of our organization had prevented our\\nleft wing from drawing ammunition, and we could\\nnot boast of more than a bayonet for every three\\nmuskets; the fog obscured every object at the short\\ndistance of twenty yards. We passed an hour of\\nawful expectation and suspense, during which, hope,\\nfear and anxiety played on the imagination. But\\nBurgoyne waited in vain. On the 2 2d and 23d,\\nto make sure that Clinton should receive a knowl-\\nedge of his situation, he dispatched officers in dis-\\nguise to him, with an urgent request to hasten to his\\nculties which delayed him, and supposing Sir Henry to have\\ngotten ahead of him, he thought it proper to report in person\\nto the author of the message the particulars of his delay\\notherwise it would have been a useless performance for\\nTaylor to have sought Sir Henry Clinton s presence. Unless\\nwe adopt such an explanation there would seem to be no\\nreason for the act.\\n^Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, Phila., 18 16, vol. i,\\np. 250.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0061.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "36 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne,\\naid, and on the 27th and 28th sent two other mes-\\nsengers on the same errand. The 5th of October\\narrived the season was advancing his army was on\\nshort allowance and some movement must be made.\\nHe now convened a council of his officers to consider\\nthe situation. Riedesel wisely advised him to fall\\n^The dispatch sent on the 23d reached Clinton on the 5th\\nof October. The officer dispatched on the 27th was Captain\\nThomas Scott of the Fifty-third regiment, who has left a\\njournal recounting the perils through which he passed.\\nAfter eleven days of travel, he was told by a man whom he\\nmet that Sir Henry CHnton was in possession of Fort Mont-\\ngomery, and he turned his weary steps thitherward, reach-\\ning the fort on the 9th, and safely delivering his dispatch\\nto Clinton. On the loth, he departed northward with\\nthe expedition of Clinton to Kingston, reaching it on the\\n1 2th, at which time it was fired by the British while the\\nexecution of poor Taylor was taking place. From here he\\nstarted to reach Burgoyne, but after encountering great\\nperils and learning of Burgoyne s surrender, he made his\\nway back and finally reached Clinton in safety. The officer\\ndispatched on the 28th was Captain Alexander Campbell of\\nthe Sixty-second regiment, who made his way safely through\\nthe American lines and delivered his dispatch to Clinton\\nat Fort Montgomery on the 5th of October, the day upon\\nwhich the dispatch of the 23d reached its destination.\\nCampbell set out immediately on his return, and eluding\\nthe vigilance of the Americans reached Burgoyne s camp\\non the night of the i6th, after the terms of the surrender\\nhad been agreed upon, but before the articles had been\\nsigned. It was the cheering news which he bore of Clinton s\\nadvance up the Hudson, which for a moment rekindled\\nBurgoyne s waning hope and caused him to reconsider the\\nterms of surrender which he had agreed upon. Captain\\nCampbell was one of the officers who surrendered, and\\nafter much service, and passing the intervening grades of\\nrank, became a general in the British army January i, 181 2.", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0062.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Btirgoyne. 37\\nback to Fort Edward and there await the expected\\naid from the south, but Burgoyne hesitated. His\\nposition was daily becoming more critical. An officer\\nwhom Gates had allowed to return to his camp,\\nbrought news of an attack by the Americans in his\\nrear upon Ticonderoga, an attack, which though un-\\nsuccessful, had resulted in the capture of a portion of\\nthe Fifty-third regiment with one of his brigs and\\na bateau indeed, he realized that he was being\\ncut off from his base of operations. The wolves,\\nattracted by the bodies of the slain exposed by\\npartial burial, made night hideous by continual bowl-\\nings, which added to the alarms pervading his camp\\nday and night on account of threatened or attempted\\nattacks, destroyed all repose, the loss of which\\ntold upon the strength and spirits of his men. He\\nnow resolved to make a reconnoissance in force, and\\nif he found the Americans too strong, to fall back\\nas advised. On the 7th of October, selecting fif-\\nteen hundred men, with Riedesel, Phillips and Fra-\\nser, himself assuming command, he formed this force\\nin line of battle in a field within three-quarters of a\\nmile of the American left wing, intending to test the\\npossibility of forcing a passage, and if he found this\\nto be impracticable, he deemed it probable that\\nhis enemy by a vigorous attack could be dislodged,\\nwhich would greatly favor his retreat. But the\\nAmericans were awaiting this movement of their\\nfoes with anxious impatience, and Gates was soon\\nmade aware of the movement in front, by the drum-", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0063.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "38 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne..\\nbeat to arms, which was caught up and repeated until\\nit reached him at his head-quarters in the rear. Wil-\\nkinson, his dashing adjutant, then but a mere youth,\\nwas at once dispatched to learn the cause of the\\nalarm, and soon returned, reporting the nature of the\\nmovement and advising an attack. To this advice\\nGates replied Well, then, order on Morgan to\\nbegin the game. Making a detour through the\\nwood, Morgan attained a ridge above Fraser who\\nwith five hundred men was posted so as to be able\\nto attack the American left from whence he fell\\nupon him with terrible fury while simultaneously an\\nattack was made by General Poor on the British left,\\nand Learned held the center composed of Germans\\nin check. So impetuous was the onslaught of Mor-\\ngan, that Eraser s command, composed of the flower\\nof the army, gave way, though Fraser himself was\\nubiquitous, inspiring his men at every point by word\\nand example. Morgan then, with his usual celerity\\nof movement, fell upon the flank of the British right,\\ncausing it to waver, when Dearborn^ with his New\\nVide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 268.\\nHenry Dearborn was born at Hampton, New Hampshire,\\nMarch, 175 1. He was one of the first to receive a captain s\\ncommission in the continental army, and participated in the\\nbattle of Bunker Hill in June, 1775. When the expedition\\nfor the invasion of Canada was organized, he was one of the\\nforemost to take part in it, and in the assault on Quebec was\\nmade prisoner, but in May, 1776, was liberated by the\\nmagnanimous Carleton. He was immediately after his\\nliberation promoted to a majority, and subsequently to a", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0064.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 39\\nEngland troops, fell upon the front with such effect\\nas to shatter it to fragments. The Americans now\\nattacked the center with all their force, and for\\nawhile the Germans sustained the brunt of the bat-\\ntle unmoved. Arnold, although deprived of his\\ncommand by Gates, was a controlling spirit in the\\nconflict and fought on his own account, appearing\\neverywhere at the proper moment to turn the tide\\nin favor of the Americans. Seizing at this moment\\nthe command of two brigades, he led them to the\\nassault, and although the Germans stood firm for\\na while, in the end he succeeded in completely rout-\\ning them. Fraser, who had been the most conspicu-\\nous figure in the conflict, had fallen mortally wounded\\nlieutenant-colonelcy in Scammel s regiment, succeeding\\nthat officer in command at his death. He took a prominent\\npart in the battles of Saratoga and Monmouth, and wit-\\nnessed the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. After the\\nwar he removed to the district of Maine, and in 1789, was\\nappointed by President Washington marshal of the dis-\\ntrict. He served two terms in Congress and was secretary\\nof war under President Jefferson in 1801, which office he\\nretained for eight years, when he received the appointment\\nof collector of customs at the port of Boston. Wh^en the\\nWar of 1812 with Great Britain broke out, he was created\\nsenior major-general, and at once entered active service,\\ncapturing York in Upper Canada, and Fort George at the\\nmouth of the Niagara. Subsequently he was in command\\nof the military district of New York. At the close of the\\nwar, he resigned his commission and was appointed minis-\\nter to Portugal, which office he retained for two years when\\nhe resigned. On the 6th of June, 1829, he died at Rox-\\nbury, Masssachusetts.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0065.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "40 The Campaigns of Carleton a7id Burgoyne.\\nby one of Morgan s sharpshooters, and Burgoyne\\nhad taken his place, exposing himself recklessly to\\nthe fire of the American riflemen. He seemed to\\nsee the shadow of coming disaster, and paid little\\nheed to the urgent appeals of his officers not to\\nexpose himself unnecessarily. Thus the fight con-\\ntinued, until seeing his troops everywhere giving way,\\nBurgoyne ordered a retreat, and the British fell back\\nwithin their lines abandoning their artillery. Although\\nArnold as before stated was without a command,\\nhe placed himself at the head of a body of Ameri-\\ncans, and under a consuming fire assaulted the works\\nof the enemy from right to left. With the fury of\\na madman he attacked the great redoubt, and driv-\\nDuring the battle Eraser was everywhere, inspiring the\\ntroops by word and example. He rode a gray horse and\\nwas a conspicuous object. Arnold had noticed him from\\ntime to time, and knowing how important a factor he was\\nin the conflict, he approached Morgan and said That offi-\\ncer 7ip07i a gray horse is of himself a host, and must be dis-\\nposed of. Direct the attention of sojne of the sharpshooters\\namong jy our riflemen to him^ Morgan immediately selected\\nseveral of his best riflemen, among whom was Timothy\\nMurphy, a famous shot, and called their attention to the\\nheroic rider of the gray charger, saying That gallant\\nofficer is General Frascr. I admire and respect him, but it is\\nnecessary that he should die take your stations in that wood\\nand do your duty. In a moment a bullet severed the crup-\\nper of the general s horse, and then another cut through his\\nhorse s mane. Sir, said his aid, is evident that you\\nare marked out for particular aim would it not be prudent\\nfor you to retire from this place My duty forbids me to\\nfly from danger, replied Eraser, and immediately fell,\\ndrooping upon his horse s neck, mortally wounded. The\\ndeadly bullet of Tim Murphy had done its cruel work.", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0066.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Btcrgoyne. 41\\ning the infantry of Balcarres from an abattis within,\\nhe dashed to the left, regardless of the fiery storm\\nwhich swept his path, and taking the lead of\\nLearned s brigade attacked the Germans on their\\nright flank, killing General Breymann and taking the\\nkey of the British position. As the Germans\\nretreated they fired a parting volley, killing his horse\\nand wounding him severely in the leg. With the\\napproach of darkness the conflict came to an end,\\nand with it Burgoyne s last hope of success. The\\nnext morning Eraser, who was the idol of his brother\\nofficers as well as of all grades of the army even to\\nthe camp followers, died, and Burgoyne who was\\ndeeply affected by his loss, remained within his lines\\nduring the day. At sunset, in accordance with his\\nfriend s request, Burgoyne buried him with the most\\nimpressive solemnity on a hill within the great\\nredoubt. A retreat was immediately ordered, and\\nat nine o clock the British stole away in the dark-\\nness, drenched to the skin by one of .those cold,\\ndriving storms so common to the autumnal season\\nin this latitude. His wounded and sick he left\\nbehind, confiding them to the tender mercy of his\\nenemy. Through the darkness and the storm, the\\nbeaten but brave army pursued its weary march\\nnorthward, Burgoyne intending to push it across the\\nHudson, so as to resume communication at Batten-\\nkill with Lake George and Canada. Two hours\\nbefore daybreak, the almost exhausted troops reached\\nDovegat, where Burgoyne called a halt against the\\n6", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0067.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "42 The Campaigns of Carleton and Btirgoyne.\\nadvice of his officers, who urged him to press on.\\nBy this halt he lost valuable time, as the heights of\\nSaratoga which commanded the Fish creek ford was\\nonly occupied by a small force of Americans, and he\\nmight have reached the place and crossed the Hud-\\nson without serious opposition. As it was however,\\nWilkinson says that when the front of Burgoyne s\\narmy reached Saratoga the rear of our militia was\\nascending the opposite bank of Hudson s river,\\nwhere they took post and prevented its passage.\\nAfter a two hours halt, Burgoyne moved his army\\nfrom Dovegat across Fish creek where it encamped\\non the opposite bank, while he remained on the south\\nside, taking possession of General Schuyler s mansion,\\nin which he passed the night. The next morning\\nVide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 282.\\nEvery writer upon this subject hitherto, has charged\\nBurgoyne with spending this night in revelry, and even his\\nbiographer, Fonblanque, who would present him to us in\\nfavorable light, fails to examine critically the evidence upon\\nwhich this charge rests, and leaves us with the unpleasant\\nimpression of Burgoyne s criminal frivolity still upon our\\nminds. The original evidence of this charge appears to be\\na statement made by Madame Riedesel, a lady who held\\nBurgoyne in condemnation, but whom we must allow to\\nhave been above doing an intentional injustice even to one\\nwhom she condemned. The halt had been called and Bur-\\ngoyne had taken possession of Schuyler s deserted house,\\nwhen General Phillips informed Madame Riedesel some-\\nwhat sarcastically, that Burgoyne intended to spend the\\nnight there and give them a supper, and she continues,\\nIn this latter achievement, especially, General Burgoyne\\nwas very fond of indulging. He spent half of the nights in", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0068.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 43\\nBurgoyne became aware that the Americans were in\\npossession of the heights on the opposite side of the\\nriver, and finding it impossible to cross in the face of\\nsinging and drinking and amusing himself with the wife of\\na commissary, who was his mistress, and who, as well as he,\\nloved champagne. By this passage, if carefully read, it\\ndoes not appear that Madame Riedesel alludes to this par-\\nticular night when they were all in such a distressing situa-\\ntion, but in a general way to numerous nights, and as she\\nwas not prepossessed in favor of Burgoyne, she probably\\nmade her statement as explicit as an adherence to truth\\nwould permit her to make it. In The German Auxiliaries\\nin America, we find the account as follows While the\\narmy were suffering from cold and hunger, and every one\\nwas looking forward to the immediate future with appre-\\nhension, Schuyler s house was illuminated, and rang with\\nsinging, laughter, and the jingling of glasses. There Bur-\\ngoyne was sitting, with some merry companions, at a dainty\\nsupper, while the champagne was flowing. Near him sat\\nthe beautiful wife of an English commissary, his mistress.\\nGreat as the calamity was, the frivolous general still kept up\\nhis orgies. Some were of the opinion that he had made\\nthat inexcusable stand merely for the sake of passing a\\nmerry night. Writers upon this subject have adopted this\\naccount, inferring that it is original, when it is only Madame\\nRiedesel s dressed up by a reckless writer. Given Bur-\\ngoyne s fondness for a merry supper and the commissary s\\nwife, with Phillips sarcastic remark relative to the halt,\\nwhich he disapproved of, and we have all the elements of\\nthis improbable if not impossible story. That a man situ-\\nated as Burgoyne then was, would halt his exhausted and\\nhalf-famished army, and that too in a position which im-\\nperiled its very existence, as well as his own, for the express\\npurpose of having a dainty supper and an hour s dalliance\\nwith his mistress, is too much to believe without the most\\nexplicit statemicnts of a truthful eye-witness, and for the\\nsake of humanity we are glad that no such evidence exists.\\nThis however is by no means a singular instance of a fiction\\ngrowing out of the careless reading of a truthful statement.", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0069.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "44 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nsuch a force, took post on the ground he had occupied\\non the 13th of September, on the heights of Saratoga.\\nHe now resolved to continue his retreat up the west\\nbank of the Hudson, and sent forward a force to\\nclear his way to Fort Edward but to his dismay,\\nhis men came hastily back with the news that it was\\ngarrisoned by the Americans. Gates, who had\\nwaited for the storm to cease, advanced on the\\nloth, and late in the afternoon encamped south of\\nFish creek.\\nBeing misled by the departure of Burgoyne s expe-\\ndition to clear a way to Fort Edward into the\\nbelief that his army was retreating, he ordered an\\nattack to be made early in the morning on what he\\nsupposed to be a guard left to protect the baggage,\\nand returned to his head-quarters a mile and a half\\nin the rear. Burgoyne becoming aware of this, pre-\\npared a trap which would have resulted disastrously\\nto the Americans had it not been opportunely dis-\\ncovered, greatly to his chagrin, for he afterwards de-\\nnominated it One of the most adverse strokes of for-\\ntune during the campaign. And where was Clinton?\\n^Wilkinson gives a graphic account of this movement.\\nHe says Gates had the night before given the following\\norder The army zvill advance at reveille to-morrow morn-\\ning, Morgan s corps to keep the heights on the left, and the\\nmain body to march on the great road near the river. I\\ncould not approve of this movement, and the general\\nrequired my objections. I was of opinion that he would\\ncommit himself to the enemy in their strong position. He\\nreplied that they were already on the retreat, and would\\nbe miles ahead of us before morning. I answered, that he", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0070.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 45\\nHe had started on his expedition up the Hudson\\nmost grandly; had attacked and taken Forts Mont-\\ngomery and Clinton, 35 and having removed obstruc\\nhad no assurance of this, and that I had just left their\\nguards on post and went on to observe, that, with sub-\\nmission, I conceived we ought to reconnoiter before the\\narmy marched because, should we, contrary to his calcula-\\ntion, explore our way through a dense fog, and fall in with\\nthe enemy posted behind their intrenchments, the conse-\\nquences might be destructive. These observations ap-\\npeared to have weight with the general, -and he ordered me\\nto rise early to attend to the movement, and report to him\\nbut he would not give up the opinion that the enemy had\\nretreated, and observed, it was natural that they should\\nsacrifice guards to conceal their movements. Wilkinson was\\nup, and riding to the front, found Morgan already on the move,\\nand that he had been fired upon by a picket. He hastened\\nto Gates, and was instructed to order Patterson and Learned\\nto support Morgan. Just then he says, the order came\\nfrom Gates That the troops must immediately cross the\\ncreek, or return to their camp. I felt the critical import-\\nance of the movement we were making in the dark, for the\\nfog still continued I feared the consequences, trembled for\\nmy general, and was vexed at his absence. In this tumult\\nof the passions, I returned an hasty answer: Tell the gen-\\neral that his own fame and the interests of the cause are at\\nhazard that his presence is necessary with the troops.\\nThey had reached the creek, when he continues Our horses\\nhad halted to drink, and, in leaning down on the neck of\\nmy own, I cast my eyes up to the opposite bank, and\\nthrough the fog discerned a party of men in motion. This\\nled to the discovery that the British army was awaiting them\\nwith its artillery ready to pour destruction into their ranks.\\nThe discovery was however made in time to prevent the\\nadvancing troops from being caught in the dangerous trap\\nwhich the British general had set for them. Vide Memoirs\\nof My Own Times, vol. i, pp. 285-289.\\nForts Clinton and Montgomery were placed on contigu-\\nous heights, the former one hundred and eighty feet above", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0071.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "46 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\ntions, had apparently opened a path to Albany but\\nafter burning Kingston and sacking a few of the\\nstately mansions near the river, he quietly returned to\\nNew York leaving Burgoyne to his fate. The position\\nof that general was now desperate, his army being\\nconstantly under fire on its flanks, in front and rear.\\nHe was even cut off from a supply of water although\\nso near the river, as the sharpshooters prevented\\nhis soldiers from getting any by day or night. A\\ncouncil was now called and five propositions laid\\nbefore it. General Riedesel advised the adoption of\\nthe fourth, which was to leave the artillery and bag-\\ngage, and following the west side of the Hudson, to\\ncross the river four miles above Fort Edward,then gar-\\nrisoned by the Americans, and to continue the retreat\\nto Ticonderoga leaving Lake George to the right.\\nBurgoyne adopted the proposal of Riedesel, which\\nwas a wise one had the way then been open, and he\\nhad every thing made ready for the march, when\\nhe learned by scouts that the Americans were\\nintrenched opposite the ford which he would have to\\ncross, and that parties were posted along the shore\\nthe river, and were constructed in 1775-6. Fort Montgom-\\nery was large enough to accommodate eight hundred, and\\nClinton four hundred men, and both were built of stones and\\nearth. Below them the river was obstructed by a strong\\nboom and massive iron chain, the latter eighteen hundred\\nfeet in length, buoyed by spars and timber rafts. These\\nobstructions were the result of a recommendation in a re-\\nport of a commission to Congress, of which General Knox\\nof Maine was one.", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0072.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "l jor Genfiralmttie Anny of tlieTImted StatBS.afia-fiiB On^mal Famtiiig l)r Siuart,", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0075.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0076.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Car let on and Burgoyne. 47\\nto watch his every movement. Worn out, without\\nfood or shelter, what could be done A night of\\nsuffering and suspense fell upon the devoted army,\\nand under the cover of the darkness, the Americans\\ncrossed the river and completely blocked the way\\nbefore him.\\nSeeing that all hope was gone, on the 13th, he\\nagain called a council of his generals, who unani-\\nmously decided to at once open a treaty with\\nGeneral Gates for a surrender. Even while they\\ndeliberated, their tent was perforated with rifle\\nballs, and an eighteen-pound shot swept across the\\ntable at which they were seated. On the 14th,\\nBurgoyne sent Lieutenant-Colonel Kingston to\\nthe camp of Gates with a proposal for a cessation\\nof arms pending negotiations for a surrender. This\\nwas acceded to, and on the 15th articles of con-\\nvention, as Burgoyne desired to call them, were finally\\nagreed to. These articles were to receive his sig-\\nnature on the morning of the i6th, when news reached\\nhim of the taking of the forts on the Hudson by\\nClinton, and of the probability of his presence there\\nat this time with his forces. He at once called a\\ncouncil of his officers to see if he could get their sup-\\nport in breaking the agreement with Gates. They\\ndecided that he could not do so with honor. How-\\never, he resorted to a pretext, and sent word to Gates\\nthat he could not sign the articles unless convinced\\nthat the American army outnumbered his own by at\\nleast three or four to one, as he had heard that he", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0077.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "48 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nhad sent a part of his army to Albany during the\\nnegotiations, which was contrary to good faith.\\nThis Gates denied and asserted on his honor that his\\narmy had not been divided in order to reHeve Albany,\\nand was even stronger than when negotiations were\\nentered into. He moreover drew up his army in order\\nof battle on the dawn of the 17th, and gave Bur-\\ngoyne to understand that he must sign the articles\\nof convention or prepare for battle. His generals\\nurging him, Burgoyne at nine o clock on the 17th of\\nOctober, finally placed his reluctant signature to the\\nimportant paper, which placed his army as prisoners\\nin the power of a lately despised foe. At eleven\\no clock, the splendid army which had left Canada a\\nfew months before, now shattered and disheartened,\\nlaid down its arms and prepared for its sad march to\\nBoston where it was to embark for England. Bur-\\ngoyne in full court dress upon which he had bestowed\\ngreat care, was presented to Gates, who was dressed\\nin a plain blue overcoat, and after the introduction,\\nthe captive generals proceeded to the head-quarters\\nof Gates, where they were received by the American\\ngenerals with proper courtesy. Riedesel immediately\\nsent for his brave and lovely wife, his constant com-\\npanion in so many trying scenes, who came at once\\nwith their children and was taken charge of by General\\nSchuyler, who arranged every thing possible for the\\ncomfort of herself and helpless charge. The English\\nand German generals dined in the tent of Gates\\ncompliments were passed and healths drunken in", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0078.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 49\\nstrange contrast to the scenes of a short time before.\\nAs the dinner ended, the captive army began its\\nmarch to Boston, while Burgoyne in the presence of\\nthe two armies drew his sword and presented it to\\nGates, who receiving it with a courteous salute,\\nreturned it immediately to his vanquished foe, who\\nthus closed the third act in his picturesque but tragic\\ndrama. 3^\\nBut another act must be added, and one fraught\\nwith momentous interest to Burgoyne. By the\\narticles of convention which he had Just signed, he\\nand his troops were to embark at Boston on trans-\\nports to be sent there by his government. This was\\na convenient port for the captive army to reach, and\\nit probably did not occur to either Burgoyne or Gates\\nthat it could be other than a convenient one for\\nembarkation. Had Burgoyne objected to it. Gates\\nwould probably have yielded to his views, as he had\\nbecome alarmed at the information which had reached\\nhim of Clinton s progress up the Hudson, and desired\\nto bring the negotiations to a speedy conclusion.\\nWe shall see that in selecting Boston as his port\\nof embarkation, Burgoyne was most unfortunate.\\nAfter a tedious march, his troops divided into two\\ncolumns under guard of a force of Americans reached\\nBoston on November the sixth, where they were quar-\\ntered in barracks the Germans on Winter, and the\\nVide Journal of Occurrences during the Late American\\nWar, etc. (Lamb), Dublin, 1809, p. 167; A State of the\\nExpedition, etc., Appendix XV.\\n7", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0079.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "50 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nBritish on Prospect Hill, while quarters were provided\\nfor the officers in Cambridge and adjoining towns.\\nWilkinson was dispatched by Gates to convey the\\ngood news of the surrender and the articles of con-\\nvention to Congress, but was delayed on the way by\\nillness, and the news arrived some time before he was\\nable to present them in person.^^ He found that copies\\nof the articles had already preceded him, and that a\\nvariety of opinions prevailed respecting them, Gates\\nbeing openly blamed for the too liberal concessions\\nwhich had been granted to a foe, who it was claimed,\\nwas wholly in his power indeed, Wilkinson found it\\nnecessary to defend the action of his chief, by show-\\ning that he had been obliged to concede many points\\nunder the pressure of Clinton s advance, which at the\\ntime was threatening. Washington had received\\nnews of the surrender, but not from Gates, who only\\nmentioned it to him incidentally in a letter more than\\ntwo weeks after the fact,^^ and he at once saw that if\\n^Wide A State of the Expedition, Appendix XV, XVII.\\nLord Mahon remarking upon this inexcusable slight of\\nWashington says, that he evinced his usual magnanimity.\\nHe felt, he could but feel, the slights put upon him at\\nthis period, both by his superiors and by his subordinate,\\nby the Congress and by General Gates. But he allowed no\\nword of unworthy complaint to fall from him. His letter\\nto Gates was characteristic. He congratulated him in\\nfrank and generous terms, but in closing alluded to the un-\\nworthy act of his subordinate in the following manly words\\nAt the same time, I cannot but regret that a matter of\\nsuch magnitude, and so interesting to our general operations,\\nshould have reached me by report only, or through the chan-\\nnel of letters not bearing that authenticity which the im-", "height": "3285", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0080.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 51\\nthe captive troops were enabled to embark so as to\\nreach England during the winter, nothing in the\\nconvention would prevent the British government\\nfrom assigning them to garrison duty, thereby reliev-\\ning a corresponding number of troops, who might join\\nin the spring campaign against the colonies. He\\npromptly called attention to this fact, and in reply to\\nHeath s urgent request to facilitate their removal\\nas soon as possible,^ on account of the great\\nportance of it required, and which it would have received\\nby a line under your signature stating the simple fact.\\nAnd subsequently to a friend he wrote It is to be hoped\\nthat all will yet end well. If the cause is advanced, it is\\nindifferent to me where or in what quarter it happens.\\nShortly after, LaFayette wrote him alluding to the effort\\nwhich Gates was making to supplant him. When I was in\\nEurope, I thought that here almost every man was a lover of\\nliberty. You can conceive my astonishment when I saw\\nthat Toryism was as apparently professed as Whigism itself.\\nThere are open dissensions in Congress parties who hate\\none another as much as the common enemy men who,\\nwithout knowing any thing about war, undertake to judge\\nyou and to make ridiculous comparisons. They are infatu-\\nated with Gates, without thinking of the difference of cir-\\ncumstances, and believe that attacking is the only thing\\nnecessary to conquer. Fortunately for the cause, the ani-\\nmus of Washington s enemies became apparent and their\\nschemes came to nought. Vide History of England by Lord\\nMahon, London, 1858, vol. 6, p. 193 Sparks Life of Wash-\\nington, vol. 5, p. 124 et seq.; Letter to Patrick Henry, ibid.^\\np. 147 Marquis de LaFayette, to Washington, Dec. 30, 1777.\\nWashington s exact words are as follows As you have\\nwrote to Congress respecting the difficulty of supplying the\\nprisoners of General Burgoyne s army with quarters, fuel\\nand provisions, I imagine they will give proper directions in\\nthe matter. I do not think it to our interest to expedite", "height": "3287", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0081.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "52 The Campaig7is of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nburden which they would be to the distressed inhab-\\nitants of Boston, he reminded him that it would be\\nimpolitic to hasten their departure, going so far\\nindeed as to advise that they should not be furnished\\nwith, nor allowed to purchase provisions in the\\ncountry for their voyage home. He also suggested\\nthat Burgoyne would probably apply to have the\\nplace of embarkation changed to a port farther south,\\nas the transports would hardly be able to make the\\nport of Boston so late in the season, but this, he\\nsaid, could not be asked as a matter of right, since\\nthe passage of the prisoners to England for you may de-\\npend upon it that they will, immediately upon their arrival\\nthere, throw them into different garrisons, and bring out an\\nequal number. Now, if they sail in December, they may\\narrive time enough to take the places of others who may be\\nout in May, which is as early as a campaign can be well en-\\ntered upon. I look upon it that their principal difficulty\\nwill arise from the want of provisions for the voyage and,\\ntherefore, although I would supply them with every article\\nagreeable to stipulation, I would not furnish an ounce for sea\\nstore, nor suffer it to be purchased in the country. In con-\\nsidering this last clause in Washington s letter, one should\\nbear in mind the great scarcity of provisions then prevail-\\ning in the country indeed, the question of the subsistence\\nof his own troops was one which caused him constant anx-\\niety. In this same letter he says: The present state of\\nthe commissary s department gives me great uneasiness, and\\nsomewhat later, the state of the commissary s department\\nhas given me more concern of late than any thing else.\\nUnless matters in that line are speedily taken up and put in\\na better train, the most alarming consequences are to be ap-\\nprehended. Moreover, it was but proper that provisions\\nfor the sea voyage should be furnished from the magazines\\nof General Howe. Vide Washington s Letters to Heath,\\nPart I, pp. 77-79.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0082.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 53\\nBoston was the only port agreed upon, and should not\\nbe granted as a favor, since it would prove of dis-\\nadvantage to the American cause/\u00c2\u00b0 This view of the\\ncase was also communicated to Congress, and served\\nas the key-note to all its subsequent action in the\\npremises.\\nApplication was made to change the place of\\nembarkation to Newport, but permission was not\\ngranted.\\nOccasions soon arose to complicate affairs. It\\nhad been stipulated that subsistence should be sup-\\nplied to Burgoyne s men at the same cost as to\\nthe American troops in the vicinity. One dollar\\nin specie was at this time equivalent to about\\nthree dollars in continental currency, yet Congress\\ngave orders that General Heath should demand\\npayment in specie. This would have been well\\nenough if the price had been estimated at the\\nspecie value, but naturally, values were adjusted\\nto the currency of the country. The question\\nwas too simple it would seem for discussion,\\nsince it depended wholly upon a fact, namely,\\nwhether prices were calculated at the currency value\\nor not and yet Burgoyne whose expenses were\\n$20,000 a week, was asked to pay for his supplies a\\nsum in gold, which changed into the currency of\\nthe country would purchase nearly three times the\\nquantity which he received. This was certainly un-\\n^Vide Sparks Life of Washington, vol. 5, pp. 144, 147.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0083.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "54 The Campaigns of Carle ion and Burgoyne.\\nfair, and cannot be adjusted to any system of ethics\\nwith which we are conversant. It is but just how-\\never to Washington to say, that he protested\\nagainst this exaction, which he said would destroy\\nthe idea of a cartel. Another question was raised\\nwhich was reasonable and sufficient. Burgoyne was\\nin arrears for his supplies, since it was no easy mat-\\nter at this time to get remittances from England,\\nand he was given to understand that he would not\\nbe permitted to embark until all indebtedness was\\ncanceled, by an actual deposit of the money. All\\nthese obstructions to his plans caused him anxiety\\nand awakened indigfuation which he did not hesitate\\nto express. Various annoyances arose. Descrip-\\ntive lists of his officers and men were demanded,\\nthat a proper record might be made for future use,\\na demand which he denominated an insult to his\\nnation, but finally acceded to. An inquiry was also\\ninstituted relative to the colors of the regiments,\\nthe military chest, etc., which were not found in\\nthe return by General Gates of property delivered\\nhim by Burgoyne in accordance with the articles of\\nconvention. This was a proper inquiry, and it\\nwas resolved fairly enough, that the embarkation\\nwas not to be delayed on account of it. The\\ninquiry was directed to Gates, who replied that the\\ncustom during the last war had been for the mili-\\n*^Vide Sparks Life of Washington, vol. 5, p. 307.\\n^^Vide Washington s Letter to Congress, Dec. 14, 1777, in\\nSparks Life, vol. 5, p. 187.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0084.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 55\\ntary chest to be kept in some secure town by\\nthe paymaster-general, upon whom warrants were\\ngranted, and that from the best accounts, the enemy s\\narmy had been lately cleared off so that it is not prob-\\nable there was any military chest. With respect\\nto the colors, he affirmed that General Burgoyne\\ndeclared upon his honor, that his regimental colors\\nwere left in Canada. These last inquiries arose from\\nsuspicions that the convention had not been strictly\\ncomplied with on the part of General Burgoyne,\\nagreeable to its true spirit, and the intention of the\\ncontracting parties. We shall see that these sus-\\npicions had a basis in fact. Indeed, General Wilkin-\\nson intimates that Gates was cognizant of this in\\nspite of his reply to Congress, as he wished to\\nshield himself from blame as far as possible, on\\naccount of his loose dealing in the matter. Madame\\nRiedesel states in her journal, that the colors of the\\nGerman regiments were secreted in her bed, and\\nwere afterward sent in the mattress of an officer to\\nHalifax where her husband subsequently found\\nthem.^5 Of the English colors, it is not to be\\nsupposed that they were left in Canada. The\\ncolors of the Sixty-second regiment were on the\\nfield on the 19th of September, and we have an\\n^Wide Journals of Congress, Jan. 8, 1778, p. 42.\\n^^Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 303 et seq.\\n^jF/^^ Letters and Journals of Madame Riedesel, Albany\\n1869 (Stone), p. 143 et seq.\\n^^Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 304.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0085.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "56 The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne.\\ninteresting account of the colors of the Ninth,\\nwhich were concealed in the baggage of Lieu-\\ntenant-Colonel Hill, and were by him presented to\\nthe king upon his return home/^ How Burgoyne\\ncould have stated that they were left in Canada is\\ninexplicable. Had this concealment of the colors\\nbeen known at the time, it would have afforded\\ngood ground for Congress to declare the convention\\nbroken as it was, it had no proof whatever of the\\nmatter, and it was doubtless believed that they had\\nbeen burnt by those having them in custody, that\\nthey might not become trophies to the enemy\\nhence, the matter of these inquiries relative to\\nthe concealment of property, which rightfully should\\nhave been delivered to Gates at the surrender,\\nafforded no ground whatever for Congress to\\ndetain the convention prisoners. Doubtless an\\nimpression prevailed in this season of exaggerated\\nsentiment, when suspicion, jealousy and prejudice\\nnecessarily held sway, that if the convention pris-\\noners were allowed to return to England, they\\nwould break their paroles and re-enter the service\\nagainst the colonies, an impression which was unrea-\\nsonable and unworthy of indulgence. We know,\\nthat even Congress did not hesitate to openly charge\\nformer frauds in the conduct of our enemies, which\\ncaused Burgoyne to declare his consternation in\\nfinding the British honor in treaties impeached.\\nVide Historical Record of the Ninth Foot (Cannon),\\np. 32 et seq.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0086.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 57\\nEvery utterance of the British general was carefully\\nscanned, and a letter which he wrote to General\\nGates served to strengthen the impression spoken\\nof. In this letter, dated November 14th, complaining\\nof the quarters which had been assigned to his troops\\nand which were undoubtedly quite unfit for them, he\\nused these words While I state to you, sir, this\\nvery unexpected treatment, I entirely acquit M. Gen.\\nHeath and every gentleman of the military depart-\\nment of any inattention to the publick faith engaged in\\nthe convention. They do what they can, but while the\\nsupreme powers of the State are unable or unwilling to\\nenforce their authority, and the inhabitants want the\\nhospitality or indeed the common civilization to assist\\nus without it, the publick faith is broke and we are\\nthe immediate sufferers. These words, the publick\\n**Fz(a? ^Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne and the Conven-\\ntion of Saratoga, p. 35, by Charles Deane, LL. D., Worces-\\nter, 1878, to which the reader is referred for an able state-\\nment of the subject. The connection of Gates with the\\nefforts being made to evade the obligations of the conven-\\ntion has not heretofore been especially noticed. While his\\nposition, being a party to the compact, rendered it proper\\nthat he should at least remain neutral, we find that he was\\nactive in suggesting pretexts for an evasion of that compact.\\nA letter of his to General Washington under date of No-\\nvember 23d, has been published, in which he says: If Gen-\\neral Burgoyne has any sinister design, what I suggested to\\nCongress in my letter of the loth instant, a copy of which\\nI conclude your excellency has received, will be a good\\nmethod of delaying, if not final preventing, the execution\\nof his project. The letter of the loth of November here\\nalluded to, though often sought for without success, was re-\\ncently placed in my hands by the kindness of Mr. A. R.\\n8", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0087.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "58 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nfaith is broke were immediately caught up as a notice\\nfrom Burgoyne that he considered the terms of the\\nconvention broken, and although he denied any such\\nintention, and even offered to re affirm them by the\\nsignatures of his officers if desired so to do, he was not\\nlistened to, but Congress resolved that these words\\nindicated his intention and afforded just grounds of\\nfear, that he would avail himself of such pretended\\nbreach of the convention, in order to disengage him-\\nself and the army under him of the obligations they\\nare under to these United States and that the\\nsecurity which these States have had in his personal\\nhonor is hereby destroyed, and they further resolved\\nto suspend the embarkation till a distinct and\\nexplicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga\\nshall be properly notified by the Court of Great\\nBritain. This requirement. Congress must have\\nSpofford, the Hbrarian of Congress, and by it we see what\\nGeneral Gates considered a good method of delaying, if\\nnot final preventing the fulfillment of the terms of the con-\\nvention. He says It has occurr d to me, that should Sir\\nWilliam Howe still Obstinately refuse to settle an equitable\\nCartel, for the Exchange of Prisoners, that Congress would\\nbe Justified, in Ordering the fulfiling the Convention of Sar-\\natoga to be delayed, until the United States received Justice\\nin that particular. At any rate, there will be very few of\\nGenl. Burgoyne s soldiers to Embark, as most of the Ger-\\nmans, and a great many of the British, have deserted upon\\ntheir march towards Boston, and numbers more will yet\\nDesert. This letter was directed to the president of Con-\\ngress, and the original is in the State department at Wash-\\nington.\\nVide Journal of Congress, Jan. 8, 1777, p. 43.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0088.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 59\\nknown the British government could not comply\\nwith. For it to have ratified the convention formally\\nwould have been to recognize the colonies as bel-\\nligerents, which was tantamount to a recognition of\\ntheir independence; yet Sir Henry Clinton went so\\nfar as to offer by authority of the crown, a renewal\\nof all the obligations of the convention, an offer\\nwhich was not accepted. It had evidently been\\ndetermined to detain the captured army as prisoners\\nof war. The severe strain to which Burgoyne had\\nbeen subjected had seriously impaired his health, and\\nhe obtained leave to return to England on parole,\\nagreeing to return whenever Congress demanded it.\\nHe took passage home on the Grampus sloop of war\\nfrom Newport, Rhode Island, on April 20th, 1778,\\nand landed at Portsmouth, England, on May 13th.\\nBefore leaving, he paid in specie a large sum for sup-\\nplies to his troops on their march from Saratoga which\\nGeneral Glover 5\u00c2\u00b0 had advanced in Continental cur-\\nJohn Glover was born in Salem November 5, 1732.\\nWhile a young man, he with three brothers removed to\\nMarblehead, where for a while he practiced his trade of\\nshoemaking but being ambitious to advance his fortunes,\\nhe embarked in mercantile business and became one of the\\nleading merchants of the province. He was early in life\\ninterested in military affairs, and in 1759, was ensign in\\nCaptain Read s company of militia in 1762, a lieutenant in\\nCaptain Orne s company, and in 1773, a captain in Colonel\\ni^ owle s regiment. At the beginning of the war he was made\\ncolonel of a regiment called Glover s Marblehead regiment,\\nthe uniform of which consisted of a blue jacket and trousers\\nadorned with leather buttons. On the 22d of June, 1775, he\\nwas ordered with his regiment to Cambridge. On the ist", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0089.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "6o The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nrency, and in order to avoid the unfair exactions\\nimposed upon him, of paying in specie for suppUes to\\nthe troops left behind, he arranged to repay in kind\\nfor suppHes advanced to them by the American\\ncommander. Provisions were to be shipped from the\\nBritish commissary department on transports, which\\nwere to be allowed to enter Boston and depart from\\nit unmolested. A large sum was left in pledge for the\\nperformance of this contract, and the provisions were\\nregularly shipped for the maintenance of the troops;\\nbut advantage was taken here, and great expense\\nwas incurred in handling and storing the supplies\\nafter their arrival, payment for which was demanded\\nof January, 1776, Glover s regiment was reorganized as the\\nFourteenth Continental regiment, and on the 9th of August,\\njoined Sullivan s brigade at New York. After the battle\\nof Long Island, Glover s regiment of sailors and fisher-\\nmen, succeeded by their skill in transporting the army\\nin vessels and boats safely across the river. This\\nextraordinary retreat, says Washington Irving, which, in\\nsilence and celerity, equaled the midnight fortifying of\\nBunker s Hill, was one of the most signal achievements of\\nthe war, and redounded greatly to the reputation of Wash-\\nington. It may be truly said, that by Glover s efforts the\\narmy was saved from destruction. On the 23d of February,\\n1777, Glover was created a brigadier-general, and in the\\nsucceeding summer sailed with his brigade to reinforce\\nSchuyler at Saratoga. In the arduous service which fol-\\nlowed, Glover s brigade was one of the most efficient, and\\nsuffered severe loss. At the battle of October 7th, Glover\\nhad three horses shot under him. His brigade formed part\\nof Washington s army at Valley Forge, and in June, 1778,\\nGlover assumed command of Fort Arnold near West Point.\\nFrom this time he was in active service until July, 1782,\\nwhen owing to faihng health, the result of exposure and", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0090.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 6i\\nin specie, although General Heath^ paid the expense\\nin currency, of which at this time it took about four\\ndollars to equal the value of one dollar in gold.\\nGeneral Heath called the attention of Congress to\\nthis unfair exaction, but it was promptly resolved to\\ncontinue it so that after all, not much was saved\\nby the British government in this attempt to victual\\nthe convention prisoners. This condition of affairs,\\nhowever, could not continue indefinitely, and find-\\ning that there was no prospect that the American\\nhardship, he retired on half pay. His death took place\\nJanuary 30, 1797. Vide Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolu-\\ntion, New York, 1855, vol. II, pp. 34, 606, 609, 128, et passhn.\\nHistory and Traditions of Marblehead, Boston, 1880, pp.\\n117, et seg., 140-153, 157, et passim.\\nWilliam Heath was born in 1737, in Roxbury, Massa-\\nchusetts, where his ancestors had settled in 1636. He says of\\nhimself that he was of the fifth generation of the family\\nwho have inherited the same real estate (taken up in a state\\nof nature), not large, but fertile and pleasantly situated.\\nFrom youth he says that he procured and studied atten-\\ntively every military treatise in the English language\\nwhich was attainable. In 1770, he was captain of an\\nartillery company, and was a writer under the norn de phiine\\nof A Military Countryman for the Boston Gazette. In\\nthese articles he advocated the study of arms, and in one of\\nthem used these extraordinary words It is more than\\nprobable that the salvation of this country, under heaven,\\nwill sooner or later depend upon a well-regulated militia.\\nHaving been commissioned a captain in the Suffolk regi-\\nment, and subsequently superseded by Hutchinson, he was\\nchosen in 1774, captain of the first company of Roxbury,\\nand the same year colonel of the Suffolk regiment. He was\\na delegate to the Provincial Congresses of 1774 and 1775.\\nIn June of the latter year he was made a provincial major-,\\ngeneral, and in the August following, the Continental Con-", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0091.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "62 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nCongress would allow the convention prisoners\\nto return to England, General Clinton gave notice\\nthat he should cease supplying them with subsist-\\nence, and that they would have to be provided for as\\nwere other prisoners of war. It now being feared\\nthat a rescue might be attempted, they were, in No-\\nvember, 1 778, a year after their capture, compelled to\\ntake up their weary march for Virginia. There, as we\\nknow, they remained until the close of the war.\\nWhether the American government, or rather the\\nAmerican Congress, for this was all the government\\ngress conferred upon him the same rank. He was the only\\ngeneral officer at the famous battle of Lexington, and\\norganized and directed the hardy farmers, who on that occa-\\nsion put the British regulars to flight. Heath commanded\\na division during the siege of Boston, and was at the head\\nof the eastern department in 1777, and subsequently was\\nassigned to a post on the Hudson. He returned to his farm\\nat the close of the war, and was a delegate to the conven-\\ntion which adopted the Federal Constitution in 1788 was a\\nState senator in 1791-92, and judge of probate for Norfolk\\ncounty from 1793 until his death, January 24, 18 14. Eight\\nyears previous to this date he had been chosen lieutenant-\\ngovernor of his native State, an honor which he declined. He\\nwas a great friend of Washington for whom he possessed a\\nremarkable admiration. When Washington parted with\\nhim, he gave him a letter testifying to his faithfulness, and\\nthis letter he valued beyond price. When Brissot de War-\\nville visited him at his farm in 1788, Heath said: This\\nletter is a jewel which, in my eyes, surpasses all the eagles\\nand all the ribbons in the world. Vide Memoirs of Wil-\\nliam Heath, Boston, 1798. The Town of Roxbury, Rox-\\nbury, 1878, pp. 387-390. New Travels in the United States\\nof America, Dublin, 1792 (J. P. Brissot De Warville), p.\\n117. Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. I, pp. 190,\\n566. n, pp. 614 et seq.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0092.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 63\\nthat the United States then possessed, acted justly\\nwith regard to the convention, is left for those who are\\ninterested in the question to judge. We know from\\nthe history of similar assemblies composed of men\\nof various degrees of moral dignity, and in some\\nmeasure relieved from personal responsibility, that\\nquestions possessing elements of a political nature\\nare not apt to receive the same careful treatment,\\nwhich would be bestowed upon them by a judicial\\ntribunal removed from popular influence and feel-\\ning the direct weight of moral responsibility or\\nindeed from an individual occupying a like position\\nhence we ought not to be over surprised at the\\naction of our first Congress in this matter of the\\nSaratoga convention. That convention was entered\\ninto in good faith by the contracting parties, and\\nshould have been justly carried out in letter and\\nIn all great struggles in which imperfect men engage,\\nthere are those who ally themselves to the cause of\\nright, and who acquit themselves valiantly, yet are domi-\\nnated in all they undertake by selfishness. It was so\\nin our great struggle for freedom, and it is painful to con-\\ntemplate the fact, that many of the men who donned the\\nspotless armor of patriotism and won thereby the admira-\\ntion of their fellows, were self-seekers in the worst sense of\\nthe term. Even Washington justly used the following terms\\nin speaking of some of his contemporaries, who were appar-\\nently ardent supporters of the noble cause for which he and\\na few other pure patriots like himself were willing to sacri-\\nfice their lives and all they held dear. Such a dearth of\\npublic [spirit] and want of virtue such stock-jobbing and\\nfertility in all the low arts to obtain advantages of some\\nkind or another in this great charge of military management,\\nI never saw before, and pray God I may never be witness to", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0093.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "64 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nspirit by the American Congress. It seems to have\\nfailed from considerations of policy so to act, just as\\nany similarly composed body of men in any other\\nportion of the globe might at that time have failed\\nto act, and while we may not excuse, we may per-\\nhaps in some measure mitigate our chagrin with this\\nconsideration, though we should have rejoiced had\\nit taken higher ground than any other government\\nin the world would have been likely to take at that\\nperiod. Burgoyne sailed for home, feeling keenly the\\ninjustice which he deemed had been practiced upon\\nhim by the American government but if that gov-\\nernment treated him unjustly, his own subsequently\\ntreated him with still greater injustice.\\nThe disaster to Burgoyne s army had not been\\nunexpected in England. When the rumor of\\nHowe s erratic expedition against Philadelphia and\\napparent abandonment of the plan of co-operation\\nwith Burgoyne reached England, several weeks before\\nthe latter s surrender, although the public mind was in\\na state of elation at his success at Ticonderoga, it\\nwas thrown into consternation, and predictions of\\ndefeat were in the air. Even Germaine admitted to\\none of his noble friends, that Howe had ruined his\\nplans by not operating in conjunction with Bur-\\ngoyne, and the ministers hastened to send orders to\\nagain. Letter of Washington to Joseph Reed, February\\n10, 1776. Happily for the cause of human progress, there\\nwas after all enough of public spirit and virtue to overbal-\\nance the self-seeking and vicious spirit which prevailed, and\\nthe right triumphed, as it ever must triumph, in the long run.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0094.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Btirgoyne. 65\\nthe latter not to attempt to advance beyond Albany\\nuntil he could bring about concerted action with\\nHowe. So much apprehension respecting Bur-\\ngoyne s position was felt in London, that a states-\\nman of the day, in a letter to a friend as early as\\nNovember 2d, said I believe it is also true\\nthat a very great man said within these few days,\\nthat he expected accounts of a general defeat very\\nsoon, and Chatham, two weeks before the news\\nreached England, spoke of the sufferings, perhaps\\nthe total loss of the northern army. Tidings of\\nthe disaster reached England on the 2d of Decem-\\nber, and on the next day Colonel Barre called upon\\nGermaine, to declare upon his honour what was be-\\ncome of General Burgoyne and his troops. Lord\\nNorth admitted, in reply, that very disastrous infor-\\nmation had reached him from Canada. A fierce\\noutburst against the ministry followed. Motions\\nwere made in both houses of Parliament for papers.\\nThey were, however, successfully resisted on the\\nground that no official information had been re-\\nceived, and the ministry succeeded in adjourning\\nParliament. Said Shelburne, talk to them about\\ntruth. Like Pilate they waived the question and\\nadjourned the court. Burgoyne s dispatches an-\\nnouncing his surrender reached the ministry on the\\n1 2th, and excited the ridicule of his enemies by its\\n^^The Duke of Richmond to Lord Rockingham.\\nVide Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, London, 1876\\nvol. Ill, p. loet seq.\\n9", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0095.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "66 The Campaigns of Car let on and Burgoyne.\\nsonorous character, although the passage most ridi-\\nculed was strictly true. This was to the effect that\\nhe had dictated the terms of surrender. The\\nnews of the disaster fired the popular spirit, and\\nsubscriptions were at once started throughout the\\nkingdom to raise and equip regiments. The min-\\nistry was bitterly assailed, and especially Germaine,\\nwho resorted to every means in his power to shield\\nhimself by throwing the responsibility of the dis-\\naster upon Burgoyne. Germaine himself was sug-\\ngestively reticent but his friends and supporters\\nwere alert and blatant. This was the condition of\\naffairs which Burgoyne, broken in health and spirits,\\nmet upon reaching London. Apparently without\\nrealizing the situation, he at once waited upon Ger-\\nmaine, who received him with marks of friendship\\nand drew upon his confidence, thus gaining facts\\nof importance. It was agreed between them to\\narrange an inquiry, an order for which had al-\\nready been prepared and was then in the pocket\\nof Germaine. At this juncture, Burgoyne discov-\\nered that he was to submit to the etiquette of\\nnot appearing at court, by which means he was\\nto be kept from seeing the king^^ and impressing\\n55\\nThe style charmed every reader but he had better\\nhave beaten the enemy and misspelt every word of his dis-\\npatch, for so, probably, the great Duke of Marlborough\\nwould have done, both by one and the other. Mrs. Inch-\\nbald in Preface to the Heiress.\\nVide a letter from Lieutenant-General Burgoyne to his\\nconstituents upon his late resignation, etc., London, 1779.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0096.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "The CaTnpaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 67\\nhim with a knowledge of the true state of the case.\\nThis, Burgoyne, whose eyes were now open to the\\nartifice of the minister, refused to accede to, and\\nan open war between him and Germaine followed.\\nBurgoyne demanded a court-martial, which was\\ndenied him on the ground that he was then a\\nprisoner of war, a novel position to assume but one\\nnot without plausible features, and he then decided\\nto appeal to the country. Upon claiming his seat\\nin the Commons, to which he was entitled as the\\nrepresentative of Preston, he was met with the objec-\\ntion which had before proved potent, that he was a\\nprisoner of war, and therefore not entitled to a seat\\nin Parliament but happily this objection failed to\\nbe sustained, and on the 21st day of May he took\\nhis seat and asked for an investigation of his con-\\no\\nduct. A day was assigned for him to make his\\nstatement, which was to the effect that no discre-\\ntionary powers had been granted to him by the min-\\nistry in carrying out his instructions but that they\\nwere positive, peremptory and indispensable.\\nBurgoyne seconded a motion to inquire into his con-\\nduct of the campaign, but Germaine, who dreaded\\nan investigation, succeeded in defeating the motion.\\nThis unfair treatment gained him friends and re-\\nvived the popular interest in him, and his opponents\\nbecoming alarmed, it was determined to get him out of\\nthe way hence the king was persuaded to order\\nhim back to America as a prisoner of war, although\\nno demand had been made for his return by the", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0097.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "68 The Campaigns of Carleton aud Burgoyne.\\nAmerican government. This was an extraordinary\\nproceeding and revealed the desperate straits to\\nwhich the ministry was reduced. Against this injus-\\ntice Burgoyne remonstrated so forcibly, that the\\nking was compelled to suspend his order, and the\\npersecuted general proceeded to publish an address\\nto his constituents on the conduct of the campaign\\nin America, which brought to the attention of the\\nEnglish people, for the first time, the full history of\\nthe matters at issue at the same time he applied\\nhimself assiduously to obtain a ratification of the Sar-\\natoga convention, that his captive army might be\\nliberated. To counteract the influence of his state-\\nments, which were gaining him many adherents, he\\nwas vilified and abused by his opponents without\\nstint. He was accused of employing savages and\\nsanctioning their barbarities of artfully supplanting\\nCarleton, and maliciously destroying property on his\\nmarch toward Albany, all of which charges he fairly\\nrefuted at the first opportunity. At the next ses-\\nsion of Parliament, Burgoyne renewed his efforts to\\nobtain a vindication of his conduct, openly charging\\nthe ministry with double dealing,^^ and he so far suc-\\n^^In a letter to the war office, June 5, 1779, he asserted\\nthat his health was such that to expose his constitution to\\nanother American winter would, in all probability, doom\\nhim to the grave. Vide ibid., pp. 22, 26.\\nVide Speech on a Motion made by Mr. Vyner in the\\nParliament, May 26, 1778.\\nVide Speech on the Review of the Evidence in the\\nHouse of Commons also. Speech of December 14, and\\nApril 22, 1779.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0098.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 69\\nceeded as to gain permission to present his case,\\nwhich he prepared most elaborately, supporting\\nhis position in a convincing manner by documentary\\nevidence and the testimony of Sir Guy Carleton\\nand officers in his command but the ministry\\nbecoming alarmed at the damaging nature of his\\nrevelations, brought matters to a summary con-\\nclusion by a sudden prorogation of Parliament, and\\nhe again received the royal command to return to\\nAmerica. This he refused to do, and resigned all his\\nvaluable appointments except that of lieutenant-\\ngeneral. He was stranded, but not disheartened\\nfor he put the printing press into requisition, and\\nunder the title of the State of the Expedition from\\nCanada, a book which he dedicated to his captive\\narmy, he presented to justice-loving Englishmen a full\\naccount of the proceedings. In vain was he assailed\\nby anonymous pamphlets, one of which was attrib-\\nuted to Germaine the sentiment of unprejudiced\\nThis pamphlet is entitled A Reply to Lieutenant-Gen-\\neral Burgoyne s Letter to his Constituents, and bears for a\\nmotto the words, Expende HamiibaleniJ It strikes at the\\noutset the key-note of Germaine s attempt to get him out of\\nthe way. Men of honour, it says, were at a loss to com-\\nprehend upon what principle you could justify your absence\\nfrom your captive army, whose calamities they considered it\\nyour duty to share. His bravery and zeal are extolled, and\\nthe cause of difference between him and Germaine pointed\\nout, and his course in defending his conduct and refusing to\\nobey the mandate of the king to return to and give himself\\nup to the Americans, severely criticised. Vide pp. i, 5-7.\\nAnother is entitled An Essay on Modern Martyrs, and is\\nconceived in a harsher spirit of censure. The writer most", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0099.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "70 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nmen was in his favor, and the incapacity of Ger-\\nmaine became so conspicuous, that he was obHged,\\nupon the surrender of Cornwallis, to retire from\\noffice, though his influence with the king was so\\ngreat that he effected his retirement under the cover\\nof a peerage. Burgoyne was in some measure\\ncompensated for his almost unexampled trials, but\\nas a popular idol was never restored to his niche.\\nWhat was often asserted and quite widely believed\\nat the time, that Burgoyne s army was sacrificed to\\na blunder of Germaine, is now known from docu-\\nments left by a contemporary. Germaine, it would\\nappear, was a peculiar man, and one of his peculiar-\\nities was an over-nicety with regard to the clerical\\nwork of his office. He had arrano-ed to take a va-\\ncation in the country, and on the morning of his de-\\nparture, called at his office to examine the orders to\\nBurgoyne and Howe which were to be dispatched\\nupon that day to America. Upon examining Howe s\\norders, he was displeased because they were not\\nfair copied, and angrily ordered them to be re-\\ncopied. He then went into the country and forgot\\nall about the matter. The result was, that Bur-\\nsarcastically criticises Burgoyne s unfortunate use of the word\\ndictated, as applied to the terms of surrender, which he\\nclaimed were of his own dictation, and remarks with much\\nforce It is not probable, therefore, that he (Gates) would\\nhave opposed your wishes, had you (instead of leaving it to\\nhis choice) assigned Quebec as the place of embarkation,\\nby which means you might immediately have conducted the\\nwhole army out of the provinces in rebellion. Vide p. 45.\\n^^Vide Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, vol. I, p. 359.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0100.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton andBurgoyne. 71\\ngoyne s orders were dispatched to him, but Howe s\\nwere pigeon-holed, hence the ruin of the elaborate\\nplan to subjugate the colonies.^ It cannot be de-\\nnied however, that Howe understood the plan of\\nthe campaign. He says in his narrative, On the\\n5th of June I received a copy of the secretary of\\nState s letter to Sir Guy Carleton, dated the 26th of\\nMarch, 1777, wherein he communicates to him the\\nplan of the northern expedition, and adds that he\\nwill write to Sir William Howe by the first packet.\\nIt can only be plead in his defense that he had no\\npositive, peremptory and indispensable orders to\\nco-operate with Burgoyne. This plea he makes\\nfor himself, in the letter under consideration, in\\nthese words I must observe, that this copy of a\\nletter to Sir Guy Carleton, though transmitted to me,\\nwas not accompanied with any instructions whatso-\\never; and that the letter intended to have been\\nwritten to me by the first packet, and which was prob-\\nably to have contained some instructions, was never\\nsent. ^3 That the plan of the campaign was generally\\nunderstood we well know, and moreover that Howe s\\nfailure to co-operate with Burgoyne was a puzzle to\\nWashington. On the 4th of July he wrote General\\nHeath: General Howe evacuated Amboy on Sunday\\nlast. From present appearance, Hudson s river seems\\nto be the object of his attention and on the 19th\\n^Wide ibid., p. 358 seq.\\nWide Narrative of Lieutenant- General Sir William Howe\\nLondon, 1780.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0101.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "72 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nGeneral Howe still lays entirely quiet on board\\nthe fleet at Staten Island. Very few troops remain\\non shore, and the destination [is] a profound secret.\\nWhatever were his intentions before this unlucky\\nblow to the northward, referring to the fall of Ticon-\\nderoga, he certainly ought now, in good policy, to\\nendeavor to co-operate with General Burgoyne. I\\nam so fully of opinion that this will be his plan, that\\nI have advanced the army thus far to support our\\nparty at Peekskill, should the enemy move up the\\nriver. This leads us to inquire into the motives\\nwhich influenced Howe at this juncture, and a careful\\nstudy of the man and his environments may enable\\nus to reach an approximate comprehension of them.\\nHowe, who through an illegitimate source had de-\\nscended from royalty, was a man enervated by patron-\\nage and pampered with flattery such a man as would,\\nupon sufficient occasion, almost unconsciously permit\\nhis amour propre to overrule his amor pair ice.\\nBurgoyne, a man of singularly popular qualities and\\nrapidly rising in public esteem, had been cast for the\\nprincipal part in the drama about to be enacted, was\\nto play the heroic roll, so to speak, and influenced by\\nthat common sentiment of dislike to a subordinate\\npart, a sentiment especially active with men engaged\\nin public affairs Howe was disposed quite naturally\\nto view the scheme of the ministry with languid\\nindifference. Although he knew well what the plan\\n^^Vide Washington s Letters to Heath, Part I, pp. 64, ^6 et\\nseq.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0102.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 73\\nof the ministry was, the blunder of Germaine in not\\ngiving him peremptory orders to enact the part\\nassigned him was a sufficient pretext for him to\\nselect a role more congenial to his tastes, one indeed\\nin which he would enact the part of hero hence his\\nbrilliant, but impracticable scheme of a southern\\ncampaign, the fruit of a confidence rooted in the rank\\nsoil of a hitherto successful experience. This scheme\\nonce conceived, would continue to grow more and\\nmore attractive in his imagination, and to delude him\\nwith visions of a fame to which his ambition yearningly\\nreached nor were the obstacles in the way of success\\nseemingly great. In common with his fellow officers\\nat this^ time, he still under-estimated his opponents\\nand failed to comprehend the character of the war in\\nwhich the British government was engaged hence\\nit is not strange that he should formulate the scheme\\nof a southern campaign, nor that he should pursue it\\nwith confidence. The climax so disastrous to British\\nhopes, and which an eminent writer, classifying it with\\nthe decisive battles of the world,^^ has declared to\\nhave been more fruitful of results than those con-\\nflicts in which hundreds of thousands of men have\\nbeen engaged and tens of thousands have fallen,\\nWide History of England, by Lord Mahon, vol. VI, p\\nf^^\\\\T u^l This war, which rent away\\nthe North American colonies of England, is of all subjects\\nin history the most painful for an Englishman to dwell on\\nIt was conceived and carried on by the British ministry in\\niniquity and folly, and it was concluded in disaster and shame\\nt5ut the contemplation of it cannot be evaded by the his-\\n10\\n4", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0103.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "74 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.\\nwe have witnessed. That Burgoyne was unfairly\\ntreated by his own government cannot now be gain-\\nsaid, nor that hitherto our own people have too\\nlightly regarded his conduct of the campaign from\\nCanada, In estimating- his character we meet with\\ndifficulties, possessing as it does qualities of almost\\nkaleidoscopic variety.\\nWe cannot reconcile the warm terms of friendship\\nwhich he used in addressing Lee, an old companion\\nin arms then in the American service, with the\\nunfriendly epithets of late half-pay major, and\\nincendiary in the king s service major-general and\\ndemagogue in the rebel army, which he applied to\\nthat friend shortly after in correspondence with Lord\\nNorth, when he was anxious to excuse himself for\\nholding communication with a rebel nor his state-\\nments regarding his regimental colors, with what we\\nnow know to be facts nor yet again can we under-\\nstand, how, after the direful disasters which had\\nbefallen his faithful army, at the moment too in\\ntorian, however much it may be abhorred. Nor can any\\nmilitary event be said to have exercised more important in-\\nfluence on the future fortunes of mankind, than the com-\\nplete defeat of Burgoyne s expedition in 1777, a defeat which\\nrescued the revolted colonies from certain subjection, and\\nwhich, by inducing the courts of France and Spain to attack\\nEngland in their behalf, insured the independence of the\\nUnited States and the formation of that trans-Atlantic\\npower which not only America but both Europe and Asia\\nnow see and feel. Vide Fifteen Decisive Battles of the\\nWorld, etc., by Sir Edward Creasy, London, 1873, p. 292.\\n^Vide Political and Military Episodes, etc., London, 1876,\\npp. 169-175.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0104.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "The Campaigns of Car let on and Burgoyne. 75\\nwhich he was to deliver his worn-out and almost\\nheart-broken soldiers into captivity, he could bedeck\\nhimself in the gorgeous habiliments of the court.\\nThese are beyond our comprehension. At the same\\ntime, we must admit that he was a man of noble\\nparts, a scholar, a statesman of no mean ability and\\na thoroughly brave and capable officer. The army\\nwhich he led has probably never been excelled in\\nsoldierly qualities. No one capable of appreciating\\ncharacter can make the individual accquaintance of\\nthe men, both British and German who comprised it,\\nand whose biographies have come down to us, with-\\nout feeling an admiration for and a friendly interest\\nin them. Opinionum commenta delet dies natures\\njudicia conjirmaty", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0105.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0106.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "REGIMENTAL COLOURS,\\n53^ Regiment.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0107.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0108.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "W iiViiiim \u00c2\u00a7icibvi,^s foa^.\\nSOME ACCOUNT\\nTHE AMERICAN WAR\\nBETWEEN\\nGREAT BRITAIN\\nAND HER\\nCOLONIES.\\nWILLIAM DIGBY, Lieutenant 53D Regiment.\\n1776.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0109.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0110.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "PRKFACK.\\nMy chief design in committing the following\\npassages to paper was with a view of hereafter\\nbringing to my memory, (when a dull hour presented\\nitself), some incidents which have happened in the\\ncourse of the Campaigns 1776 and 1777. I have\\nwished to confine such, as much as possible, to the\\npartial eye of a particular friend, one who will\\nmake many allowances for their numerous defects,\\nfrom the degree of friendship subsisting between\\nus. The only merit, (if it can deserve such an\\nappellation), I can claim, is a strict adherence to\\ntruth inserted without exaggeration, and facts set\\ndown plainly as they happened, not but in some\\nplaces oversights may have been committed from\\nthe inattention to which at times all mankind are\\nliable. I cannot pass over mentioning that during\\na campaign, the many requisites for bringing such\\nan undertaking to the smallest degree of perfection\\nare impossible to be attained, even time, one\\nof the first and most necessary ingredients, is often\\nstinted from the frequent calls of duty. It would\\nexceed the bounds I at first prescribed, to enter\\ninto the grand causes which actuate a General in", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0111.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "8o Preface.\\nthe manoeuvres and movements of an army the\\nimpossibility of such an attempt must appear evi-\\ndent to every person from the variety of intelH-\\ngence he must often receive through private chan-\\nnels, together with his orders for acting, neither of\\nwhich could be communicated to every individual\\nfrom the above reasons I have confined myself to\\nsimple occurrences, such as were publicly known to\\nthe army in general, as it would be the greatest pre-\\nsumption in me to insinuate a knowledge of more.\\nAs digressions are often tedious and tiresome, I\\nhave put in as few sentiments of my own as\\npossible, being well assured that in such passages\\nwhere they may be wanting, the reader can supply\\ntheir place more advantageously than I could pre-\\ntend to do. To conclude, I have not attempted to\\napologize or even to enumerate the many faults\\ncontained in the following pages. In place of the\\nformer, I have depended entirely on the friendship\\nalready wished for, mentioning the latter were\\nto doubt the discernment of the reader, who, if he\\ntakes the trouble of venturing on them, will soon,\\nI fear, discover enough to prevent his going through.\\nIf on the .contrary, his good nature induces him to\\nlean lightly on what cannot merit his approbation,\\nand with a friendly eye pass over their numerous\\nunconnected passages put down without regularity\\nor order, he will cause me to feel for their want of\\nmerit only, as they are deficient in affording him\\namusement or entertainment in return.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0112.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "CAMPAIGN OF 1776.\\nBY AN OFFICER IN THE NORTHERN ARMY,\\nUNDER THE COMMAND OF HIS EXCELLENCY\\nGENERAL GUY CARLETON.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0113.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0114.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "FIRST CAMPAIGN,\\n1776.\\n1776 April\\n1 AILED from the Cove of Cork in the\\nWoodcock Transport of 250 tons burthen,\\naccompanied by 43 sail of ship s full of\\ntroops and convoyed by the Caresford and Pearl\\nships of war, supposed to be destined for Quebec\\nin Canada, the troops commanded by Lieu^ Col\u00c2\u00b0\\nFrazier 24 Regiment until their arrival in America,\\n97 Simeon Fraser, says Fonblanque, was born in 1729,\\nhad entered the army at an early age, and attained the\\ncommand of the Twenty-fourth Regiment of Foot before\\nthe war with America broke out, and Colonel Rogers traces\\nthrough many intricacies his advancement in the army as\\nfollows: Lieutenant Seventy-eighth Foot, January 5, 1757;\\ncaptain heutenant, September 27, 1758; captam, April\\n22, 1759; major in the army, March 15, 1761 major m\\nthe Twenty-fourth Foot, February 8, 1762 lieutenant-\\ncolonel, July 14, 1768; brigadier-general, June 10, 1776.\\nHe received the rank of colonel in the army July 22, 1777.\\nHe had fought shoulder to shoulder with New England\\ntroops at Louisbourg and Quebec. He was an officer\\nof great ability and beloved by the entire army. Vide\\nPolitical and Military Episodes, 241 Hadden s Journal\\nand Orderly Books, p. 455-", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0115.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "84 Lieutenant Digby s Journal.\\nwhen Genl Carlton, Governor of Canada, was to\\ntake the command, and, under him, Lieu^ Gen^\\nGuy Carleton was of Irish birth, being born at Strabane,\\nIreland, September 3, 1724. His soldierly qualities brought\\nhim promotion, and in 1757 we find him holding the rank\\nof chief lieutenant in the First Foot. He took part in 1758\\nin the successful siege against Louisbourg, and for his signal\\nservices in that campaign was made lieutenant-colonel of\\nthe Seventy-second Foot. His ability attracted the atten-\\ntion of General Wolfe, who selected him as his quarter-\\nmaster general, and in the great battle on the heights of\\nAbraham he was severely wounded by a musket ball in the\\nhead. On September 24, 1766, he was made lieutenant-\\ngovernor, and October 26, 1768, governor of Quebec. He\\nhad known Montgomery in the French war, and when the\\nlatter invaded Canada, realized that he had no ordinary foe\\nto combat. With all the material at his command, he en-\\ndeavored to hold back the enthusiastic invaders, but with-\\nout success, and barely escaped capture at Trois Rivieres,\\nwhich he left in disguise just as the victorious Montgomery\\nentered the town. Carleton did not remain in America\\nthrough the war, but returned to England, July 29, 1778,\\nwhere he was warmly received. In the spring of 1782 he\\nsuperseded Sir Henry Clinton as commander-in-chief of the\\nforces in America, and won much popularity by his liberal\\nand just administration of the affairs of his department. A\\nrecent historian thus speaks of him By his tenderness\\nand humanity, he gained the affection of those Americans\\nwho fell into his hands. His conduct in this respect affords\\na striking and happy contrast to that of nearly all the Brit-\\nish officers who served in this country during the Revolu-\\ntion. While we are glad to admit that he showed great\\nkindness to the prisoners who fell into his hands, we must\\nremember The Cedars and his reply to Washington s request\\nfor an exchange of prisoners, accompanied by a copy of the\\nDeclaration of Independence. While he was not responsi-\\nble for the barbarity committed upon our soldiers at The\\nCedars, this reply suggests the spirit which inspired his\\nsubordinate in that affair. In the reply alluded to occur the\\nfollowing indecent words", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0116.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 85\\nBurgoyne. We soon lost sight of Ireland, having\\na fair wind. We had on board two companies\\nHis Excellency General Carlton orders that\\nThe commanding Officers of Corps will take especial care\\nthat every one under their command be informed, that Letters,\\nor messages from Rebels, Traitors in Arms against the King,\\nRioters, disturbers of the public Peace, Plunderers, Robbers,\\nAssassins, or Murderers, are on no occasion to be admitted\\nThat shou d emmissaries from such lawless Men again presume\\nto approach the Army, whether under the name of Flag of\\nTruce Men or Ambassadors except when they come to im-\\nplore the King s mercy, their persons shall be immediately\\nseized and committed to close confinement to be proceeded\\nagainst as the Law directs: Their Papers Letters, for\\nwhomsoever directed (even this Com r in Chief) are to be\\ndeliver d to the Provost Martial, that unread and unopen d\\nthey maybe burned by the hands of the common Hangman.\\nThese are not the words of a philanthropist or even\\nof a calm and generous mind, but rather those of a\\ntyrant, who, if he possessed the power, would use it most\\ncruelly. We know what Garneau says of his treatment\\nof the Canadians after his return from the campaign of\\n76, namely, that he sent detachments to pick up strag-\\ngling enemies, arrest colonists who had joined the Ameri-\\ncans and fire their houses for the British, who spared\\nfrom destruction the property of insurgents in the Anglo-\\nAmerican colonies, followed their ancient practice with\\nrespect to Canada and its foreign-derived race. As in 1759,\\nthey now marched torch in hand. We know how Washing-\\nton received this intemperate reply. He simply said, with\\ncalmness and dignity, to Hancock I shall not trouble\\nCongress with my strictures upon this performance so\\nhighly unbecoming the character of a soldier and a gentle-\\nman. This was all the notice he took of the matter. In\\na note referring to this extraordinary reply of General\\nCarleton, Sparks seems almost inclined to doubt its genuine-\\nness, but the recent publication of Hadden s Journal sets\\nthe matter at rest, as the document is there published in", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0117.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "86 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nof the 53 Regiment, Major, Earl of Balcarres^^\\nand the Grenadiers to whom I had the honour\\nfull. Carleton was, at the time of penning it, laboring under\\ngreat excitement caused by the shooting of General Gordon\\nby the scout, Whitcomb, a most cruel act, but no more\\ncruel than others which were perpetrated by individuals on\\nboth sides, for which neither government was responsible.\\nCarleton seems to have felt ashamed of this performance\\nhimself, for, perhaps feeling its effect upon his troops in\\nexciting them to unnecessary cruelty, he issued soon after\\nan order admonishing them not to return evil for evil, nor\\nto forget that the Englishman, always brave, is accus-\\ntomed to act magnanimously and philanthropically, and\\nthat it behooved the troops of the king to spare the blood\\nof his subjects. On account of his services in America, he\\nwas created Baron of Dorchester, August 21, 1786. He\\nhad the same year already been appointed governor of the\\nBritish possessions in North America, which office he held\\nfor a period of ten years. He died in his own home in\\nBerkshire, November 10, 1808. Vide Collin s Peerage, vol.\\n8, pp. 112-117; British Army Lists, in loco Journal of the\\nPrincipal Occurrences During the Siege of Quebec (W. T.\\nShortt), p. 42 Garneau s History of Canada, Montreal,\\n1862, vol. 2, pp. 135, 151 Burke s Peerage and Baronet-\\nage, in loco; History of Connecticut (Hollister), vol. 2,\\np. 294, et seq. Annual Register for 1808, p. 162; Life of\\nWashington (Sparks), vol. 3, p. 268 Ibid., vol. 4, pp. 55-57;\\nHadden s Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 7-10.\\nAlexander Lindsay, sixth Earl of Balcarres, was of Scotch\\ndescent, and at this time but twenty four years of age, hav-\\ning been born January 18, 1752. He was commissioned an\\nensign in the Fifty-fifth Foot, July 15, 1767, and after two\\nyears experience at Gibralter, and as long a period in study\\nat Gottingen, he returned to England and was commissioned\\na captain in the Forty second Foot, January 28, 1771. He\\nbecame by purchase major of the Fifty-third Foot, Decem-\\nber 9, 1775, and upon his arrival in Canada, was appointed\\nby Carleton to the command of the light infantry. At the\\nbattle of Hubbardton he was wounded, and had many nar-", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0118.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 87\\nto belone. The wind continued fair for us till the\\nI9 when we were becalmed. About noon, we\\nperceived from the main top mast head, a fleet to\\nrow escapes after the death of Eraser he succeeded that\\nofficer in command, and was commissioned lieutenant-colonel\\nof the Twenty- fourth Foot, October 8, 1777.\\nFinding after the capture of Burgoyne s army, that a\\ngeneral exchange of prisoners was not to take place, he\\nrefused to accept his liberty, and returning to Cambridge,\\nshared the captivity of his men until the latter part of 1778,\\nwhen he returned home on parole. An interesting anecdote\\nis related of a meeting which he had with Arnold while the\\nlatter was having an audience with the king. As Balcarres\\nentered the royal presence, the king introduced Arnold to\\nhim, but with an action expressive of disgust, Balcarres\\ndrew back, exclaiming, zvhat, sire, the traitor Arnold A\\nchallenge from Arnold was the result. At the signal to fire\\nArnold discharged his pistol without effect, and Balcarres\\ncooly turning upon his heel was walking away, when Arnold\\ncried out, %vky don t you fire, my lord f To this, Balcarres\\nlooking over his shoulder, replied, sir, I leave you to the\\nexecutioner. He was appointed lieutenant colonel in com-\\nmand of the second division of the Seventy-first Highland-\\ners, February 13, 1782, and colonel in the army November\\n20th, of the same year. He was in Parliament as a peer of\\nScotland in 1784 and for several successive years, and\\nbecame colonel of the Sixty-third Foot, August 27, 1789.\\nHe was made a major-general October 12, 1793, and the\\nnext year assumed -military and civil command at Jamaica.\\nAfter seven years of continued and most successful warfare,\\nhe resigned his position and returned to England. He had\\nbeen commissioned a lieutenant-general January i, 1798,\\nand September 25, 1803, he was made a general in the army.\\nAfter his return to England he devoted himself to the care\\nof his estates until his death, which occurred at Haight\\nHall, in Lancashire, March 27, 1825. Vide British Army\\nLists, in loco Burke s Peerage and Baronetage, irt loco Fos-\\nter s Peerage and Orders of Knighthood, in loco Three\\nYears in North America (Stuart), vol. i, p. 462.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0119.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "88 Lieutenant Digby s JournaL\\nwindward bearing down to us with all the sail they\\ncould set. On their approaching nearer, we found\\nthey were the fleet from Plymouth/ mostly Ger-\\nmans. General Burgoyne was on board one of\\ntheir frigates, who, after giving some orders, sepa-\\nrated from us about the 21 as winds were turned\\nrather foul for us at that time.\\nMay 4 Discovered at a distance numerous islands\\nof ice, some three times higher than our main top\\nmast head and formed in the most romantic shapes,\\nappearing like large castles, when the sun shone on\\nthem, all on fire. The sailors from this imagined\\nwe could not be a great distance from Newfound-\\nland, it being about the season for the quantities\\nof ice that surround that part during the winter to\\nbreak up, they obliged us to steer with great\\ncaution, as were a vessel to strike on such a solid\\nbody, she must inevitably be dashed to pieces.\\n5 Prepared lines to fish on the banks but found\\nno success, though many of our fleet killed some.\\nThe banks are properly a mountain hid under water,\\nwith various depths of water from 25 to 60 fathom.\\nDuring our stay upon this kingdom of cod fish, we\\nfound it very unpleasant, as the sun scarce ever shews\\nhimself, and the greatest part of the time thick and\\ncold fogs but there are none of these fish which\\nThe fleet from Plymouth consisted of thirty sail, and\\nhad on board General Riedesel and his German troops,\\nRiedesel, in a letter to his wife, gives an entertaining\\naccount of his Hfe on board ship, for which reference may be\\nhad to Letters and Journals of Mrs. Riedesel, p. 22.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0120.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 89\\nrequire warmer seas. There are also on the banks\\nof Newfoundland great numbers of whales, spouting\\nfish, porpoises, sword fish, The sword fish is as\\nthick as a cow, seven or eight feet long, gradually\\nlessening towards the tail it takes its name from its\\nweapon, a kind of sword three feet long and about\\nfour inches wide It is fixed above its nose and has\\nsix rows of teeth on each side, an inch long, at an\\nequal distance from each other this fish is excellent\\neating. The whale and the sword fish never meet\\nwithout fighting the latter, they say, is always the\\naggressor. Sometimes two sword fish join against a\\nwhale, and then it is not an equal match. The whale\\nhas neither weapon offensive nor defensive, but his\\ntail To make use of it against his enemy, he plunges\\nhis head under water, and, if he can strike his enemy,\\nhe kills him with a blow of his tail but he is very\\ndexterous to shun it, and instantly falls upon the\\nwhale and runs his weapon in his back most com-\\nmonly it pierces not to the bottom of the fat, and so\\ndoes no great injury. When the whale can see the\\nsword fish dart to strike him, he plunges, but the\\nsword fish pursues him in the water and obliges him\\nto appear again then the fight begins again and\\nlasts till the sword fish loses sight of the whale,\\nwhich fights always retreating and swims best on the\\nsurface of the water. It is said, with what truth I\\ncannot say,^ that the cod can turn itself inside out\\nCf. Malte Brun, vol. 5, p. 19.\\n12", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0121.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "90 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nlike a pocket, and that the fish frees itself from any\\nthing that troubles it by this means. I wont vouch\\nfor the truth of this.^\\n6^^ Fell in with a French fishing vessel. We had\\nmostly got over our sea sickness though I was but\\nlittle troubled in that way after the second or third\\nday. Our Cap Richardson was a good seaman and\\nan agreeable companion, which does not always fol-\\nlow. The ship was stout but often missed stays in\\ntacking, not answering the helm well, and, of course\\nnot a pleasant vessel to sail with a large fleet.\\n7 About II at, night our captain seemed very\\nuneasy at not hearing a signal from the man of war\\nit blew fresh against us we were going on the wind\\nand the night dark and hazy, which is generally the\\ncase on the banks. Our grog being out, we prepared\\nfor rest, when he came down and told us if the signal\\nThis is a prudent disclaimer of our author, who was but\\nrepeating the popular belief with regard to this fish (morhua\\nvulgaris), which is extremely voracious, devouring indiscrim-\\ninately, says Herriot, every substance which it is capable\\nof goi gi g even glass and iron have been found in the\\nstomach of this fish, ivJiich by inverting itself has the power\\nof becoming disburdened of its indigestible content s Vide\\nTravels through Canada, p. 30. It is certain that the cod\\nis a great collector of deep-sea objects, and naturalists are\\nindebted to it for specimens of rare and new shells other-\\nwise unattainable. The Basques were fishing as early as\\n1504 along the Newfoundland shores, to which they applied\\nthe name of Baccalaos or Codlands, and although for nearly\\nfour centuries the business has been constantly increasing,\\nsuch is the rapid multiplication of the cod that its numbers\\nhave not decreased.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0122.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 91\\nwas not made (which was firing two guns from the\\nCaresford) by 12 o clock, he would put the ship\\nabout, as by his reckoning, we must be very near\\nCape Race, no pleasing circumstance at that time\\nof night. He had scarce spoke when the sailors\\non deck cried out, we were most on shore, and we\\ncould easily perceive the breakers at a small dis-\\ntance, on which the vessel was put about with the\\ngreatest dispatch, and all our guns fired as signals\\nfor the rest of the fleet to keep off. Some we saw\\nmuch nearer land and feared they would be lost,\\nin short, it was a scene of the greatest confusion,\\nevery ship getting from shore as well as possible.\\nCape Race is the south east point of the island of\\nNewfoundland it lies in 46 degrees 30 minutes north\\nlatitude, and the coast runs from thence 100 leagues\\nto the west and terminates at Cape Ray, about 47\\ndegrees, and nearly half way is the great bay of\\nPlacentia, one of the finest ports in America.\\n8^^ At day break discovered Cape Ray, and soon\\nafter passed close to the little island of St. Paul\\ntried to count our fleet and found two transports,\\nthe Henry and Sisters, missing with 3 companies of\\nour regiment, and the Lithy with one company of the\\n31^ regiment. A vessel, whom we spoke with, in-\\nformed us she saw them among the rocks and feared\\nthey were lost, the night being dark and the shore\\nnot the best. We still continued our course into the\\ngulph of St. Lawrence, which is 80 leagues long, and\\nwent through it in about 30 hours with a good wind.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0123.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "92 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nNear half way we fell in with the Bird islands.\\nThey are very near each other and covered with\\nbirds and nests. They have been often visited,\\nand boats have been entirely loaded with eggs of\\nall sorts. Surely it is wonderful in such millions\\nof nests, every bird should find its own, and had\\nwe fired a gun, it is reported the air would be\\ndarkened two or three leagues round. Near this\\nwe fell in with a fishing vessel but she could\\ngive us no intelligence, whether Quebec was in\\nour hands or our enemies the latter we had the\\ngreatest reason to believe.\\n9^^ We were almost becalmed, so prepared\\nfor fishing and had very good success. We hoped\\nsoon to double Cape Rosiers, which is at the en-\\ntrance of the river St. Lawrence. Newfoundland\\nthat we had so lately left behind us, and the first\\nland we meet with coming to Canada, It could\\nnever be known, a French writer observes, for\\ncertainty whether it had any native inhabitants.\\nIts barrenness, supposing it every where as real\\nas it is thought to be, is not a sufficient proof\\nthat it has had no native inhabitants for fishing\\nOn Deny s map of 1672, these islands are called Les\\nisles aux Oyseaux, They were subsequently called the\\nMagdalen islands, and reference is here made to the north-\\nernmost of the group. They were formerly owned by Sir\\nIsaac Coffin, a distinguished naval officer, and a native of\\nNantucket on the coast of Massachusetts, where many of\\nthe family name still reside. One of these islands is called\\nCoffin s island from its former proprietor. Vide Canada,\\nNova Scotia, etc., Buckingham, London, 1843, P- SH-", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0124.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 93\\nand hunting are sufficient to maintain savages.\\nThis is certain, that here was never seen any but\\nEskimaux who are not natives of this country.\\nTheir real home is Labrador or New Britain. It\\nis there at least they pass the greatest part of\\nthe year for it would be profaning the name of\\nthe native country to apply it to wandering bar-\\nbarians who, having no affection for any country,\\ntravel over a vast extent of land. In fact, besides\\nthe coasts of Newfoundland which the Esquimaux\\nrange over in the summer, in all the vast continent\\nwhich is between the river St Lawrence and Canada\\nand the North Sea, there has never been seen any\\nother people than the Eskimaux. They have been\\nmet with also a good way up the river Bourbon,\\nwhich runs into Hudson s Bay, coming from the\\nWest. The original name of these people is not\\ncertain, however it is very probable that it comes\\nfrom the Abenaqui word, Esquimantsic, which signi-\\nfies an eater of raw flesh.^* The Eskimaux are, in\\nfact, the only savages known that eat raw flesh,\\nthough they have also the custom of dressing it or\\ndrying it in the sun. It is also certain, that of all\\nthe people known in America, there are none who\\ncome nearer than these to complete the first idea\\nwhich Europeans had of savages. They are almost\\n^\u00e2\u0099\u00a6This shows our author to have been a careful student.\\nThese Indians called themselves Innuits, but the name\\nEsquimaux, the proper signification of which is here given,\\nwas applied to them by the Algonquins, of which family the\\nAbenaquis were the eastern representatives.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0125.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "94 Lieutenant Digby s Journal.\\nthe only people where the men have any beard, and\\nthey have it so thick up to their eyes that it is diffi-\\ncult to distinguish any features of the face they\\nhave besides something hideous in their look little\\neyes looking wild, large teeth and very foul. Their\\nhair is commonly black, but sometimes light, much\\nin disorder, and their whole outward appearance very\\nrouorh. Their manners and their character do not\\ndisagree with their ill look. They are fierce, surly,\\nmistrustful, uneasy, always inclined to do an injury\\nto strangers, who ought therefore, to be upon their\\nguard against them. As to their wit and under-\\nstanding, we have had so little commerce with this\\npeople that we can say nothing concerning them,\\nbut they are, however, cunning enough to do mis-\\nchief. They have often been seen to go in the night\\nto cut the cables of ships that were at anchor that\\nthey might be wrecked upon the coast, and they\\nmake no scruple of attacking them openly in the\\nday when they know they are weakly mann d. It\\nwas never possible to render them more tractable,\\nand we cannot yet treat with them, but at the end of\\na long pole. They not only refuse to approach the\\nEuropeans, but they will eat nothing that comes\\nfrom them. They are tall and pretty well shaped\\ntheir skin is as white as snow, which proceeds, with-\\nout doubt, from their never going naked in the hot-\\ntest weather their hair, their beards, the whiteness\\nof their skin, the little resemblance and commerce\\nthey have with their nearest neighbours, leave no", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0126.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 95\\nroom to doubt that they have a different origin from\\nother Americans, but the opinion, that which makes\\nthem descended from the Biscayners, seems to me\\nto have a Httle foundation, especially if it is true, as\\nI have been assured, that their language is entirely\\ndifferent. For the rest, their alliance would do no\\ngreat honour to any nation, for, if there was no country\\non the face of the earth less fit to be inhabited by\\nmen than Newfoundland and Labrador, there is\\nperhaps no people which deserve more to be con-\\nfined here than the Eskimaux. For my part, I\\nam persuaded they came originally from Greenland,\\nThese savages are covered in such a manner, that\\nyou can hardly see any part of their face [or] the\\nends of their fingers. Upon a kind of shirt made\\nof bladders or the guts of fish cut in slips and pretty\\nwell sowed together, they have a coat made of bear\\nBiscayners or natives of Biscay, one of the Basque prov-\\ninces of Spain, are supposed by some ethnologists to be the\\naboriginal inhabitants of Europe. Traces of them have\\nbeen found in England, France, Germany, Denmark and\\nSweden as well as in Spain. These consist of implements\\nof peculiar construction, burial places and kitchen middens.\\nPickering in Races of Men, p. 19, agrees with our journalist\\nthat they are a distinct race from our so-called aboriginal\\ninhabitants.\\nGaspar Cortereal visiting this coast in the year 1500,\\nseized fifty-seven of the natives of the country and carried\\nthem home for slaves. On account of the anticipated traffic\\nin the inhabitants of this region, the name of Tierra Labora-\\ndor or the Land of Laborers was bestowed upon it according\\nto one authority, while according to another, it was to dis-\\ntinguish it from Greenland, which was barren, while this\\nwould yield to the labor of man.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0127.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "g6 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nor deer skins, and sometimes of birds skins. A capu-\\nchin of the same stuff, and which is fastened to it\\ncovers their head, on the top of which there comes\\nout a tuft of hair which hangs over their forehead.\\nThe shirt comes no lower than their waist their coat\\nhangs behind down to their thighs, and terminates\\nbefore in a point something below the waist but\\nthe women wear them both before and behind to\\nthe middle of the leg, and bound with a girdle, from\\nwhich hang little bones. The men have breeches of\\nskins with the hair inwards, and which are often cov-\\nered on the outside with the skins of ermine or such\\nlike. They wear also socks with the hair inwards,\\nand over this, a boot furred in like manner on the\\ninside, then a second sock and second boots, and\\nthey say, that these coverings for the feet are some-\\ntimes three or four fold, which does not, however,\\nhinder these savages from being very nimble. Their\\narrows, which are the only arms they use, are armed\\nwith points made of the teeth of the sea cow, and\\nthey sometimes make them of iron when they can\\nget it. It appears that in summer they keep in the\\nopen air night and day; but in the winter, they lodge\\nunder ground in a sort of cave where they all lie\\none upon another: but to return, the island of\\nAnticosty lies at the entrance of the river St. Law-\\nA7iticosti. This wild island is still uninhabited except\\nby a few fishermen and Indians, who make it their home for\\na brief season in the summer. It has no harbor in which\\nships can take refuge anywhere along its coast. The soil", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0128.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 97\\nrence. It is about 40 leagues long and but very\\nlittle breadth, poorly wooded and a wretched barren\\nspot.\\n2o About 10 at night a melancholy accident hap-\\npened to us. In a gale of wind, the Providence trans-\\nport ran foul of our vessel, which, as there was a\\ngreat swell of sea at the time, was attended with\\nsome danger. One of our grenadiers, I suppose\\nthinking our ship going down, run from his berth\\nbelow, (where some said he had been asleep\\\\ and\\nattempted to get on board her, but in the trial fell\\nbetween and was instantly crushed to pieces. Soon\\nafter we got clear of her, she being a much larger\\nship than ours, though neither of us suffered any\\nthing to speak of. I dont think any thing can be\\nmore alarming than 2 large ships running foul of\\nthus far has not tempted man to cultivate it. As its situa-\\ntion renders it dangerous to navigation, two relief stations\\nhave been established at different points upon it, sup-\\nplied with provisions for the benefit of those who may be\\nso unfortunate as to be cast upon its inhospitable shores,\\nand guide boards are placed here and there to direct them\\nto these stations. When it was discovered by Jacques\\nCartier on the day of the Festival of the Assumption, that\\npious navigator named it Vyle de V Assumption, but quite\\nproperly, its old Indian name as given by Champlain, or\\nperhaps a corruption of it, as early writers differ in their\\northography, has stuck to it. Thus, Thevet calls it Naticou-\\nsti, and De Laet, Natiscotes, but Champlain may, after all,\\nhave given us in his orthography the sound of the Indian\\nword more nearly than they have done. Vide Charlevoix,\\ntom. I, p. 16; Brief Rccit, p. 9; Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 292;\\nChamplain s Voyages, vol. 2, p. 233; Bonchetti, vol. i, p.\\n169.\\n13", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0129.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "98 Lieutenant Digby s Journal.\\neach other in a gale of wind, though I should imag-\\nine it worse in a dead calm and great swell of sea, as\\nthen there must be a difficulty in getting clear of\\neach other and, yet, this is often the case in large\\nfleets, Ivhere all transports are kept as regular as pos-\\nsible in their stations by the men of war, who often\\nfire on them for attempting to go ahead, and make\\nthem pay much for the first shot, doubling it till\\nthey become obedient. On our sailing from Cork\\nharbour, all the masters of transports received sealed\\ninstructions, which were not to be opened until by\\nstress of weather, or any other cause, their ship was\\nseparated from the fleet 24 hours, after which, these\\ninstructions were to be opened, and by them they\\nwere ordered to make the best of their way to\\nthe island of Coudres 15 leagues below Quebec,\\nthat being the place appointed to rendezvous at,\\nas I believe, on our leaving Ireland, it was not well\\nknown whether Quebec was in our hands or the\\nenemies. As the weather was still very foggy and\\nhazy, we were obliged to steer with great caution,\\nconstantly ringing our bells to prevent other vessels\\nfrom coming too near. I shall not attempt to enter-\\ntain the reader with a storm, (so often done by fresh\\nwater sailors), where the sea was swelled into bil-\\nlows mountains high, on the top of which our vessel\\nIsle aux CoLidres, i. e. Filbert Island the name which\\nit still bears, and which was bestowed upon it by Jacques\\nCartier on account of the abundance of hazel nuts or filberts\\nwhich he found upon it nearly two and a half centuries\\nbefore Digby saw it.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0130.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 99\\nhung, and was in danger of beihg precipitated to the\\nabyss beneath, as, in general, the weather was as fa-\\nvourable for us as we could have wished, and our\\npassage rendered shorter than it is commonly per-\\nformed with a fleet, where the whole are often obliged\\nto slacken sail for one heavy sailing ship.\\n21^ Found our mizzen mast had sprung near the\\ndeck, so dare not crowd much sail on it our exact-\\nness in keeping proper order in our stations while\\nunder way, and obeying of signals from the convoys,\\nwas a pleasing sight to one not used to such a\\nscene.\\n24 Had the pleasure of seeing a small vessel a\\nhead of us coming from Quebec with the agreeable\\nnews of that place being still in our possession\\nthough the enemy had lain before it most part of the\\nwinter and made an attempt to storm it on the 31^*^\\nDecember under the command of General M ^Gomery,\\nwho fell with many others in the attempt, tho their\\nnumbers were treble ours. I shall here insert his\\nRichard Montgomery was born at Raphoe, Ireland,\\nDecember 2, 1736, and fell in the attack on Quebec, Decem-\\nber 31, 1775. He was commissioned in the British army in\\n1754, and participated in the siege of Louisburg in 1758,\\nand after service in the West Indies, returned to England\\nin 1763. He emigrated to New York in 1772, when he\\nmarried a daughter of Robert Livingston and settled in\\nRhinebeck. He was representative to the Provincial Con-\\ngress in 1775, and appointed a brigadier-general early in the\\nsame year. On December 9th, while before Quebec, he\\n-received his appointment as brigadier-general. While lead-\\ning the assault against the upper town, having captured the\\nfirst barrier, he was killed, and his troops seeing him fall fell", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0131.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "lOO Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\norders to his troops the day before the storm, as it\\nwill serve to show, how sure he was of success, and\\nthe poor opinion he had of our garrison.\\nGeneral orders 30\u00e2\u0084\u00a2 Dec 1775.\\nThe general having in vain offered the most fa\\nvourable terms of accommodation to the governor,\\nand having taken every possible step to prevail on\\nthe inhabitants to desist from seconding him, in the\\nwild scheme of vigorous measures for the speedy\\nreduction of the only hold possessed by the ministe-\\nrial troops in the province, flushed with continual\\nback in disorder. Montgomery was buried on the 3rd of\\nJanuary, and Henry who was present and witnessed it, thus\\ndescribes his funeral It was on this day that my heart\\nwas ready to burst with grief, at viewing the funeral of our\\nbeloved general. Carleton had in our former days with the\\nFrench, been the friend andrfellow soldier of Montgomery.\\nThough political opinion, perhaps ambition or interest, had\\nthrown these worthies on different sides of the great ques-\\ntion, yet the former could but honor the remains of his\\nquondam friend. About noon the procession passed our\\nquarters. It was most solemn. The coffin covered with a\\npall, surmounted with transverse swords, was borne by men.\\nThe regular troops, particularly that fine body of men, the\\nSeventh Regiment, with reversed arms, and scarfs on the left\\nelbow, accompanied the corpse to the grave. From many of\\nus it drew tears of affection for the defunct, and speaking for\\nmyself, tears of greeting and thankfulness toward General\\nCarleton. The soldiery and inhabitants appeared affected\\nby the loss of this invaluable man, though he was their\\nenemy. Other writers mention the peculiar affection borne\\ntoward the brave general by those opposed to him. In\\nthe British Parliament the most illustrious-men of the time\\neulogized him. It was certainly a strange sight. It is said\\nthat Colonel Barre was particularly remarked for the noble", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0132.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. i o i\\nsuccess and confident of the justice of their cause,\\nand relying on that Providence which has uniformly\\nprotected them, the troops will advance to the attack\\nof works incapable of being defended by the wretched\\ngarrison posted behind them, consisting of sailors\\nunacquainted with the use of arms, of citizens incapa-\\nble of soldier s duty, and a few miserable emigrants.\\nThe general is confident a vigorous and spirited at-\\ntack will be attended with success. The troops shall\\nhave the effects of the governor, garrison and such\\nas have been active in misleading the inhabitants\\nand distressing the friends of liberty, equally divided\\npathos of the regrets he consecrated to the death of his\\ngallant enemy. Burke and Fox endeavored to surpass this\\neulogium in their speeches Fox especially, who, as yet\\nvery young, already discovered the man he was afterward\\nto be. Lord North reprehended them sharply, exclaiming\\nthat it was indecent to lavish so many praises upon a rebel.\\nHe admitted that Montgomery was brave, able, humane and\\ngenerous, but still he was only a brave, able, humane and\\ngenerous rebel. He cited this verse of Addison in Cato\\nCurse on his virtues, they ve undone his country. Fox\\nanswered him immediately, with warmth, that the term\\nrebel, applied to that excellent person, was no certain mark\\nof disgrace, and therefore he was the less earnest to clear\\nhim of the imputation, for that all the great ^sserters of\\nliberty, the saviours of their country, the benefactors of\\nmankind, in all ages, had been called rebels that they even\\nowed the constitution, which enabled them to sit in that\\nhouse, to a rebellion. He added this passage from the\\nprince of Latin poets, Sunt hie etiam sua proemia laudi,\\nsunt lachrymce rerum, et mentum mortalia tangunt. Vide\\nAccount of Arnold s Campaign Against Quebec (Henry),\\nAlbany, 1877, p. 134; Ramsay s American Revolution, Phila.,\\n1789, vol. I, p. 244; Botta s History War of Independence,\\n1820, vol. 2, p. 66.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0133.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "I02 Lieutenant Digby s Jouriial.\\namongf them. The one hundredth share of the whole\\nshall be at the disposal of the gen\\\\ and given to\\nsuch soldiers as distinguish themselves by their ac-\\ntivity and bravery, and sold at public auction. The\\nwhole to be regulated as soon as the city is in our\\nhands and the inhabitants disarmed.\\nDuring the whole, General Carlton behaved with\\nthe utmost coolness and g-ood conduct, and deserves\\nthe greatest credit for keeping the place with such a\\nwretched garrison as M M^Gomery was pleased to\\ncall them.\\n26 Anchored off the Island of Coudres, which\\nis remarkable for a mountain being rooted up in the\\nyear 1663 and thrown upon this island, which was\\nmade one half larger than before, and in place of\\nthe mountain, there appeared a gulph which is not\\nsafe to approach.^\\nThese are almost the exact words of Charlevoix, who\\nsays: In 1663 an earthquake rooted up a mountain and\\nthrew it upon the Isle aux Coudres which made it one half\\nlarger than before. This earthquake, according to a manu-\\nscript in the Jesuits College at Quebec, began on the 5th\\nof February, 1663, at about half-past five o clock in the after-\\nnoon. It extended, as we know, throughout the northern\\npart of America. The first shock, and the most violent one,\\nlasted for half an hour, but it is said the earthquake con-\\ntinued at intervals for a period of six months with incon-\\nceivable violence. Forests were uprooted, mountains pre-\\ncipitated into valleys, rivers diverted from their courses and\\noften swallowed up altogether, and even the mighty waters\\nof the St. Lawrence were lashed to sudden whiteness by\\nsubterranean commotion, while showers of volcanic ashes\\ndarkened the air in some places, but the country being so\\nlightly inhabited, of course no great damage was done.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0134.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 103\\n29 Got a pilot to conduct us as quick as possi-\\nble to Quebec.\\n30^^ Being one of the first ships in the fleet, we\\nwere met near the island of Orleans,^ (a beautiful\\nisland about 14 leagues in compass and many\\ninhabitants), by the Hope ship going express to\\nEngland. A lieutenant of a man of war came on\\nboard us, and very politely offered to take charge of\\nany letters we might wish to forward to our friends\\nthe other side the Atlantic. He informed us General\\nCarlton had made a sally on the enemy, tho. greatly\\nsuperiour to him in numbers, and drove them with\\nthe 29 A^f^ regiments, to a strong post they had up\\nthe river,^^ where he was obliged to halt till our\\nFrom the accounts which have come down to us, it was far\\nmore violent than any which has occurred in southern\\nEurope within the historic period. Vide Letters to the\\nDuchesse de Lesdeguieres, London, 1763, p. 15 Josselyn s\\nTwo Voyages, Boston, 1865, p. 205; Conquest of Canada,\\nLondon, 1849, Appendix XXL\\nThe Lidian name for this island was Minigo, but Cartier\\nwho discovered it in 1535, gave it the name Isle of Bacchus,\\non account of the wild grapes found growing there. Lorsque\\nJacques Carthier decouvrit cette ile il la trouv^ toute rem-\\npHe de vignes, et la nomina File de Bacchus. Ce naviga-\\nteur etait Breton, apres lui sont venus de Normands qui\\nont arrache les vignes et a Bacchus ont substitue Pomme\\net Ceres. Vide Journal Historique, p. 102; Brief Recit.,\\netc., faite en MDXXXV, Paris, 1863, p. 14.\\nThis was at Fort Sorel, which took its name from its\\nbuilder, M. de Sorel, whose name also attached itself to the\\nriver, at the mouth of which the fort was placed. It was\\nfirst named by Champlain, The River of the Iroquois, and\\nsubsequently received the name of the Richelieu from the\\nfamous Cardinal of that name.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0135.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "I04 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\narrival, they being strongly entrenched. He then\\nproceeded on his voyage. About 12 at night, we\\ncame to an anchor before Quebec Lord Balcarres,\\nour major, and I went on shore. This is the only\\ncity in the world that can boast of a port in fresh\\nwater 120 leagues from the sea and capable of con-\\ntaining 100 ships of the line, situated on the most\\nnavigable river in the world, in latitude 47.56. We\\nthen went on board the his, a 50 gun ship, com-\\nmodore Douglas^^ commanding, and from him re-\\nceived orders to proceed directly, (the wind being\\nfair), up the river, and ordered another pilot to con-\\nSir Charles Douglas, a very good, a very brave and a\\nvery honest man, was a descendant of the Earl of Morton,\\nand was appointed a lieutenant in the British navy, Decem-\\nber 4, 1753. He was a man of great energy and of a fear-\\nless spirit. Finding the ice obstructing his course to\\nQuebec, and being anxious to relieve the besieged forces\\nthere, he put his ship before the wind during a gale and ran\\nher with full force against a block of ice twelve feet thick,\\ncrumbling it in pieces by the shock. He said in his dis-\\npatches We now thought it an enterprise worthy of an\\nEnglish ship of the line in our king and country s sacred\\ncause, and an effort due to the gallant defense of Quebec,\\nto make the attempt of pressing her, by force of sail,\\nthrough the thick, broad and closely connected fields of\\nice (as formidable as the Gulf of St. Lawrence ever ex-\\nhibited), to which we saw no bounds. His arrival on the\\n6th of May before Quebec caused the besiegers to abandon\\ntheir post. After a life zealously devoted to his country s\\nwelfare, he died March 10, 1789, at Musselburgh, formerly\\nEskmouth, Scotland. Vide Gentleman s Magazine, vol. 2,\\np. 506; Burke s Peerage and Baronetage, in loco American\\nArchives, vol. 6, p. 456; British Family Antiquity (Playfair),\\nLondon, 181 1, vol. 7, pp. Ixxxix-xcv.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0136.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 105\\nduct our ship. It was on the arrival of this man\\nof war the enemy flew, she appearing before Quebec\\nthe sixth of May, which was one of the earliest\\nships that ever made that place before, on account\\nof the ice, and she was near lost, being almost\\nfroze in. The great joy expressed by the inhabit-\\nants on our informing them what a large body of\\ntroops we had coming to their relief is not to be\\ndescribed, after all they had suffered during the\\nwinter.\\n31^^ Came to an anchor at Port Neuf 12 leagues\\nabove Quebec. The wind not continueing fair, we\\nwent on shore and got great plenty of vegetables,\\nfrom the Canadians. The weather was lovely.\\nThe country is only cleared about half a mile from\\nthe river, and behind such woods, in all appearance\\nas old as the world itself, as were not planted by\\nthe han^s of men. Nothing is more magnificent\\nto the sight the trees lose themselves in the\\nclouds, and there is such a prodigious variety of\\nspecies, that even among those persons who have\\ntaken most pains to know them, there is not one,\\nperhaps, that knows half the number. Many of our\\nfleet were a small way in our stern waiting for the\\nbreeze.\\nJune i*^^ Received orders to disembark, (the\\nwind still against us or rather a calm), and march\\nup on shore towards the enemy. We were about\\n500 men and more, we hoped, not far in our\\nrear all in great spirits on leaving the ships. Our\\n14", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0137.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "io6 Lieutenant Digby s Jour^tal.\\ncamp equipage and other baggage were left on\\nboard, to come up when the wind would serve.\\nAfter easy marches, we came to Trois Riviere^\\na neat village and one of the oldest in the colony\\nhalf way from Quebec to Montreal, the whole being\\nsixty leagues, the river being navigable lOO leagues\\nfrom the sea for large vessels. Troops were joining\\nus fast. I suppose we might then have about i,ooo\\nwith some field pieces many of our ships off the\\ntown. We posted strong guards, the enemy being\\nso very near, and intended to halt there till the com-\\ning up of the rest of the army.\\n7^^ More of our troops came up by water.\\n8 About 4 in the morning an alarm was given\\nby an out picquet, of the approach of a strong\\nbody of the enemy. The greatest part of the\\ntroops still remained on board as they had arrived\\nlate the night before. Soon after the alarm was\\ngiven, a few shots were heard from one of our\\narmed vessels that was stationed a small way above\\nthe village, who fired on part of the enemy advanc-\\ning between the skirts of the wood and the river.\\nIn the mean time, the troops on shore were ordered\\nTrois Rivieres is situated at the confluence of the rivers\\nSt. Maurice and St. Lawrence, and was thus named on\\naccount of an island so dividing the waters as to give the\\nappearance of three rivers. The town was founded in 1618,\\nand at the time Digby saw it, contained about two hundred\\nand fifty houses and twelve hundred inhabitants. At the\\npresent time it contains nearly ten thousand inhabitants and\\nis increasing in prosperity.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0138.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 107\\nto line every avenue from the village to the wood,\\nand take post in the best manner possible. Those\\non board were ordered to land with the greatest\\ndispatch. About 5 o clock, strong advanced parties\\nwere sent towards the wood, where they discovered\\nthe enemy marching down in three columns, who\\nimmediately began a heavy fire with small arms,\\nwhich was instantly returned. In the meantime,\\na strong reinforcement of our troops with some field\\npieces arrived, which soon swept the woods and broke\\ntheir columns, the remains of which were pursued by\\nus as far as was prudent. The enemy from that time\\ndid nothing regular; but broken and dispersed, fired\\na few scattered shots which did little execution. A\\nstrong detachment of 1200 men under the command\\nof Lieu Colonel Frazier, marched up the river to try,\\nif possible, to get between [them] their battows\\n(boats flat bottomed) but the attempt did not suc-\\nceed thro, their hasty flight. We took 280 prisoners\\nwith their general Thompson, ^\\\\^q commanded the\\nWilliam Thompson, of whom says Henry, this is a\\nman, was a native of Ireland, and had served as a captain\\nin the seven years war. The year before, he had been made\\ncolonel of the Pennsylvanian battalion. It had been proposed\\nto give him the command in Virginia, but Washington,\\nalthough Thompson had served with him at Cambridge and\\nwon his esteem, fearing that it would create jealousy, opposed\\nthe appointment. Congress, however, soon after raised him to\\nthe rank of brigadier-general and assigned him to service\\nin Canada. During the battle, Thompson with Colonel\\nIrvine and a small body of men, were cut off from the main\\nbody, and becoming entangled in swamps for twenty-four\\nhours wandered about till exhausted. We concluded,", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0139.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "io8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nexpedition, and six other officers. Upwards of 50\\nwere found killed in the woods, and it was supposed\\nmany others, wounded and straglers, must have\\nperished there, for they themselves acknowledge on\\nthat day to have lost 630 men. Ours was 5 killed\\nand 14 wounded no officer was hurt.^^\\nsaid Irvine, it would be better to deliver ourselves up to\\nBritish officers than to run the risk of being murdered in\\nthe woods by the Canadians; accordingly we went up to a\\nhouse where we saw a guard and surrendered ourselves,\\nprisoners at discretion. He complained of the treatment\\nof Colonel Nesbit, the officer in command, who hurried\\nthem with a crowd of prisoners on a forced march to headquar-\\nters, six miles distant, but said that upon their arrival there\\nthey found Generals Carleton and Burgoyne, who treated\\nthem very politely and ordered for them refreshments, which\\nGeneral Burgoyne himself served. General Riedesel, how-\\never, seems to have regarded the captives with contempt, as\\nhe alludes to General Thompson as a certain Thompson\\nwho represents a so-called general. He remained a pris-\\noner for two years, when he was exchanged. In a letter to\\nGeneral Heath, Washington wrote, referring to a proposed\\nexchange of Generals Thompson and Hamilton If you\\ncannot succeed in that, they (the Board of War) desire you\\nto feel the pulse of the two other brigadiers, either of whom\\nwe would willingly exchange for General Thompson. He\\nlived but three years^after his exchange, and died Septem-\\nber 4, 1 78 1, at Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Vide Account of\\nArnold s Campaign Against Quebec, p. 175 Sparks Wash-\\nington, vol. 3, pp. loi, 309, 315, et passim, vol. 5, 358 Ram-\\nsay s American Revolution, vol. i, p. 273; Hadden s Journal\\nand Orderly Books, n., p. 176; Memoirs of Major-General\\nRiedesel, Albany, 1868, vol. i, p. 289.\\nAfter the death of General Thomas, who was withdraw-\\ning his forces towards the south in order to place them in\\nas strong and safe positions as possible, the command de-\\nvolved upon Sullivan, who, from his dispatches, appears to", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0140.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 109\\n9 About 6 in the evening we came into the vil-\\nlage, after leaving strong guards out. The trans-\\nports, supposed to have gone on shore the night of\\nthe 7 May, arrived to our great joy but this was\\nconsiderably damped by the account of the death of\\npoor Charles Haughton,^^ a lieutenant in our regi-\\nment and my particular friend. He was killed by a\\nfall from a rock, in the island of Coudres, the chape\\nof his sword running into his temple. His premature\\ndeath was lamented by all who knew him. The differ-\\nent brigades were then formed, and our corps, consist-\\ning of all the light infantry and grenadiers of the\\narmy, (viz 9 20^^ 21^^ 24 29 yJ 34 47 53^^.\\n62\u00c2\u00b0 regiments, with the 24* regiment under the com-\\nmand of Brigadier general Frazier, lieutenant colonel\\nof the 24 regiment, and called the advanced corps,\\nhave been elated at finding himself in possession of the\\nchief command, and he conceived, without knowing the\\nstrength of the enemy, the possibility of recovering, as\\nhe expressed it, with his shattered and starving forces,\\nthat ground which former troops have so shamefully lost.\\nIn pursuance of this impracticable scheme, for which it is\\nbut fair to say he was but partially responsible, since Con-\\ngress pressed him to it, he pushed the Pennsylvania troops\\nback against the overwhelming forces of the enemy, and\\nthereby sacrificed them, a blunder almost inexcusable under\\nthe circumstances.\\nCharles Houghton, Digby s friend, has left no record of\\nhis death save in this journal of his companion in arms. A\\nsearch of the army lists reveals that he was commissioned\\nan ensign in the Fifty-third Foot on November 6, 1769, and\\na lieutenant on July 3, 1772. He was, it appears, suc-\\nceeded by William McFarlane, July 10, 1776, but no men-\\ntion is made of his death. Vide British Army Lists, in loco.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0141.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "no Lieutenant Digby s Journal.\\nthe rest of the army consisting of the British regi-\\nments above named, and German troops under the\\ncommand of General Reidezel,^^ were formed into\\nbrigades brigadier generals commanding them, by\\nwhich we took leave of our respective regiments till\\nthe closing of the campaign. Lord Balcarres, major\\nto the 53^^ regiment, was appointed major to the light\\nFrederick Adolphus Riedesel was born June 3, 1738, at\\nLauterbach in Rhinehesse, and was in command of the\\nBrunswickers. He entered college at the age of fifteen,\\nbut, having his miHtary ardor awakened by witnessing the\\nevolutions of the troops at Marburg, he left the law school\\nthere and joined a regiment. He served during the seven\\nyears war with distinction, and was made major-general of\\nthe Brunswick troops, which George the Third hired to aid\\nin quelling the rebellion of his American subjects. He was\\nnot exchanged until late in the autumn of 1780. After his\\nexchange, he was put in command at Long Island, but in\\nthe summer of 1781 resumed his command in Canada.\\nHere he remained until 1783, when he was ordered home.\\nHis devoted wife with her children accompanied him through\\nthe war, and often shared his perils. Her letters home, giving\\na graphic account of the scenes witnessed by her during the\\nwar, are extremely interesting, and show her to have been a\\nremarkable woman. The Americans were greatly incensed at\\nthe employment of foreign troops against them by the British\\nmonarch, and exclaimed He employs the borrowed tools\\nof the most detestable tyrants of Europe to subvert Ameri-\\ncan liberty and to erect on its ruins the same despotic\\npower of which they are the instruments and guardians in\\ntheir own native land. The detestation in which these\\nforeign hirelings were held, doubtless caused their acts to be\\ngreatly exaggerated. In their own country they were re-\\ngarded as noble men and brave soldiers, and their martial\\ndeeds were embalmed in song. It is well to see how they\\nwere received on their return home after their campaign in\\nAmerica, that the scene may be contrasted with the pictures of", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0142.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nIll\\ninfantry and major Ackland,^^ major 20 regiment,\\nto the battallion of grenadiers. I suppose the army\\nat this period about 9,000.\\nlo** Received orders to embark except the above\\n1200 under the command of brigadier general Frazier,\\nthem by American writers. Says Madame Riedesel, writing\\na few days after her return home I had the great satis-\\nfaction of seeing my husband, with his own troops, pass\\nthrough the city. Yes these very streets, in which eight\\nand a half years before, I had lost my joy and happiness, were\\nthe ones where I now saw this beautiful and soul-stirring\\nspectacle. But it is beyond my power to describe my emo-\\ntions at beholding my beloved, upright husband, who the\\nwhole time had lived solely for his duty, and who had con-\\nstantly been so unwearied in helping and assisting, as far as\\npossible, those who had been intrusted to him, often, too,\\nout of his own purse, never receiving any return for the\\nexpenditure standing, with tears of joy in his eyes, in the\\nmidst of his soldiers, who in turn were surrounded by a joy-\\nous and sorrowful crowd of fathers, mothers, wives, children,\\nsisters and friends all pressing around him to see again\\ntheir loved ones. This was in the autumn of 1783. Gen-\\neral Riedesel lived for seventeen years after this, dying\\nJanuary 6, 1800. Vide Letters and Journal of Madame\\nRiedesel, pp. 2-7 Memoirs of Major-General Riedesel, pp.\\n2-6; Graham s History of the United States, vol. 6, p. 420.\\n\u00c2\u00ab9 John Dyke Acland was a native of Tetton, Somerset-\\nshire, and was born February 21, 1747. He was commis-\\nsioned an ensign in the Thirty-third Foot, March 23, 1774.\\nHe became a captain in the same regiment March 23rd, and\\na major of the Twentieth Foot, December 16, 1775, by pur-\\nchase. He commanded the grenadiers, both in the campaign\\nof 76 and that of TJ. His bravery and carelessness of\\nexposing himself in battle caused him to be twice wounded\\nin the latter campaign, at Hubbardton through the thighs,\\nand at Bemus Heights through the legs. While lying on\\nthe field wounded and partially supported by a fence he\\nwould have been murdered by a young barbarian, who was", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0143.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "1 1 2 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nwho had not then taken the command of the ad-\\nvanced corps but was expected hourly.\\nupon the point of shooting him when arrested in his cruel\\ndesign by Major Wilkinson, who protected him. One of the\\nmany patriotic poets of the period referred to him and\\nthe lamented Fraser in this manner\\nBleeding and lost the captured Acland lies,\\nWhile leaden slumbers seal his Eraser s eyes\\nFraser whose deeds unfailing glories claim,\\nEndear d by virtue and adorn d by fame.\\nHis wife, the Lady Harriet Acland, accompanied him\\nthrough the terrible campaign of j j, and by her beauty,\\nrefinement and devotion to her husband, has been made the\\ntheme of many pens, and gained the admiration of all lovers\\nof exalted virtue. During his brief captivity, he made many\\nfriends among the Ainericans, and on his return to England\\ndefended them against unfair criticism. He had recently\\nentered Parliament, when he was suddenly cut short in a\\nmost promising career, dying at Pixton, in Somersetshire,\\nNovember 22, 1778, but a few months after his return from\\nAmerica. Many conflicting accounts have been given of the\\ncause of his death, one making him the victim of a duel grow-\\ning out of his defense of the Americans. He had indeed,\\non the morning of his fatal attack, had a harmless duel,\\nwhen having returned to breakfast he was suddenly seized\\nwith apoplexy, and died four days after. Conflicting stories\\nhave also been related of his wife s subsequent marriage.\\nFonblanque and other writers have declared that after\\nher husband s death, she married the chaplain who accom-\\npanied her after the battle of Bemus Heights through storm\\nand darkness to the American camp to seek her wounded\\nhusband, but Mr. Wm. L. Stone has furnished undoubted\\nproof that she died the widow of Major Acland, July 21,\\n1 81 5. Vide Burke s Peerage and Baronetage, and British\\nArmy Lists, wz loco; A State of the Expedition, p. 127;\\nMemoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, pp. 269-271, 377; Polit-\\nical and Military Episodes, p. 301, et seq. W. L. Stone in\\nMagazine of American History, for January, 1880; Hadden s\\nJournal and Orderly Books, pp. lii-lvi, 88.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0144.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 113\\nII* I2^^ Were becalmed.\\nI3*^ Sailed up the river with a fair wind as far as\\nlake St. Piere where the wind failed us.\\nI4*^ About one in the morning, his excellency,\\ngeneral Carlton, came up and immediately ordered\\nthe fleet to get under way the wind then turning\\nfair, but soon after an express arriving and some\\nshots being heard fired on shore [he] ordered them\\nto anchor. The appearance of such a fleet so great\\na distance from the sea, was well worth seeing,\\nalso the beauty of the river, many villages being\\nscattered on its banks, with the mildness of the\\nweather and the verdure of the country, (the trees\\nbeing then all in bloom), formed a most romantic\\nand charming prospect, particularly after being so\\nmany weeks at sea. In less than an hour, the\\ngeneral s ship got under way, [and] sailed ahead\\ntowards the frigate, when the whole fleet weighed,\\nand at day light, were ordered to form a line of\\nbattle as near as the channel would admit. On our\\nopening [upon] the fort Sorrel, the troops got orders\\nto be in readiness to land on the shortest notice,\\nthe signal being a blue ensign at the frigate s miz-\\nzen picue. Soon after we received orders for the\\nlight infantry and grenadiers of the army, with the\\nfirst brigade only, to land, and about 9 in the eve-\\nning, reached the shore under the command of\\n^This lake was so named by Champlain who entered it\\nJune 29th, St. Peter s day. Vide Champlain s Voyages, vol.\\nI, p. 259.\\n15", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0145.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "114 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nbrigadier general Nesbit,^ lieutenant colonel of 47*^^\\nregiment.\\nWe found the enemy had deserted their lines,\\nand about 10 o clock the troops took post and lay\\nall night on their arms.\\n15^^ At day break, lieutenant general Burgoyne^\\nlanded with the 9^^ 31^^ Battallions, with six six-\\nWilliam Nesbit had been stationed in Massachusetts and\\nwas the Lieutenant-Colonel Nesbit who took part in the\\nbattles of Lexington and Bunker Hill and participated in\\nthe burning of Charlestown. He had at this time been in\\nthe king s service twenty-five years, having entered the\\nThirty-sixth Foot as an ensign, April 20, 175 1, and been\\nadvanced to a lieutenancy October 15, 1754, and a captaincy\\nin the second battalion of the Thirty-first Foot, September\\n2, 1756, which became subsequently the Seventieth Foot.\\nOf this regiment he was made Major May i, 1760, and\\nNovember 24, 1762, was raised to the lieutenant-colonelcy\\nof the Fourth Foot. This was his rank in the Forty-seventh\\nFoot at the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill. His\\nregiment was ordered to Canada in the spring of j^, and\\nNesbit became brigadier-general of the First Brigade. He\\nwas a strict disciplinarian, and was accused by the Americans\\nof harshness and cruelty. He was taken suddenly sick dur-\\ning the campaign of ^6, and returned to Quebec, where after\\nan illness of a few weeks, he died. Vide British Army Lists,\\nill loco History of the Siege of Boston (Frothingham), p.\\n200; American Archives, series 5, vol. 3, p. 1089.\\nJohn Burgoyne was the descendant of an old and noted\\nfamily of Sutton. In 138/ it is said that John of Gaunt granted\\nto the family the extensive manors of Sutton and Potton by\\nthe following curious deed\\nI, John of Gaunt\\nDo give and do graunt\\nUnto Roger Burgoyne\\nAnd the heirs of his loyne\\nAll Sutton and Potton\\nUntil the world s rotten.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0146.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 1 1 5\\npounders, as he was appointed to command the\\nexpedition against fort Chamble and fort St\\nHe was born February 4, 1722-3. The question of his\\npaternity has been discussed by many writers, most ably\\nby Colonel Horatio Rogers, to whose article the reader is\\nreferred. He was educated at Westminster, and in 1744\\nheld a commission in the Thirteenth Dragoons, At the age\\nof twenty-one he eloped with Lady Charlotte, the daughter\\nof the Earl of Derby. Four years later he retired from the\\narmy and resided on the continent until June 14, I756,_when\\nhe re-entered the army with a captain s commission in the\\nEleventh Dragoons and served under the great Duke of\\nMarlborough in the attacks on Cherbourg and St. Malo in\\n1758, and on May loth, of the same year, he was appointed\\ncaptain-lieutenant in the Second Foot Guards with the\\narmy rank of lieutenant-colonel. On August 4, 1759, he\\nwas appointed lieutenant-colonel in command of the Six-\\nteenth Dragoons, which achieved fame as Burgoyne s\\nLight Horse. In 1762, with the rank of colonel in the\\narmy and of brigadier-general for the campaign, he served\\nwith honor in Spain and returned to England the next year\\nwith a brilliant reputation. He had been elected to repre-\\nsent the borough of Midhurst in Parliament in 1762, and\\nserved as a representative of this borough for six years, when\\nhe was elected to represent Preston, which position he con-\\ntinued to hold through life. He was now at the height of\\nhis fame, rich and courted, with a marked reputation as a\\nstatesman and literary man. Among other honors conferred\\nupon him, was that of being raised to the rank of major-\\ngeneral in the army May 25, 1772. When the war with\\nAmerica broke out, Burgoyne was one of the first to whom\\nthe king turned, and with Clinton and Howe was assigned to\\nservice there. The frigate upon which they embarked April\\n20, 1775, and which reached Boston May 2Qth, bore the sug-\\ngestive name of the Cerberus, which inspired the following\\nhumorous lines\\nBehold the Cerberus the Atlantic plough,\\nHer precious cargo, Burgoyne, Clinton, Howe,\\nBow, wow, wow.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0147.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "1 1 6 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nJohns,53 tl^e latter on the banks of lake Champlain and\\nthe former 1 2 leagues nearer Quebec and at 9 o clock,\\nthe army in number about 4000, received orders to\\nmarch. That night we reached St Denis, about 50\\nHe witnessed the battle of Bunker Hill, but took no part\\nin it, and in November returned to England. The remain-\\nder of his military career may be traced here in the journal\\nof Digby. Burgoyne s wife died June 7, 1776, while he was\\nengaged in the campaign of that year. Some time after his\\nreturn from his disastrous campaign in America, he became\\nconnected with a public singer with whom he reared out of\\nwedlock, four children, one of whom became the noted field\\nmarshal, Sir John Burgoyne. Some of his dramatic com-\\npositions attained great popularity and ran through many\\neditions. A complete collection of his works are to be\\nfound in the British Museum. He died August 4, 1792, and\\nwas buried in Westminster Abbey. Vide Burke s Peerage\\nand Baronetage British Army Lists, and Chronological\\nRegister of Parliament, in loco; Political and Military Epi-\\nsodes, pp. 4-9, 15, 27, 54, et passim Remembrancer of Public\\nEvents, London, 1775, vol. i, p. 16; Registers of Westminster\\nAbbey, p. 250 British Family Antiquity, vol. 6, p. 314.\\n^^Chambly. This fort as well as the town situated at the\\nfoot of the rapids of the river Richelieu or Sorel, twelve\\nmiles east, south-east of Montreal, took its title from a\\nFrenchman of that name. It occupied the site of a wooden\\nstructure called Fort St. Louis, erected in 1764 to protect\\nthe inhabitants from the hostile Iroquois. Chambly was\\ncaptured by the Americans, October 20, 1775, and had been\\nheld by them to this time. Fort St. Johns, about twenty-\\neight miles south-east of Montreal on the same river, had been\\ntaken by Montgomery in November, he having passed it in\\nthe night and captured Chambly below, which was not so\\nwell garrisoned, as the British supposed that St. Johns would\\nbe the object of attack. The works here had been first\\nerected by Montcalm, and subsequently enlarged and\\nstrengthened by the British. It was about one hundred and\\nfifteen miles north of Ticonderoga, the American stronghold.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0148.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 117\\nmiles, which, notwithstanding the great heat of the\\nday and the fatigue the men underwent the night\\nbefore, they executed with the greatest cheerfulness.\\nWe heard the enemy were flying before us in the\\ngreatest terror. The Canadian voluntiers took one\\nprisoner and shot another who was in liquor and\\nrefused to surrender.^\\n16 The army halted greatly fatigued, owing\\nchiefly to their being so long confined on ship\\nboard.\\nJones, on the other side, gives graphic pictures of this\\nretreat. He says that the troops Had barely quitted one\\nend of Chamblee when the advance-guard of the column\\nunder Burgoyne entered it at the other. The sick had been\\nsent on ahead from St. Johns to Isle-aux-Noix. But two\\nmen could be spared from those fit for duty to row each\\nboatload of them, and these pulled wearily all night long,\\nwith their helpless burdens, against the current of the river,\\nfor the distance of twelve miles. They reached Isle-aux-\\nNoix just before day. What more distressing situation can\\nbe imagined The greater number of the sick were utterly\\nhelpless, some died on the way, others were dying, all\\ncrying out for relief which could not be furnished them.\\nIt broke my heart, wrote Dr. Meyrick, a surgeon who was\\nwith them on the Isle-aux-Noix, and I wept till I had no\\nmore power to weep. And another writer speaking of the\\ntroops which reached Crown Point: The broken fragments\\nof the army of Canada presented one of the most distress-\\ning sights witnessed during the whole war. Of the five\\nthousand two hundred men collected at Crown Point, two\\nthousand eight hundred were so sick as to require the atten-\\ntion of the hospital, while those reported fit for duty were\\nhalf naked, emaciated and entirely broken down in strength,\\nspirits and discipline. Vide Campaign for the Conquest of\\nCanada, Philadelphia, 1882, p. 88; History of Lake Cham-\\nplain, (Palmer) Albany, 1866, p. 115.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0149.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "1 1 8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n1 7*^ The whole moved in the evening and reached\\nBelloeille, eight leagues.\\ni8 Marched at 2 o clock in the morning for fort\\nChamble, which we reached about 9 the same day, 13\\nmiles, and found the fort burned, the enemy having\\nretreated to St Johns. We found 4 battows and took\\n2 prisoners. Tis remarkable they did not burn or\\ndestroy any bridges from Sorrel had they done so, it\\nmust have delayed us greatly, but between the forts\\nof Chamble and St John s, about 12 miles, they de-\\nstroyed all the bridges, which in such a wild country\\nare not a few, for every rivulet must have something\\nlike a bridge to render it passable, and this detained\\nus some hours. About 12 at noon, the line was\\nordered to move [on] the enemy, who were not then\\n5 hours before us. The army marched in the greatest\\nregularity, as from intelligence received, the general\\nhad no doubt but he should be attacked on his march,\\nour road leading thro, thick woods. When we got\\nwithin about a league of St Johns, the general was\\ninformed that a party which had been taken for\\nan advance guard of theirs coming out to meet\\nus, was their rear guard, covering their retreat,\\non which three companies of light infantry were\\nordered on, which they did on a trot, and reached\\nthe fort about dark, finding it abandoned and on\\nfire. The army came up about half an hour after\\nand lay on their arms all night.\\nFollowing are the general orders from Burgoyne\\nto the army.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0150.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 119\\nGeneral Orders.\\nThe expedition on which Lieut Gen. Burgoyne\\nhas had the honour to be employed being finished\\nby the precipitate flight of the rebels, he shall\\nthink it his duty to make a faithful report to his\\nexcellency the commander in chief, of the zeal\\nand activity shewn in the officers and men under\\nhis command, to surmount the difficulties of the\\nmarch and come to action. Those are principles\\nthat cannot fail to produce the most glorious\\neffects whenever the enemy shall acquire boldness\\nenough to put them to the proof.\\nThus was Canada saved with much less trouble\\nthan was expected on our embarking from Great\\nBritain. How to pursue them over Lake Cham-\\nplain, was our next thought, and the tediousness\\nthat threatened our operations necessary for so\\ngreat an expedition was far from pleasing. We\\nhad every thing to build, battows to convey the\\ntroops over, and armed schooners and sloops to\\noppose theirs, most of which were taken from us\\nat the breaking out of the affair. It was thought\\nthat every thing would be ready in 7 or 8 weeks,\\nbut the undertaking was a great one, and, I must\\nsay, persevered in with the greatest dispatch possible.\\nCarpenters from all the ships were ordered up with\\nartificers from the different regiments. Most of the\\nCanadians thro, the province were employed in mak-\\ning roads through the woods, bringing up cannons,\\nprovisions and all other kind of stores requisite for", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0151.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "1 20 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nsuch an undertaking. The disaffected Canadians were\\nobliged to work in irons. Our fleet at that time was\\ngot up to Montreal, where, I believe, they before\\nnever saw such a one. The island of Montreal is\\nten leagues long from east to west and near four\\nleagues in breadth. A mountain rises in the\\nmiddle about half a league from the town, which is\\na long square situated on the bank of the river.\\nBoats from all the ships were sent round by the\\nriver Sorrel, (which runs into the St Lawrence at\\nthat town,) with every article wanting at fort St\\nJohns. There was a carrying place of 6 or 7 miles\\nbetween that place and fort Chamble, where all boats\\nand battows were drawn over by rollers, with a great\\nnumber of horses. Two sloops of war carrying 12\\nguns each, then lying at Chamble, were attempted\\nto be so brought up, but found not practicable, on\\nwhich their guns were taken out, the vessels taken\\nto pieces and rebuilt at St Johns, during which time,\\nother hands were busyily employed in building the\\nCarlton, a 12 gun schooner, and the htflexible, a 28\\ngun frigate, also a floating battery of great strength,\\ncarrying mortars, shells and 24 pounders during\\nwhich the army was encamped as contiguously to the\\nlake as possible.\\nJuly 5^\\\\ We were joined by a nation of savages,\\nmany more were shortly expected at our camp, and\\nI must say their appearance came fully up [to] or\\neven surpassed the idea I had conceived of them.\\nThey were much encouraged by Gen Carlton, as", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0152.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digby s Journal 121\\nuseful to the army in many particulars, but their\\ncruel and barbarous custom of scalping^^ must be\\nshocking to an European though pract.oed on our\\nenemies. They walked freely thro, our camp and\\ncame into our tents without the least ceremony,\\nwanting brandy or rum, for which they would do any-\\nthing, as their greatest pleasure is in getting beastly\\nintoxicated. Their manner of dancing the war\\ndance is curious and shocking, being naked and\\npainted in a most frightful manner. When they\\ngive the war whoop or yell, (which is a signal for\\nengaging) they appear more like infernals, than of\\nthe human kind but more of them hereafter. The\\nweather was then intensely hot, scarce bearable in a\\n95 We are told that the torture of prisoners had its origin\\nwith the Iroquois, and was adopted by other Indian tribes\\nthroughout America but the practice was world-wide be-\\nfore America was discovered. The fearful accounts in the\\nrelations of the Jesuits of the tortures inflicted upon their\\ncaptives by the savages, find an almost exact parallel in\\nMaccabees, where Antiochus not only mutilates and burns,\\nbut scalps his victims. Scalping was also common among\\nthe Scythians. The modern scalping-knife, saysCatlin,\\nis of civilized manufacture, made expressly for Indian use,\\nand carried into the Indian country by thousands. His\\nuntutored mind has not been ingenious enough to design\\nor execute any thing so savage or destructive as these\\ncivilized refinements in Indian barbarity. If I should ever\\ncross the Atlantic with my collection, a curious enigma\\nwould be solved for the English people who may inquire\\nfor a scalping-knife, when they find that every one in\\nrny collection bears on its blade the impress G. R.\\nVide 2 Maccabees 7, pp. 3-20; Moeurs des Sauvages\\n(Lafitau), vol. 2, p. 287 American Indians (Catlin), vol. i,\\np. 236.\\n16", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0153.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "122 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\ncamp, where the tents rather increased than dimin-\\nished it, and the great number of men in so small a\\nspace made it very disagreeable, though we all went\\nas thinly clothed as possible, wearing large loose\\ntrousers to prevent the bite of the moscheto, a small\\nfiy which was then very troublesome. Our men in\\ngeneral were healthy, and not much troubled with\\nfevers and fluxes, so common when encamped in a\\nwarm climate, and lying nights on the ground under\\nheavy dew. The tree spruce, which grows there in\\ngreat plenty, as indeed in most parts of America, is\\nan excellent antiscorbutic, and when made into beer\\nis far from a disagreeable flavour. The Canadians in\\ngeneral are a very happy set of people. They pos-\\nsess all the vivacity of their ancestors, the French,\\nand in the country appear on an equal footing their\\nnoblesse choosing mostly to reside in Montreal or\\nQuebec, both good towns and many English settled\\nthere. It would be the greatest presumption in me\\nto attempt a description of the customs, manners,\\ncuriosities, trade of Canada. For such I must\\nrefer the reader to many abler hands who have\\nmore fully expatiated on them than I could pretend\\nto do\\n2 2**. Lieut Frazier^^ 9 reg* and lieu* Scott^^ 24 regt\\nwere sent on a party of observation by gtn Frazier\\nAlexander Fraser was a nephew of General Simon\\nFraser, and had served in the Ninth Regiment of Infantry\\nThomas Scott was commissioned an ensign in the\\nTwenty-fourth Foot May 20, 1761, and served in Germany", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0154.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 123\\nto discover if possible what the enemy were about\\non the lake. They had 12 regulars and about\\n30 Indians in cannoes. The bark cannoes are the\\nbest and will paddle very swift. They are made in\\nfor ten years, having been commissioned a lieutenant Octo-\\nber 25, 1766. He was made a captain-lieutenant May 13,\\n1776, on which date General Carleton, in an order, directed\\nhim to report to General Burgoyne, in order to receive his\\ncommands relative to the assembling of the Indians, and it\\nappears that he was placed in command of a body of these\\nblood-thirsty savages, whom he found it no easy matter to\\ncontrol. We are told that on a certain occasion, having\\nfriends to dine, the Indians of his command unceremoniously\\ncame into the room where he was entertaining his guests and\\ninsisted upon drinking with them. He at first prevailed\\nupon them to retire by giving them a bottle of rum, but\\nthey soon returned, under pretense of having business with\\nhim, and grew so troublesome that he was obliged to break\\nup his entertainment. Having been dispatched to Canada\\nbefore the surrender of Burgoyne, he escaped captivity with\\nhis fellow soldiers. He was transferred to the Thirty-fourth\\nFoot November 11, 1776; was made major in the army\\nNovember 18, 1790; lieutenant-colonel March i, 1794, and\\nof the Forty-fifth Foot, September i, 1795, and shortly after\\ndisappears from the army lists. Vide British Army Lists,\\nin loco Letters of Sir Guy Carleton, 1776-78, vol. i, p. 482\\nTravels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i,\\npp. 214-19.\\nthe following year, and later at Gibraltar. He was advanced\\nto a lieutenancy June 7, 1765. He served through this and\\nthe subsequent campaign with distinction, and was made a\\ncaptain-lieutenant July 14, 1777. He was intrusted by\\nBurgoyne, after the terrible battle at Freeman s Farm, with\\nthe dangerous service of conveying dispatches through the\\nAmerican lines to General Clinton, which would subject\\nhim to certain death if discovered. He has left a journal of\\nhis adventures upon this occasion. After eleven days, in", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0155.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "124 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nthe following manner the bark which is very thin,\\nthey lay on flat ribs mostly made of cedar. These\\nribs are confined their whole length by small cross\\nbars which separate the seats of the cannoe. Two\\nmain pieces of the same wood, to which these little\\nwhich he encountered hardship and peril, he reached Clin-\\nton just after he had captured Fort Montgomery, and\\ndelivered his dispatches. On the next day he set out on his\\nreturn to the imperiled army of Burgoyne, and, after several\\ndays, making his way through woods and marshes, he heard\\nrumors of Burgoyne s capitulation, and found it impossible\\nto get through the American lines. He therefore turned\\nback and was fortunate enough to reach Clinton s fleet in\\nsafety. He shortly after found his way to Canada, and on\\nOctober 8th was appointed captain in the Fifty-third Regi-\\nment, a portion of which had been left by Burgoyne to\\ngarrison Ticonderoga. He served with marked ability in\\nCanada, returning to England in 1788. After severe service\\non the continent, in which he participated in many battles,\\nhe was promoted to the rank of major November 13, 1793,\\nand on the 27th of October, 1794, lieutenant-colonel of the\\nNinety-fourth Regiment by purchase, and, in 1796, was\\nadjutant-general to the forces at the Cape of Good Hope.\\nDuring the year 1799 he was in command of a native brigade\\nin India, and participated in the taking of Seringapatam.\\nOn January i, 1801, having returned to England the previ-\\nous year broken in health by severe and almost constant\\nservice for forty years, he was made colonel by brevet, and\\nassigned to the recruiting service. On August 10, 1804, he\\nwas promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, and April\\n25, 1808, major-general on the North Britain staff, in which\\nposition he served until June 4, 1813, when he received his\\nlast appointment of lieutenant-general in the army, a posi-\\ntion which he had earned by service of the most arduous\\nkind performed with unusual judgment and zeal. He died\\nin 1 8 14. Vide British Army Lists, in loco Captain Scott s\\nJournal, quoted by Fonblanque, pp. 287-90 Burgoyne s\\nOrderly Book, pp. 53-55.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0156.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 125\\nbars are sewed, strengthen the whole machine.\\nBetween the ribs and the bark they thrust little\\npieces of cedar which are thinner still than the ribs,\\nand which help to strengthen the cannoe, the two\\nends of which rise by degrees and insensibly end in\\nsharp points that turn inwards. These two ends are\\nexactly alike, so that to change their course and turn\\nback, the canoemen need only change hands. He\\nwho is behind, steers with his oar, working continu-\\nally, and the greatest occupation of him who is for-\\nward, is to take care that the cannoe touches nothing\\nto burst it. They sit or kneel on the bottom, and\\ntheir oars are paddles of 5 or 6 feet long, com-\\nmonly of maple but when they go against a current\\nthat is pretty strong, they must use a pole and stand\\nupright. One must have a good deal of practice to\\npreserve a ballance in this exercise, for nothing is\\nlighter and, of consequence, easier to overset than\\nthese cannoes, the greatest of which, with their load-\\ning does not draw more than half a foot of water,\\nand will carry 12 men, two upon a seat, and 4000\\npounds weight. The smallest of these will carry\\na sail, and with a good wind can make 20 leagues\\nin a day. Without sails they must be good\\ncanoemen to make 12 leagues in a dead water.\\nAbout 20 miles from St John s near the Isle aux-\\nNoix island of nuts they fell in with a party\\nof the enemy, and, after some fireing, brought\\nthem to us prisoners, with the loss only of one\\nIndian and a few wounded. The captains name was", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0157.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "126 Lieuteriant Digbys Journal.\\nWilson, 5\u00c2\u00ae who informed us they were very strong\\nat Crown Point^^ and Ticonderoga/\u00c2\u00b0\u00c2\u00b0 both places\\nJames Armstrong Wilson, son of Thomas Wilson and\\nJean Armstrong, was born in 1752 in the Cumberland valley,\\nand came from warlike stock, some of his ancestors having\\nserved as officers in the French and Indian wars. When the\\nRevolution opened, he raised a company of which he was\\ncommissioned captain January 9, 1776. This company was\\nincluded as number five in Colonel William Irvine s, or the\\nSixth Pennsylvania Regiment. He had command of a party\\nof thirty men, and was on a reconnoissance, when without\\nexercising sufficient prudence, he penetrated to the river\\nSorel, where he encountered the British and Indians, under\\nthe command of Captain Craig. Wilson s men fought so\\nwell as to excite the admiration of their foes. Two men on\\neach side lost their lives one of the British infantry being\\nmortally wounded, and one of their Indian allies killed and\\non the American side, likewise, one man was killed and\\nanother mortally wounded. After his release from captivity\\nhe returned to his home near Carlisle, Pennsylvania, where\\nhe remained until his exchange was effected. He was sub-\\nsequently commissioned a major in one of the regiments of\\nthe Pennsylvania line, then being organized, but owing to\\ndisability caused by exposure in the Canadian campaign he\\nwas compelled to rfetire from service. He continued in fail-\\ning health until March 17, 1783, when he died, in the thirty-\\nCrown Point is on the western shore of Lake Champlain,\\nabout ninety miles north of Albany. On the peninsula,\\nwhich is nearly a mile in width, the French built a fort in\\n1 73 1, which they named Fort St. Frederic, in honor of\\nFrederic Maurepas, the secretary of state at that time.\\nTiconderoga, or Cheonderoga (brawling waters) as the\\nIndians called it, a promontory at the outlet of Lake George,\\nhas been the scene of many battles, and its soil has bee,n\\noften enriched with human blood. There can be but little\\ndoubt that on this historic spot occurred the battle which\\nChamplain so graphically describes as having taken place", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0158.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 127\\nof great strength by nature, and neither men\\nnor cannon wanting to make them more so also\\ntheir force on the lake was great and much superior,\\nsixth year of his age. The Carlisle Gazette thus spoke of\\nhim The many virtues of this good and amiable man\\nendeared him in a particular manner to all who knew him.\\nIn him his country has lost a disinterested and inflexible\\npatriot. Major Wilson married Margaret, daughter of\\nCaptain Robert Miller of the Revolution, who, with several\\nchildren, survived him.\\nI am indebted for important facts in this note to the kind-\\nness of Dr. W. H. Egle, of Harrisburg, State Librarian of\\nthe Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.\\nIn 1759 this fort was captured by the British and Provin-\\ncials, under General Amherst, and was taken from them by\\nthe Americans, under command of Colonel Seth Warner, in\\nMay, 1775, there being at this time a garrison of but twelve\\nmen in the fort.\\nbetween the Iroquois and the Hurons, in which he took part\\nso unwarrantably in the summer of 1609. From immemorial\\ntime it had served as the gateway between the vast tribal\\nregions of the south and those of the north. Here, so well\\nsuited was the place for a defensive post, Montcalm, in 1756,\\nbuilt his fort, and, with the poet s tongue of baptismal\\nflame, called it Carillon, on account of the music of the\\nwaterfall near by, which reminded him of a chime of bells.\\nBut the sweet voice of the waterfall was drowned by the\\nharsh din of battle in 1758, between the English and French.\\nIn this battle, the English under Abercrombie were defeated,\\nThe next year Amherst laid siege to and captured it. For\\nsixteen years it remained in the possession of the English,\\nwhen Ethan Allen, in 1775, took it from the English, who\\nretook it in 1777, but were soon forced to part with it. In\\n1778 it was again taken by General Haldeman, but was soon\\nabandoned to the Americans. Vide Champlain s Voyages,\\nPrince Society, vol. 2, p. 223 Hinton s Hist. U. S., vol. i,\\npp. 172, 174, 231 et passim.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0159.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "128 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nhe believed, to any we could bring against them that\\nyear. The fort of St Johns, at the time it was at-\\ntacked by the enemy, was garrisoned by a few com-\\npanies of the 26**^ regmt. They stood out some days\\nbut were obliged to surrender to superior numbers.\\nThe remainder of the regiment, with part of the 7*^*^\\nwere at Chamble, where they made but a very short\\nstand less than even the enemy imagined. There\\nthey took a great store of powder which might have\\nbeen easily destroyed, and turned out the means of\\ntheir rapid movement toward Quebec, the capital.\\n25^ As brig, gen Gordon, who commanded the\\nfirst brigade of British, was rideing from St Johns\\nThe following account of the capture of Fort St. John\\nis from Hadden s Journal, pp. 2 and 3 \u00e2\u0096\u00a0T\\\\\\\\Q.Fort at Cham-\\nblee or rather the Sliell of a large square House loop holed, is\\nan ancient structure raised about 50 Feet, totaly of Masonry\\nand intended as a defence against the sudden attack of the\\nSavages. It was surrender d by Major Stopford (last year)\\nto the Rebels (who brought i Gun a Horse load of powder\\nagainst it) after firing a few Shot: and he neglected to\\ndestroy a large quantity of powder then in the Fort, they\\nwere enabled to return and attack Fort St. Johns. The\\npowder might have been thrown into the Rapids as the Fort\\nis immediately above them. There was also a Well in the\\nFort. Timidity and Folly in this instance seem to have\\nbeen the cause of all the succeeding misfortunes in Canada.\\nI did not learn that any Men were Killed or wounded in\\nthe Fort, and it certainly might have held out long enough\\nfor the Enemy to have expended all their ammunition, in\\nwhich case they must have abandoned their enterprise. On\\nthe contrary with the above supplies they besieged and took\\nSt. Johns in about Six weeks.\\n102 Patrick Gordon was commissioned in the First Foot as\\ncaptain, or first lieutenant, January 22, 1755, and promoted", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0160.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "Lteutenant Digbys Journal. 129\\nto Lapraire, (about 4 leagues he was shot by a\\nscouting party of the enemy from the wood; two\\nballs took place in his shoulder, of which he died\\nthe following day, and in a general order to the\\nto the captaincy of the second battalion of the same regi-\\nment, February 16, 1756, and major of the One Hundred\\nand Eighth Foot, October 17, 1761. He was raised to the\\nHeutenant-colonelcy of the Twenty-ninth Foot previous to\\nthe departure of the troops from Ireland, and soon after his\\narrival in Canada was further rewarded by having bestowed\\nupon him a brigadier-general s commission. He died on the\\nfirst of August, and was buried at Montreal on the third. Had-\\nden says About the 2nd of August Brigadier Gen l Gordon\\nwas wounded and died. Lord Petersham narrowly escaped\\nthe same fate. The distance between St. Johns and Montreal,\\npassing by Chamblee, is about 30 miles; on this Road the\\nArmy lay encamped or Canton d, but there was a shorter\\nroute by La Prairie, and this tho. unguarded, was thought\\nsecure from the distance panic of the Enemy, and Officers\\nconstantly travell d it without escorts. The Rebels having\\ninformation of this circumstance and wishing for intelligence,\\ndetached one Whitcomb, with four others to waylay this\\nRoad, and they succeeded but too well. Whitcomb shot\\nGen l Gordon when he might have taken him Prisoner. The\\nday following he seized carried bff, the Qr. Master of the\\n29th Reg t and a Noncommissioned Officer, who knew noth-\\ning of the late accident. Whitcomb returned by the edge of\\nLake Champlain and got safe into Tyconderoga with his Pris-\\noners tho. pursued by the Savages. Whitcomb s own account\\nof this transaction is as follows Twenty third, early in the\\nmorning, I returned to my former place of abode, stood there\\nthe whole day, saw twenty three carts laden with barrels and\\ntents going to St. Johns. Twenty fourth, staid at the same\\nplace till about twelve o clock then fired on an officer, and\\nmoved immediately into Chambly road being discovered,\\nretreated back into the woods and staid till night then\\ntaking the road and passing the guards till I came below\\nChambly, finding myself discovered, was obliged to conceal\\n17", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0161.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "130 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\narmy from his excellency, general Carlton, after\\nhaving expatiated on such a cowardly and cruel\\nmanner of carrying on the war he describes the\\ndress, person of the scout, their captain, called\\nmyself in the brush till dark, The next day he completed\\nhis escape. Anburey gives an interesting account of the\\naffair, and says that after being wounded, The General\\nimmediately rode as fast as he could to the camp at St.\\nJohns, which he had but just reached, when with the loss of\\nblood and fatigue, he fell from his horse some soldiers took\\nhim up and carried him to the hospital, where, after his\\nwound was dressed, and he was a little at ease, he related\\nthe circumstance, which being immediately made known to\\nGeneral Carleton, a party of Indians were sent out to scour\\nthe woods, and search for Whitcomb, but in vain, as he\\nhastened back to Ticonderoga. General Carleton, however,\\nimagining he might be lurking about the woods, or secreted\\nin the house of some disaffected Canadian, issued out a\\nproclamation among the inhabitants, offering a reward of\\nfifty guineas to any one that would bring Whitcomb, alive\\nor dead, to the camp. A few days after this, General Gordon\\ndied of his wound, in whose death we sincerely lamented\\nthe loss of a brave and experienced officer. When Whit-\\ncomb returned to Ticonderoga, and informed the General\\nwho commanded there, that although he could not take an\\nofficer prisoner, he believed he had mortally wounded one,\\nthe General expressed his disapprobation in the highest\\nterms, and was so much displeased at the transaction, that\\nWhitcomb, in order to effect a reconciliation, offered his\\nservices to go again, professing he would forfeit his life, if he\\ndid not return with a prisoner. We shall see how well he\\nperformed this promise. General James Wilkinson calls\\nWhitcomb an assassin, and doubtless states correctly that\\nthe shooting of Gordon was looked upon by the Americans\\nas a criminal act. Fz^^ British Army Lists, z /(?c^ Hadden s\\nJournal, pp. 4-6; American Archives, Fifth Series, vol. i, p.\\n828; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i,\\np. 256 Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 69.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0162.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 131\\nWhitcomb/\u00c2\u00b03 a famous ranger from Connecticut,\\nwishing, should he be taken, he might be spared for\\nthe hands of the hangman, a soldier s death being\\ntoo honourable for such a wretch.\\ni Lieutenant Benjamin Whitcomb was one of the most\\nactive and daring scouts on the American side. For his\\nservices he was, shortly after this date, made a major. After\\nshooting General Gordon and narrowly escaping capture by\\nthe troops and Indians sent in pursuit of him, which would\\nhave resulted in his immediate execution, being stung by\\nthe reproaches of some of his companions in arms, who re-\\ngarded the shooting of Gordon a criminal act, he immedi-\\nately returned to the place where the shooting took place,\\nthough it seemed certain death for him so to do, avowing it\\nas his purpose to capture an officer or lose his life in the\\nattempt. The result was the capture by him of the quarter-\\nmaster, Alexander Saunders, and a non-commissioned officer,\\nboth of whom he carried prisoners safely to Ticonderoga. An-\\nburey relates the particulars of the affair: The regiment of\\nwhich our friend S[aunders] is Quarter-master, having occa-\\nsion for some stores from Montreal, he was going from the\\ncamp at St. John s to procure them he was advised not to\\ngo this road, but by way of Chamblee, on account of the\\nlate accident but you know him to be a man of great\\nbravery and personal courage, joined with uncommon\\nstrength resolving not to go so many miles out of his\\nroad for any Whitcomb whatever, he jocosely added that he\\nshould be very glad to meet with him, as he was sure he\\nshould get the reward in this, however, he was greatly\\nmistaken, his reward being no other than that of being\\ntaken prisoner himself. Previous to his setting out he took\\nevery precaution, having not only loaded his fusee, but\\ncharged a brace of pistols when he came near to the\\nwoods I have already described, he was very cautious, but\\nin an instant Whitcomb and the two men he had with him\\nsprung from behind a thick brush and seized him before he\\ncould make the least resistance they then took from him\\nhis fusee and pistols, tied his arms behind him with ropes,", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0163.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "132 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n29*^ By a flag of truce, the general sent all the\\nprisoners taken at Trois Rivieres on parole to their\\nrespective homes, relying on their word of not bear-\\ning arms till duly exchanged how they attended to\\ntheir parole I am not a judge, though many were of\\nand blindfolded him. It was three days before they reached\\nthe canoe that had been concealed, during which time they\\nhad but vQxy scanty fare a few hard biscuits served to allay\\ntheir hunger, while the fruit of the woods was a luxury\\nWhen Whitcomb had marched him to such a distance as he\\nthought he could not make his escape, were he at hberty,\\nthrough fear of losing himself, for the greater ease on his\\nown part and to facilitate their march, they untied his hands\\nand took the cloth from his eyes.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 At night, when they had\\npartaken of their scanty pittance, two out of the three used\\nto sleep whilst the other kept watch. The first night he\\nslept through fatigue on the second, as you may naturally\\nsuppose, from his great anxiety of mind, he could not close\\nhis eyes, in the middle of which an opportunity occurred\\nwhereby he could have effected his escape, for the man whose\\nwatch it was, fell fast asleep. He has since told me how his\\nmind wavered for a length of time, what measures to pursue\\nhe could not bear the idea of putting them to death, though\\njustified by the rules of war; if he escaped from them, they\\nmight in all probability retake and ill-treat him. The great\\nhazard of all, which determined him to abide by his fate,\\nwas, that by being so many miles in a tract of wood, where\\nhe could not tell what direction to take (having been blind-\\nfolded when he entered it), he might possibly wander up and\\ndown till he perished with hunger. In this restless state he\\nremained till daybreak, when they resumed their march, and\\nin the evening came to the creek where the canoe was con-\\ncealed. The next morning Whitcomb reached Ticonde-\\nroga with his prisoners. The shooting of Gordon stirred up\\nmuch bitterness of feeling against the Americans, and when\\na flag of truce was sent by them to the British the day after\\nGordon s death, General Carleton issued the following\\nproclamation", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0164.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 133\\nopinion it would soon be forgot on their getting clear\\nfrom Canada.\\nHead Quarters, Quebec, AugK 4*^, 1776.\\nThe commanding Officers of Corps will take especial\\ncare that every one under their command be informed, that\\nLetters, or messages from Rebels, Traitors in Arms against\\nthe Kmg, Rioters, disturbers of the public Peace, Plunderers,\\nRobbers, Assassins, or Murderers, are on no occasion to be\\nadmitted That shou d emmissaries from such lawless Men\\nagain presume to approach the Army, whether under the\\nname of Flag of Truce Men or Ambassadors except when\\nthey come to implore, the King s mercy, their persons shall\\nbe immediately seized and committed to close confinement\\nto be proceeded against as the Law directs Their Papers\\nLetters for whomsoever directed (even this Com r in Chief)\\nare to be deliver d to the Provost Martial, that unread and\\nunopen d they may be burnt by the hands of the common\\nHangman.\\nThe following is extracted from an order of General Phil-\\nlips, issued from Chamblee the 26th of July. After speak-\\ning of the shooting of General Gordon, he says:\\nThe Person who commanded the Party which attacked\\nGeneral Gordon is Whitcomb of Connecticut calling himself\\nLieutenant. He is between 30 and 40 years of Age, to\\nappearance near 6 feet high, rather thin than otherwise,\\nlight brown Hair tied behind, rough Face, not sure whether\\noccasioned by the small Pox or not. He wears a kind\\nof under Jacket without Sleeves, slash Pockets, leather\\nBreeches, grey woolen or yarn Stockings, and Shoes. Hat\\nThe kindness of General Carleton to his prisoners was\\nnever forgotten by them. Henry, one of those released\\nprisoners whom Digby here alludes to, calls him the\\nAmiable, it might be said, admirable Major Carleton.\\nAfter their parole, a copy of which may be seen in Henry s\\naccount, he says Captain Prentis procured me permission\\nfrom government with a few friends to traverse the city.\\nAn officer of the garrison attended us. Our first desire was", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0165.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "134 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nAugust I4 Our corps moved up to the Isle\\nAux Noix, \u00c2\u00b05 in such battows as were ready, by which\\nthe first brigade took up our ground at St John s,\\nand was, of course, a general movement to the army.\\nThe island is about one mile long and half a one in\\nbreadth, mostly covered with wood, which in a short\\ntime we cleared for our camp, which was badly situ-\\nated, being in a swamp, and much troubled with\\nflapped, a gold Cord tied round it. He had a Forelock,\\nBlanket, Pouch and Powder Horn.\\nShould he, or any of his Party, of the same nature,\\ncome within reach of our Men, it is hoped they will not\\nhonor them with Soldier s Deaths if they can possibly avoid\\nit, but reserve them for due Punishment, which can only be\\neffected by the Hangman. Vide Hadden s Journal and\\nOrderly Books, pp. 7, 8, 237 Travels Through the Interior\\nParts of America, vol. i, pp. 258-263.\\nto see the grave of our general and those of his aids, as well\\nas those of the beloved Hendricks and Humphreys. The\\ngraves were within a small place of interment, neatly walled\\nwith stone. The coffins of Montgomery, Cheeseman and\\nMcPherson were well arranged side by side. Those of\\nHendricks, Humphreys, Cooper, etc., were arranged in the\\nsouth side of the inclosure but, as the burials of these\\nheroes took place in a dreary winter, and the earth im-\\npenetrable, there was but little soil on the coffins, the snow\\nand ice, which had been the principal covering, being now\\ndissolved. The foot of the general s coffin was exposed to\\nthe air and view. The coffin was well formed of fir plank.\\nCaptain Prentis assured me that the graves should be\\ndeepened and the bodies duly deposited, for he also knew\\nMontgomery as a fellow soldier and lamented his untimely\\nfate. Vide Arnold s Campaign Against Quebec, p. 170.\\nIsle-aux-Noix, situated at the northern extremity of\\nLake Champlain and commanding the entrance to the", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0166.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 135\\nsnakes S: The old lines thrown, up by the French,\\n[in the] last war, when they expected General Am-\\nherst from Crown Point, were mostly out of repair\\nand cost us some fatigue to put them in a state\\nof defence, as also to throw up others towards the\\nenemy. I cannot here omit inserting an epitaph\\nwrote by the enemy on the grave of a captain, lieu-\\ntenant and two privates, who were, a few days before\\ntheir main body sailed from the island, and a little\\nafter our arrival at St Johns, scalped by some of\\nour Indians, after having surprised them, though the\\nmost positive orders to the contrary were given by\\nGeneral Burgoyne, with a reward offered for prison-\\nRichelieu or Sorel, was so named by Champlain on account\\nof the abundance of nut trees found growing there by him.\\nIn the campaign alluded to by Digby, the fortification of the\\nisland by the French is described by Sismondi, and seems to\\nbe of sufficient interest to reproduce here. He says: lis\\ndurent evacuer encore la position de Fort Frederic (Crown\\nPoint). Toutefois leur commandant, Burlamanque, se for-\\ntifia a rile-aux-Noix, a I extremite du Lac Champlain et\\ncomme il avoit encore sous ses ordres trois mille cinq cents\\nhommes, il reussit a fermer le chemin de Quebec au Gen-\\neral Amherst, et a I empecher de seconder I attaque du\\nGeneral centre cette ville. Vide Histoire des Fran9ais,\\nvol. 29, ch. 54.\\n^I. Jeffery Amherst was born in Kent, January 29, 1717,\\nand entered the army at the early age of fourteen years.\\nHe saw active service on the continent under General\\nLegineu, upon whose staff he served, and by his ability rose\\nrapidly in rank. In 1758 he was a major-general, and in\\nthat year engaged in the conquest of Canada, aided by New\\nEngland troops, who entered into the contest with enthusi-\\nasm indeed, it was in this war that the men who were now", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0167.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "136 Lieutenant Digbys Jotcrnal.\\ners to prevent scalping. The following was wrote\\non an old board at the head of the grave, which is\\nno bad ruff production, and I wish with all my\\nheart there had been no occasion to have shewn the\\nauthor s talents on such a melancholy subject. I\\nshall not speak of the horrid cruelty of such a custom\\nbeing well assured the reader s heart must detest\\nsuch barbarity, and be roused against the cruel sav-\\nages who inflicted [it], though on our enemies, who\\nstill are our fellow creatures, on whom the rules of\\nwar even among the most uncivilized nations do not\\njustify the exertion of such a scene of torture.\\nBeneath this humble sod;\\nLie\\nCapn Adams, Lieut- Culbertson 2 privates of\\nthe 2d Pensilvanian regiment.\\nNot Hirelings but Patriots\\nWho fell not in battle,\\nbut unarmed.\\nWho were barbarously murdered and inhuinanly\\nscalped by the emissaries of the once just but\\nnow abandoned Kingdom of Britain.\\nSons of America rest in quiet here,\\nBritannia blush, Burgoyne let fall a tear.\\nAnd tremble Bui-ape s Sons with savage race\\nDeath and revenge await you with disgrace}^\\nopposing the British troops in their attempt to subjugate\\nthem were trained in arms. For his success in wresting\\nCanada from the French, he received the order of the Bath.\\nIn 1763 he was made governor of Virginia, and in 1770 of\\nthe Isle of Guernsey. In 1772 he was made commander-in-\\nchief of the army, and in 1776 was created a baron. He\\nWery few particulars of this distressing occurrence have\\ncome down to us. Robert Adams was the son of Thomas", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0168.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0169.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0170.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 137\\nThe main land was but a small distance from us,\\nit scarce there deserves the name of a lake, it being\\ndied, after a most brilliant career, August 3, 1787. Vide\\nBritish Army Lists, in loco The Conquest of Canada, pp.\\n230-277, et passim History of the United States (Hinton),\\nBoston, 1834, vol. I, Book 2; History of Nova Scotia\\n(Haliburton), Halifax, 1829, vol. i, pp. 199-229.\\nand Katherine Adams, and was born in 1745 in what was\\nsubsequently Toboyne township, in Cumberland county,\\nPennsylvania. He was a soldier in the Bouquet expedition\\nto the westward in 1764, and when the Revolution opened\\nhe raised a company of Associators, which formed the\\nsecond company of Colonel William Irvine s regiment, of\\nwhich he was commissioned captain, January 9, 1776.\\nJoseph Culbertson was the son of Alexander and Margaret\\nCulbertson, and was born in 1753 in the Cumberland Valley.\\nHis ancestors came from the North of Ireland about the\\nyear 1730, subsequently locating about seven miles from\\nwhat is now Chambersburg. Owing to several contiguous\\nfarms being owned by different members of the family, the\\nplace was known as Culbertson s Row. Joseph was an\\nearly Associator, and received his commission as ensign\\nin Captain Wilson s company, January 9th, the same day\\nthat Adams received his. He had two brothers in the\\nPennsylvania line, Robert and Samuel, both officers. It\\nwould appear that Adams and Culbertson, in company with\\nseveral other officers and men, on the 21st of June, crossed\\nfrom their camp at Isle-aux-Noix to the western shore of the\\nlake for the purpose of fishing, and not supposing any\\nenemy to be in the vicinity, took no arms with them. Near\\nthe shore was the house of a Frenchman who sold spruce\\nbeer to the soldiers, a beverage which was not only refresh-\\ning, but supposed to possess medicinal virtues and very\\npopular at this time. A small band of Indians, in which\\nwere two Canadians, were in ambush on the shore of the\\nlake watching their movements, and surprised them while\\nthey were stopping at the Frenchman s house to drink, kill-\\ning Adams and Culbertson and two of their companions,\\n18", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0171.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "138 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nnot very broad, but the shore is such a swamp and\\nso thick with wood, that you can scarce land, and\\nthose unbounded forests quite uninhabited, except\\nby Indians and other savage beasts.\\n30*^ For some days past we had the most severe\\nand constant rain it poured through all our tents\\nand almost flooded the island yet the days were\\nvery hot with violent bursts of thunder, attended\\nwith frequent flashes of lightening. The idea of\\nservice to those who have not had an opportunity of\\nseeing any, may induce them to believe the only\\nhardship a soldier endures on a campaign is the\\ndanger attending an action, but there are many others,\\nperhaps not so dangerous, yet, in my opinion, very\\nnear as disagreeable, remaining out whole nights\\nunder rain and almost frozen with cold, with very\\nlittle covering, perhaps without being able to light a\\nfire fearing the enemy s discovering the post, and\\nand, with the exception of two who escaped, carrying the\\nothers into captivity. The men thus cruelly murdered, for\\nthey had no arms and were therefore incapable of defense,\\nwere scalped and mutilated in the usual barbarous manner\\nof the Indians. As soon as Colonels Wayne and Hartley\\nheard of the affair, they started in pursuit of the murderers,\\nbut failed to capture them. They, however, destroyed the\\nhouse and mill of a Tory named McDonald, who was sup-\\nposed to have furnished information to the savages. This\\naccident Wilkinson suggests, caused General Sullivan to\\nevacuate his position at Isle-aux-Noix. Vide A Letter from\\nCrown Point, American Archives, vol. 6, pp. 1253, 1270;\\nMemoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 61. I am indebted\\nfor several important particulars in this note to Dr. Wm.\\nH. Egle of Harrisburg, librarian of the Commonwealth of\\nPennsylvania.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0172.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Joiirnal. 139\\nnot knowing the moment of an attack but always in\\nexpectation of one not that I would be thought to\\ninsinuate from this a preference to the former,\\nexcepting when the nature of the service required it,\\nand visible advantages were likely to flow from it.\\nWe had a guard about 4 miles above the island,\\non the main land, where there were great flocks of\\nwolves. During the night we could hear them after\\na deer through the woods, and then cry something\\nlike a pack of hounds in full chase. They often\\ncame near our out centries, but they being loaded,\\ndid not much mind them.\\nSep 2^. I went on duty to St Johns, and was pres-\\nent at the launching of the Carlton schooner. She\\nwas compleat in guns Ba and the command of\\nher given to lieut. Decars of the navy.\\nJames Richard Dacres, who was now put in command of\\nthe Carleton, was born in February, 1749, and entered the\\nnavy at the early age of thirteen years. He was a lieuten-\\nant on the ship which bore Burgoyne to Quebec. In the\\nbattle which followed his appointment to the command of\\nthe Carleton, he was severely wounded and supposed to be\\ndead indeed, he was about to be consigned to the waters\\nof the lake, when a brother officer interfered and his life was\\nthereby saved. He recovered sufficiently from his wounds\\nto be the bearer of dispatches to England announcing the\\nparticulars of the engagement. In these dispatches his gal-\\nlantry was highly commended by Capt. Pringle, and he was\\nsoon put in command of the sloop-of-war Ceres, which was\\nsubsequently captured by the French frigate Iphigenie. He\\nwas made a post-captain September 13, 1780, and was en-\\ngaged in many brilliant naval achievements during the next\\nfew years. For his important services to the crown he was\\nmade a rear-admiral of the Blue, February 14, 1799, of the", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0173.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "1 40 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n3 About 10 o clock at night an alarm was given\\nby a cannoe full of Indians, that the enemy were\\nbearing down upon the island (the wind being fair\\nfor them) with 6 or 7 schooners sloops, and many\\nbattows full of men, on which General Frazier de-\\nsired we migrht stand to our arms without the least\\nnoise or beating- of drums there wait their arrival.\\nOur works were not near finished, but what cannon\\nwe had were immediately drawn up to the embrasures\\nto play on them while landing. Our advanced corps,\\nwhich was all the force we had on the island, con-\\nsisted of about 1400 men all in good health and\\nspirits and well prepared to give them a warm re-\\nception. An express was directly sent down in a\\ncannoe to Genl Carlton at St Johns, acquainting him\\nwith the above particulars and stateing the strength\\nof the island, 81 I shall here insert general\\nFrazier s orders to us, as it may be the cause of the\\nreader s having some idea of the island.\\nBrigade Orders.\\nIn case of an alarm, the Battallion of Grenadiers\\nto form behind the lines directly in their front. The\\nWhite, January i, 1801, and of the Red, April 23, 1804, and\\nin the latter year was put in command of the Jamaica station,\\nwhere he remained until 1808, being promoted to the rank\\nof vice-admiral of the White, November 9, 1805. He died\\nin England, January 6, 1801. Vide Royal Naval Biography\\n(Marshall), part i, vol. 2, p. 29 Universal Magazine, London,\\nvol. 59, pp. 270-2 Ibid., vol. 62, p. 274 London Chronicle,\\nvol. 48, p. 282; Ibid., vol. 49, pp. 40, 214; Allen s Battles\\nBritish Navy, vol. i, pp. 391, 415 Annual Register for 1799,\\n1 801, 1804.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0174.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 141\\nlight infantry will man the lines in their front, their\\nleft towards their own quarter guard, and the 24\\nregiment to form on the right of the light Infantry.\\nThe officer commanding the Grenadiers to detach a\\nsubaltern and 40 privates to assist in working the\\nlong 12 pounders and howitzers placed to guard the\\nwest passage of the river. The officer commanding\\nthe Light Infantry to send one captain, one subaltern\\nand 60 privates to the 4 gun battery which guards\\nthe East passage. The officer commanding the 24^^\\nregiment will send a subaltern and 40 men to the\\nbastion in which the 4 six pounders are these de-\\ntachments to be made immediately on hearing an\\nalarm. The whole to strike their tents and leave\\nthem on the ground. The men are to get under\\narms without the beating of drums or making the\\nleast noise they are to be particularly careful not\\nto throw away their ammunition by fireing at too\\ngreat a distance. Officers will be very attentive\\nthat the men are well covered by the works from the\\nfire of shipping. All guards without the lines, to\\nretire to the inside on the appearance of shipping.\\nThe guards at the landing place to remain, and to\\ntake care that no person takes a battow without\\npermission. The serjeant of that guard will like-\\nwise take charge of all the wooden cannon, and to\\nbe under the charge of the centry. A non commis-\\nsioned officer of the Artillery to be at the store for\\nthe purpose of delivering ammunition, the surjions\\nto take post there. The women and children to go", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0175.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "142 Lieutenant Digbys JotLrnal.\\nimmediately to the northern extremity of the island,\\nwhere the bullocks are to be drove. The general\\nwill take post at the 4 gun battery in front of the\\nlight Infantry. An orderly officer from each Battal-\\nlion to attend him to carry orders. The Canadian\\nlabourers to be divided in three parts, and a division\\nto be placed in the rear of each battallion with\\nspades, pick axes and hand barrows. Artificers, con-\\nvalescents, and every person in the least able to serve\\nto take arms. Captain Monning s company of\\nCanadians to retire to Scot s farm, and the guard be-\\nhind Blury river to advance to Livingston s house\\nthese posts to be defended to the last extremity.\\nDuring the night we rested on our arms expecting\\nthem every minute.\\n4*^ About 6 in the morning, we very distinctly\\nheard 13 or 14 cannon shot, and imagined they\\nwere fireing on a small guard of ours up the river.\\nCap\u00c2\u00b0 Frazier and a few Indians were sent out to\\ntry, if possible, to take a prisoner. All hands were\\nordered out to throw up more works, and the\\nEnemies delay surprised us, as they well knew the\\n^Monin commanded an irregular company of Canadians,\\nand was engaged with the reckless McKay in expeditions\\nagainst the Americans, small parties of whom he surprised\\nand either killed or captured. These men, on account of\\ntheir cruelty, were warmly hated by the Patriots, who\\nrepaid them in their own coin whenever occasion offered.\\nMonin was killed in the battle of Freeman s Farm Sep-\\ntember 19, 1777.\\nThe Bleurie river is opposite Isle-aux-Noix and empties\\ninto Jackson s creek.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0176.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 143\\nmore time we had to repair our works, the stronger\\nthe island would be. We continued very impatient\\nfor a prisoner to acquaint us with their intentions,\\nnot judging what their aim could be by bringing so\\nlarge a force so very near and yet not attacking us.\\n5. Captain Frazier returned without any intelli-\\ngence, except counting their vessels. On being per-\\nceived, they gave chase, but he being in a birch\\ncannoe soon got clear of them.\\n6*^^ Lieutenant Scott went up towards the enemy\\nwho were still cruising off the island Amott, about\\n30 miles from us. He had a cannoe full of In-\\ndians, and was if possible not to return without a\\nprisoner. When night came on, he paddled his\\nbirch cannoe through their fleet. This the reader\\nwill think rather improbable; but the Indians have\\na method of putting the paddle in the water and\\ntaking it up again without the smallest noise, and\\nthe night being very dark favoured him. He thus\\ngot through their fleet undiscovered, and at day\\nbreak covered himself and party in some bushes\\non [the] shore side, where he did not long remain\\nuntil a battow of theirs came on purpose to cut wood\\nIsle la Motte is an island about six miles long in the\\nnorthern part of the lake. The sieur la Mothe, a French\\nofficer, erected on the west side of this island and near the\\nwater s edge, in 1665, a wooden fort or redoubt, to which he\\ngave the name of Fort St. Anne. This fort was subse-\\nquently called Fort la Mothe, and the Frenchman s name\\nwas also bestowed upon the island. When Kalm passed\\nthrough the lake in 1749, he says that the fort had entirely\\ndisappeared, though he was shown the spot where it stood.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0177.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "144 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nfor fuel they not dreaming of danger left their\\narms in the boat on going ashore. The first who\\nlanded, an Indian starting from his ambush caught\\nhim by his pouch-belt, but the fellow by a sudden\\nexertion, and being greatly frighted, disengaged him-\\nself, the belt breaking, and ran with all his speed\\nto alarm his comrades in the battow who, before\\nthey could make use of their arms, received a heavy\\nfire from the Indians, which did great execution\\namong them, and left but a very few to row back the\\nbattow. Scott findeing he would soon be discovered,\\nwas obliged to take into the woods, where the Indians\\nin some time brought him opposite our island.\\ni8. Our Indians destroyed another battow of the\\nenemy, but could not take a prisoner. We then gave\\nover all thoughts of their comeing down to attack\\nus, and the building of our vessels went on with great\\ndispatch at St Johns.\\n^^^This is the American account of this affair; On the\\nsame day (6th) the boats were ordered on shore to cut fas-\\ncines to fix the bows and sides of the gondolas, to prevent\\nthe enemy from boarding them and to keep off small shot.\\nA boat s crew of the sloop Enterprise went on shore with-\\nout a covering party. They had been out on the same duty\\nthe two preceding days with covering parties and returned\\nunmolested, but upon this occasion they neglected that pre-\\ncaution, when they were attacked by a party of the Forty-\\nseventh Regiment and savages, under Lieutenant Scott of\\nthe Hght infantry of the Twenty-fourth Regiment, who\\npursued them into the water. They all reached the boat,\\nbut before they could row off, three of them were killed,\\nand six others were wounded. Vide The Campaign for the\\nConquest of Canada, p. 145, et seg.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0178.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 145\\n25. An officer of theirs gave himself up to us.\\nThe manner it happened was as follows. He was\\nsent with two men from them to reconnoitre our\\nsituation They had seven days provisions\\ngiven them on setting out, and came undiscovered\\nopposite our island, where he took an exact view of\\nour camp works and sent one man back with\\nthe intelligence. He and the other then proceeded\\nthrough the woods down to St Johns, where he saw\\nthe Carlton and Maria^^^ near finished and other\\nvessels on the stocks. His seven days provisions\\nbeingr then almost finished, he returned back, still\\nundiscovered by our Indians, which was surprising,\\nas they were generally on scouting parties through\\nthe woods. On comeing opposite to where their\\nfleet lay when he left them, he perceived they had\\nquit that station, as the preceding day, from a gale\\nof wind, they were obliged to take shelter under the\\nIsle-of-Mott. He was then greatly at a loss what\\ncourse to take, his provisions being all gone, and\\nafter liveing a day or two on nuts and whatever he\\ncould pick up in the woods, he was obliged to sur-\\nrender himself to one of our out posts and was imme-\\ndiately conveyed to General Frazier, who from his\\n^This was probably Ensign McCoy, who was dispatched\\nby Arnold down the west side of the Sorel with a squad of\\nthree men to obtain intelligence of the enemy. Lieutenant\\nWhitcomb was also dispatched with a hke squad down the\\neast side of the river for the same purpose, but we have an\\naccount of his return, while no mention is made of McCoy s.\\nShe was so named in honor of the Lady Maria Howard,\\nthe wife of Sir Guy Carleton.\\n19", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0179.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "146 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nsullen manner did not much depend on the intelli-\\ngence he gave. He informed that they had no\\nintention of coming down to attack us by land,\\nwell knowing the great superiority they must have\\nover our forces on the lake, their fleet being\\nmuch superior, he was convinced, to any we could\\nbring against them that year. That Col Arnold\\n^Benedict Arnold was born at Norwich, Connecticut,\\nJanuary 3, 1741. His father was a man of character, and of\\nhis mother it was said by one who knew her intimately, that\\nshe was a saint on earth and is now a saint in heaven.\\nA letter from her to Benedict while at school, is worthy of\\nreproduction here, as showing the character of his early\\ntraining\\nNorwich, ^/r// 12, 1754.\\nDear Child: I received yours of the ist instant and\\nwas glad to hear that you was well pray, my dear, let your\\nfirst concern be to make your peace with God, as it is of all\\nconcerns of the greatest importance.\\nKeep a steady watch over your thoughts, words and\\nactions. Be dutiful to superiors, obliging to equals, and\\naffable to inferiors, if any such there be. Always choose\\nthat your companions be your betters, that by their good\\nexamples you may learn.\\nFrom your affectionate mother,\\nHANNAH ARNOLD.\\nP. S. I have sent you 50s. Your father put in 20\\nmore. Use it prudently, as you are accountable to God and\\nyour father. Your father and aunt join with me in love and\\nservice to Mr. Cogswell and lady, and yourself. Your sister\\nis from home.\\nIn spite of his excellent training, he grew to be a man\\nostentatious in manner, insincere and thoroughly selfish.\\nThat he possessed military ability of a high order, was ever", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0180.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 147\\nwas Commodore on the lake, and commanded on\\nboard the Royal Savage of great force. He also said\\nthat there were 20,000 men at Crown Point and\\nTiconderoga well supplied with cannon provisions\\n26*\\\\ We had a violent storm of rain, wind, thunder,\\nand great flashes of lightening during the night. I\\noften thought the tent would take fire. Next morn-\\ning I mounted an advanced guard four miles above\\nthe island, the storm still continueing, and passed a\\nmost disagreeable day and night with scarce any\\nshelter from the constant heavy rain. We could\\nthere hear their evening gun very plain, and it was\\nalert and thoroughly brave, no one can doubt. Many of the\\nmen who engaged with him in the war for independence\\nwere governed by no higher motives than those which actu-\\nated him possessed, indeed, a desirefor self aggrandizement\\nas inordinate as his, and never realized the moral splendor\\nof the cause for which they contended. When the news of\\nthe battle of Lexington reached him at New Haven, where\\nhe was keeping a druggist s shop, he at once seized his\\nsword and hastened to Boston to offer his services to his\\ncountry. He suffered severe hardships in the war which\\nfollowed, and did not shrink from making any personal sacri-\\nfice to attain success. He rendered valuable service to the\\ncause of liberty but smarting under the sting of disap-\\npointed ambition, he rushed in a fit of passion to the\\ncommission of an act wholly inexcusable. That he has\\nbeen painted in darker colors than he deserved is now\\nknown. After his treason, he went to England and died at\\nBrampton June 20, 1801. Though treated with considera-\\ntion by the king, he suffered indignities from men, who\\nperhaps, made the occasion of his treason serve to enable\\nthem to show their inborn contempt of a New England\\ncolonist who was naturally disliked at this time in England.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0181.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "148 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nproposed in a few days to move up to Riviere-la-\\nCole, seven miles nearer them.\\n27 Had the pleasure of seeing two of our\\nschooners, the Maria Car/ton, come up to us\\nfrom St Johns. Captain Pringle was appointed\\nCommodore of the Lake Champlain and to com-\\nmand on board the Maria, so called after lady Maria\\nCarlton. In the evening I was seized with a\\nviolent shivering and lightness in my head, which\\nwas attributed to cold, I must have got the pre-\\nceeding night on guard. About 10 o clock I was\\nquite delireous and out of my senses, after which I\\nRiviere la Colle, nine miles southerly from Point au Fer,\\non the western side of the lake. According to Hadden,\\nthere was a small settlement there at this time.\\nThomas Pringle was of Scotch birth, and this was the\\nbeginning of a notable career. After his success on Lake\\nChamplain, he returned to England as bearer of dispatches,\\nand was made a post-captain November 25th, In January,\\n1777, he was assigned to the command of the Ariadne and\\njoined the West India fleet, attaining distinction in several\\nnaval engagements. On April 4, 1 794, he was made colonel of\\nthe Marine Forces, and on June 4th, in reward for his brilliant\\nservices in the victory over the French fleet of Admiral\\nVillaret, he was created a rear-admiral of the Blue, and\\nJune I, 1795, rear-admiral of the Red. He subsequently\\ntook command at the Cape of Good Hope, and February 14,\\n1799, was made vice-admiral of the White, and January i,\\n1 801, vice-admiral of the Red. His death took place at\\nEdinburgh Decembers, 1803. Vide Political Index to His-\\ntories Great Britain, etc. (Beatson), vol. 2, p. 47 London\\nChronicle, vol. 41, p. 406, vol. 43, p. 186, vol. 44, p. 458, vol.\\n45, p. 286, vol. 48, p. 58 Universal Magazine, London, vol.\\n62, pp. 140, 274 Military Memoirs (Beatson), vol. 6, pp. 160,\\n270; Annual Register, 1794, 1795, I799 1801 Naval His-\\ntory of Great Britain (Brenton), vol. 2, pp. 42, 169, et seq.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0182.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Jotcrnal. 149\\ncannot tell what happened. I was blistered on\\nmy back, and all the next day continued in the\\nsame distracted situation. Indeed, I believe my\\nfriends thought it was all over with me, but it\\npleased God to spare me, and on the 30*^ I\\nreturned to my senses, but so weak and faint,\\nas scarce able to turn in my bed, and what made\\nit more disagreeable was our corps of Grenadiers\\nmoveing up to Riviere-la-Cole the day I fell ill.\\nMy tent could not be struck on account of my\\nsituation, so [I] was left almost alone on the island,\\nbut did not remain long in that situation, as the First\\nBrigade landed from St Johns, the 31^* regiment com-\\nposing part of it, when my brother in law, Capt.\\nPilot, gave me every assistance in his power, got\\nHenry Pilot, the brother-in-law of Digby, was com-\\nmissioned a lieutenant in the Thirty-first Foot, July 18,\\n1764, and shortly after embarked for Pensacola, the capital of\\nWest Florida, which country had the previous year been\\nceded to Great Britain by Spain. At this time the yellow\\nfever prevailed there, and upon its arrival the regiment\\nsuffered severe mortality. It continued here however, until\\nthe breaking out of the Carib war. On the eve of the cam-\\npaign against the Caribs September 23, 1772 Pilot was\\npromoted to a captaincy, and served in that capacity during\\nthe arduous and destructive campaign of the following two\\nyears. At the conclusion of the Carib war, he returned to\\nEngland, where he was stationed at the time of the break-\\ning out of the war in America. He participated in the\\ncampaign of y6, but was performing garrison duty when\\nBurgoyne s army surrendered hence he escaped the\\ncaptivity which befel a portion of his regiment. As his\\nname disappears from the army list in 1782, it is reasonable\\nto suppose that he left his regiment in Canada, where it was", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0183.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "150 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nme a good physician and had me removed into his\\ntent which had a stove, where I recovered fast. The\\nfew days I continued ill, there was heavy rain and the\\nisland almost flooded but, fortunately, my tent had\\nstood it out pretty well. We were all provided for\\nthe cold weather we then soon expected in cross-\\ning the lake, with warm clothing, such as under\\nwaistcoats, leggings, socks and smokeing\\ntobacco was counted a preservative of the health\\nagainst dews, which arose from the many swamps and\\nmarshy, drowned lands that surrounded the island.\\nOctober 5*^ Went up to our corps at Riviere-la-\\nCole, after remaining with my friends of the 31^\\nregiment till I recovered sufficient strength. I\\nsailed up in a raddoux vessel carrying six 9\\npounders, commanded by captain Longcroft, who\\nthen and for several years afterward stationed, and returned\\nhome, perhaps with Digby, who retired at the same time.\\nFrom this period we lose sight of him until June 14, 1800,\\nwhen he was appointed town major of DubHn. Of his sub-\\nsequent career we have no particulars. Vide British Army\\nLists, in loco Historical Record of the Thirty-first Foot,\\npp. 33-42.\\nEdward Longcroft s name does not appear in the subse-\\nquent operations of Burgoyne s Army. After his return to\\nEngland he was commissioned a commander in the British\\nservice, April 23, 1782, a position which he continued to\\nhold for a number of years. Vide Court and City Register\\nfor 1789 and 1794. Edward Longcroft entered the British\\nnaval service as a midshipman on board the Arrogant,\\nOctober 3, 1769, and served on this ship until he joined the\\nNainiir, December 26, 177O. On April 18, 1771, he joined\\nthe Princess Amelia of eighty guns, then under the orders of\\nAdmiral Rodney, who had recently been appointed to the", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0184.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 1 5 1\\nshowed me every civility in his power. The floating\\nBattery, Maria and Carlton, sailed with us, and our\\nlittle voyage was pleasant, the day being fine and the\\nlake now running very broad. General Burgoyne\\nwas on board the Maria, who ran aground on a bank,\\nbut was towed off without any damage. The ves-\\nsels were all cleared and ready for action, waiting\\nonly for the Inflexible, our largest vessel, which was\\nshortly expected up.\\nJamaica station, and served until July 14, 1772, when he\\nreceived his discharge. We see no more of him until we\\nfind him in command of the Loyal Convert on Lake Cham-\\nplain. It is probable that he was on the fleet that sailed\\nfrom Cork, in the spring of 1776, for the relief of Quebec,\\nand that he was acting as a volunteer, since his name does\\nnot appear on the Admiralty record during this period. At\\nwhat time he returned to England we are not informed\\nbut he was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant on the\\nGrafton, February 13, 1781. He was placed on half pay\\nSeptember 11, 1781 but on May i, 1782, was put in com-\\nmand of the Zebra, one of the squadron under command of\\nCommodore Dacres, who has been mentioned elsewhere.\\nOn April 15, 1783, he went on half pay and remained out of\\nthe service until April 15, 1805, when he was put in com-\\nmand of the Sea Fencibles between Kidwelly and Cardigan.\\nGn March i, 18 10, he again went on half pay, and died\\nAugust 16, 1812. I am indebted to the courtesy of the\\nLords Commissioners of the Admiralty for materials of this\\nnote.\\nThe Inflexible was a three-masted vessel, and the Maria\\nand Carleton were schooners. After trying in vain to drag\\nthese vessels around the Chambly rapids on rollers, they had\\nbeen taken to pieces and so transported to a convenient\\nplace from which they could be launched. After laying the\\nkeel, the Inflexible was ready to enter the water in twenty-\\neight days, but Carleton was obliged to float her below the", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0185.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "152 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nG^. The fleet went up a little higher with a fair\\nwind. The enemies were cruising off Cumberland\\nBay, about 20 miles above ours.\\n7*^ The First Brigade moved up to our post at\\nRiviere-la-Cole, and ours went up to point-au-Faire/^\\nseven miles higher. The order for our proceeding\\non the Lake was as follows. Three small boats in\\nfront of all as a party of observation, our schooners\\nand armed vessels in line of battle following Gun\\nIsle-aux-Noix, where the water had a sufficient depth, in\\norder that she might receive her guns, which consisted of\\neighteen twelve-pounders. The raddoux vessel which\\nDigby was on, was the Loyal Convert, and had been cap-\\ntured from the Americans when they abandoned Quebec.\\nThe entire fleet was as follows:\\nShip Inflexible, Lieutenant Schank, 18 12-pound guns.\\nSchooner Maria, Lieutenant Starke, 14 6-pound guns.\\nSchooner Carleton, Lieutenant Dacres, 12 6-pound guns.\\nRadeau Thunderer, Lieutenant Scott, 6 24-pound guns, 6\\n12-pound guns, 2 howitzer guns.\\nGondola Loyal Convert, Lieutenant Longcroft, 7 9-pound\\nguns.\\nTwenty gimboats, each having a brass field-piece of from\\n9 to 24 pounds each, some carrying howitzers.\\nFour tenders, or long boats, carrying field pieces.\\nTwenty-four long boats carrying provisions.\\nThe entire fleet comprised twenty-nine vessels armed with\\neighty-nine guns and manned with six hundred and seventy\\nthoroughly trained and disciplined men, all under the com-\\nmand of Pringle, who on all occasions showed himself to\\nbe a most daring and efficient officer. Both Pringle and\\nDacres rose subsequently by their ability to the highest rank\\nin the British navy.\\nPoint au Fer is a headland on the eastern shore of the\\nlake. Burgoyne considered it of sufficient importance to\\nfortify it with a block-house.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0186.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 153\\nboats carrying 24 or 12 pounders in their bow and\\nmaned by the Artillery. The battallion of Gren-\\nadiers in flat bottomed boats, and in their rear,\\nthe remainder of the army in battows. One gun\\nfired from a gun boat, was a signal to form 8 boats\\na breast and two guns, a signal to form a line of\\nboats. This had a pretty effect, as our men were\\nall expert at rowing, having been ordered to practice\\nfrequently. This was the first intention of our cross-\\ning, but afterwards, found not to answer so well as\\nour armed vessels and gun boats engageing theirs\\nseparately, leaving the troops on land to wait the\\ndecision, as were any accident to happen to the\\narmed vessels, the troops must be in a most hazard-\\nous situation, and little able to defend themselves\\nwith small arms against the cannon of the enemy.\\nAt Point-au Faire, the lake turns quite a sea, form-\\ning a most beautiful prospect, being intersperced\\nwith numerous islands, mostly thick with trees, which\\nat that time of the year (the trees changing their\\ncolour) added still to the scene. This place is thickly\\ncovered with wood, under which we pitched our tents,\\nwaiting for the Inflexible she being obliged from want\\nof water to have her guns brought up in boats, after\\nwhich a ship of the line would have water sufficient\\nand it certainly was a noble sight to see such a vessel\\non a fresh water lake in the very heart of the Continent\\nof America so great a distance from the sea\\n8 It blew fresh and a good deal damaged our\\nbattows by strikeing against each other, on which we\\n20", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0187.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "154 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nanchored our flat bottom boats off the shore, and\\nbrought the battows round a point to a small creek\\nunder some shelter from the land. There were many-\\ndeer in the woods about, some of which we shot, also\\ngreat flocks of wild pidgeons, which, as our fresh pro-\\nvisions (sheep we brought from St Johns and\\nIsle-aux-Noix) were almost finished, helped out his\\nmajesties allowance of beef and pork very well.\\nThe wood was so thick round us, that some of our\\nmen were near losing themselves on straggling a\\nsmall distance from camp, against which there were\\nparticular orders. It is surprising, with what a degree\\nof certainty an Indian will make his way from one\\ncountry to another through the thickest woods, allow-\\ning the sun to be constantly hid from his sight by\\nclouds, where a person, not used to such a country,\\nwould soon be lost, and the more attempts made to\\nextricate himself, perhaps, would only serve to entan-\\ngle him the deeper.\\n9. We had 3 men killed on the spot by a tree\\nthat was cut down near their tent, and unfortunately\\nfell on them while asleep. To prevent such a melan-\\ncholy accident happening again, an order was given\\nfor no tree to be felled, within 100 yards of the\\ncamp. About 12 o clock we heard the enemy very\\ndistinctly scaleing the guns on board their fleet, and\\nsoon hoped to make [them] exercise them in a\\nScaling a gun is, in military parlance, to cleanse it of\\nscales occasioned by rust, which is accomplished by explod-\\ning in the gun small charges of powder.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0188.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 155\\ndifferent manner. The bad intelligence, the army\\nreceived of General Howes opperations to the\\nsouthward, was not a little surprising, our expecta-\\ntions being sanguine from that quarter, he having\\nthe command of so great an army, and so fine a fleet\\n4\\n123 gjj- William Howe was a grandson of George the First by\\nhis mistress, the Baroness Kilmansegge. He was born August\\n10, 1 729, and entered the army at the age of eighteen. He was\\nmade lieutenant, September 21, 1747, and captain of the\\nTwentieth Foot, June i, 1750, major of the Sixtieth Foot,\\nJanuary 4, 1756, and Heutenant-colonel, December 17, 1757.\\nHe took part in the siege of Louisbourg, in 1758, and par-\\nticipated as commander of the light infantry in the capture\\nof Quebec under General Wolfe. He was in command of a\\nbrigade against the French in 1761, and, in 1762, acted as\\nadjutant-general in the operations against Havana. He\\nwas commissioned a colonel in the army, February 19, 1762,\\ncolonel of the Forty-sixth Foot, November 21, 1764, and\\nlieutenant-governor of the Isle of Wight in 1768. He was\\ncreated a major-general, May 25, 1772, and, when the war\\nbroke out in America, formed one of the noted trio to whom\\nwas assigned the task of subjugating the refractory colonists.\\nWith his associates, Clinton and Burgoyne, he reached Bos-\\nton, May 25, 1775, and led the assault on Bunker Hill. He\\nsucceeded General Gage in the command of the British\\nforces in America in the following October. He was in\\ngreat favor with the government, which seems to have placed\\nfull confidence in his ability. He led a luxurious life in\\nBoston, frequenting, it is said, the faro table, the ball-room\\nand the theatre, and carrying on an affaire d amour with a\\npopular belle of the day, which caused a writer to say that\\nas Cleopatra of old lost Mark Antony the world, so did\\nthis illustrious courtesan lose Sir William Howe the honor,\\nthe laurels, and the glory of putting an end to one of the\\nmost obstinate rebellions that ever existed. He was created\\nlieutenant-general in the army, August 29, 1777. He was\\nrelieved from his command in America in May, 1778, and\\nreturned to England. He represented Nottingham in Par-", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0189.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "156 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nunder his brother lord Howe, we could expect no\\naccounts by land, that being in possession of the\\nenemy, but the sea was open, and, had he performed\\nany capital stroke, it should not be kept a secret from\\nthe army. General Carlton, some imagined, might\\nhave received intelligence, which it was said he coiild\\nnot divulge were they ever so favourable. Certainly he\\nis one of the most distant, reserved men in the world\\nhe has a rigid strictness in his manner, very unpleas-\\ning, and which he observes even to his most particu-\\nlar friends and acquaintance, at the same time he is\\na very able General and brave officer has seen a\\nliament during the sessions of 1778, 79 and 80, and became\\nlieutenant-general of ordnance, April 23, 1782, member of\\nthe Privy Council June 21st of the same year, colonel of the\\nNineteenth Light Dragoons, April 21, 1786, general in the\\narmy, October 12, 1793, governor of Berwick in 1795. On\\nthe death of his brother, Lord Viscount Howe, in 1799, he\\nsucceeded to his titles. In 1808 he was appointed governor\\nat Plymouth. He died July 12, 18 14. Vide British Army\\nLists, in loco Siege of Boston (Frothingham), pp. 133-149\\net passim Burke s Peerage and Baronetage, in loco; His-\\ntorical Record Forty-Sixth Foot History of New York\\nDuring the Revolutionary War (Jones), vol. i, pp. 252, 716\\net passim vol. 2, pp. 86, 423 et passion.\\nRichard Earl Howe was born in 1725, and succeeded to\\nthe titles of his elder brother, the friend of Schuyler, who\\nwas killed at Ticonderoga in 1758. He was a midshipman\\nat the age of fourteen under Lord Anson, and was a lieuten-\\nant at twenty. He had risen to the rank of rear-admiral in\\n1770, and, in 1775, was made vice-admiral of the Blue. After\\nhis return from America he became first lord of the admi-\\nralty and commanded the British fleet successfully against\\nthe French in 1794. He died August 5, 1799. Vide Burke s\\nPeerage and Baronetage, in loco.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0190.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 1 5 7\\ngreat deal of service and rose from a private life,\\nthough a very good family, by mere merit to the\\nrank he at present bears. In time of danger he pos-\\nsesses a coolness and steadiness, (the attendant on\\ntrue courage) which few can attain yet he was far\\nfrom being the favorite of the army. Genl Bur-\\ngoyne alone engrossed their warmest attachment.\\nFrom haveing seen a great deal of polite life, he\\npossesses a winning manner in his appearance and\\naddress, far different from the severity of Carlton,\\nwhich caused him to be idolized by the army, his\\norders appearing more like recommending subor-\\ndination than enforcing it. On every occasion he\\nwas the soldiers friend, well knowing the most san-\\nguine expectations a general can have of success,\\nmust proceed from the spirit of the troops under his\\ncommand. The manner he gained their esteem was\\nby rewarding the meritorious when in his power,\\nwhich seldom failed from the praise which they re-\\nceived, to cause a remissness in duty [to be] odious\\nand unmanly, and a desire of emulation soldier like\\nhonourable. But I shall often have occasion to\\nmention him in the following pages.\\nlo*^ About 120 clock our small fleet sailed up with\\na fair wind, which was a most pleasing sight to the\\narmy. Their decks were all cleared ready for\\nimmediate action. Genl Carlton went in person (tho.\\nmany blamed his hazarding himself on an element\\nso much out of his line), on board the Maria, and\\ngave the command of the fleet to Pringle as com-", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0191.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "158 Lieutenant Digbys Journal,\\nmodore, by which he was of very little service on\\nboard, excepting proveing his courage, which no man\\nin the army has the least doubt of. The wind\\nblowing fresh, we expected shortly to hear of their\\nengageing, on which our fate in a great measure\\ndepended.\\n1 1*^ We were in hourly expectation of intelligence.\\nOur Indians were on the banks on the lake, who, we\\neagerly hoped, would come down to inform us of\\nany thing particular, and that day passed over in the\\ngreatest state of uncertainty.\\nI2^^ Was awoke very early in the morning by a\\nconfused noise about my tent, and on hearing the\\nword Carlton named, imagined something had hap-\\npened, so arose and made the greatest haste to the\\nshore side, where a boat had just arrived with our\\nwounded men from the fleet. The accounts were,\\nthat our fleet came pretty near them, when the wind\\nshifted a little about, when none of our vessels could\\nhaul so much to the windward as the Carlton, who\\nmade all the sail possible for them and stood most\\nof their fire for a long time, assisted by a few gun\\nboats that the Royal Savage engaged her, and\\nat last was obliged to strike to the Carlton, but,\\nThe Royal Savage was a schooner, and had been built\\nunder the supervision of General Arnold. She carried four\\nsix and eight four-pound guns, and was manned by fifty men.\\nThe account of her destruction, here given by Digby, is\\ndoubtless as it was given to him, but is incorrect. The\\nRoyal Savage, while beating up against the wind where there\\nwas insufficient room, was stranded on Valcour Island. She", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0192.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 159\\nagainst all the rules of war, after strikeing, they\\nran her on shore, blew her up and escaped in the\\nwood. The greatest praise was given to lieut Decars\\nfor his spirited behaviour, ,as he did not retire till so\\nmuch shattered in masts rigging, as made it nec-\\nessary to tow the vessel off by boats. Our gun boats\\nalso did great execution, but unfortunately, one of\\nthem blew up on the water. The sailors also informed\\nus, that the enemy wanted to fly from us, but that\\nour fleet had got them into a bay which they could\\nnot escape from, without fighting, and that our Float-\\ning battery was moored at the entrance of the bay,\\nand three 24 pounders ready to open on them by\\nday light. From these accounts, it was imagined\\nthat in all probability, a few hours would determine\\nwho should be masters of the Lake though we made\\nbut little doubt of our being victorious and all that\\nday, waited with the greatest impatience watching\\nearnestly with our glasses for the appearance of a\\nboat.\\n13* Was passed over in the sarne state of sus-\\npense and uncertainty.\\nI4 We were very impatient for an express, and\\ndid not well know what to think, when about 3\\no clock a cannoe was perceived at a great distance\\nmakeing all the way possible for our camp. On her\\nhad been much injured in the engagement, and as it was\\nfound impossible to get her afloat, she was abandoned, and\\nher crew escaped. A party of British troops boarded her\\nduring the night, and to prevent the Americans from making\\nany use of her again, set her on fire and so destroyed her.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0193.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "i6o Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nnearer approach we perceived it was Sir Francis\\nClark, the general s aid-de-camp, who waving the\\n126 gjj. Fi-ancis Carr Gierke was born in London, October\\n24, 1748, and entered the Third Foot Guards, January 3,\\n1770, as an ensign, and received a lieutenant s commission,\\nJuly 26, 1775, which was equivalent to the rank of a captain\\nin the army. He was made adjutant, February 3, 1776, and\\naccompanied Burgoyne, with whom he was a favorite, to\\nAmerica as an aide-de-camp. When Burgoyne returned to\\nEngland, after the campaign of jd^ Gierke accompanied\\nhim, and also returned with him the next spring in the\\ncapacity of private secretary and aide-de-camp. In the bat-\\ntle of October 7, 1777, while riding to deliver an order\\nwhich Burgoyne said would have changed the fortunes of\\nthe day had it been delivered, he was shot in the bowels\\nand taken prisoner. He was taken to the tent of General\\nGates, where he remained, tenderly cared for, until his death,\\nWilkinson gives the following affecting particulars of the\\nclosing scenes of Gierke s life: On one occasion, the\\nwounded general inquired if the American surgeon^ were\\ngood for anything, as he did not like the direction of his\\nwound, and wished to know whether it was fatal, or not. The\\nphysicians concealed their fears from him, but carefully\\nwatched him day and night. Seeing Dr. Townsend hesitate\\nwhen he pressed him for an opinion, he exclaimed in his\\nusual frank way, Doctor, why do you pause Do you\\nthink I am afraid to die and upon being advised by that\\nphysician to adjust his private affairs, he thanked him, and\\nquietly complied. Burgoyne said of him He had orig-\\ninally recommended himself to my attention by his talents\\nand diligence as service and intimacy opened his character\\nmore, he became endeared to me by every quality that can\\ncreate esteem. I lost in him a useful assistant, an amiable\\ncompanion, an attached friend the State was deprived by\\nhis death of one of the fairest promises of an able general.\\nHe died on the 13th of October following his injury. Vide\\nBritish Army Lists, in loco Burke s Peerage and Baronet-\\nage, in loco Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 269; A\\nState of the Expedition, p. 125.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0194.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. i6i\\nenemies colors, thirteen stripes, declared the day\\nwas all our own. This happy intelligence was\\nanswered by the troops in three huzzas, and the joy\\nexpressed by the whole, gave evident signs of their\\nsatisfaction on so important a victory. He informed\\nGeneral Frazier that the enemies fleet had by some\\nmeans escaped ours on the night of the 12^ but\\nthe following day ours came up, and after a smart\\naction, burnt, took or destroyed all their vessels on\\n127 A flag bearing thirteen stripes, alternate red and white,\\nemblematical of union, suggested, perhaps, by the Roman\\nfasces, was first displayed over the American camp at Cam-\\nbridge on the 1st of January, 1776, and the next month\\nCommodore Esek Hopkins sailed from the Delaware to\\noperate against Lord Dunmore s fleet, which was then on\\nthe Virginia coast, bearing the striped flag with the addition\\nof a rattlesnake stretched diagonally across it with the\\nwords Dont tread on 7ne underneath. It was not until\\nthe 14th of June, 1777, that Congress resolved that the\\nflag of the United States be thirteen stripes, alternate red\\nand white that the Union be thirteen stars, white, in a\\nblue field, representing a new constellation. When St.\\nLeger appeared before Fort Schuyler, in the beginning of\\nthe following August, the fort was without a flag, and as it was\\nnecessary to have one. General Gansevoort caused one to\\nbe made, in accordance with the resolve of Congress, by cut-\\nting the white stripes from a shirt, and the red ones from\\nthe petticoat of a soldier s wife, using the blue cloak of\\nCaptain Abraham Swartwout to make a field upon which to\\ndisplay the new constellation. This flag, Mr. Wm. L. Stone\\ninforms us, is in the possession of a descendant of General\\nGansevoort, by whom it is cherished as a most precious\\nrelic. As Digby does not mention that the flag which Sir\\nFrancis Gierke had captured bore upon it the stars or the\\nserpent, we must infer that it was like the one displayed at\\nCambridge at the beginning of the year.\\n21", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0195.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "l62\\nLieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nthe lake. That a general Waterbury and a great\\nmany were made prisoners and that it was general\\nCarlton s orders we immediately strike our camp,\\nembark in our boats without loss of time, and make\\nthe best of our way to Crown Point, where we\\nshould receive further orders. I shall here insert\\nthe fate of the enemies fleet on the ii^^ and 13\\nof October.\\nth\\nACCOUNT OF THE ENEMIES FLEET ON LAKE CHAMPLAINICOMMANDED\\nBY BENEDICT ARNOLD.\\nSHIPS NAME.\\n1\\nc\\n3\\nWeight of Metal. 129\\n3\\nPi\\n2\\n2\\n2\\nc\\n3\\na*\\n2\\nI\\nI\\nI\\nI\\nt\\n3\\nOh\\n2\\nI\\nI\\nI\\nI\\nI\\n1\\nI\\n8\\n2\\n(U\\n3\\nOh\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n3\\n2\\n2\\n2\\nt\\n3\\nOh\\n6\\n6\\n6\\n4\\n4\\nt\\ne\\n3\\nOh\\n2\\n10\\nt\\n4)\\n3\\nOh\\n2\\n2\\n6\\nRow gal-\\nleys\\nGondolas.\\nSchooners\\nCutters\\nCongress burnt\\n13\\n13\\nlO\\nII\\n13\\n12\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\nn\\n13\\n16\\n10\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n14\\nS\\n10\\n6\\nWashington taken\\nTurnbull escaped\\nPhiladelphia sunk\\nNew York burnt\\nJersey taken\\nProvidence burnt\\nNewhaven burnt\\nSpitfire\u00e2\u0080\u0094 burnt\\nBoston burnt\\nConnecticut burnt\\nRoyal Savage bio wn up\\nRevenge escaped\\nEnterprise escaped\\nLee cutter taken\\nDavid Waterbury, Jr., was born at Stamford, Connecti-\\ncut, February 12, 1722. He was a man of great energy\\nand had a predilection for military affairs, having, in 1747,\\nnearly thirty years before this date, been an ensign in the\\n^^The number of guns and weight of metal here given are\\nmuch exaggerated. The following is the correct armament\\nof the vessels, with the names of their commanders", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0196.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n163\\nAt Ticonderoga and had not joined the fleet,\\none row galley 10 guns, and the schooner Liberty, 8\\nState militia, and subsequently having served through six\\ncampaigns against the French and Indians. Naturally he\\nwas one of the first to actively espouse the American cause,\\nand we behold him in July, 1775, at the head of his regi-\\nment marching to occupy Crown Point and Ticonderoga.\\nHis uncompromising patriotism rendered him harsh and\\nsevere toward those who did not support the popular cause\\nindeed, the historian of Stamford says that he seems to\\nhave shown them no mercy. One of the reasons given by\\ncitizens in this vicinity for going over to the enemy was the\\nexcessive rigor of Colonel Waterbury. This resentment,\\nhowever, against traitors, as they were popularly but not\\nreasonably called, was general. Lord Mahon says in refer-\\nence to it, that a ferocious saying came to be current in\\nAmerica that, though we are commanded to forgive our\\nenemies, we are nowhere commanded to forgive our friends.\\nGeneral Carleton was elated at his capture, and immediately\\nreported it to Germaine. He was soon exchanged and again\\nin service. At the close of the war, he returned to the\\nplough, and died on his farm at Stamford, June 29, 1801.\\nVide History of Stamford, Ct. (Huntington), pp. 417-23\\nHistory of England (Mahon), vol. 6, p. 127 Sparks Life of\\nWashington, vol. 7, p. 288 vol. 8, pp. 88, 92, et passim.\\nVessels names.\\nCaptains.\\ni\\n3\\nM\\n0\\n(U\\na\\n.2?\\n5\\nbfj\\nas\\n.if\\nS\\nS\\n2\\nS\\n4\\n4\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n4\\n4\\n8\\n4\\n4\\nRow Galley\\nGondola\\nCongress\\nWashington\\nTrumbull\\nPhiladelphia..\\nNew York\\nJersey\\nProvidence\\nNew Haven\\nSpitfire\\nBoston\\nConnecticut.\\nRoyal Savage.\\nRevenge\\nArnold\\nWaterbury\\nWigglesworth-\\nRice\\n8\\n8\\n8\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n12\\n8\\nI\\nI\\n2\\n2\\n2\\nReed\\nGrimes\\nSimonds\\nMansfield\\nUlmer\\n11\\nSumner\\nI\\nSchoouer\\nHawley\\nSeaman", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0197.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "164\\nLieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nguns. One of the gondaloes, I have no confirmed\\naccount of, but believe she was burned 13 October\\nTHOS PRINGLE\\nSir Francis also informed that general Arnold\\nwho acted as commodore, after finding all was lost\\nsome how escaped on shore, after behaving with\\nremarkable coolness and bravery during the engage-\\nment. In the following pages will be seen how great\\nan acquisition his being taken would have been to\\nus, as he is certainly a brave man, and much confi-\\ndence reposed in him by their Congress. We em-\\nbarked about 4 o clock in the evening, and though\\nwe made the greatest expedition possible did riot\\narrive at Crown Point until the 20^^ where our fleet\\nhad been for some days. The lake in ruff weather\\nis dangerous for battows, as there are great swells in\\nmany parts, but none that did our small fleet any\\ndamage and we arrived there without any accident\\nhappening to us. We had good sport in shooting\\nVessels names.\\nCaptains.\\na\\nbn\\no\\nXI\\na\\n12\\n6\\n8\\n94\\n00\\nbf\\nbf\\nS\\nI\\nON\\nM\\n5\\nI\\n00\\nx3\\nM\\nS\\nr2\\n4\\n4\\n5\\nM\\n4\\nEnterprise\\nDickenson\\nRow Galley\\nLiberty\\nPremier\\nTotal, 16 vessels.\\nManned by 800 men.\\nit will be seen that the British fieet carried a much heavier\\nweight of metal.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0198.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 165\\npidgeons, flocks of which flew over us thick enough\\nto darken the air, also large eagles. There were\\nherds of deer all along the shore side, which were\\nseldom disturbed, the country being but little altered\\nsince its first state of nature, except now and then\\na wandering party of savages comeing there to hunt\\nfor their subsistance. At night we landed and lay\\nwarm enough in the woods, makeing large fires. When\\nit rained, it was not so pleasant, but use reconciled\\nall that soon to us, and we slept as sound under the\\ncanopy of the heavens as in the best feather bed.\\nCrown Point is a remarkable fine plain, an uncom-\\nmon sight to us after being so long buried in such\\nboundless woods, where our camp formed a grand\\nappearance. Some few families who had not joined\\nthe enemy lived there but had suffered much, as\\ntheir cattle were mostly drove away for their loyalty.\\nThey had a force at Crown Point under the com-\\nmand of a Major Heartly, 3\u00c2\u00b0 who thought proper to\\nThomas Hartley was a native of Reading, Pennsylvania,\\nand was born September 7, 1748. He was bred to the law,\\nand was practicing his profession at York when the war\\nbroke out with the mother country. He at once threw\\naside his Coke and Blackstone and hastened with other\\npatriots to offer his services to his country. He received a\\ncommission as lieutenant-colonel of the Sixth Pennsylvania\\nRegiment, January 9, 1776, and, after Colonel Irvine was\\ntaken prisoner, the command devolved upon him. He was\\nan energetic officer, and showed great zeal in the prosecu-\\ntion of the plans which were assigned to him to carry out.\\nIn common with Waterbury and other commanders in the\\nAmerican army, he was hostile to those who espoused the\\nroyal cause, or who, while professing neutrality, were ready", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0199.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "1 66 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nretire to Ticonderoga on our fleet comeing so near\\nhis works, where they were thunder struck at hearing\\nof the defeat of theirs, thinking it scarce possible.\\nOur loss on the lake was about 60 men killed and\\nwounded. Their general Waterbury, the rest of\\nthe prisoners were sent back to them by general\\nCarlton to Ticonderoga on their parole, and Capt\\nCraig 3 47* light Infantry, went as a flag of truce\\nto afford aid and comfort to the enemy, and he showed them\\nno favor. In 1778, after the massacre of Wyoming, he led\\nan expedition into the valley, and for his brave and efficient\\nconduct in the prosecution of this enterprise, was highly\\ncommended by the government. Shortly after, he retired\\nfrom military life, and was a member of the Council of Cen-\\nsors in 1783, and one of the convention delegates of Penn-\\nsylvania which ratified the Constitution of the United States,\\nDecember 12, 1787. He was a member of Congress from\\n1789 until the day of his death, which took place at York,\\nin his native State, December 21, 1800. Vide Revolutionary\\nRecord, p. 202 Sparks Washington, vol. 4, p. 12; vol. 5,\\np. 422, et passim Field Book of the Revolution (Lossing),\\nvol. I, p. 362, et seq.; Campaign for the Conquest of Canada,\\npp. 100, 107, et passim.\\nJames H. Craig was born at Gibraltar in 1748, his father\\nbeing judge of civil and military affairs there. When he was\\nfifteen years of age, the Thirtieth Foot was in garrison at\\nGibraltar, and young Craig, being infected with the military\\nfever, obtained through the influence of his father a com-\\nmission as ensign, which bore date June i, 1763. He was\\npromoted, July 19, 1769, to a lieutenancy, and March 14,\\n1 771, was commissioned a captain in the Forty-seventh\\nFoot, which he accompanied to America in 1774. This\\nregiment was stationed at Boston during the siege of that\\ncity, and formed part of Lord Percy s command on that\\nmemorable nineteenth of April, when the first battle for\\nAmerican independence took place. Captain Craig was at", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0200.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 167\\nwith them. In return, they sent the general a letter\\nof thanks, but would not permit even the prisoners\\nto enter the fort, but sent them directly away, which\\nwas politic enough, as by their informing their\\ncountry men how well they had been used, might\\nthe battle of Bunker Hill in which he was wounded. He\\njoined Carleton at Quebec in the spring of 1776, and accom-\\npanied him in the campaign of that year. He was also in\\nthe disastrous campaign of Burgoyne, was wounded at Hub-\\nbardton and Freeman s Farm, and conducted the negotia-\\ntions for the surrender of the army. In these negotiations\\nevery thing was done to salve the wounded pride of Bur-\\ngoyne and his aristocratic officers, and, among other things,\\nthe term convention was substituted for capitulation in the\\npreparatory articles of surrender, at Captain Craig s solicita-\\ntion. He went to England after the surrender with dis-\\npatches, where he received the appointment of major in the\\nEighty-second Foot, and returned to Halifax in 1778, and\\nwas engaged during the following year in operations in east-\\nern Maine. He served through the war of the Revolution,\\nwas promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel of his regiment,\\nDecember 31, 1781, and of colonel in the army, November 18,\\n1790. In 1794 he was made major-general, and the next\\nyear was appointed governor of the Cape of Good Hope,\\nhaving conducted a successful expedition thither. He re-\\nturned to England in 1797, and was raised to the peerage for\\nhis efficient services. In January, 1 801 while in India, where\\nhe had been in service nearly four years, he received a com-\\nmission of lieutenant-general, and the next year returned to\\nEngland, where he was at once assigned to a command. At\\nthe close of a successful service in the Mediterranean, he\\nreceived, in 1807, the appointment of governor-general of\\nBritish North America. His hatred of every thing savoring\\nof democracy caused him to act harshly toward every move-\\nment of a liberal character, and he soon found himself sur-\\nrounded by enemies. For four years he held the reins of\\noffice, when, broken in health and disgusted with the people\\nof the province, who it would seem were equally disgusted", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0201.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "1 68 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\ninduce some to turn on our side. Gen Gates then\\ncommanded there of whom I shall have occasion\\nto speak more of hereafter. He was formerly in our\\nservice, but from his wife s connections, who is an\\nAmerican, he was induced to change into theirs. He\\nis a man much confidence is reposed in by their Con-\\nwith him on account of his tyrannical administration of\\naffairs, he returned home in the summer of 1811, and died\\nthe January following. Vide British Army Lists, in loco\\nMemoirs of My Own Times, pp. 309-317 Journal of Occur-\\nrences During the Late American War, Dublin, 1809, p. 174\\nGentleman s Magazine, vol. 48, p. 551,\\n^^2 Horatio Gates was born in 1728, and it has been asserted\\nthat he was a natural son of Horace Walpole. Even as\\nrecent and generally accurate a writer as Fonblanc^ue says,\\nhe was related by marriage to the Earl of Thanet, and\\nwas a godson (scandal attributed a nearer relationship) of\\nHorace Walpole, a statement precisely similar to that made\\nwith respect to the parentage of Burgoyne, which was attrib-\\nuted to Lord Bingley, and which Fonblanque labors to\\ndisprove. Strange to say, Fonblanque does not seem to\\nhave thought of examining the life of Walpole to ascertain\\nwhat probability existed for this story. Horace Walpole\\nwas born October 5, 1717, and at the time of Gates birth\\nwas less than eleven years of age, and this fact, hitherto\\nunnoticed, should set this idle story at rest; but it will\\nprobably be repeated by careless writers till the end of time.\\nHorace Walpole was his godfather, and had a brother\\nHoratio, Baron of Wolterton, and what more probable than\\nthat the name of his august kinsman applied to the obscure\\ninfant of the housekeeper who was intimate with my\\nmother s woman, was an incipient display of that humor\\nwhich subsequently made the genius of Walpole con-\\nspicuous? Walpole s journals have been published, and,\\nfortunately, he has left an item relating to the matter. He\\nsays that Gates was the son of a housekeeper of the second\\nDuke of Leeds, who, marrying a young husband when very", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0202.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 169\\ngress, but as to what he deserves for the exchange, I\\nshall leave the reader to judge. Their force then\\nat Ticonderoga, about 14 miles, was said to be 20,000,\\nand it was thought from the lateness of the season\\nand many other reasons, but this, the one most\\nmaterial, that it would be but a vain attempt to\\nold, had this son by him. My mother s woman was inti-\\nmate with that housekeeper, and hence I was godfather to\\nher son, though I believe not then ten years old myself. It\\nwould almost seem that Walpole had heard that the parent-\\nage of Gates had been ascribed to him, and therefore placed\\nthis statement on record to refute it. When twenty-six\\nyears of age, Gates, who had been bred to the profession of\\narms, and had served as a volunteer under Cornwallis while\\nthe latter was governor of Halifax, joined General Braddock\\nat Fort Cumberland, and participated in the unfortunate\\ncampaign which ended so disastrously to the British arms.\\nIn this battle he was wounded, but more fortunate than\\nmany of his brother soldiers, escaped with his life. He was\\nsubsequently stationed in western New York with his com-\\npany, and while there was commissioned a brigade major.\\nHe was then selected by General Monckton as aide-de-camp,\\nand accompanied that officer to the West Indies, where he\\ngained attention by his gallantry in the capture of Martinico.\\nHe was bearer of dispatches to London announcing the vic-\\ntory, and was rewarded by being made a major in the Royal\\nAmericans. Although his advancement had been unusually\\nrapid, he was disappointed and having married a lady of\\nhigh connections, he sold his commission and endeavored,\\nthrough the influence of his friends and the family relations\\nof his wife, to obtain a lucrative appointment under the\\ngovernment. Failing in this, he emigrated to America and\\nsettled on an estate which he purchased in Berkeley county,\\nVirginia. He was a friend of Washington, and was dining\\nat Mount Vernon when the news of the battle of Lexington\\nwas received. He was at once aroused to take part in the\\npopular cause, and Washington procured his appointment as\\n22", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0203.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "1 70 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nbesiege it that year, we having but a small part of\\nthe army on that side of the lake viz, the first Bri-\\ngade and our Advanced corps. The remainder of\\nthe army nor having battows ready to remove from\\nSt Johns, and the Isle-aux-Noix, from whence it was\\nthought by the advice of the engineers who were\\nadjutant- general with the rank of a brigadier. He joined\\nthe camp at Cambridge in July, and busied himself in organ-\\nizing the raw recruits, in which service he was very efficient.\\nHe was made a major general in May, 1776, and in the\\nJune following, was appointed to the command in Canada.\\nNaturally of a jealous disposition, he was disturbed at the\\never-growing popularity of Washington and instead of\\nassisting, as in duty bound, his old companion-in-arms in his\\narduous campaign during the winter of j^ and jj, he busied\\nhimself in efforts to supplant him. Washington was, how-\\never, too magnanimous to allow the treachery of Gates to\\ndisturb him, and he endeavored to secure his really valuable\\nservices in reorganizing the army at his old post, as adjutant-\\ngeneral. A conflict of authority now arose between him\\nand Schuyler, a pure and reasonably disinterested patriot,\\nwhich was settled by Congress, which decided in favor of\\nSchuyler. Gates at once proceeded to Philadelphia to lay\\nhis grievances before Congress, but made so poor a display\\nof himself as to excite the opposition of that body, and he\\nretired with indignation. The failure of St. Clair to main-\\ntain his position at Ticonderoga, which was in Schuyler s\\ndepartment, gave an opportunity for the enemies of Schuy-\\nler and the friends of Gates to get the former removed, and\\nhe was superseded by Gates. When he assumed the com-\\nmand, every thing was in readiness, as far as it possibly could\\nbe, to meet the onset of the advancing army of Burgoyne,\\nSchuyler having bent all his energies toward rendering the\\nadvance of the enemy difficult and the American army effi-\\ncient, so that he found nearly every thing shaped to his hand.\\nMany writers have criticised the action of Gates in this cam-\\npaign, one of whom we will quote: Says Lossing: While", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0204.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 171\\nconsulted respecting works, that the enemy must\\nreturn to winter in Canada, they not being then able\\nto throw up lines for above 1300 men, and even then,\\nwe should have no place to cover our troops from the\\nArnold was wielding the fierce sickle of war without, and\\nreaping golden sheaves for Gates garner, the latter was\\nwithin his camp, more intent upon discussing the merits of\\nthe Revolution with Sir Francis Clarke, Burgoyne s aide-de-\\ncamp, who had been wounded and taken prisoner, and was\\nlying upon the commander s bed at his quarters, than upon\\nwinning a battle all important to the ultimate triumph of\\nthose principles for which he professed so warm an attach-\\nment. When one of Gates aids came up from the field of\\nbattle for orders, he found the general very angry because\\nSir Francis would not allov/ the force of his arguments. He\\nleft the room, and, calling his aid after him, asked, as they\\nwent out Did you ever hear so impudent a son of a b h\\nPoor Sir Francis died that night upon Gates bed. That,\\nin spite of his faults, which have perhaps been exaggerated,\\nand for which he subsequently suffered, Gates possessed\\nnoble qualities, is evidenced by his domestic correspond-\\nence, the emancipation of his slaves and generous provision\\nfor their support. Not long before his death, near the end\\nof a disappointed life, he wrote, expressing these noble senti-\\nments I am very weak and have evident signs of approach-\\ning dissolution. But I have lived long enough since I have\\nlived to see a mighty people animated with a spirit to be free\\nand governed by transcendent abilities and power. He\\ndied in New York, April 10, 1806, at the age of jZ. Vide\\nPolitical and Military Episodes, p. 283 British Army Lists,\\nin loco Last Journals of Horace Walpole, London, 1859,\\nvol. 2, p. 200; George HI (Horace Walpole), London, 1847,\\nvol. I, p. 401 Irving s Life of Washington, vol. i, p. 422,\\net seq. vol. 3, p. 66; Life of Washington (Sparks), vol. 2,\\np. 469; vol. 3, pp. 6, 7, 483, 481, et passim Curwen s Jour-\\nnals and Letters, N. Y., 1842, p. 475, et seq.; Field Book of\\nthe Revolution, vol. i, p. 63 Memoirs of My Own Times,\\nvol. I, p. 269.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0205.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "172 Lieutenant Digbys JoiLrnal.\\nvery severe cold shortly expected to set in. ^s The\\ncruelty exercised by Major Heartly over the poor\\ninhabitants was great burning many of their habi-\\ntations and small effects, and driveing away their\\ncattle, many of which we found in the woods, which,\\nby the general s order, were either returned to the\\nowners, or an adequate price paid them for such\\ncattle as were wanted for the use of the troops,\\nand it gave me the sincerest pleasure to think\\nour troops could relieve the miseries of the un-\\nfortunate as well as conquer the enemies of our\\ncountry. On general Burgoyne s first hearing of\\nthe compleat victory gained by our fleet over the\\nenemy, he gave out the following orders to the army,\\nand which I should have inserted sooner. In it, he\\npays the greatest compliment to General Carlton.\\n^^^The Americans were waiting at Ticonderoga with\\nanxious impatience for Carleton to attack them, and were\\nin excellent condition to receive him. Arnold held an im-\\nportant command, and was active in strengthening his posi-\\ntion. It was supposed that an attack would be made upon\\nthe old French lines, and every preparation was made to\\nmeet it there. Every precaution was taken by the Ameri-\\ncans to prevent a surprise, and every effort resorted to in\\norder to obstruct the approaches to their works. The\\nweather continued bad, but supplies of munitions of war\\nand of men continued to arrive. Gates wrote to Schuyler\\non the 24th: Carleton keeps very close to Crown Point,\\nhis navy at anchor on his flanks. I have scouts constantly\\ndown on both sides of the lake. I apprehend by this time\\nhis force is all collected, and expect this stillness will be suc-\\nceeded by a grand attack. The army here are in good\\nspirits and think only of victory. Had Carleton followed\\nthe urgent advice of Burgoyne and Phillips, there is a fair\\nprobability that he would have met with defeat.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0206.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Jozirnal. i JZ\\nGeneral Orders.\\nI f^ Oct Riviere Sable, Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne, have-\\ning received authentic intelligence of the late victory,\\nobtained by the commander in chief in person, takes\\nthe first moment to communicate to the army, that\\nof the 1 6 vessels of which the rebel fleet consisted\\nbefore the action, three only escaped, all the others\\neither taken or destroyed. The importance of the\\nconquest is not greater to the national cause, than is\\nthe glory achieved to his majesty s arms, conspicuous\\nby the general behaviour of the officers and men. It\\nis a part of magnanimity to spare public demonstra-\\ntion of triumph on the present occasion but it is\\nnot doubted that this army will be affected with\\nevery sentiment the brave are accustomed to feel\\nfrom present great glorious examples.\\n24 Lieut Gen Burgoyne sailed in the Washington\\nprize for St Johns, from where he was to go by land\\nfor Quebec where a frigate was ready to sail with him\\nto England, as it was then determined the army was\\nto return to winter in Canada, make their appear-\\nance early the following season before Ticonderoga,\\nwhen every thing necessary for the reduction of that\\nfort would be in greater readiness, and the season\\nmore favourable for our operations than so late in the\\nyear, during which time our fleet would be masters\\nof the Lake, and the severity of the winter too great\\nfor them to build any vessels that could obstruct\\nour movements early in the spring; even at that", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0207.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "1 74 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\ntime the cold was very severe and our tents but a\\nsmall covering against it.\\n25*^ Our Indians, who with Capf Frazier were ad-\\nvanced nearer their lines, took a prisoner and before\\nthey brought him to us painted the poor devil in a\\nmost curious manner, which almost frighted him out\\nof his wits. It often surprised us their not attacking\\nus at Crown Point, their numbers being so greatly\\nsuperior to ours.\\n29*^^ Gen Carlton and General Phillips, who\\ncommand the Artillery, went up towards their lines\\n13^ William Phillips entered the Royal Military Academy\\nat Woolwich, August i, 1^46, as a cadet was made lieuten-\\nant-fireworker in the Artillery, January 2, 1747; quarter-\\nmaster of the First Battalion, April i, 1750; second lieuten-\\nant, March i, 1755, and first lieutenant, April i, 1756. As\\ncaptain in the Royal Artillery, to which he was commissioned\\nMay 12, 1756, he distinguished himself in Germany. At the\\nbattle of Minden, in 1759, he commanded three companies\\nof the Royal Artillery, and was particularly thanked by\\nPrince Ferdinand, who testified his appreciation of his dis-\\ntinguished services by a present of a thousand crowns. At\\nWarbourg the next year he gained attention by his skill and\\nefficiency in handling his artillery, and August 15th, was\\npromoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the army. In\\n1768 he received the appointment of lieutenant-governor of\\nWindsor Castle, and was commissioned a colonel in the army,\\nMay 25, 1772. He was elected in the autumn of 1774 to\\nrepresent Boroughbridge in Parliament, and when the war\\nbetween England and her trans-Atlantic colonies broke out,\\nhe was commissioned, January i, 1776, a major-general for\\nservice in America. He had seen long and arduous service,\\nin which he had always shown great skill and bravery. He\\nit was who planted his batteries upon Sugar Loaf Hill, which\\nforced the evacuation of Ticonderoga without a battle, and\\nsent St. Clair, discomfited and disgraced, on his flight south", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0208.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 1 75\\nto reconnoitre their strength, situation Bl and which\\nby them were thought of great extent force. By\\ndeserters we heard they were then receiving fresh\\nsuppHes of cannon and other stores. During the\\nmonths of October and November, there are frequent\\nsqualls of wind on the Lake, which come momentary\\nwith his shattered army. On April 25, 1777, he had been\\nappointed major in the artillery, and on August 29th, he\\nwas promoted to the rank of major-general in the army. He\\nwas fully trusted by Burgoyne, and assumed command of\\nthe captive troops after the latter s return to England. He\\nwas proud and passionate and, during his captivity at Cam-\\nbridge, was confined by General Heath to the limits of his\\nhouse and grounds and the road leading to the quarters of\\nhis troops, for using language which reflected upon the honor\\nand dignity of Congress. When in Virginia with the cap-\\ntive army, he made the acquaintance of Jefferson, and was\\nhospitably entertained by him and Mrs. Jefferson at their\\nmansion. Jefferson afterward spoke of him as the proudest\\nman of the proudest nation on earth. He was exchanged\\non the 25th of October, 1780, and the following spring set\\nout upon an expedition into Virginia. He was accompanied\\nby Benedict Arnold, who had, since his last battle against\\nPhillips, at Saratoga, joined the British side. On this expe-\\ndition Phillips contracted a fever and died at Petersburg,\\nMay 13th. While he lay upon his death-bed, Lafayette\\nappeared upon the heights opposite Petersburg and began\\na cannonade of the British position, one of his cannon balls\\ngoing through the dying general s chamber and killing a\\nfemale negro attendant. Vide Travels Through the Interior\\nParts of America, vol. 2, p. 506, British Army Lists, in loco\\nHistory of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), London, 1872, vol.\\nI, pp. 207-217; A State of the Expedition, Appendices\\nXLVHI, LIV Memoirs of General Heath, pp. 166, 169,\\net passim Simcoe s Journal, London, 1787, pp. 129-146;\\nLife of Jefferson (Randolph), pp. 50, 53 Historical Maga-\\nzine, vol. 9, p. 247.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0209.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "1 76 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\noff the land and do great damage particularly to small\\ncraft. A few days before, the Carlton being under\\nway and cruising on the Lake, one of these sudden\\nsqualls was very near laying her on her beam ends.\\n30. Our floating battery sailed for St Johns with\\nstores which opportunity we took to forward\\nletters to Montreal post, in order to their being\\nsent to our friends in Great Britain, as few vessels\\never sail from Quebec after the 15 November on\\naccount of the frost, which begins to set in with great\\nviolence about that time, after which Canada is as\\nmuch shut out from all communication with the rest\\nof the world as possible, particularly then, as the\\ncountry from Ticonderoga was in possession of the\\nenemy.\\nNovember 2^^. We embarked in our battows and\\nlong boats for Canada, and proceeded about 17\\nmiles, where our small fleet were obliged to put\\ninto a creek, the wind blowing very fresh, though\\nfair for us, but causing a deep swell which was not\\nso safe for the battows as to the long boats there\\nwas but little danger. Our soldiers called this place\\nDestruction Bay, and not unaptly, as there we saw\\nthe great execution the enemy suffered from the fire\\nof our fleet in the engagement on the 11^ and 13\\nOctober. Some of their dead were then floating- on\\nthe brink of the water, just as the surf threw them\\nthese were ordered to be directly buried. During\\nthe night it blew fresh and was attended with a fall\\nof snow which was the first we had experienced.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0210.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 177\\nThe weather being fair we got under way, and with\\nboth sails and oars got a good distance before night.\\n6 After a variety of weather, we made Point-au-\\nfaire. We had a strong gale of wind crossing over\\nCumberland Bay, where we could not keep the shore\\nwithout going six times the distance at least, and this\\nshort cut, if I can call it so, was near endangering\\nmany of our battows. Near that, we saw the wreck\\nof the Royal Savage, and had the rest of their fleet\\nbehaved as well as she did, we should not have been\\nso easyly masters of the Lake, We found one Artil-\\nlery man of ours who fell the i f^ him we buried.\\nAt night we made large fires as before, and lay\\nround them, keeping our feet always next the fire, as\\nwhen they are warm the body is seldom cold.\\n9*^ Embarked for St Johns after remaining at\\nPoint-au-faire from the 6 on account of the delay\\nIn getting over provisions ammunition all\\nwhich were sent down to St Johns before our moveing\\nfrom that post. We also brought with us the fami-\\nlies who resided before at Crown Point, as it would\\nhave been cruel to have left them to the mercy of\\nthe enemy, who no doubt would persecute them, for\\ntheir attachment to us. We had scarce pushed off\\nthe shore, about break of day, when the greatest fog\\narose I ever beheld, and which prevented our seeing\\nabove 3 or 4 yards from our boat s bow, in conse-\\nquence of which we separated, some steering one\\nway and some the other. Brig Gen Frazier caused\\ndrums to beat in his boat, by which he collected many\\n23", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0211.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "1 78 Lieutenant Digbys Jotcrnal.\\nothers, but in place of going to St Johns he went\\ndirectly the opposite course back to the Isle of mott,\\nwhere he thought proper to land and wait till next\\nday, which was clear. Our boat, by great good\\nfortune, made St Johns before night, though we saild\\nround a small island twice, thinking it the main land.\\nAt night we found a hearty reception from our Regi-\\nment, who garrisoned that fort and had not crossed\\nthe Lake.\\nIO^^ The remainder of our Corps came down, the\\nday being clear. Our ships were all laid up at this\\nplace for the winter, masts and rigging taken from\\nthem, and the ice broke round every morning and\\nevening to prevent their keels from suffering by the\\nsevere frosts then shortly expected.\\n10^^^, We marched for Vershere, a neat village on\\nthe banks of the river St Lawrence, and about six\\nleagues below Montreal.\\n^^^Vercheres is a small village on the right bank of the St.\\nLawrence, twenty-three miles below Montreal, and is still\\na small village, its population not greatly exceeding one\\nthousand persons. It derives its name curiously from a\\nheroine, Madame de Verchere, who in the year 1690, being\\nleft alone in the little palisaded block-house here, while the\\nfew people who composed the hamlet were at work in a dis-\\ntant clearing, perceived a party of Indians approaching to\\nattack the place. She instantly seized a gun and fired upon\\nthem and although several attempts were made to scale\\nthe palisade, she kept them at bay until help arrived. At\\nanother time a larger body of savages attacked and took\\nprisoners all the men who were laboring in the fields.\\nMadame Verchere with one soldier, her daughter and other\\nwomen, were in the block-house, and seeing their husbands", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0212.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 1 79\\ni6 Our battalHon of Grenadiers arrived at Ver-\\nchere our winter quarters, after a pleasant and agree-\\nable march, and our men were billeted through the\\nparish, 2 or 3 in each house. The army were quar-\\ntered in like manner through the province, where\\nthere were prepared good stoves and plenty of fuel\\nto enable us to bear comfortably the severity of the\\napproaching season, as during that time every thing\\nis froze. All kinds of provisions are laid up in that\\nfrozen state, during the winter, and when wanted to\\nbe used, are gently thawed in cold water for some\\ntime and then cooked, when they eat perhaps after\\nbeing months killed, as well as if just before slaugh-\\ntered and, were a thaw to take place during the\\nwinter months, there would be every prospect of a\\nfamine in the province, as at the setting in of the\\nfrost, such eatables as are to serve the inhabitants\\nfor near half the year are all slaughtered cows,\\ntaken prisoners, many of the women made loud lamenta-\\ntions. To prevent their cries from reaching the Indians,\\nand encouraging them in their designs upon the fort, she\\nshut them up, and hastily assuming the garb of a soldier,\\ntrained a cannon upon the foe. She resorted to the strata-\\ngem of firing first from one embrasure and then from\\nanother, and prevented the Indians, who supposed the fort\\nheld a considerable number of defenders, from taking it\\nuntil a force arrived from the fort at Chambly where the\\ncannon had been heard, and not only raised the siege, but\\nwas fortunate enough to rescue the prisoners who were in\\nthe hands of the savages. Madame Verchere subsequently\\nreturned to Normandy, where, at her death, a tombstone\\nwas reared over her, upon which was placed an inscription\\ncommemorating these acts of bravery.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0213.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "i8o Lieutenant Digbys JotirjzaL\\nbeeves pigs and all sorts of fowls [are] laid up in this\\nmanner, nay, I have seen cream hawked through\\nthe streets of Quebec and sold by weight, carried\\nin a basket. The great river St Lawrence in one\\nnight s frost will have ice thick enough to bear any\\ncarriage. Then the Carrioling, which is the princi-\\npal amusement of the Canadians, commences. That\\ncarriage from the great velocity it moves on the snow\\nice, from its easy and pleasant motion seems to\\nengross all their attention during the winter months.\\nIt is drawn by one or two horses, which in Canada\\nare excellent for the draught, tho in general small,\\nand is rather a help, so very easy is the draught to the\\nhorses, to keep them steady on the ice. The persons\\nseated in the Caryole, generally two, are dressed\\nentirely in furs. The ladies [furs] in general and of\\nthe higher rank are elegant, so famous in that part of\\nthe world to protect them from the severe cold but,\\nyet it is pleasant, the sky being quite serene and not\\na cloud to be seen in the hemisphere. Thus equipt\\nyou paVade over the ice snow amidst perhaps a\\nhundred other caryoles, painted in the most gaudy\\nThis is a word of purely Canadian coinage, and has\\npassed unnoticed by lexicographers. Carriole is a French\\nword for a small, light carriage, and, strangely enough, has\\nbeen metamorphosed into carryall and applied to a cumber-\\nsome vehicle formerly much in vogue in New England, but\\nunknown in Europe. Hadden gives the word as cabri-\\noling, a word of very different etymology, from caper^ a\\ngoat, referring especially to the leaping motion of that ani-\\nmal, and applied also to a carriage (cabriolet and cab), which\\noriginally was a small one-horse carriage (cabriolet and cab),\\nto which the horse imparted a jerking motion.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0214.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "Lieute7iant Digbys Journal.\\ni\u00c2\u00abi\\ncolours, which from the great contrast of the snow\\nhas a beautiful effect. The ice is much smoother\\nand better for this amusement before a snow storm,\\nwhich is there frequent but yet the idea of the\\nwater being deep enough under you to float a ship\\nof the line, and the ice so very transparent as fish\\nto be seen under it, has rather an alarming appear-\\nance to a stranger, though very seldom accidents\\nhappen as by an order from the governor the roads\\nare marked out on the river, keeping clear of all\\nsprings, many of which are to be found on the St\\nLawrence except at the breaking up of the ice the\\nthaw generally coming on about the latter end of\\nMarch when Caryoles are sometimes lost; for ex-\\nample one officer of our regiment. Captain Scott ^7\\nAlexander Scott belonged to a noted Scotch family\\nknown as the Scotts of Logi*e, and was commissioned an\\nensign in the Thirty-seventh Foot, October 3, 1757. He was\\nadvanced to the rank of Heutenant, May 17, 1759, and served\\nwith his regiment through the French war, when, in 1763,\\nhis regiment, the Seventy-fifth Foot, which was composed\\nof the Second Battalion of the Thirty-seventh Foot-\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nthat battalion having been detached and so numbered in\\nI75Q was disbanded. From that time until February 11,\\n1767, he was on half pay, but on the date named was made\\na lieutenant in the Fifty-third Foot while it was stationed at\\nGibraltar. The next year he accompanied his regiment to\\nIreland, and, when it was ordered to America in the spring\\nof 76, he accompanied it, and served through the campaign\\nof that year, being assistant commissary of Powell s Brigade.\\nIn a note to Hadden s Journal and Orderly Books, p. 206, he\\nis stated to have served through the Burgoyne campaign, and\\nto have died in 1778 but this statement of Digby corrects\\nthe error. Vide Burke s Landed Gentry and British Army\\nLists, in loco.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0215.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "1 82 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nand one of 47 regiment, Cap Lestrange/^^ both\\nunfortunately lost their lives in this manner. The\\nthaw is attended with a tremendous noise, the ice\\nrushing down from the great Lakes in large bodies\\ncrushing all before them many leagues after clearing\\nthe gulph, and rendering the approach of ships to\\nthat coast at this time of the year very dangerous.\\nAll the great Lakes and Rivers we passed during\\nthe summer in boats and battows were at this season\\nof the year fine plains for caryoling. The cold is\\nso very intense, that we have had port wine froze\\nin the bottles, though in a room with a stove. On\\ngoing out in the air, you must be very well raped up\\nwith furs or the most tender parts will be frost\\nbitten, which the only remedy for is being well\\nrubbed with snow, else the part will, perhaps, mortify\\nor drop off. Some few o\u00c2\u00abvour men have suffered in\\nthis manner through their own carelessness, as they\\nRichard L Estrange entered the Forty-seventh Foot as\\nan ensign, June 13, 1765. He was promoted, November 6,\\n1769, to the rank of captain-lieutenant, and to that of captain.\\nMay 25, 1772. At the date of his latter promotion, the\\nForty-seventh was stationed at Ireland, from whence it sailed\\nfor America in 1773. The Forty-seventh, which had before\\nseen service in America, having distinguished itself under\\nWolfe at the fall of Quebec, was one of the regiments ordered\\nto Boston at the beginning of troubles there, and in the bat-\\ntles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, Captain L Estrange\\nparticipated. After the evacuation of Boston, he sailed with\\nhis regiment to Halifax, and soon after joined General Carle-\\nton s command and participated in the campaign of 76, which\\nwas his last. Vide Historical Record of the Forty-seventh\\nFoot and British Army Lists, in loco.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0216.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Dighys Journal. 183\\nwere all provided with caps, gloves, blankets coats,\\nA poor fellow of our company died during the\\nwinter, and we found it a most difficult affair to\\nbury him. After near a days labor with crows, pick-\\naxes we had a grave dug for him, the ground\\nbeing froze above six feet deep. This was matter\\nof surprise to the Canadians, who place their dead\\nat this season in a small habitation built beside their\\nplaces of worship, where they remain froze till the\\nwarm weather allows them burial. At this time the\\nwolves and bears come from the woods to pick up\\nfood, when the former are dangerous they are taken\\nin traps when they howl most dreadfully. We killed\\na fine bear and his flesh proved not very bad at\\nleast it was a variety. It had a young cub which we\\ntamed and in a little time^ was very tractable. All\\nthe hares turn at this season as white as snow, as\\nindeed do many other beasts in more nothern countrys.\\nNothing but a melancholy white strikes the eye on\\nevery side, and [there is nothing] which takes the\\nplace [better] of that beautiful variety of colours,\\nwhich is the greatest ornament of the country, than\\n[the] trees, which appear planted in the snow and\\nwhich present to our sight only hoary heads and\\nbranches loaded with icicles. During the winter\\nthere were balls, assemblys at Quebec and Mon-\\ntreal the former is the seat of the Governor, who\\nlives in a great degree of elegance, and as absolute\\nin his government as possible. Gen Carlton, notwith-", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0217.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "184 Lieutenant Digbys Jotcmal.\\nstanding his severity, was much liked by the Cana-\\ndians, perhaps fear might have something to say in\\nthat case. 3^ /General Phillips commanded at Mon-\\ntreal,\\\\ and general Riedzel,. of the foreign tropps, at\\nTrofs Riviere. The persons of the Canadians\\nbut I am exceeding the bounds, I at first prescribed\\nin my preface, by a digression no doubt tedious\\ntiresome to the reader.\\nThus situated we passed the Winter in as agreeable\\na manner as was in our power, with an expectation\\nof opening the campaign early the ensueing season.\\nReference has been made ante, note 68 to the\\nFrench historian, Garneau s statement, that General Carle-\\nton, on his return to Canada, punished most barbarously\\nwith fire and sword those Canadians who had exhibited sym-\\npathy with their brother colonists from the south, who had\\ninvaded their country. It is strange that neither Hadden,\\nPausch nor 5*igby alluded to this, a matter which ought\\nnaturally to have engaged their attention. The nearest\\napproach to such an allusion is this of Digby, and is not\\nsufficient to base an opinion upon. From the absence in\\nthese journals of any statement bearing out the assertion of\\nGarneau, we may infer that it is exaggerated.\\nEND OF THE FIRST CAMPAIGN.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0218.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "CAMPAIGN OF 1777.\\nBY AN OFFICER IN THE NORTHEfirN ARMY,\\nUNDER THE COMMAND OF HIS EXCELLENCY\\nLIEUT.-GEN. JOHN BURGOYNE.\\nTO THEIR CAPTURE AT\\nSARATOGA.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0219.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0220.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "SECOND CAMPAIGN,\\n1777.\\nAY 6, I Lieut. General Burgoyne made\\nQuebec in the Apollo frigate, with orders\\nfrom Government, to take the command of\\nthe army, which, though it pleased the troops in gen-\\neral, yet caused some surprise at General Carlton s\\nbeing set aside and which could be accounted for only\\nin the following manner; first his not being able as\\nGovernor to leave the province, as were he to effect a\\njunction with General Howe, who was appointed Com-\\nmander in chief of all America, and which was thought\\nvery probable. General Carlton, as the oldest officer,\\nmust have taken the command, from whence it was\\njudged better not to let them clash some gave another\\nreason, which, I think, must appear an unjust one,\\nnamely, his not attempting to reduce Ticonderogathe\\npreceding season and I am positive every officer in\\nthe army, if called upon, would acquit him of acting\\nimprudently in retireing from that place to winter\\nin Canada, the season being so very severe and far", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0221.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "1 88 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nadvanced. The troops were assembled at St Johns\\nready to cross over Lake Champlain. The 31^^ 2\\nand 34 regiments were left to garrison Canada. The\\ntroops were all in the greatest health and much im-\\nproved since their sailing from Great Britain as\\nmany were then recruits, they were also better inured\\nto the climate than the preceding season/and General\\nBurgoyne seemed extremely pleased, as indeed he\\nmust have been, with the good appearance of the\\narmy on taking the field and I make no doubt, but\\nthe expectations of the people at home were sanguine\\nrespecting his opperations necessary for the junction\\nwith the Southern army, under the command of\\nGeneral Howe. On his takeing the command, he\\ngave out the following manifesto or proclamation,\\nintending it for the benefit of the Americans, where\\nhis army was intended to act, and as he afterwards\\nsays in the House of Commons, rather to hold out\\nterrors, than put them into execution. Many copies\\nwere soon dispersed through the Provinces of the\\nenemy. How it was attended to will be seen in the\\nfollowing pages.\\nThe subject of placing Burgoyne in command of the\\ncampaign about to be inaugurated, was widely discussed at\\nhome as well as in the army, and Burgoyne was openly\\naccused by his adversaries of having supplanted a brother\\nofficer by the use of means not honorable to a soldier. This\\ncharge he met and refuted in Parliament. On the other\\nhand, many saw in the action of the government a disap-\\nproval of Carleton s management of the previous cam-\\npaign.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0222.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 1 89\\nBy John Burgoyne, E\\nLieutenant General of his Majesties Armies in\\nAmerica, Col\u00c2\u00b0 of the Queen s regiment of Light\\nDragoons, Governor of Fort WIHIam in North Brit-\\nain, One of the representatives of the Commons of\\nGreat Britain in Parliament and Commanding an\\narmy and fleet employed in an expedition from\\nCanada\\nThe forces intrusted to my command are designed to\\nact in concert and upon a common principle with the\\nnumerous armies and fleets which already display in\\nevery quarter of America the Power, the Justice\\n(and when properly sought) the Mercy of the King.\\nThe cause, in which the British arms are exerted,\\napplies to the most affecting interests of the human\\nheart, and the military servants of the crown, at first\\ncalled forth for the sole purpose of Restoring the\\nrights of the Constitution, now Combine with love of\\ntheir Country, and duty to their Sovereign, the other\\nextensive incitements which spring from a true sense\\nof the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes\\nand ears of the temperate part of the public, and to\\nthe breasts of the suffering thousands in the Prov-\\ninces, be the melancholy appeal, whether the present\\nunnatural Rebellion has not been made a foundation\\nfor the completest system of tyranny that ever God,\\nin his displeasure suffered for a time to be exercised\\nover a froward and stubborn generation. Arbitrary\\nImprisonment, confiscation of property. Persecution", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0223.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "igo Lieiitenmtt Digbys Journal.\\nand torture unprecedented in the Inquisition of the\\nRomish Church are amongst the palpable enormities\\nthat verefy the affirmative. These are inflicted by\\nAssemblys and Committees, who dare to profess\\nthemselves friends to Liberty, upon the most quiet\\nsubjects, without distinction of age or sex, for the\\nsole crime, often for the sole suspicion, of having\\nadhered in principle to the Government under which\\nthey were born, and, to which, by every tie Divine\\nHuman, they owe allegiance. To consummate\\nthese shocking proceedings, the profanation of re-\\nligion is added to the most profligate prostitution of\\ncommon reason the consciences of men are set at\\nnaught, and multitudes are compelled, not only to\\nbear arms, but also to swear subjection to an usur-\\npation they abhor. Animated by these considera-\\ntions, at the head of troops in full power of health,\\ndiscipline and valour, determined to strike when\\nnecessary, and anxious to spare when possible. I\\nby these presents, invite and exhort all persons, in\\nall places where the progress of this army may point,\\n(and by the blessing of God I will extend it far) to\\nmentain such a conduct as may justify in protecting\\ntheir lands, Habitations and Families. The inten-\\ntion of this address, is to hold forth security, not\\ndepredation to the country. To those whom spirit\\nand principle may induce to partake [in] the glorious\\ntask of redeeming their countrymen from dungeons,\\nand reestablishing the blessings of Legal Govern-\\nment, I offer encouragement and employment, and", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0224.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "Lieutena7it Digbys Jo2irnaL 191\\nupon the first intelligence of their associating, I will\\nfind means to assist their undertakings. The Domes-\\ntic, the industrious, the infirm and even the timid\\ninhabitants I am desirous to protect, provided they\\nremain quietly in their houses that they do not suffer\\ntheir cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage\\nto be secreted or destroyed that they do not break\\nup their bridges or roads, nor by any other acts,\\ndirectly or indirectly, endeavor to obstruct the oppe-\\nrations of the Kings troops, or supply or subsist those\\nof the enemy, every species of provision brought to\\nmy camp will be paid for at an equitable rate and in\\nsolid coin. The consciousness of Christianity, my\\nRoyal Master s clemency, and the honour of soldier-\\nship, I have dwelt upon in this invitation, and wished\\nfor more persuasive terms to give it impression and\\nlet not people be led to disregard it by considering\\ntheir distance from the immediate situation of my\\ncamp. I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces\\nunder my direction, (and they amount to thousands)\\nto overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain\\nand America. I consider them the same where ever\\nthey may lurk. If notwithstanding these endeavours,\\nand sincere inclinations to effect them, the phrensy of\\nhostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquit-\\nted in the eyes of God and men in denouncing and\\nexecuting the vengeance of the State against the wil-\\nful outcasts. The messengers of Justice and wrath\\nawait them in the field, and Devastation, famine and\\nevery concomitant horror that a reluctant but indis-", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0225.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "192 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\npensible prosecution of military duty must occasion,\\nwill bar the way to their return.\\nGeneral Orders.\\nDisposition of the army under the Command of\\nLieu^ Gen Burgoyne.\\nMany humorous replies were made to this high-sound-\\ning proclamation of Burgoyne, one of which Digby himself\\ngives us. Another, ascribed to William Livingston, Gov-\\nernor of New Jersey, was especially witty, and purported to\\nbe an agreement for exchange of prisoners, supposing the\\ncommander-in-chief himself fell into the hands of the Ameri-\\ncans. It was arranged in articles, in which his various titles\\nwere appropriately numbered, and a value set upon each for\\npurposes of exchange. Thus it was proposed to give, as\\nfollows\\nI. For John Burgoyne Esquire, some worthy justice of the peace.\\n2. For J. B. lieut. gen. of his maj armies in Am. 2 major generals.\\n3. For J. B. Col. queen s reg. It. dragoons, at least 3 Continental colonels.\\n4. For J. B. gov. of fort Wm. in N. Britain, i Gov. because his multititu-\\nlary excellency is gov. of a fort 2 as that f. is in North Britain.\\n5. For J. B. one of the representatives of Great Britain, the first member\\nof Congress who may fall into the enemy s hands.\\n6. For J. B. com. of a fleet employed on an expedition to Canada, the\\nadmiral of our navy.\\n7. For J. B. com. of an army employed in an expedition from Canada, i\\ncommander in chief in any of our departments.\\n8. For J. B. c. c. c. which he humorously discusses, 3 privates.\\nWashington issued a counter-proclamation, which was in\\nstrong contrast to Burgoyne s, being characterized by simple,\\nbut lofty and dignified sentiments. It closed with these\\nnoble words Harassed as zae are by tmrelenting persecu-\\ntion, obliged by every tie to repel violence by force, urged by\\nself-preservation to exert the strength zuhich Providence has\\ngiven us to defend our natural rights against the aggressor,\\ntue appeal to the Jtearts of all mankind for the justice of our\\ncause its event ive leave to Him, who speaks the fate of\\nnations, in humble confidence that as his omniscient eye taketh\\nnote even of the sparrozu that falleth to the ground, so he will\\nnot luithdraiv his countenance from a people ivho Jitinibly array\\nthemselves under his banner in defense of the noblest principles\\nwith wliich he lias adorned humanity y", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0226.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 193\\nBrigadier General Frazier will be joined by the\\nCanadian companies of Moning and Boucherville/\\nCapt Frazier s detachment and a body of Savages.\\nThe German Grenadiers, Chassieures, Light Infantry\\nunder the command of Lieu^ Col\u00c2\u00b0 Bremen form a\\ncorps of Reserve, and will never encamp in the line.\\nThe regiment of Riedesel s Dragoons is also out of\\nthe Line, and for the present, will be employed to\\ncover head quarters. The provincial corps of Peters\\n^Rene Antoine de Boucherville was born at Cataracouy,\\nthe Indian name of a settlement which occupied the site of\\nthe present busy town of Kingston, on February 12, 1735.\\nHe was an active partisan in the war, and subsequently at-\\ntained prominence in political affairs, becoming a member\\nof the Canadian Legislative Council, and occupying other\\nofficial positions. He died at Boucherville, Canada, Sep-\\ntember 2, 1812. Colonel Rogers questions the identity of\\nthe officer mentioned in this journal with the Seigneur Rene\\nAntoine, above noted. His reasons may be found in Ap-\\npendix number twelve to Hadden s Journal and Orderly\\nBooks.\\nHeinrich Christoph Breymann was lieutenant-colonel of\\nthe grenadiers loaned by the Duke of Brunswick to George\\nthe Third. He was a brave and efficient officer, but was\\nseverely criticised for tardiness in marching to the support\\nof Baum, at Bennington. A report was current in Bur-\\ngoyne s army, says Hadden, that an old picque between\\nBrynien Baunie might occasion his tardiness, as he was\\nheard to say, we will let them get warm before we reach\\n^John Peters was a Connecticut yankee, and was born at\\nHebron in 1740. He was of sound rebel stock. His father,\\nJohn, was a staunch patriot, and his cousin, John S., was\\ngovernor of Connecticut. The historian of Connecticut, the\\nRev. Samuel, was his uncle. He was a graduate of Yale\\nCollege in the class of 1759, and studied the profession of\\n25", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0227.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "1 94 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nand Jessop are also out of the line. The recruits\\nof the 2,Z^^ regiment, and the other regiments under\\nthem when he heard the firing. Be this as it may, he\\nfought well after reaching the scene of action, was himself\\nwounded, and his command suffered severe loss. He was\\nsubsequently killed in the battle of Bemus Heights, October\\n7, 1777. Vide Hadden s Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 36,\\n136.\\nthe law, removing in 1766 to Vermont, where he became a\\nprosperous citizen, holding important civil offices until the\\nopening of the war. He was a member of the provincial\\ncongress, but was hostile to independence, and allied himself\\nto the Tories in the war, and accompanied General Carleton\\non the campaign of j6 as a volunteer. He went on the raid to\\nBennington with Baum, as lieutenant-colonel of the Queen s\\nLoyal Rangers, expecting to add to his command from the dis-\\naffected after the expected defeat of his fellow-countrymen,\\nbut in the battle lost a large portion of his men. He fought\\nwith Burgoyne through the campaign of ]J^ and on the eve\\nof that general s surrender of his army he escaped to Canada.\\nHere he seems to have been neglected, and the promises\\nmade to him broken. His property was, of course, confis-\\ncated, and he was unable on account of the act of attainder,\\nto return to his old home. Broken in health, and unable\\neven to get pay for his services, he finally went to England\\nto urge his claims upon the government, leaving his family,\\nconsisting of a wife and eight children, at Cape Breton, but\\na deaf ear was turned toward him, and for three years he\\nhung about the back doors of royalty begging in vain, when\\ndeath came to his relief in 1788. Vide History of New\\nYork During the Revolutionary War (Jones), vol. i, pp. 686-\\n692 History of Vermont (Hall), p. 769 Loyalists of the\\nAmerican Revolution (Sabine), Boston, 1864, vol. 2, p. 183.\\n^Ebenezer and Edward Jessup were brothers, born in\\nthe Province of Connecticut, who, several years before the\\ncommencement of the Revolution, removed to northern\\nNew York where they had acquired extensive possessions,\\nand erected houses and mills. They were both justices of", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0228.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "Lieutena7it Digbys Journal. 195\\nthe command of Lieu Nutt are, for the present,\\nto serve on board the Fleet.\\nthe peace for the Province of New York, and engaged in\\nbusiness enterprises of importance, but when the war began,\\nthought best to cast in their lot with the British invaders of\\ntheir country. Edward Jessup had already had mihtary\\nexperience, having been a captain of Provincials in 1759.\\nBoth brothers, it would seem, were considered competent to\\ncommand, hence we find them both prominent among the\\ncommanders of Provincial loyalists. Burgoyne, however, did\\nnot regard these soldiers very favorably, as they did not\\nstand by him with that constancy which he demanded of\\nthem, but we must remember that he had been bred in the\\nregular service, and consequently would, of necessity, be\\nprone to regard Provincial irregulars unfavorably. The\\nbrothers Jessup never returned to the United States and\\ntheir property was confiscated. A Jessup genealogy by\\nProf. Henry G. Jessup is in press, to which the reader is\\nreferred for further particulars. Also, vide Hadden s Journal\\nand Orderly Books, pp. 67-74, 112 et passim. I am indebted\\nfor several particulars in this note to Mr. Douglass Brymner,\\nCanadian archivist.\\n^George Anson Nutt became an ensign in the Thirty-\\nthird Foot, August 28, 1771, and a lieutenant, October 26,\\n1775. He was in command of a body of about one hundred\\nand fifty men to recruit the Thirty-third the regiment of\\nLord Cornwallis, which had accompanied Sir Peter Parker s\\nunsuccessful expedition against Charleston, South Carolina,\\nand which was to have joined Carleton at Quebec, had not a\\nchange of plan taken place. He was attached with his\\ncommand to the artillery in the campaign of and suffered\\ncaptivity with the surrendered army until September 3, 1781,\\nwhen he was exchanged. On October i, 1780, during his\\ncaptivity, he was promoted to the rank of captain-lieutenant.\\nIn 1783 he went on half pay, but returned to active service\\nin 1787, and became, on May 30, a captain in the Sixty-\\nfifth Foot. Two years later his name disappears from the\\nrolls. Vide British Army Lists, loco Hadden s Journal and\\nOrderly Book, pp. Ix, Ixx Burgoyne s Orderly Book, p. 178.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0229.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "196\\nLieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nThe line upon the next movement will encamp\\nin order of Battle as follows, and will continue the\\nsame till Countermanded.\\na\\n-a\\nrt\\nbjOj3\\n(\u00c2\u00a32\\nH\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0SCQ\\nH\\n2\\nE\\npa\\nK\\nA\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0o\\nw\\n(5\\nM\\nQ\\nC J=\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a C\\nBrigdr Genl\\nPowell 147\\nBrigi General.\\nHamilton 148\\n47th Regiment.\\n53rcl Regiment,\\ngth Regiment.\\n2ist Regiment.\\n62nd Regiment.\\n20th Regiment.\\nHenry Watson Powell became a lieutenant in the Forty-\\nsixth Foot, March lo, 1753, and a captain, September 2, 1756,\\nin the Eleventh, which afterward became the Sixty fourth\\nFoot. In this regiment he served against the French West\\nIndies in 1759, d in 1768 accompanied his regiment to\\nAmerica. June 2, 1770, he was promoted to a majority in\\nthe Thirty-eighth, and July 23, 1771 to a lieutenant-colonelcy\\nin the Fifty-third Foot. After his arrival in America in the\\nspring of j6, General Carleton assigned him to the com-\\nmand of the Second Brigade with the rank of brigadier-\\ngeneral. Upon the evacuation by the Americans of Ticon-\\nJames Inglis Hamilton. Owing to the fact that there\\nwere several of this name in the army at the same period, it\\nis difficult to identify the subject of this note during the\\nearly part of his career. Dr. O Callaghan supposes him to\\nhave been commissioned captain in the army, February 28,\\n1755, and of the Thirty-fourth Foot, August 25, 1756. In\\n1758 this regiment formed part of the expedition against St.\\nMalo, and in 1760 against Belle Isle. On October 17, 1761,\\nhe was appointed major in command of the One Hundred\\nand Thirteenth Royal Highland Volunteers, which regiment\\nbeing disbanded, he retired on half pay on May 25, 1772,", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0230.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n197\\ntXT^t??? General Powell was left in command of\\nderoga, July 6 i777, j^eneic Bennington, an\\n;;;j;;7^;7^appointed Ueutenant-colonel in the army\\nOn March II 1774, he was made lieutenant-colonel of the\\nOn Marcn y- ^//4 Carleton m the cam-\\n^iign of Bur goyne, acquitting himself with great honor,\\n^i^^^^^HlTv^i Gall was colonel of the Hesse Hanau rcgi.\\ntherefore held the rank of brigadier-general durmg the cam\\noaten Colonel Von Gall was in the various battles of the\\nxaoTohann FViederich Specht, colonel of the regimeiit of", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0231.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "198 Lieutenant Digbys Joitrnal.\\nIf it should become necessary to form two lines,\\nthe second line is to be formed by the Second\\nBrigade of British doubling upon the first, and the\\nSecond Brigade of Germans, doubling in the same\\nmanner upon their first. The Brigadiers are always\\nto encamp with their Brigades.\\nLieut Gen Burgoyne takes the occasion of the\\nArmy s assembling to express publickly the high\\nthe hue of defeat. After Burgoyne s surrender, he abandoned\\nTiconderoga and returned to Canada, where he held com-\\nmand for several years. He was made a colonel in the army,\\nFebruary 19, 1779, and in 1780 purchased an estate in the\\nsuburbs of Quebec. He was made a major-general, Novem-\\nber 20, 1782 colonel of the Sixty-ninth Foot, April 16, 1792,\\nand of the Fifteenth Foot, June 20, 1794; lieutenant-general,\\nactivity and good conduct, according to Burgoyne. He\\nwas among the convention prisoners, and was exchanged\\nSeptember 3, 1781. He subsequently became colonel in the\\narmy, September 3, 1781 major-general, September 28, 1787;\\ncolonel of the Fifteenth Foot, August 22, 1792, and of the\\nTwenty-first Foot, June 20, 1794; lieutenant-general, Janu-\\namong the captured officers and shared the captivity of his\\nmen. He was unjustly accused of appropriating money to\\nhis own use, a charge which grew out of an arrangement\\nwhich he made, while in winter quarters, with some of the\\ninhabitants, to board his men in exchange for their army\\nrations. These rations he cut down in quantity, in order to\\naccumulate a reserve fund for them, and although it appeared\\nthat he was not doing this for private gain, his tyrannical\\nprince, when he returned, after his captivity in 1 781, angrily\\nturned him out of his service. There was another reason,\\nhowever, quite as potent with the prince. As long as his\\nofficers remained out of the country, either in the service of\\namong the captured troops, and after his exchange in Octo-\\nber, 1780, returned to Canada and remained there until peace\\nwas declared, when he returned home, in October, 1783. He", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0232.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 199\\nopinion he entertains of the Troops, which his\\nMajesty has been graciously pleased to intrust to\\nhis command.\\nThey could not have been selected more to his sat-\\nisfaction, and the lieu Gen^ trusts it will be received\\nas one mark of his attention to their glory and wel-\\nfare, that with the promise of every encouragement\\nthe service will allow, he declares a determination and\\nhe calls upon every officer to assist him to mentain\\na steady, uniform system of subordination and obey-\\ndience.\\nMay 3, 1796, and general, January i, 1801. He died at\\nLyme, England, July 14, 18 14. Vide British Army Lists, in\\nloco Burgoyne s Orderly Book, p. 10 Hadden s Journal and\\nOrderly Books, pp. 45, 117, et passion Journal of Occurrences\\nDuring the Late American War, p. 173 Gentleman s Maga-\\nzine, vol. 84, part 2, p. 190.\\nary 26, 1797, and general, April 29, 1802. He died July 27,\\n1803. F/^i^ British Army Lists, /d?*:^ Burgoyne s Orderly\\nBook, pp. 22, et seq., 190, et passim A State of the Expedi-\\ntion, Appendix 49; Hadden s Journal and Orderly Books,\\npp. 45, 176, et passim.\\nthe British king, or in captivity, the result of that service,\\nthe prince received a considerable income from the treasury\\nof Great Britain. Specht and others remained in Canada in\\nthe service of George the Third, until the peace, and Von\\nGall it appears did not have permission to return hence he\\nwas made an example of, and the principal reason given was\\nhis return without permission. Certainly no other officer\\nattempted to return after this salutary example. Vide Me-\\nmoirs of General Riedesel, vol. i, pp. 39, 100; vol. 2, pp.\\n101-105, 216-218.\\ndied at Brunswick, June 24, 1787. Vide Memoirs of General\\nRiedesel, vol. i, pp. 26, 62, 66 vol. 2, pp. 47, jt,, 100, ct pas-\\nsim Journal of Madame Riedesel, p. 160.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0233.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "200 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nAfter which the standing regulations of the army\\nrespecting Dutys in camp are inserted, with orders\\nfor officer s strictly to observe on their several guards\\nand out posts, which from their length I am obliged\\nto omit inserting here.\\nGeneral Orders, June 29.\\nThe army embarks tomorrow to oppose the enemy.\\nWe are to Contend for the King and the Constitution\\nof Great Britain to vindicate law and relieve the\\noppressed a cause in which his majesties Troops,\\nand those of the Princes, his allies, will feel equal\\nexcitement. The services required of this particular\\nexpedition are critical and conspicuous. During our\\nprogress occasions may occur in which no difficulty,\\nnor labour, nor life are to be regarded.\\nWe crossed the Lake pretty much in the same\\nmanner before related, excepting that the season was\\na more pleasant one, and our being a longer time on\\nthe passage, owing to the great tediousness of bring-\\ning over Artillery and other stores, so requisite for\\nsuch an expedition. We remained near a week at\\nBouquet river, 30 miles North of Crown Point,\\nwhere we were joined by a nation of Indians, and\\nwho, from General Burgoyne, received the most posi-\\ntive orders not to scalp, except the dead.\\n^^^The river Bouquet derives its name from Colonel Bou-\\nquet, who commanded an expedition against the Indians\\nwhile Canada was under the French. It was at the place\\nhere mentioned that he negotiated a treaty of peace with the\\nsavages.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0234.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 201\\n30. The Advanced Corps made their appearance\\nbefore Ticonderoga. We encamped at Three Mile\\nPoint. The line, with the general, were at Putnam s\\nCreek, about six miles in our rear, but expected\\nshortly up. We had a full view from our post of\\ntheir works lines and their flag of Liberty dis-\\nplayed on the summit of the Fort. Our gun boats\\nwere anchored across the river out of the range of\\ntheir cannon, and our two frigates, the largest called\\nthe Royal George carrying 32 Guns, and built at St\\nJohns during the winter, with the Inflexible at a\\nsmall distance from the Gun boats, with a large boom\\nahead to prevent fire ships coming down from the\\nFort. Our Indians had many small skirmishes with\\nparties of theirs, and always came off victorious, and\\nwhat prisoners were taken, all seemed to agree that\\nthey intended to make a vigorous defence. With\\nour glasses we could distinguish every thing they\\nwere about in the Fort, appearing very busy about\\ntheir works, and viewing with their glasses our situa-\\ntion force It was entertaining enough, being a\\nscene of life I had not been accustomed to before,\\nand its novelty made it amusing.\\nState of the Army rank and file fit for Duty.\\nBritish 3.252\\nGermans 3,007\\nCanadians 145\\nIndians 500\\nTotal 6,904\\n26", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0235.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "202 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nI have not included sick officers, servants, Batt-\\nmen\\nThe Country round the Fort is covered with thick\\nwood through [which] roads were to be made for\\nour carrying on regular approaches.\\nJuly I. About 12 o clock a small boat of theirs\\nrowed down from the fort within reach of the cannon\\nfrom our gun boats she lay on her oars, when we\\nsaw her intent was to reconnoitre our post, at first it\\nwas proposed to fire on her, but the smallness of the\\nobject made it not worth perhaps expending a few\\nshots on, and she returned quietly back to the Fort.\\n2^. A detachment of about 500 men from our corps\\nwere ordered, under the command of Brig Gen\\nFrazier, to take possession of an eminence, said to\\ncommand the Fort. We moved at one o clock, and\\nabout three had a skirmish with a large party of the\\nenemy, and drove them under cover of their cannon.\\nWe lost some Indians and poor Rich Houghton, a\\nBatmen. Bat is a French word, signifying pack-saddle.\\nThe government formerly allowed to every company of a\\nregiment in foreign service a batman, whose duty it was to\\ntake charge of the cooking utensils, etc., of the company.\\nThe term came to be applied to men in charge of baggage,\\nand, finally, though inappropriately, to men in charge of\\nofficers horses. The pack-horses were also called bat-horses,\\nand money paid for service bat- money.\\nRichard Houghton was wounded on the night of July\\n2d while engaged in trying to save some savages from being\\ncaptured or destroyed. They had been having a pow-wow,\\nand had become drunk as usual, and probably in a spirit of\\nbravado approached the American lines. Houghton, while", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0236.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 203\\nlieu^ of our regiment [was] severely wounded. During\\nthat night they were constantly fireing on us from\\nunder cover of their guns, where they well knew we\\ncould not follow them. Our out sentries and theirs\\nwere very near each other, and sleep was a stranger\\nto us. We had but two 6 pounders with us, the road\\nnot being cut for a large gun. We fired two evening\\nguns to make them believe there were two Brigades\\non the ground, and also caused our drums to beat to\\nalarm them in the Fort.\\n3^^. At day break, the remainder of our corps joined\\nus with the First Brigade of British, and soon after,\\nthey opened a nine pound battery on us, and by the\\ndirection of their shot, they must have seen our 6\\npounders, as they killed a man and horse harnessed,\\nin the carriage of the gun, on which we were obliged\\nto move them under cover of a small hill. During\\nthe day they killed a few of our men, and some balls\\nendeavoring to get the worse than useless creatures back\\nwithin the British lines, was fired upon by the Americans\\nand wounded. One of the savages was killed and another\\nwounded. Lieutenant Houghton obtained his first com-\\nmission in the Fifty-third Foot as an ensign, August 30, 1768,\\nand was promoted to a Heutenancy, April 30, 1771. Being\\nwounded in the battle of the 7th of October, and carried\\nto the rear, he was not among the convention prisoners, and\\nundoubtedly remained with the Fifty-third in Canada until\\nits return to England in the summer of 1789. He was com-\\nmissioned as captain and captain-lieutenant, December 27,\\n1785, and his name so appears in the army lists of 1793,\\nafter which date it is dropped. Vide British Army Lists, in\\nloco Journal of Occurrences During the Late American\\nWar, pp. 174, 176; Hadden s Journal and Orderly Books,\\np. 83 Historical Record of the Fifty-third Foot, p. 4.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0237.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "204 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nwent through our tents, their ground commanding\\nours.\\n4*^ Before day light, we shifted our camp farther\\nback a small way from the range of their shot, until\\nour 12 pounders could come up to play on them\\nin return by their not throwing shells, we supposed\\nthey had none, which from our camp being on a\\nrocky eminence would have raked us much as to\\ntheir balls we did not much mind them being at too\\ngreat a distance to suffer from any point blank shot\\nfrom their cannon. About noon we took possession\\nof Sugar loaf hill on which a battery was imme-\\n^^Sugarloaf Hill, or Mount Defiance, was an elevation\\ndifficult of ascent, which commanded the extensive works at\\nTiconderoga. The command of Ticonderoga and the de-\\nfenses in the vicinity had been assigned to Gates by Schuy-\\nler, who was in command of the department but the jealousy\\nof Gates caused him to decline it, and this occasioned some\\ndelay in getting the defenses into a condition to meet an\\nassault. Schuyler was bending all his energies toward\\nstrengthening the works in his department, and as soon as the\\ndecision of Gates was knowri,he dispatched General Arthur\\nSt. Clair to Ticonderoga, which he reached on the twelfth\\nof June. With a strange want of foresight, he took no steps\\nto fortify the important hill which commanded his works,\\nbut devoted himself to strengthening them, Burgoyne thus\\nspeaks of this neglect of St. Clair: The manner of taking\\nup the ground at Ticonderoga, convinces me that they have\\nno men of military science. Without possessing Sugar Hill,\\nfrom which I was proceeding to attack them, Ticonderoga\\nis only what I once heard Montcalm had expressed it to be:\\nUne parte pour un Jionnete liotmne de se dcshonorer They\\nseem to have expended great treasure and the unwearied\\nlabor of more than a year to fortify, upon the supposition\\nthat we should only attack them upon the point where they\\nwere best prepared to resist. Vide Letter to Earl Hervey,\\nnth July, Fonblanque, p. 247.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0238.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "Lietitenant Digbys Journal. 205\\ndiately ordered to be raised. It was a post of great\\nconsequence, as it commanded a great part of the\\nworks of Ticonderoga, all their vessels, and likewise\\nafforded us the means of cutting off their communica-\\ntion with Fort Independent, a place also of great\\nstrength and the works very extensive. But here the\\ncommanding officer was reckoned guilty of a great\\noversight in lighting fires on that post, tho I am in-\\nformed, it was done by the Indians, the smoak of\\nwhich was soon perceived by the enemy in the Fort\\nas he should have remained undiscovered till night,\\nwhen he was to have got two 12 pounders up tho\\ntheir getting there was almost a perpendicular ascent,\\nand drawn up by most of the cattle belonging to the\\nArmy. They no sooner perceived us in possession of\\na post, which they thought quite impossible to bring\\ncannon up to, than all their pretended boastings of\\nholding out to the last, and choosing rather to die in\\ntheir works than give them up, failed them, and on\\nthe night of the 5 [day] they set fire to several\\nparts of the garrison, kept a constant fire of great\\nguns the whole night, and under the protection of that\\nfire, and clouds of smoke they evacuated the garrison,\\nleaving all their cannon, amunition and a great quan-\\ntity of stores. They embarked what baggage they\\ncould during the night in their battows, and sent them\\nup to Skeensborough under the protection of five\\nschooners, which Captain Carter of the Artillery\\nJohn Carter became a cadet at Woolwich, February 18,\\n1752; lieutenant-fireworker in the artillery, March i, 1755;", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0239.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "2o6 Lieutenmtt Digbys Journal.\\nwith our gun boats followed and destroyed with all\\ntheir baggage and provisions. As I happened to be\\none of the Lieutenants of the Grenadiers piquet that\\nnight, when we perceived the great fires in the Fort,\\nthe general was immediately made acquainted with\\nit and our suspicion of their abandoning the place,\\nwho with many other good officers imagined it was\\nall a feint in them to induce us to make an attack,\\nand seemingly with a great reason of probability, tho\\nto me, who could be but a very poor judge, it seemed\\nquite the contrary, as I never before saw such great\\nfires. About 1 2 o clock we were very near committing\\na most dreadful mistake. At that hour of the night,\\nas I was going my rounds to observe if all the\\nsentrys were alert on their different posts, one sentry\\nchallenged a party of men passing under his post,\\nwhich was situated on the summit of a ravine or\\ngully, and also heard carriages dragging in the same\\nplace, who answered friends, but on his demand-\\ning the countersign, they did not give it, and by\\ntheir hesitating appeared at a loss; when the fellow\\nwould have instantly fired upon them according to\\nsecond lieutenant, April i, 1756; first lieutenant, April 2,\\n1757; captain-lieutenant, January i, 1759, and captain, Decem-\\nber 7, 1763. He participated in the campaign of 1776. At\\nthis time he was in command of a park of artillery. He\\nwas created a major in the army, August 29, 1777, and was\\namong the captured officers, but died a prisoner, on March\\n17, 1779. Vide Kane s Artillery List; British Army Lists,\\nin loco History American War (Stedman), vol. i, p. 324;\\nHistory Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. i, pp. 176, 244; Had-\\nden s Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 91, 250, 317, et passim.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0240.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 207\\nhis orders, had not I come up at the time, on which\\nI caused him to challenge them again they not\\nanswering, I called to the piquet to turn out and\\nstand to their arms, still lothe to fire. Just at the\\ntime. Captain Walker ^^e ^ame up in great haste and\\ntold me it was a party of his Artillery with two\\n12 pounders going to take post on Sugar loaf hill,\\nand his orders to them was to cause it to be kept\\nas secret as possible, which by their too strictly\\nattending to, in not answering our challenge, which\\nEllis Walker was made a cadet at Woolwich, March i,\\n1755, and became a lieutenant-fireworker in the Royal Artil-\\nlery October 29th of the same year. He advanced rapidly\\nin his profession, being commissioned as second lieutenant,\\nApril 2, 1757; first Heutenant, January i, 1759, and captain-\\nlieutenant, August 5, 1761. In this year, war again broke\\nout between England and France, and Captain-Lieutenant\\nWalker sailed on the expedition under Major-General Hodg-\\nson against Belle-Isle, in the Bay of Biscay, which, after\\nseveral attacks and the loss of many men, was captured on\\nthe seventh of June, two months after the appearance of the\\nfleet before Port Andre. Walker became a captain, January\\nI, 1 77 1, and was in the campaign of 1776. In the campaign\\nof 1777 he had charge of the artillery of General Eraser s\\nbrigade. He returned to England after the war, and appears\\non the army list as late as 1820, sixty-five years from the date\\nof his first commission, being then a general, having received\\nthe following commissions, viz.: Of major in the army, June\\n7, 1 782 lieutenant-colonel in the artillery, December i 1 782\\ncolonel in the army, October I2th, and in the artillery,\\nNovember i, 1793 major-general, February 26, 1795 colonel\\ncommanding, September 25, 1796; lieutenant-general, April\\n29, 1802, and general, January i, 1812. Vide British Army\\nLists, in loco; Kane s Artillery List History Royal Artillery\\n(Duncan), vol. i, pp. 224, 229 Hadden s Journal and Orderly\\nBooks, pp. 154, 159, 250-254, et passim.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0241.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "2o8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\ncould never be the intention of their orders, was\\nnear involving us all in a scene of the greatest\\nconfusion, which must have arose from our piquet\\nfiring on them. I own I was somewhat alarmed, still\\nthinking the great fires in their lines a feint, and\\ntheir coming to attack us with more security, imag-\\nineing we gave into that feint.\\n6^^ At the first dawn of light, 3 deserters came in\\nand informed that the enemy were retreating the\\nother side of mount Independent. The general was,\\nwithout loss of time, made acquainted with it, and\\nthe picquets of the army were ordered to march and\\ntake possession of the garrison and hoist the King s\\ncolors, which was immediately done, and the Grena-\\ndiers and Light Infantry were moved under the\\ncommand [of] Brigadier General Frazier, if possible\\nto come up with them with the greatest expedition.\\nFrom the Fort, we were obliged to cross over a\\nboom of boats between that place and Mount Inde-\\npendent, which they, in their hurry, attempted to\\nburn without effect, as the water quenched it, though\\nin some places we could go but one abreast, and had\\nthey placed one gun, so as the grape shot [could]\\n1^^ Mount Independence. It had received this name on the\\neighteenth of the previous July. On the morning of that\\nday, just after the beating of the reveille, a courier reached\\nthe camp of the Americans, who were posted on this hill,\\nwith a copy of the Declaration of Independence, which\\ncaused great enthusiasm in the camp. A feu-de-joie of\\nthirteen guns, in honor of the thirteen Confederated States,\\nwas fired, and the hill was named Mount Independence to\\ncommemorate the event.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0242.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 209\\ntake the range of the bridge and which surprised\\nus they did not, as two men could have fired it, and\\nthen made off they would, in all probability, have\\ndestroyed all or most of us on the Boom. We con-\\ntinued the pursuit the whole day without any sort of\\nprovisions, and, indeed, I may say, we had very little\\nor none, excepting one cow we happened to kill in\\nthe woods, which, without bread, was next to nothing\\namong so many for two days after, a few hours rest\\nat night in the woods was absolutely necessary\\n7^\\\\ After marching 4 or 5 miles we came up with\\nabove 2000 of the enemy strongly posted on the top\\nof a high hill, with breastworks before them, and great\\ntrees cut across to prevent our approach but not-\\nwithstanding all these difficulties, they had no effect\\non the ardor always shewn by British Troops, who\\nwith the greatest steadiness and resolution, mounted\\nthe hill amidst showers of balls mixed with buck shot,\\nwhich they plentifully bestowed amongst us. This\\nbeing the first serious engagement I had ever been\\nin, I must own, when we received orders to prime\\nand load, which we had barely time to do before\\nwe received a heavy fire, the idea of perhaps a few\\nmoments conveying me before the presence of my\\nCreator had its force but a moment s thought partly\\nreconciled it and let not the reader imagine from\\nthat thought, that it was the cause of my deviating at\\nthe time from my duty as a soldier, as I have always\\nmade it a rule that a proper resignation to the will\\nof the Divine Being is the certain foundation for\\n27", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0243.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "2IO Lieute7iant Digbys Journal.\\ntrue bravery but to return, we no sooner gained the\\nascent, than there was such a fire sent amongst them\\nas not easily conceived they for some hours main-\\ntained their ground, and once endeavoured to sur-\\nround us, but were soon made sensible of their\\ninferiority, (altho we had not more than 850 men\\nengaged, owing to our leaving the camp in so great\\na hurry, half of our companies being on guard and\\nother duties), and were drove from their strong hold\\nwith great slaughter. They continued retreating\\nfrom one post to another, the country affording them\\nmany. After killing and taking prisoners most of\\ntheir principal officers, they were totally routed and\\ndefeated with great loss. The numbers they had\\nkilled cannot easily be ascertained, as a great many\\nfell in the pursuit which continued some distance\\nfrom the field of action. They had two Colonels\\nkilled, one taken prisoner, with many other ofificers\\nkilled and taken prisoners. The action lasted near\\nthree hours, before they attenipted retreating, with\\ngreat obstinacy. We had near two hundred killed\\nand wounded. Major Grant, 58 24 Regiment who\\nRobert Grant was killed early on the morning of the\\nseventh. Being on the advance-guard, he surprised a party\\nof Americans while cooking their breakfasts and drove in\\ntheir pickets. He had climbed upon a stump to get a view\\nof the situation, when he was picked off by a sharpshooter.\\nAnburey speaks of him as a very gallant and brave officer.\\nHe had served on this same ground twenty years before\\nwith the Americans against the French, as a lieutenant. He\\nreceived his captain s commission in 1762, and, two years\\nlater, was assigned to the command of a company in the", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0244.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 211\\nhad the advanced guard was the first who fell. We\\nhad two other majors wounded, which were all we\\nhad with us. Lord Balcarres, Major to the Light\\nInfantry, and Major Ackland of our BattalHon, with\\n15 or 16 other officers killed wounded, the fire\\nbeing very heavy for the time. On CoP Frances\\nFortieth Foot. His commission to a majority in the Twenty-\\nfourth Foot he had enjoyed but two years, it having been dated\\nMarch 5, 1775. Vide British Army Lists, in loco Travels\\nin the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 327; Naval and\\nMihtary Memoirs (Beatson), vol. 6, p. 69.\\nEbenezer Francis was the son of Ebenezer Francis and\\nRachel Whitmore, and was born in Medford, December 22,\\n1743. After receiving a careful education, he moved to\\nBeverly, where, in 1766, he was married to Judith Wood.\\nHe was commissioned by Congress as captain, July i, 1775,\\nand was the next year promoted to a colonelcy. By author-\\nity of Congress in January, 1777, he organized a regiment\\nthe Eleventh Massachusetts with which he marched to\\noppose the advance of Burgoyne. Anburey says that, At\\nthe commencement of the action, the enemy were every-\\nwhere thrown into the greatest confusion, but being rallied\\nby that brave officer, Colonel Francis, whose death, though\\nan enemy, will ever be regretted by those who can feel for\\nthe loss of a gallant and brave man, the fight was renewed\\nwith the greatest degree of fierceness and obstinacy. So\\ninteresting is Anburey s relation of two incidents connected\\nwith Colonel Francis death, that it may be pardonable to\\nrepeat them here, though they have been often before re-\\npeated. He says After the action was over and all firing\\nhad ceased for near two hours, upon the summit of the\\nmountain I have already described, which had no ground\\nanywhere that could command it, a number of officers were\\ncollected to read the papers taken out of the pocket-book of\\nColonel Francis, when Captain Shrimpton of the Sixty-\\nsecond regiment, who had the papers in his hand, jumped\\nup and fell, exclaiming he was severely wounded. We all", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0245.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "2 1 2 Lieutenafit Digbys Journal.\\nfalling, who was there second in command, they did\\nnot lone stand. I saw him after he fell, and his\\nappearance caused me to remark his figure, which\\nwas fine even at that time made me regard him\\nwith attention. Our men got more plunder than\\nthey could carry, and great quantities of paper\\nmoney which was not in the least regarded then,\\ntho had we kept it, it would have been of service,\\nas affairs turned out. I made prize of a pretty\\ngood mare. In general Burgoyne s letter to Govern-\\nment, he makes particular mention of the Grenadiers,\\nwho with the rest of the troops behaved with the\\ngreatest bravery. A party of Germans came up\\nheard the ball whiz by us, and turning to the place whence\\nthe report came, saw the smoke. As there was every reason\\nto imagine the piece was fired from some tree, a party of\\nmen were instantly detached, but could find no person, the\\nfellow, no doubt, as soon as he had fired, had slipped down\\nand made his escape. The sequel is curious. After the\\nsurrender, while Anburey and some brother officers were\\nprisoners at Cambridge, he says A few days since, walk-\\ning out with some officers, we stopped at a house to pur-\\nchase vegetables. Whilst the other officers were bargaining\\nwith the woman of the house, I observed an elderly woman\\nsitting by the fire, who was continually eyeing us, and every\\nnow and then shedding a tear. Just as we were quitting the\\nhouse she got up, and bursting into tears, said Gentlemen,\\nwill you let a poor distracted woman speak a word to you\\nbefore you go? We, as you must naturally imagine, were\\nall astonished, and upon inquiring what she wanted, with\\nthe most poignant grief and sobbing as if her heart was on\\nthe point of breaking, asked if any of us knew her son, who\\nwas killed at the battle of Huberton, a Colonel Francis.\\nSeveral of us informed her, that we had seen him after he\\nwas dead. She then inquired about his pocket-book, and if", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0246.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Jourital. 213\\ntime enough also to share in the glory of the day,\\nand the regular fire they gave at a critical time was\\nof material service to us. After the engagement,\\nwe made sort of huts covered with the bark of trees\\nfor our wounded, who were in a very bad situation,\\nas we had nothing to assist them till the return of\\nan express which was sent to Ticonderoga for\\nsurgeons But here the reader will forgive\\nmy leaving that place, recollect the hurry we\\nwere ordered from it) without giving a description\\nof that important fortress. Ticonderoga lies on the\\nwestern shore, and only a few miles to the north-\\nward from the commencement of that narrow inlet\\nany of his papers were safe, as some related to his estates,\\nand if any of the soldiers had got his watch if she could but\\nobtain that in remembrance of her dear, dear son, she should\\nbe happy. Captain Ferguson, of our regiment, who was of\\nthe party, told her, as to the colonel s papers and pocket-book\\nhe was fearful that they were either lost or destroyed, but\\npulling a watch from his fob, said There, good woman, if\\nthat can make you happy, take it and God bless you\\nWe were all much surprised, as unacquainted, as he had\\nmade a purchase of it from a drum boy. On seeing it, it\\nis impossible to describe the joy and grief that was depicted\\nin her countenance; I never in all my life beheld such a\\nstrength of passion. She kissed it, looked unutterable grat-\\nitude at Captain Ferguson, then kissed it again her feelings\\nwere inexpressible. She knew not how to express or show\\nthem. She would repay his kindness by kindness, but could\\nonly sob her thanks. Our feelings were lifted up to an inex-\\npressible height. We promised to search after the papers,\\nand I believe, at that moment, could have hazarded life\\nitself to procure them. Vide History of Medford (Brooks),\\nBoston, 1855, pp. 194-196, 513 Travels in the Interior Parts\\nof America, vol. i, pp. 331, ct seq., 336; vol. 2, pp. 208-210.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0247.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "2 1 4 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nby which the water from Lake George is conveyed\\nto Lake Champlain. Crown Point Hes about a dozen\\nmiles farther north at the extremity of that inlet.\\nThe first of these places is situated on an angle of\\nland, which is surrounded on three sides by water\\nand that covered by rocks. A great part of the\\nfourth side was covered by a deep morass where\\nthat fails, the old French lines still continued\\nas a defence on the north west quarter. The\\nAmericans strengthened these lines with additional\\nworks and a block house. They had other posts\\nand works with block houses on the left towards\\nLake George. To the right of the French lines\\nthey had also two new block houses with other\\nworks. On the eastern shore of the inlet, and\\nopposite to Ticonderoga, they had taken still more\\npains in fortifying a high circular hill, to which they\\ngave the name of Mount Independent on the\\nsummit of this, which is table land, they had erected\\na star fort inclosing a large square of barracks well\\nfortified and supplied with artillery. The foot of the\\nChamplain was the first European who penetrated the\\ngloom of this wild region, and to the great lake he gave his\\nown name. Four decades later, that self-sacrificing and\\nheroic man, the Pere Jogues, with a wild band of savages,\\ntraversed painfully the dangerous trail^ into the Iroquois\\ncountry, and on the eve of one of the many festival days of\\nhis church that of Corpus Christi he came to the bank\\nof this romantic lake, and with religious fervor bestowed\\nupon it the name of St. Sacrament. This name it retained\\nfor more than a century, when, in 1755, General Johnson\\nchanged its name to Lake George, in honor of the British\\nking, and in evidence of his dominion over this region.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0248.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 215\\nmountain, which on the west side projected into the\\nwater, was strongly intrenched to its edge, and the\\nintrenchment well lined with heavy artillery. A\\nbattery about half way up the mount, sustained and\\ncovered these lower works.\\nThe enemy, with their usual industry, had joined\\nthose two posts by a bridge of communication\\nthrown over the inlet. This was like many other of\\ntheir performances, a great and most laborious work.\\nThe bridge was supported on 12 sunken piers of\\nvery large timber planted at nearly equal distances\\nthe spaces between these were filled with separate\\nfloats, each about 50 feet long 12 feet wide,\\nstrongly fastened together with chains and rivets,\\nand as effectually attached to the sunken pillars\\non the Lake Champlain side of the bridge. It was\\ndefended by a boom composed of very large pieces\\nof timber fastened together by riveted bolts, and\\ndouble chains made of iron an inch and an half\\nsquare. Thus not only a communication was main-\\ntained between these two posts, but all access by\\nwater from the northern side was totally cut off.\\nBut to return, soon after the action, about 200\\nprisoners with a Col Hale came in to us, and\\nNathan Hale was born in Hampstead, New Hampshire,\\nSeptember 23, 1743. His father, Moses Hale, removed to\\nRindge, a border settlement of his native State, when he was\\nabout seventeen years of age, and died two years later.\\nNathan, who had become a farmer and merchant, was mar-\\nried on January 28, 1766, to Abigail Grout of Lunenburg,\\nMass. From this date he appears as an active and influential", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0249.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "2i6 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nthem we obliged to fell trees in order to make a\\nbreast work for our protection, not knowing but the\\nenemy might be reinforced and come again to the\\nattack. We were very badly off for provisions, and\\nnothing but water to drink, and tho it rained very\\nhard after the engagement (for the day before\\nand while the action lasted, it was I may say burn-\\ning hot weather), we had no covering to shelter us,\\nour poor huts being a wretched security against the\\nheavy rain [which] poured on us.\\n8^ About 1 1 o clock the Germans under the com-\\nmand of General Reidzel marched from us towards\\ncitizen of the town, and when, in 1774, a company of minute-\\nmen was formed in Rindge, he became its commander, and\\nwas commissioned by the Provincial Congress a captain of\\nmilitia, June 2, 1774. The people were nervously waiting\\nfor the clouds to break, or, if needs be, for hostilities to com-\\nmence, when the news of the fight at Lexington reached\\nthem, and Hale, at the head of his command of fifty men,\\nmarched at once to Cambridge and tendered his services to\\nWashington, which were accepted. He participated in the\\nbattle of Bunker Hill, and was commissioned as follows:\\nJune 6, 1775, major of Colonel Reed s regiment, the Third\\nNew Hampshire Foot January i, 1776, major of the Second\\nNew Hampshire Foot November 8th, lieutenant-colonel of\\nthe second battalion of New Hampshire troops, and, April\\n2, 1777, colonel of the same. Hale was held a prisoner by\\nthe British, and died in captivity, September 23, 1780. Much\\ndiscussion has been held over his conduct in surrendering,\\nand different opinions still exist regarding it. These have\\nbeen ably presented by Colonel Rogers, who, as usual, has\\nnot left much for those coming after him to say on the sub-\\nject. Vide History of Rindge (Stearns), Boston, 1875, pp.\\n85-177, 541, ^i /^^^m; Hadden s Journal and Orderly Books,\\nAppendix 15.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0250.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 2 1 7\\nSkeensborough/^ (where it was supposed the main\\nbody of our army had by that time arrived) to our\\nvery great amazement, and which I beheve arose from\\nsome Httle jealousy between the two Generals/ By\\nthis movement, we were left with about 600 fighting\\nmen, all our wounded to take care of, and a number\\nof prisoners, in the midst of thick woods, and but little\\nknowledge of the country around, also at too great\\ni^^Skenesborough was named for Captain Phillip Skene, a\\nBritish officer, who was under General Abercrombie in the\\nwar with the French, in 1758. Becoming in that war familiar\\nwith the region of country about Lake Champlain, he ob-\\ntained extensive grants of land in the vicinity, sold out his\\ncommission in the army, and began a settlement to which his\\nown name became attached. He commonly went by the title\\nof Colonel Skene. The following incident related by Palmer,\\nis worthy repeating The history of the surprise ot Skenes-\\nborough is embellished by an account of a singular discovery\\nmade there by the patriots. It is said that some of Herrick s\\nmen, while searching Skene s house, found the dead body\\nof a female deposited in the cellar, where it had been pre-\\nserved for many years. This was the body of Mrs. Skene,\\nthe deceased wife of the elder Skene, who was then m\\nEurope, and who was then in receipt of an annuity which\\nhad been devised to his wife ivhile she remained above\\nground^ Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Survey of\\nWashington County, New York (Fitch); History of Lake\\nChamplain (Palmer), p. 104.\\nDigby is mistaken in this surmise. There was, as we\\nwell know, considerable jealousy between the German and\\nEnglish portions of the army; but in this instance, the\\nadvance of Riedesel was part of a plan which resulted in\\nsuccess to the British arms. Had not Riedesel marched to\\nthe support of the troops under Eraser, who had preceded\\nhim, it is probable that the Americans would have been the\\nvictors in the conflict which followed. Vide Memoirs of\\nMajor-General Riedesel, vol. i, pp. 114-117.\\n28", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0251.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "2 1 8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\na distance from our Army to expect any reinforce-\\nments and by our scouts a certainty of the enemys\\nmain body, commanded by general St. Clair, not\\nabove six miles from us at Castletown tho we after-\\nwards found that he, since his retreat from Ticon-\\nderoga with the army under his command, was com-\\npleatly dispirited and thought of nothing but getting\\nfarther from us. In this situation General Frazier\\nI* Arthur St. Clair was born in Edinburgh, Scotland, in\\n1734, and accompanied Admiral Boscawen to America in\\n1759. He was a lieutenant under Wolfe, and was with that\\nbrave man when he fell on the Heights of Abraham. After\\nthe peace, he was for a short time in command of Fort\\nLigonier, in Pennsylvania but, becoming enamored of a\\nfarmer s life, he left the army and assumed the duties of a\\ncivilian. The war of the Revolution found him surrounded\\nby a rising family and with every thing about him to make\\nlife happy but he felt that duty called him from the happi-\\nness of home-life, and he at once cast in his lot with the\\npatriots. He was appointed a colonel in the Continental\\narmy, in January, 1776, and ordered to raise a regiment.\\nWithin six weeks he had gathered and equipped his regi-\\nment, and was on the march to Canada. He was appointed\\na major-general, in February, 1777, and on the fifth of June,\\nwas ordered to the command, which Gates had declined, of\\nTiconderoga. He arrived there on the twelfth and assumed\\ncommand. He has perhaps been censured unjustly for his\\nsurrender of that post, but he certainly showed great want\\nof foresight and knowledge in neglecting to fortify Mount\\nDefiance, which commanded his works, and for not destroy-\\ning his stores before retreating. Palmer says When Bur-\\ngoyne placed his batteries upon the summit of Mount Defi-\\nance, he effectually destroyed all hopes of resistance on the\\npart of the Americans. Their only alternative was to sur-\\nrender or evacuate the works. By adopting the latter course,\\nSt. Clair saved the greater portion of his garrison and pre-\\nserved the nucleus of an army, which ultimately baffled", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0252.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 2 1 9\\nwas obliged to detach a capt s command with the\\nprisoners to Ticonderoga that night, which weakened\\nus a good deal, during which, it rained very hard,\\nand about day break.\\nwe received orders to march towards Skeens-\\nborou^h. We were obliged to leave all our wounded\\nbehind us with a sub alternguard,^^^ who received\\norders, if attacked to surrender and rely on the mercy\\n^I^^I^^J^^r^ompelled him to capitulate. At the moment,\\nhowever all classes of people were astonished at the unex-\\nneaed ^su t. It is an event of chagrin and surprise, says\\nWashington, not apprehended, nor within the compass of\\nmv reasoning. The Council of Safety of New York signalized\\nTas a measSre -highly reprehensible ^probab^ cnrn-\\ninal People asserted that Schuyler and St. Uair were\\nbribed by Bumoyne, who fired silver agamst the foit\\nwhkh Sc^iuyle^- and St. Clair gathered and divided. Even\\nThatcher in his Military Journal, gravely denies the report.\\nS Clair suffered much from the severe criticisms passed\\nupon his conduct, from which, indeed, he never recovered\\nalthoucrh he remained in the service. In 1781 he was m\\niprnd of the troops ^^^^^^^:::^^^^:^z^,\\nS:ftriir S trnVJlitif ?d Gene.; G^ene\\nthe south. He was a member of Congress in 1786, and\\npresident of the House of Representatives in 1787. He\\nwas governor of the North-western Territory from 1788\\nuntil 1802 He died at Laurel Hill, Pennsylvania, August\\n^f 8 8 V.-S British Army Lists, History of Lake\\nChamptin; p. 146; The Writings of George Washington\\n(Sparks), vol. 4, p. 493-\\ni-^^It was Sergeant Lamb who was left in charge of the\\nwounded, and his account of his experiences is very mt^r-\\ne^HncT He says It was a distressing sight to see tne\\nwounded men bleeding on the ground and what made it\\nmore so, the rain came pouring down like a deluge upon us.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0253.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "2 20 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nof the enemy. This was a severe order, but it could\\nnot be helped in our situation. We had about 30\\nmiles to march and for the first six, we every minute\\nexpected to be attacked, and which I must say we\\nwere not so well provided for, as on the seventh, part\\nof our ammunition being expended, and our force\\nmuch reduced this genl Frazier prudently foresaw,\\nand though he wished to avoid it, yet by his orders,\\nwe marched in such a form as to sustain an action\\nwith as little loss as possible. By the knowledge of\\nour Indians, we struck into a path that led us to\\nSkeensborough, after a most fatigueing march thro\\nrivers, swamps and a desolate wilderness. The enemy\\nhad evacuated that place some days before, not think-\\nAnd still, to add to the distress of the sufferers, there was\\nnothing to dress their wounds, as the small medicine-box,\\nwhich was filled with salve, was left behind with Surgeon\\nShelly and Captain Montgomery at the time of our move-\\nment up the hill. The poor fellows earnestly entreated me\\nto tie up their wounds. Immediately I took off my shirt,\\ntore it up, and, with the help of a soldier s wife (the only\\nwoman that was with us, and who kept closely by her hus-\\nband s side during the engagement), made some bandages,\\nstopped the bleeding of their wounds, and conveyed them\\nin blankets to a small hut about two miles in our rear. Our\\nregiment now marched back to Skeensborough, leaving me\\nbehind to attend the wounded, with a small guard for our\\nprotection. I was directed, that in case I should be either\\nsurrounded or overpowered by the Americans, to deliver a\\nletter, which General Burgoyne gave me, to their command-\\ning officer. Here I remained seven days with wounded men,\\nexpecting every moment to be taken prisoner. Vide Jour-\\nnal of Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 143,\\n\u00e2\u0082\u00act seq.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0254.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 221\\ning it tenable, and retired to Fort Anne, where they\\nwere pursued on the Z^^ by the 9^^ regiment, and\\ndefeated with great loss, though vastly superior in\\nnumbers, the 9 not having above 200 men engaged,\\nwhich was, I think, risking a great deal to send so\\nsmall a body, when the 47 and 53*^ regiments were\\nthen at Skeensborough, and might as well have sup-\\nported them. Hereafter will be seen the conse-\\nquences of detaching such small numbers from the\\nmain body of the army, as it has always been the\\nwish of the Americans to avoid a general engage-\\nment, except they have a great superiority, and to\\nsurround small parties of ours, and get them into a\\nwood, where the discipline of our Troops is not of\\nsuch force. We had but one officer killed, and Capt\\nM^Gomery ^7 wounded and taken prisoner, with the\\n166\\nFort Anne, named thus in honor of the queen, was\\nbuilt in 1709 by the expedition under Colonel Nicholson,\\nwhich was organized against the French in that year. It\\nwas built of timber and surrounded by a palisade, and was\\nintended only to protect the garrison against the fire of\\nmusketry.\\nWilliam Stone Montgomery was the only son of Sir\\nWilliam Montgomery of Dublin, and was born August 4,\\n1754. He entered the British military service at the age\\nof seventeen, his first commission as cornet in the Ninth\\nDragoons being dated December 16, 1771. On March 20,\\n1775, he exchanged into the Forth-fourth Foot, at which\\ndate he received a lieutenant s commission, and January 9,\\n1776, was commissioned a captain in the Ninth Foot. He\\nwas wounded at Fort Ann on the ninth of July, and was\\ntaken prisoner. The report of General Burgoyne in the His-\\ntory of the Ninth Foot contains the following reference to\\nCaptain Montgomery: An officer of great merit, was", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0255.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "222 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nsurgeon. At Skeensborough, the whole army rendez-\\nvoused, where Divine service was performed, returning\\nGod thanks for our late successes, after which a feu-\\nde-joi was fired, beginning from the ships and great\\nguns, and answered by the small arms of the army.\\nCapt Gardner went from that to England express\\nwounded early in the action, and was in the act of being\\ndressed by the surgeon, when the regiment changed ground\\nbeing unable to help himself, he and the surgeon were taken\\nprisoners. Lamb also speaks of the event as follows:\\nCaptain Montgomery, son to Sir W. Montgomery, bart.\\nof Dublin, was wounded in the leg and taken prisoner, with\\nthe surgeon who was dressing his wound, just before we\\nretired up the hill. I very narrowly escaped myself, from\\nbeing taken prisoner at that time, as I was just in the act\\nof assisting the surgeon in dressing the captain s wound,\\nwhen the enemy came pouring down upon us like a mighty\\ntorrent, in consequence whereof, I was the last man that\\nascended the hill. Although Captain Montgomery was\\nwounded in the leg, and from Lamb s account it would\\nappear not seriously, for some cause of which we are ignor-\\nant, he did not recover, as he is reported in Betham s\\nBaronetage to have died in America at the age of nineteen\\nyears. This is an error as he was twenty-three years of age.\\nVide British Army Lists, in loco Historical Record of the\\nNinth Foot Journal of Occurrences During the Late\\nAmerican War, pp. 142, et seq. Betham s Baronetage, vol.\\n5, p. 474; British Family Antiquity, vol. 7, p. 194.\\nHenry Farington Gardner entered the army and was\\ncommissioned a cornet of the Sixteenth Light Dragoons\\nBurgoyne s regiment on May 22, 1761. The next year he\\nserved with Burgoyne in his brilliant campaign in Portugal.\\nOn June 8, 1768, he was made a lieutenant, and on the 20th\\nof July succeeding, adjutant of his regiment. He became\\ncaptain, November 6, 1772, and accompanied Burgoyne to\\nAmerica as aide-de-camp. He reached Quebec on the twenty-\\nsecond, five days after leaving Burgoyne s camp, and found", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0256.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 223\\nwith the account of our successes since the takeing\\nof the field I shall here insert the General orders to\\nthe Army.\\nHead quarters of the King s army\\nAT Skeensborough, id^ July, IJ^J.\\nOn the 6*^ July, the enemy were dislodged from\\nTiconderoga by the mere countenance and activity\\nof the Army, and driven on the same day beyond\\nSkeensborough on the right, and to Hubberton on\\nthe left, with the loss of all their Artillery, and five\\nof their armed vessels taken and blown up by the\\nspirited conduct of Captain Carter of the Artillery,\\nwith a part of his Brigade of gun boats, a great\\nquantity of amunition, provisions and stores of all\\nsorts, and the greatest part of their baggage. On\\nthe f^, Brigadier General Frazier, at the head of a\\nlittle more than half the Advanced Corps, came up\\nwith near 2000 of the enemy strongly posted, attacked\\nand defeated them with the loss on the enemy s part\\nof their principal officers, 200 killed on the spot, a much\\nlarger number taken, and about 200 made prisoners.\\nMajor general Reidzel, with the advance guard con-\\na vessel the Royal George in readiness to bear him to\\nEngland. He sailed on the morning of the twenty-third, and\\nreached England the twenty-second of August. He did not re-\\nturn to America. He was made major of the Light Dragoons,\\nSeptember ii, 1781, and attained the army rank of lieuten-\\nant-colonel, November 18, 1790, when his name disappears\\nfrom the army lists. For a more particular account, refer-\\nence may be had to Hadden s Journal and Orderly Books,\\np. 242.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0257.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "2 24 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nsisting of the Chasseurs Company, and 40 grenadiers\\nand Light Infantry, arrived In time to sustain General\\nFrazler, and by his judicious orders and a spirited\\nexecution of them, obtained a share for himself and\\nfor his troops In the glory of the action.\\nOn the 8 Lieutenant Col\u00c2\u00b0 HIll, at the head of\\nthe 9 regiment, was attacked near Fort Anne by\\nmore than six times his number, and repulsed the\\nenemy with great loss, after a continued fire of three\\nhours. In consequence of this action. Fort Anne was\\nburned and abandoned, and a party of this army Is\\nnow In possession of the country on the other side.\\nThese rapid successes, after exciting a proper sense\\nof what we owe to God, entitle the Troops In general\\nto the warmest praise and particular distinction is due\\nto Brlgd* Genl Frazler, who by his conduct and\\ni^^John Hill entered the Twenty-fourth Foot, March 15,\\n1747, as a lieutenant; became adjutant, August 25, 1756;\\ncaptain-lieutenant, March 9, 1757; captain in the Thirteenth\\nFoot, December i, 1758; major, October 10, 1765; lieuten-\\nant-colonel in the army, September nth, and of the Ninth\\nFoot, November 10, 1775. Wilkinson s account of the action\\nis somewhat different from this of Burgoyne. He says:\\nThe corps which accompanied General Burgoyne to\\nSkeenesborough, were spread out to keep up and increase\\nthe panic produced by the loss of Ticonderoga the Ninth\\nRegiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, was sent In pur-\\nsuit of Colonel Long and his detachment, consisting of the\\ninvalids and convalescents, with his regiment about one hun-\\ndred and fifty strong, making in the whole four or five hun-\\ndred men. Colonel Long, finding himself pressed, advanced\\nand met Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, and an action ensued, in\\nwhich the British officer claimed the victory but it is a fact\\nthat the Ninth Regiment had been beaten and was retreat-", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0258.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 225\\nbravery, supported by the same qualities in the offi-\\ncers, and soldiers under his command effected an\\nexploit of material service to the King, and of signal\\nhonour to the profession of Arms. This Corps have\\nthe farther merit of having supported the fatigue of\\nbad weather, without bread and without murmur.\\nDivine service will be performed on Sunday morn-\\ning at the head of the line, and at the head of the\\nAdvanced Corps, and at Sun set on the same day, a\\nFeu de joy will be fired with cannon and small arms\\nat Ticonderoga, Crown Point, the camp at Skeens-\\nborough and the camp at Castletown, and the post of\\nBremen s corps. Sunday, being a day set apart for\\nrejoicing, all working parties are to be remitted, ex-\\ncept such as may be necessary for the cleanliness of\\nthe camp. Should the weather be fair, the tents are\\nto be struck at 5 in the evening, and the troops to\\nform for the Feu-de-joy an hour before sun set in order\\ning, and, but for the entire failure of Colonel Long s ammu-\\nnition, the lieutenant-colonel must have been made prisoner,\\nas well as Captain Montgomery of that regiment, who was\\nwounded and left on the field, when, as General Burgoyne\\ntells us, Colonel Hill found it necessary to change his posi-\\ntion in the heat of action but, in truth, when his corps\\nwas obliged to retreat, and Colonel Long, for want of ammu-\\nnition, could not pursue him. It was Lieutenant-Colonel\\nHill who secreted the colors of the Ninth Regiment in his\\nbaggage, contrary to the stipulated terms of surrender, and\\nfinally presented them to the king, being rewarded for the\\nact by an appointment on the royal staff, with the army rank\\nof colonel. May 16, 1782. Vide British Army Lists, in\\nloco; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 190; Historical\\nRecord of the Ninth Foot (Cannon), p. 32,\\n29", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0259.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "2 26 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nof Battle. After the Feu de joy the tents are to be\\npitched again. Captain Gardner is going to England\\nofficers who have letters to send, to leave them at\\nhead quarters, before orderly time the 14 inst.\\nWe were obliged to remain a long time at Skeens-\\nborough on account of getting horses and wagons\\nfrom Canada the Contractor of which, must have\\nrealized a great sum, each horse standing Govern-\\nment in about ^15 if lost or killed in the service,\\nexclusive of paying the driver, and the\\nKing s horses, (so called) from our great park of\\nArtillery (for this part of the service was particu-\\nlarly attended to and the Brass train that was sent\\nout on this expedition was perhaps the finest and\\nprobably the most excellently supplied as to officers\\nand men that had ever been allotted to second the\\noperations of an army which did not far exceed\\nthe second in number) amounted to a considerable\\nnumber, indeed the expenses of Government were\\nuncommonly great, as I have heard it computed that\\nevery man in our service through the whole of\\nAmerica, including loyalists, women and every other\\nhanger on to the camps, allowing for transports,\\nservice and a thousand other etceteras, stood govern-\\nment no less than five shillings a day for each per-\\nson, and it was thought that at this time, and indeed\\nthrough the whole war, above 100,000 were daily\\nallowed rations, or provisions. Our heavy baggage\\nwas mostly then sent to stores appointed at Ticon-\\nderoga, as there was no longer any water carriage.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0260.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 227\\nThe mare I had made prize of was full able to carry\\nas much baggage as I required, and saved me the\\nexpense of purchasing one for that purpose and\\nI suppose at our next moving we had almost as many-\\nhorses as men, many officers having 3 or 4, tho it was\\nstrongly recommended by the general to take as little\\nbaggage as possible, which advice I followed, leaving\\nmy bedding behind and making use of a Buffalo skin,\\nwith a cloak to cover me at nights. That baggage we\\nnever after saw, it being through necessity or acci-\\ndent all destroyed. Many here were of opinion the\\ngeneral had not the least business in bringing the\\narmy to Skeensborough, after the precipitate flight\\nof the enemy from Ticonderoga, and tho we had\\ngained a complete victory over them, both at Fort\\nAnne and Hubberton, yet no visible advantage was\\nlikely to flow from either except prooving the good-\\nness of our troops at the expense of some brave men.\\nThey were also of opinion we should have pushed\\ndirectly to Fort George, where it was pretty certain\\nthey had above 400 wagons, 4 horses in each, with\\nFort George was erected in 1757, after the destruction\\nof Fort William Henry and the massacre of a large portion\\nof the garrison by the Indians under Montcalm. It was\\nabout a mile south-east of the site of Fort William Henry,\\nwhich was not rebuilt after its destruction by the French,\\nand stood on an eminence about half a mile from the lake.\\nIt is described by Hadden as follows: Fort George which.\\nstands near the water at the end of the Lake (George) is a\\nsmall square Fort faced with Masonry and contains Barracks\\nfor about a hundred Men secured from Cannon Shot. This\\nFort cou d not stand a Siege, being commanded, too con-", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0261.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "2 28 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nstores and not above 700 men, which would\\nhave enabled us to push forward, without waiting for\\nhorses from Canada to bring on our heavy artillery,\\nwhich these discontented persons declared, was much\\ngreater than we had the smallest use for. Light field\\npieces were all we wanted exclusive of the heavy\\ncannon, which was sent out to retake Quebec, in case\\nthe enemy had succeeded in their plans the winter\\nof 1775. They also avered that after the late actions,\\nthe enemy were struck with such a panic, and so dis-\\npersed that by that movement we should not have\\ngiven them time to collect which our remaining at\\nSkeensborough gave them full sufficient time to do\\nbut I make not the least doubt, Gen Burgoyne had\\nhis proper reasons for so acting though contrary to\\nthe opinion of many. The country round Skeens-\\nborough swarms with rattle snakes, the bite of which\\nis, I believe, mortal. They alarm the person near\\nby their rattles, which providence has wisely ordered\\nfor that purpose, and from whence, they take their\\nname.\\n20. We were joined by a very numerous nation\\nof* Indians from the Ottawas, and who surpassed all\\nothers I had before seen in size and appearance\\nfined not to be soon reduced by Bombardment. The Rebels\\nbefore they abandon d it had endeavour d to destroy the\\ndefences and actually blew up the Magazine in the side next\\nthe Water, which demolish d that place. It served princi-\\npally as a magazine of supplies, and was a connecting link\\nbetween Ticonderoga and Fort Edward. It was named\\nFort George in honor of the Duke of York.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0262.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "Lieutenafit Digbys Journal. 229\\nwhen assembled in Congress, which was well worth\\nseeing, they being painted in their usual stile and\\ndecked out with feathers of a variety of birds, and\\nskins of wild beasts slain by them, as trophys of\\ntheir courage and general Burgoyne, by the help\\nof interpreters, informed them of the cause of the\\nwar when they by a groan expressed their\\napprobation of what he had advanced, and the meas-\\nures he intended to pursue, also their readiness in\\ntaking up the hatchet to assist the troops of their\\nfather, (King George) which was consented to by\\nthe general on a solemn promise from them of not\\nscalping except the dead. They had brought a\\nnumber of Indian toys, most of which we purchased\\nfrom them, but were lost with our other baggage as\\nwill be hereafter seen.\\nAbout this time, a letter addressed to general\\nBurgoyne, burlesqueing his proclamation, (see page\\n3 appeared, which perhaps may entertain the\\nreader.\\nTo John Burgoyne E^ Lieut General of his\\nmajesty s armies in America, Colonel of the Queens\\nRegiment of Light dragoons, governor of Fort Wil-\\nliam in North Britain, one of the Representatives of\\nthe Commons of Great Britain and commanding an\\narmy and fleet employed on an expedition from\\nCanada\\nMost high, most mighty, most puissant, and sub-\\nlime general When the forces under your com-\\n171 Vide ante p. 1 89.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0263.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "230 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nmand arrived at Quebec, in order to act in concert\\nand upon a common principle with the numerous\\nfleets armies, which already display in every\\nquarter of America the justice mercy of your King\\nwe, the reptils of America, were struck with unusual\\ntrepidation and astonishment. But what words can\\nexpress the plentitude of our horror, when the\\nColonel of the Queen s regiment of light Dragoons\\nadvanced towards Ticonderoga? The mountains\\nshook before thee, and the trees of the forest bowed\\ntheir leafy heads. The vast Lakes of the nprth were\\nchilled at thy presence, and the mighty cataracts\\nstopped their tremendous career and were suspended\\nin awe at thy approach. Judge then, oh ineffable\\nGovernor of Fort William in North Britain, what\\nmust have been the terror, dismay, and despair that\\noverspread this paltry continent of America, and us,\\nits wretched inhabitants Dark and dreary indeed,\\nwas the prospect before us, till like the sun in the\\nHorizon, your most gracious and irresistible procla-\\nmation opened the doors of mercy and snatched us, as\\nit were, from the jaws of annihilation. We foolishly\\nthought, blind as we were, that your gracious master s\\nfleets and armies were come to destroy us and our\\nliberties but we are happy in hearing from you, and\\nwho can doubt what you assert, that they were called\\nforth for the sole purpose of restoring the rights of\\nthe Constitution to a froward, stubborn generation\\nAnd it is for this, oh sublime, Lieut Genl that\\nyou have given yourself the trouble to cross the", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0264.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 231\\nwide Atlantic, and with incredible fatigue traversed\\nuncultivated wilds and we ungratefully refused the\\nprofered blessing To restore the rights of the Con-\\nstitution, you have called together an amiable host\\nof savages, and turned them loose to scalp our\\nwomen and children and lay our country waste. This\\nthey have performed with their usual skill and clem-\\nency, and we remain insensible for the benefit, and\\nunthankful for so much goodness. Our Congress\\nhave declared Independence, and our assemblies, as\\nyour highness justly observes, have most wickedly\\nimprisoned the avowed friends of that power with\\nwhich they are at war, and most profanely compelled\\nthose whose conscience will not permit them to\\nfight, to pay some small part towards the expenses\\ntheir country is at in supporting what is called a nec-\\nessary and defensive war. If we go on thus in our\\nobstinacy and ingratitude, what can we expect, but\\nthat you should in your anger give a stretch to the\\nIndian forces under your direction, amounting to\\nthousands, to overtake and destroy us, or what is ten\\ntimes worse, that you should withdraw your fleets\\nand armies and leave us to our own misery, without\\ncompleting the benevolent task you have, begun in\\nrestoring to us the rights of the Constitution. We\\nsubmit, we submit most puissant CoP of the Queen s\\nregiment of Light Dragoons Governor of Fort\\nWilliam in North Britain, we offer our heads to the\\nscalping knife, and our bellies to the bayonet. Who\\ncan resist the terror of your arms who can resist the", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0265.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "232 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nforce of your eloquence The invitation you have\\nmade in the consciousness of Christianity, your royal\\nmaster s clemency, and the honour of soldiership we\\nthankfully accept The blood of the slain, the cries\\nof the injured virgins and innocent children, and the\\nnever ceasing sighs and groans of starving wretches,\\nnow languishing in the gaols and prison ships of\\nNew York, call on us in vain, while your sublime\\nproclamation is sounding in our ears. Forgive us,\\noh our country forgive us dear posterity forgive\\nus all ye foreign powers who are anxiously watch-\\ning our conduct in this important struggle, if we\\nyield implicitly to the persuasive tongue of the most\\nelegant CoP of the Queen s regiment of Light dra-\\ngoons. Forbear then, thou magnanimous Lieut gen-\\neral, forbear to denounce vengeance against us\\nforbear to give a stretch to those restorers of the\\nConstitution s rights, the Indians under your direc-\\ntions let not the messengers of wrath justice\\nawait us in the field, and devastation, famine and\\nevery concomitant horror, bar our return to the alle-\\ngiance of a prince, who by his royal will, would de-\\nprive us of every blessing of life with all possible\\nclemency. We are domestic we are industrious we\\nare infirm and timid we shall remain quietly at\\nhome and not remove our cattle, our corn, or forage,\\nin hopes that you will come at the head of troops, in\\nthe full powers of health, discipline, and valour, and\\ntake charge of them for yourselves. Behold our\\nwives and daughters our fiocks and herds our goods", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0266.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "Lieutenmit Digbys Journal. 233\\nand chattels, are they not at the mercy of our lord\\nand king, and of his lieutenant general. Member of\\nthe house of Commons and Governor of Fort William\\nin North Britain\\nSaratoga, Jtily lo 1777 A B. C D E\\nJuly 24 We marched from Skeensborough, and tho\\nbut 15 miles to Fort Anne, were two days going it as\\nthe enemy had felled large trees over the river, which\\nthere turned so narrow, as not to allow more than\\none battow abreast, from whence we were obliged to\\ncut a road through the wood, which was attended\\nwith great fatigue and labour, for our wagons and\\nartillery. Our heavy cannon went over Lake George,\\nas it was impossible to bring them [over] the road we\\nmade, and were to join us near Fort Edward, in\\ncase the Enemy were to stand us at that place, it\\nbeing a good road for cannon and about 16 -miles.\\nFort Anne is a place of no great strength, having\\nonly a block house, which though strong against\\nsmall arms is not proof against cannon. We saw\\n^On the same day General Burgoyne issued a proclama-\\ntion to the inhabitants of Castleton and neighboring towns,\\nrequesting them to send deputies, consisting of 10 per-\\nsons or more from each township, to meet Col. Skeene at\\nCastleton July 15th at 10, A. M., who will give further en-\\ncouragement to those who complied with the terms of my\\nlate manifesto conditions upon which persons and prop-\\nerty of the disobedient may be spared. In reply. General\\nSchuyler, on the 13th issued a counter-proclamation, forbid-\\nding these towns to send delegates to meet Burgoyne s com-\\nmissioner under pain of punishment. Vide Collections New\\nHampshire Historical Society, vol. 2, pp. 148-150.\\n30", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0267.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "234 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nmany of their dead unburied, since the action of the\\n8^^ which caused a violent stench. One officer of the\\n^th regiment, Lieu^ Westrop was then unburied,\\nand from the smell we could only cover him with\\nleaves. At that action, the 9^* took their colours,\\nwhich were intended as a present to their Colonel\\nLord Ligonier, They were very handsome, a flag\\nRichard Westropp had been in the army but a short\\ntime, having received his commission of ensign in the Ninth\\nFoot on March 14, 1772, and of Heutenant, January i, 1774.\\nHis regiment took an active part in the campaign of j6, but\\nhe passed through it unscathed to meet his fate at Fort Anne.\\nSergeant Lamb, who saw him fall, says that he was by his\\nside when he was shot through the heart. Vide British\\nArmy Lists, in loco Journal of Occurrences During the Late\\nAmerican War, p. 143.\\nEdward Ligonier was the son of Colonel Francis Li-\\ngonier, who died after the battle of Falkirk, having risen\\nfrom a bed of sickness to participate in the battle. He was\\ncommissioned captain and lieutenant-colonel in the First\\nFoot, August 15, 1759, at which time his regiment was in\\nAmerica, having participated in the successful siege of Louis-\\nburg the previous year. The scene of Burgoyne s campaign\\nwas familiar to him, as it was upon Lakes George and Cham-\\nplain that the First Regiment had operated against the\\nFrench, nearly twenty years before the date here given by\\nDigby. In 1760 Ligonier was in the trying campaign against\\nthe Cherokees, and when that was ended, participated in\\nthe expedition against Havana in 1762. The hardships in\\nthis campaign were very great we are told. Ligonier re-\\nturned to England in 1763, and on April 21st of that year,\\nwas appointed aide de-camp to the king, with the army rank\\nof colonel. Having succeeded to the Irish title of Viscount\\nLigonier of Clonmel, in 1770, after the death of his uncle,\\nthe field marshal, Earl Ligonier, he was made colonel of the\\nNinth Foot, August 8th, in the following year, shortly after\\nwhich time he was advanced to the dignity of Earl Ligonier.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0268.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 235\\nof the United States, 13 stripes alternate red and\\nwhite, [with thirteen stars] in a blue field represent-\\ning a new constellation. In the evening, our Indians\\nbrought in two scalps, one of them an officer s which\\nthey danced about in their usual manner. Indeed,\\nthe cruelties committed by them, were too shocking\\nto relate, particularly the melancholy catastrophe of\\nthe unfortunate Miss McCrea, which affected the\\ngeneral and the whole army with the sincerest regret\\nHe became major-general in the army, September 29, 1775,\\nand August 29, 1777, lieutenant-general. He died in 1782,\\nv/hen his titles became extinct. Vide British Army Lists,\\nin loco Historical Record of the First Foot, pp. 136-148;\\nIbid., Ninth Foot, p. 123.\\n^^*The story of Jane McCrea has been often related, some-\\ntimes in most exaggerated forms even her life has been\\nelaborately written. The generally accepted version is that\\nDavid Jones, a Tory officer in Burgoyne s army, sent two\\nIndians, one of whom was called Wyandot Panther, to con-\\nduct her to the British camp, where she was to be married,\\nand that on the way thither, the Indians disagreeing with\\nrespect to a division of the barrel of rum to be paid them\\nfor their services, Wyandot Panther killed her with a toma-\\nhawk. This version is supported by Wilson in his life of\\nMiss McCrea, whom he says was killed by le Lodp, as well\\nas by Neilson, who relates that the Indians exhibited their\\nscalps at a house which they called at, and said that they\\nhad killed Jenny. They had with them Mrs. McNeil\\nwho, it seems, was a cousin of General Fraser in a state of\\nnudity, and so delivered her to the general, greatly to his\\nembarrassment as well as that of Mrs. McNeil, as his ward-\\nrobe was not provided with any thing suitable for a lady to\\nwear. Neilson, commenting upon their treatment of Mrs.\\nMcNeil, says: The inducement to strip and plunder Mrs.\\nMcNeil was sufficient to account for the butchery of Miss\\nMcCrea. And so it probably was, for the Indians were not", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0269.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "236 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nand concern for her untimely fate. This young lady\\nwas about 18, had a pleasing person, her family\\nwere loyal to the King, and she engaged to be\\nmarried to a provincial officer, in our Army, before\\nthe war broke out. Our Indians, (I may well now call\\nparticular whom they murdered, and killed Tories as well\\nas Americans indeed, the Tories of Argyle flocked to Bur-\\ngoyne for protection against his savage allies. But we have\\nproof that after all, in this case the Indians were innocent\\nof murder, and that Miss McCrea was killed unintentionally\\nby the Americans. Let us examine this evidence. Miss\\nMcCrea had been invited by David Jones to visit the British\\ncamp and accompany the several ladies there in an excursion\\non Lake George. He was troubled about her exposure to\\ndanger from the Indians, and intended to press her to marry\\nhim at once, that he might be better able to afford her pro-\\ntection. Mrs. McNeil and she were just about to embark\\nunder the charge of Lieutenant Palmer and a few soldiers,\\nwhen, knowing that the Americans were in the vicinity, the\\nlieutenant and his men left them for a few minutes to re-\\nconnoitre. While the British soldiers were absent, some of\\ntheir Indian allies came up and seized Mrs. McNeil and\\nMiss McCrea, and placing the latter upon a horse, hurried\\naway, pursued by a party of Americans, who were close at\\nhand. The Americans fired upon the flying Indians, one of\\nwhom, Wyandot Panther, was leading the horse upon which\\nMiss McCrea sat. Mrs. McNeil became separated from Miss\\nMcCrea, and did not witness her death, but said afterward\\nthat the Americans fired so high as not to injure the Indians,\\nwho were on foot. Wyandot Panther, when examined by\\nBurgoyne, affirmed that Miss McCrea was killed by the\\nAmericans, who were pursuing him and General Eraser,\\nat a post-mortem investigation, gave it as his opinion that\\nshe was thus killed by the Americans aiming too high,\\nwhen the mark was on elevated ground, as had occurred at\\nBunker s (Breed s) hill. But, in addition to this, we now\\nhave more positive proof in the testimony of General Mor-\\ngan Lewis, to the effect that she had three distinct gunshot", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0270.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 237\\nthem Savages) were detached on scouting parties,\\nboth in our front and on our flanks, and came to the\\nhouse where she resided but the scene is too tragic\\nfor my pen. She fell a sacrifice to the savage passions\\nof these blood thirsty monsters, for the particulars of\\nwhich, I shall refer the reader to General Burgoyne s\\nletter, dated September, to General Gates, which\\nhe will find on page 263, with his manner of acting\\non that melancholy occasion. I make no doubt, but\\nthe censorious world, who seldom judge but by out-\\nward appearances, will be apt to censure Gen Bur-\\ngoyne for the cruelties committed by his Indians,\\nand imagine he countenanced them in so acting.\\nOn the contrary, I am pretty certain it was always\\nagainst his desire to give any assistance to the\\nsavages. The orders from Lord George Germaine\\nwounds upon her body, and from the additional fact that\\nwhen her body was removed, a few years ago, to a new\\nburial place, no mark of a tomahawk or injury of any kind\\nwas found upon the skull. We may, therefore, look upon\\nthe famiHar picture of the two savages holding an unat-\\ntractive-looking female, who does not appear at all disturbed\\nat the sight of the tomahawk about to descend upon her\\nhead, as fictitious. Vide The Life of Jane McCrea (Wilson),\\nNew York, 1853; Burgoyne s Campaign and St. Leger s\\nExpedition, pp. 302-313; Neilson s Account of Burgoyne s\\nCampaign, pp. 68-79; Burgoyne s Orderly Book, pp. 187,\\n189; Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution (Lossing), vol.\\nI, pp. 48, 96, 99, et passim Memoirs of My Own Times,\\nvol. I, p. 230, et seq.; Travels in the Interior Parts of\\nAmerica, vol. i, pp. 369-372 Journal of Occurrences During\\nthe Late American War, pp. 1 5 5-1 57-\\n^Lord George Germaine was the minister for American\\naffairs, which he appears to have managed disgracefully. He", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0271.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "238 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nto General Carlton, on Lieutenant General Bur-\\ngoyne s taking the command of the Army were as\\nfollows. As this plan cannot be advantageously\\nexecuted without the assistance of Canadians and\\nIndians, his majesty strongly recommends it to your\\ncare, to furnish him with good and sufficient bodies\\nof these men, and I am happy in knowing that\\nyour influence among them is so great, that there\\ncan be no room to apprehend you will find it difficult\\nto fulfill his majesty s intentions. General Bur-\\ngoyne, afterwards says in parliament As to the\\nIndian alliance, he had always at best considered it\\nas a necessary evil. He determined to go to the\\nsoldiers of the State, not the executioners. He had\\nbeen obliged to run a race with the congress in\\nwas stiff and imperious, unscrupulous in the gratification of\\npersonal resentments, and had been cashiered for cowardice\\nsome years before. In Fitzmaurice s Life of William, Earl\\nof Shelburne, we are told that he was a man possessed of\\nintolerable meanness and love of corruption, and further,\\nthat he wanted judgment in all great affairs, and he wanted\\nheart on all great occasions, was violent, sanguine and\\noverbearing in his first conception and setting out of plans,\\nbut easily checked, and liable to sink into an excess of\\ndespondency upon the least reverse without any sort of\\nresource. Fox delighted to compare him to Dr. Sangrado.\\nFor two years, said he, that a certain noble lord has\\npresided over American affairs, the most violent, scalping,\\ntomahawk measures have been pursued Bleeding has been\\nhis only prescription. If a people deprived of their ancient\\nrights are grown tumultuous bleed them! if they are\\nattacked with a spirit of insurrection bleed them if their\\nfever should rise into rebellion bleed them cries this state\\nphysician more blood more blood still more blood", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0272.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 239\\nsecuring the alliance of the Indians. They courted\\nand tempted them with presents, as well as the\\nBritish. He had in more instances than one con-\\ntroled the Indians\\n28*^ We marched from Fort Anne, but could only\\nproceed about 6 miles, the road being broke up by\\nthe enemy and large trees felled across it, taking up\\na long time to remove them for our 6 pounders,\\nwhich were the heavyest guns with us. We halted\\nat night on an eminence, and were greatly distressed\\nfor water, no river being near, and a report that the\\nenemy had poisoned a spring at a small distance\\nbut it was false, as our surgion tried an experiment\\non the water and found it good.\\nAfter relating how Dr. Sangrado was remonstrated with\\nfor the death of so many patients, he gave the doctor s reply,\\nto the effect that, having written a book on the efficacy of\\nsuch practice, though every patient should die, he must con-\\ntinue for the credit of his book. He was detested by his\\nassociates and by the generals who commanded in America.\\nTemple Luttrell abused him in ParHament, without eliciting\\na reply. He said on one occasion, while Germaine was pres-\\nent, referring to the Burgoyne campaign, flight was the\\nonly safety that remained for the royal army, and he saw one\\nwho had set the example in Germany and was fit to lead them\\non such an occasion; and Wilkes said: The noble Lord\\nmight conquer America, but he believed it would not be in\\nGermany. This was in allusion to Germaine s disgraceful\\nconduct as an officer in Germany, for which he was dismissed\\nthe service. Vide The Pictorial History of England (Knight),\\nLondon, 1841, vol. i, p. 325 A History of England (Adol-\\nphus), London, 1841, vol. 2, p. 496; Life of William, Earl\\nof Shelburne, London, vol. i, pp. 357-359; Journal of the\\nReign of George the Third (Walpole), London, 1859, PP-\\n26, 34.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0273.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "240 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n29^^ Moved about 6 or 7 miles farther, and had\\nthe same trouble of clearing the road, as the day\\nbefore. We encamped within a mile of Fort Edward,\\non the banks of the Hudson river. It was a very\\ngood post, and we expected it would have been dis-\\nputed. There, the road from Fort George then in\\nour possession joined us, and being in possession of\\nthat post secured our heavy guns coming from\\nFort George. It was supposed we should not go\\nmuch farther without them. Our tents were pitched\\nin a large field of as fine wheat as I ever saw, which\\nin a few minutes was all trampled down. Such must\\never be the wretched situation of a Country, the seat\\nof war. The potatoes were scarce fit to dig up, yet\\nwere torn out of the ground without thinking in the\\nleast of the owner.\\n3o We moved on farther to a rising ground\\nabout a mile south of Fort Edward, and encamped\\non a beautiful situation from whence you saw the\\nmost romantic prospect of the Hudson s river; inter-\\nsperced with many small islands, and the encamp-\\nment of the line about 2 miles in our rear. There\\nis a fine plain about the Fort, which appeared doubly\\npleasing to us, who were so long before buried in\\nwoods. On the whole, the country thereabout wore\\na very different appearance from any we had seen\\nsince our leaving Canada, and from that Fort to\\nAlbany, about 46 miles, the land improves much,\\nand no doubt in a little time will be thickly set-\\ntled. The enemy were then encamped about 4 miles", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0274.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 241\\nfrom us but it was not thought they intended\\nto make a stand. At this time a letter appeared\\naddressed to General Burgoyne, I believe found\\nnailed to a tree. There was no name signed, yet it\\nwas thought (how true heaven only knows) to\\nbe wrote by brigadier general Arnold, who opposed\\nour fleet the preceding year on Lake Champlain, and\\nwas then second in command under General Gates.\\nHe first tells him, not to be too much elated on his\\nrapid progress, as all he had as yet gained was\\nan uncultivated desert, and concludes his letter by\\ndesiring him to beware of crossing the Hudson s\\nriver, making use of that memorable saying, Thus\\nfar shalt thou go and no farther. We heard by\\nsome intelligence from the enemy s camp, that Genl^\\nSt Clair Schyler were ordered before a com-\\nPhillip Schuyler was born at Albany on November 22,\\n1733. His grandfather and father were men of character\\nand wealth. He inherited large estates under the law of\\nprimogeniture, but generously divided them with his broth-\\ners and sisters. His mother was a woman of unusual at-\\ntainments, and gave her son a thorough training. His first\\nservice was against the French and Indians in 1755. He\\nwas with Lord George Howe, with whom he was a great\\nfavorite, in the attack on Ticonderoga, in which attack\\nHowe fell, and to Schuyler was assigned the duty of con-\\nveying the body of the young nobleman, who was the idol\\nof his companions-in-arms, to Albany. He was a delegate\\nto the Continental Congress in May, 1775, and in June was\\nappointed a major-general. He was assigned to the com-\\nmand of the army in the province of New York, but owing\\nto illness, was obliged to relinquish it to Montgomery. He\\nwas most efificient in putting the northern army into a con-\\ndition of order and discipline but while engaged in his\\n31", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0275.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "242 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nmittee of their congress, to account for their reasons\\nof evacuating Ticonderoga. As yet, the fickle God-\\ndess Fortune had smiled upon our arms, and crowned\\nour wishes with every kind of success, which might\\neasyly be seen from the great spirits the Army in\\ngeneral were in and the most sanguine hopes of\\nconquest, victory were formed of crowning\\nthe campaign with, from the general down to the\\nprivate soldier but alas this life is a constant rota-\\nduties, was, in March, 1777, superseded by Gates, owing to\\nthe persistent efforts of enemies. He was restored to his\\ncommand again two months later, and at once proceeded\\nwith great vigor to put the fortifications in his department\\ninto a thorough state of defense, and his army into a condi-\\ntion to meet the advancing Burgoyne. The fall of Ticon-\\nderoga and his own retreat from Fort Edward, gave his\\nopponents an opportunity to effect his displacement, and\\nin August he was again superseded by Gates. His mag-\\nnanimity and noble patriotism in continuing to devote his\\nwealth and services to the cause of his country, put his ene-\\nmies to shame. At a court of inquiry, called at his request,\\nhe was rewarded by a full acquittal. After this, although\\npressed by Washington, he refused military command, but\\nrendered efificient aid to the cause. The Baroness Riedesel\\ngives us a glimpse of the noble character of the man, in her\\ninteresting letters. She had passed through the terrible\\nscenes which preceded the surrender of Burgoyne, and with\\nher children, approached, with no little fear, the camp of the\\nAmericans. What was her surprise and delight to be re-\\nceived with the greatest kindness. We will quote her own\\ndescription of the scene When I approached the tents, a\\nnoble-looking man came toward me, took the children out\\nof the wagon, embraced and kissed them, and then, with\\ntears in his eyes, helped me also to alight. You tremble,\\nsaid he to me fear nothing. No, repHed I, for you are\\nso kind, and have been so tender toward my children, that\\nit has inspired me with courage. He then led me to the", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0276.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 243\\ntion of changes and the man, who forms the smallest\\nhopes, has generally the greatest chance of happiness.\\nIn the evening, our Indians had a skirmish with an\\nadvance party of the enemy. It was a heavy fire for\\nabout half an hour, when the latter fled with loss.\\nDuring our stay there, many of the country people\\ncame to us for protection. Those are styled by the\\nenemy torys, and greatly persecuted if taken after\\nfighting against them.\\ntent of General Gates, with whom I found Generals Bur-\\ngoyne and Phillips. Burgoyne said to me You may now\\ndismiss all your apprehensions, for your sufferings are at an\\nend. All the generals remained to dine with General Gates.\\nThe man who had received me so kindly came up and said\\nto me It may be embarrassing to you to dine with all\\nthese gentlemen come now with your children into my\\ntent, where I will give you, it is true, but a frugal meal, but\\none that will be accompanied by the best of wishes. You\\nare certainly, answered I, a husband and a father, since\\nyou show me so much kindness. I then learned that he was\\nthe American General Schuyler. The day after this we\\narrived at Albany, where we had so often longed to be. But\\nwe came not as we supposed we should, as victors! We\\nwere, nevertheless, received in the most friendly manner by\\nthe good General Schuyler, and by his wife and daughters,\\nwho showed us the most marked courtesy, as, also. General\\nBurgoyne, although he had without any necessity it was\\nsaid caused their magnificently-built houses to be burned.\\nAfter the adoption of the Constitution, General Schuyler\\nrepresented his State as a senator, and maintained a high\\nplace in the esteem of the American people. His death\\noccurred at Albany, November 18, 1804.\\nThis is a moderate statement of the fact. Not only were\\nthey killed and banished, but Sabine tells us that the Whigs,\\nafter the peace, Instead of repealing the proscription and\\nbanishment acts, as justice and good policy required, they", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0277.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "244 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nAugust 9*^ We moved on to Fort Miller 9 miles\\nnearer Albany, and which the enemy evacuated\\nsome days before. What I could see and learn is,\\nthat few of the forts situated on the Hudson River\\nin that part, are proof against cannon they being\\nbuilt during the last war in order to defend stores\\nand amunition from the inroads of the Indians, who\\nfrequently came down in large numbers, plundering\\nand scalping our first settlers residing contiguous\\nmanifested a spirit to place the humbled and unhappy loyal-\\nists beyond the pale of human sympatiiy. A discrimination\\nbetween the conscientious and pure, and the unprincipled\\nand corrupt, was not, perhaps, possible during the struggle\\nbut, hostilities at an end, mere loyalty should have been for-\\ngiveny And we are further told that, throughout this\\ncontest, and amidst all those qualities displayed by the\\nAmericans, many of those qualities being entitled to high\\nrespect and commendation, there was none certainly less\\namiable than their merciless rancor against those among\\nthem who adhered to the royal side. The most severe\\nlaws were passed against them, one of which, enacted by the\\nState of New York, declared that any person being an\\nadherent to the king of Great Britain should be guilty of\\ntreason and suffer death. Vide Loyalists of the American\\nRevolution (Sabine), Boston, 1864, vol. i, p. 88; History of\\nEngland (Mahon), vol. 6, p. 127; History of the Ameri-\\ncan Revolution (Ramsay), vol. i, p. 295 The Loyalists of\\nAmerica and Their Times (Ryerson), Toronto, 1880, vol. ii,\\npp. 5, 78, et passim.\\n^This was one of the forts which was noted during the\\nold French wars, and witnessed the achievements of the\\ntroops of Sir William Johnson and Baron Dieskau. The\\nplace is frequently denominated in writings relating to the\\ncampaign of Burgoyne as Duer s House, from the fact that\\nthe house of Judge Duer stood near it, and was occupied by\\nBurgoyne as his head-quarters.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0278.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 245\\nto that river, and were full sufficient to withstand\\nany attack made with small arms. I then heard the\\nvery disagreeable news of our regiment (53 being\\nordered back to garrison Ticonderoga and Fort\\nGeorge. I was much concerned at it, as in all proba-\\nbility I should not see them again during the war,\\nwhich must be attended with many inconveniences\\nbut as it was their tour of duty, there was no putting\\nit over tho ever so disagreeable, which it certainly\\nwas to every officer in the regiment. We had many\\nsick at this time of fevers agues so common to\\nthe climate. Cap. Wight, to whose company I\\nbelonged, was so ill as not to be able to go on\\nwith us, and many other officers were seized with\\nthose disorders, as the heats then were very severe\\nand violent, particularly in a camp. All sorts of\\nmeat were tainted in a very short time, and the\\nstench very prejudicial, and cleanlyness about our\\ncamp was a great consideration towards the health of\\n*\u00c2\u00b0John Wright entered the Fifty-third Foot upon its\\nformation, in 1756, as an ensign, and on January 31, 1758,\\nwas commissioned a lieutenant. Throughout the seven\\nyears war, and until 1768, his regiment was stationed at the\\nimportant fortress of Gibraltar. It was then ordered to\\nIreland, and on April 13th of that year Lieutenant Wright\\nwas promoted to a captaincy. From this time until its em-\\nbarkation for America, the Fifty-third remained in Ireland.\\nCaptain Wright recovered of the illness mentioned by Digby,\\nand was killed at the battle of Stillwater on October 7th.\\nVide British Army Lists, in loco Historical Record of the\\nFifty-third Foot, p. 2, et seq. Journal of Occurrences Dur-\\ning the Late American War, p. 176.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0279.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "246 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nthe army. I there received a letter from an officer\\nof ours, who had been wounded at Hubberton,\\n7 July, in which he informed me that before they\\nwere removed to Ticonderoga, the wolves came\\ndown in numbers from the mountains to devour the\\ndead, and even some that were in a kind of manner\\nburied, they tore out of the earth the great stench\\nthro the country being the cause of their coming\\ndown, and was enough to have caused a plague.\\n10. An express came thro the woods from Genl\\nClinton, who was supposed to be coming up the\\nriver from New York, but did not hear what it\\n^*^Sir Henry CHnton was the son of George Clinton, who\\nwas the governor of New York in 1743, and grandson of\\nFrancis Fiennes Clinton, the sixth earl of Lincoln. His\\nancestors were at an early date interested in the coloniza-\\ntion of America. He entered the army in 1758 as a cap-\\ntain of the Guards, and saw active service in the seven\\nyears war, rising rapidly by promotion to the rank of\\nmajor-general, which position he occupied when ordered to\\nAmerica in 1775. In the battle of Bunker Hill, and subse-\\nquently that of Long Island, he took a distinguished part.\\nHe was severely, and probably justly criticised for his weak\\nefforts in behalf of Burgoyne but the chief blame fell upon\\nHowe, the commander-in-chief, and upon his recall, Clinton\\nsuperseded him in the chief command. Being forced to\\nevacuate Philadelphia by the Americans, he headed an ex-\\npedition against Charleston, South Carolina, which he cap-\\ntured in 1779. The next year Arnold, who had done so\\nmuch for the American cause, becoming disaffected, joined\\nhim, and under his direction aided in an expedition against\\nhis former friends, but with little effect. Arnold on this\\nexpedition was accompanied by Colonels Dundas and Sim-\\ncoe, to whom Clinton had secretly given joint commissions,\\nauthorizing them, if they suspected Arnold of sinister in-", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0280.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 247\\ncontained. Our heavy guns were then shortly ex-\\npected from Fort George, as moving them was very\\ntedious a 24 pounder taking many horses to draw\\nit. We had a carrying place to bring over our\\nbattows, which was attended with great fatigue and\\ntrouble, and were also obliged to make rafts or scows\\nto convey heavy stores down the river Hudson.\\ntent, to supersede him and put him in arrest. Great induce-\\nments were offered to recruits for the king s forces in New\\nYork, as by the following copy of an advertisement will\\nappear\\nALL ASPIRING HEROES.\\nHave now an opportunity of distinguishing themselves by joining\\nTHE QUEEN S RANGER HUZZAS\\nCommanded by\\nLIEUTENANT-COLONEL SIMCOE,\\nAny spirited young man will receive every encouragement, be immedi-\\nately mounted on an elegant horse, and furnished with clothing, accoutre-\\nments c. to the amount of FORTY GUINEAS, by applying to CORNET\\nSPENCER, at his quarters, No. 1033 Water Street, or his rendezvous,\\nHEWITTS TAVERN near the COFFEE HOUSE, and the defeat at\\nBRANDYWINE, on GOLDEN HILL.\\n11^ Whoever brings a Recruit shall instantly receive TWO GUINEAS.\\nVivant Rex et Regina\\nClinton s efforts, however, were not successful, and he was\\nsuperseded by Sir Guy Carleton after the surrender of Corn-\\nwallis, whom he had failed to relieve. On his return to\\nEngland he wrote A Narrative of his conduct in America\\nin reply to the observations upon it by Lord Cornwallis, and\\nlater, Observations on Stedman s History of the American\\nWar. He was appointed governor of Gibraltar in 1795,\\nbut, shortly after his arrival there, died on the 22d of Decem-\\nber. Vide British Army Lists Biographical Dictionary\\n(Blake), New York, in loco History of New York (Dunlap),\\nvol. II, p. 201; Journal of Occurrences During the Late\\nAmerican War, pp. 293-333, et passim; History of the War\\nof the Independence (Botta), Philadelphia, 1820, vol. i, pp.\\n306, 315 vol. 2, pp. 24-26, 307, 370, et passim History of\\nthe Siege of Boston (Frothingham), p. 148.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0281.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "248 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nAbout this time, Cornet Grant of Genl Burgoyne s\\nregm t of Light Dragoons, the i6*\\\\ made an unsuc-\\ncessful attempt to go express to Gen CHnton, and\\nwas obHged to return thro the woods, running many\\nrisques of falUng into their hands, to the very great\\ndissatisfaction of Gen Burgoyne.\\n1 1 A large detachment of German troops con-\\nsisting- of Gen Reidzels drag^oons who came dis-\\nmounted from Germany, a body of Rangers, Indians\\nvoluntiers, with 4 pieces of cannon, went from\\nour camp on a secret expedition their route was\\nnot publicly known, but supposed for to take a\\nlarge store of provisions belonging to the enemy at\\nBennington, and also horses to mount the dragoons.\\nDuring the night there was a most violent storm of\\nThunder, Lightening, wind rain. It succeeded a\\nvery hot day, and was so severe that the men could\\nnot remain in their tents, as the rain poured quite\\nthrough them. Ours stood it better our horses\\ntore down the small sheds formed to keep the heat\\nof the sun from them, being so much frightened.\\nAbout day break it cleared up, and a great heat\\nfollowed, which soon dried all our cloths Sc*\\nJames Grant was commissioned a cornet in the Six-\\nteenth Light Dragoons on December 27, 1775, and was taken\\nprisoner, as will be seen farther on in this journal. He ap\\npears upon the list of 79, and a man of the same name was\\ncommissioned an ensign in the Twenty-seventh Foot on July\\n7th of that year, and is continued on the army list to 1784\\nbut, owing to uncertainty as to his identity with the object\\nof our search, it is unprofitable to follow his career.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0282.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 249\\n13 We moved 3 miles and encamped at a post\\ncalled Batten Kill, a strong situation bordering on\\nthe river Hudson, intended for the army to cross\\nover. Our corps crossed the river with a good deal\\nof trouble, and encamped about 2 miles west of it.\\nThe troops crossed in battows, which was very\\ntedious, as we had but few. About a mile below,\\nthe horses and baggage forded it with some difficulty,\\nthe water being high from a great fall of rain, which\\ncame on during the preceding night, in consequence\\nof which, the troops were put into barracs built there\\nfor 1000 men by Gen Schyler. His house was a\\nsmall way in our front, and the best we had as yet\\nseen in that part, and much superior to many gentle-\\nman s houses in Canada. It was intended we should\\nmove the next day to an eminence a little distance,\\nwhich was reckoned a good post, and where there\\nwas plenty of forage for the army.\\ni6^\\\\ Our orders for marching were counter-\\nmanded and others given out for us, to move at\\n3 o clock next morning. As I was upon no par-\\nticular duty, I rode back to the line, who, with Gen\\nBurgoyne were at Fort Miller, and in the evening\\nreturned to our camp, crossing over our new\\nbridge of boats, which was almost then finished.\\nAt night I mounted an advanced picquet, and had\\norders to return to camp next morning at Revally\\nBeating, day break. Nothing extraordinary passed\\nduring the night, every thing quiet about our post,\\nand on going to return in the morning received\\n32", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0283.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "250 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\norders, the 17*^\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to remain, as the corps was not\\nto move that day, and to keep a very sharp look out\\non which we naturally supposed something extraordi-\\nnary had happened. Soon after an engineer came\\nout to us with a number of men to throw up a breast\\nwork. Still it looked suspicious but we were soon\\nmade acquainted with the melancholy report, that\\nthe detachment, which marched from us on the 11\\nwere all cut to pieces by the enemy at Bennington,\\ntheir force being much superior. Our 4 pieces of\\ncannon were taken, two 6 pounders two 3 pounders.\\nI fear the officer who commanded, a German, took\\npost in a bad situation, and was surrounded by the\\nenemy after expending all his amunition. Our\\nAlbany voluntiers behaved with great bravery but\\nwere not seconded by the Germans and Savages\\nand it was much regretted British were not\\nsent in their place. -phe express also informed\\n^\u00c2\u00ae^This remark of Digby plainly reveals the jealousy which\\nexisted on the part of the English toward their German\\nallies a jealousy which was inexcusable when the rela-\\ntions of both to the war are regarded. That the German\\nauxiliaries performed their duty faithfully, patiently and\\nbravely cannot be questioned indeed, when we reflect\\nupon all the facts of the case, we can but admire the char-\\nacter which they displayed. It was a piece of great folly\\non the part of the English general in assigning men equipped\\nas they were, and ignorant of the language, to such a ser-\\nvice. Their equipment was ridiculously cumbersome, and\\nrendered them incapable of making any quick movement.\\nBut an important fact, related in General Riedesel s Me-\\nmoirs, should be stated, which shows how they were deceived\\nby supposed loyalists, whom Baum allowed to gather on his", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0284.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 251\\n[us] that the enemy was greatly elated in conse-\\nquence of the above, and were upon the move but\\nwhere he could not tell. Our situation was not the\\nbest, as from the great fall of rain our bridge was\\nnear giving way by the flood, which almost totally\\ncut off our communication with Genl Burgoyne and\\nthe line. Our post was also far from a good one,\\nbeing surrounded and commanded by hills around\\nGen Frazier not intending to remain there above a\\nnight or two. About 4 in the evening our picquet\\nflanks: Toward nine o clock, on the morning of the i6th,\\nsmall bodies of armed men made their appearance from dif-\\nferent directions. These men were mostly in their shirt-\\nsleeves. They did not act as if they intended to make an\\nattack and Baum, being told by the provincial, who had\\njoined his army on the line of march, that they were all\\nloyalists and would make common cause with him, suffered\\nthem to encamp on his side and rear. Shortly after another\\nforce of the rebels arrived and attacked his rear. This was\\nthe signal for the seeming loyalists, who had encamped on\\nthe side and rear of the army, to attack the Germans and\\nthe result was that Baum suddenly found himself cut off\\nfrom all his detached posts. For over two hours he with-\\nstood the sallies and fire of the enemy his dragoons, to a\\nman, fighting like heroes but at last, his ammunition being\\nused up, and no reinforcements arriving, he was obliged to\\nsuccumb to superior numbers and retreat. The enemy\\nseemed to spring out of the ground indeed, they were\\nestimated at between four and five thousand men. Twice\\nthe brave dragoons succeeded in breaking a road through\\nthe enemy s ranks; for, upon their ammunition giving out,\\nBaum ordered that they should hang their carbines over\\ntheir shoulders and trust to their swords. But bravery was\\nnow in vain and the heroic leader, himself severely wounded,\\nwas forced to surrender with his dragoons. Meanwhile the\\nIndians and Provincials had taken flight, and sought safety", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0285.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "252 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nwas relieved by Lord Balcarres and the Battallion of\\nlight Infantry, who were to lie on their arms there\\nduring the night. Our orders were, to be in readiness\\nto recross the river next morning at day break, and\\nduring the night, to remain accoutred and ready to\\nturn out at a moments warning. The rain still con-\\ntinued.\\n18. Our bridge was carried down by the water,\\nand to complete all, the ford where our horses\\ncrossed over the 15^*^ was impassable The river\\nin the forest. Thus nobly did these poor Germans fight in a\\ncause in which they had no interest, impelled by loyalty\\nto their prince and zeal to uphold the honor of German\\nsoldiers. They were in a strange land, and fighting with\\nand for men whose language they did not understand, and\\nwho affected superiority over them. Their position was,\\nindeed, a trying one and that they realized it, may be seen\\nin the following extract from Anburey s letters The\\nGermans, to the number of twenty or thirty at a time, will\\nin their conversations relate to each other that they are sure\\nthey shall not live to see home again, and are certain that\\nthey shall very soon die would you believe it, after this\\nthey mope and pine about, haunted with the idea that,\\nNor wives, nor children, shall they more behold,\\nNor friends, nor sacred home.\\nNor can any medicine or advice you can give them divert\\nthis settled superstition, which they as surely die martyrs to\\nas ever it infects them. Thus it is that men, who have faced\\nthe dangers of battle and of shipwreck without fear (for they\\nare certainly as brave as any soldiers in the world) are taken\\noff, a score at a time, by a mere phantom of their own brain.\\nThis is a circumstance well known to every one in the army.\\nVide Memoirs of Major-General Riedesel, vol. i, p. 130, et\\nseq.; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i,\\np. \\\\6\\\\, et seq.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0286.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 253\\nbeing swelled so much. We had a few battows and\\na large scow for our cannon so began to cross\\nbut it was a most tedious piece of work, and late\\nat night before every thing was over when we lay\\non our arms\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not as yet being exact as to the\\nmotions of the enemy.\\n19. We encamped on our former strong post\\nBatten Kill. On this occasion, the Indians in Con-\\ngress with M Luc at their head, with an old\\n18* Luc de Chapt de la Corne Saint-Luc was the son of Jean-\\nLouis de la Corne, who achieved a considerable military repu-\\ntation in Canada. St. Luc for many years had served with\\nthe Indians against the English, and had been regarded by\\nthem as a dangerous and cruel enemy. When Canada was\\nlost to France, St. Luc determined to return to the land of\\nhis fathers, and embarked, October 17, 176 1, on the Anguste\\nwith his entire family and over a hundred of the prmcipal\\npersons of the colony. On the coast of Cape Breton the\\nAuguste was wrecked, and St. Luc alone of all the passen-\\ngers escaped alive. After great hardships he reached Que-\\nbec, and finally seeing the uselessness of opposing the Eng-\\nlish rule, became a British subject; but how faithful to the\\ncrown he was may be seen from the fact, that when Mont-\\ngomery s invasion of Canada appeared to promise success,\\nSt. Luc determined to desert with his Indians to the Ameri-\\ncans, and secretly wrote to the American general offering\\nhis support, which was accepted but when this acceptance\\nreached St. Luc, the American cause did not promise so\\nwell as it promised a short time before, and he concluded to\\nadhere to the English side. For this treachery he was dis-\\ntrusted by Carleton, and Montgomery, when he captured\\nMontreal, refused to include him in the capitulation. Being\\ncaptured by Montgomery, St. Luc was held a prisoner until\\nthe spring of 1777, when he was released, and soon after\\njoined Burgoyne with his savages. He seems to have been\\nas treacherous and cruel as his brutal followers, and as soon\\nas the British were in a critical condition, he deserted them.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0287.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "254 Lieutenant Digby s Journal.\\nFrenchman/^5 who had long resided amongst them,\\ndeclared their intention of returning to their respect-\\nive homes, their interpreter informing the [general]\\n(speaking figuratively in the Indian manner) that on\\nSamuel Mott speaks of him as an arch devil incarnate, who\\nhas butchered hundreds, men, women and children of your\\ncolonies, and Burgoyne in ParHament thus alluded to him\\nas one secretly practicing against him His name is St.\\nLuc le Corne, a distinguished partisan of the French in the\\nlast war, and now in the British service as a leader of the\\nIndians. He owes us, indeed, some service, having been\\nformerly instrumental in scalping many hundred British\\nsoldiers upon the very ground where, though with a differ-\\nent sort of latitude, he was this year employed. He is by\\nnature, education and practice artful, ambitious and a cour-\\ntier. To the grudge he owed me for controlling him in the\\nuse of the hatchet and scalping-knife, it was natural to his\\ncharacter to recommend himself to ministerial favour by\\nany censure in his power to cast upon an unfashionable gen-\\neral. St. Luc subsequently became a member of the Leg-\\nislative Council of Canada, and took part in the exciting\\npolitical questions of the times which succeeded the ter-\\nmination of the war, but did not long survive. He died in\\nthe beginning of October, 1784, aged 72 years. Vide Docu-\\nments Relating to the Colonial History of New York, vol.\\n10, pp. 112, 132, 345, 500, 629, 750, et passim; Journal du\\nVoyage de M. Saint-Luc de la Corne, Quebec, 1863; His-\\ntory of Canada (Garneau), vol. i, pp. 460, 555 vol. 2, pp. 6^,\\n85, 163, 185 American Archives, 4th Series, vol. 4, pp. 973,\\n1095 Speech of General Burgoyne on a Motion of Inquiry\\nmade by Mr. Vyner in the Parliament, May 26, 1778, and,\\nfor a very full account, Hadden s Journal and Orderly Books,\\nAppendix No. 17.\\n^^This was Charles de Langlade, a Frenchman, who had\\nlong acted with the Indians, and was familiar with their\\nhabits and customs. Anburey calls him Langdale, who, he\\nsays, planned and executed, with the nations he is now\\nescorting, the defeat of General Braddock. He had under", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0288.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 255\\ntheir first joining his army, the sun arose bright, and\\nin its full glory that the sky was clear and serene,\\nforeboding conquest and victory but that then, that\\ngreat Luminary was surrounded and almost obscured\\nfrom the sight by dark and gloomy clouds, which\\nthreatened by their bursting to involve all nature\\nin a general wreck and confusion. This the general\\n(tho in his heart he despised them for their fears\\nand might have sentenced M^ Luc by a general\\nCourt Martial to an ignominious death for desertion)\\nyet parted with them seemingly without showing his\\ndislike, fearing, perhaps, their going over to the\\nenemy. On which some companies of rangers were\\nordered to be raised in their place. At this time,\\nmany of the inhabitants, who before came into our\\ncamp for protection, calling themselves Torys, went\\nfrom us over to the enemy, who we hoped soon to\\nmake pay dear for their late success at Bennington.\\nhis command warriors from many tribes Sioux, Sacs,\\nFoxes, Menominees, Winnebagoes, Ottawas and Chippewas.\\nAt the assembUng of the tribes, he translated the speeches\\nof the Sioux chiefs into the dialect of the Chippewas, and\\nfrom the Chippewa dialect into the French tongue. For a\\nmemoir, vide Collections Wisconsin Historical Society, vol.\\n7, p. 123; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America,\\nvol. I, p. 356, et seq.\\nis^ This was a constant danger to the Americans. While\\na large portion of the people was ready to make any sacri-\\nfice, however great, for the cause of liberty, another con-\\nsiderable portion was as ready to join the winning side,\\nwhichever it might be. This was realized by the American\\ncommanders, and was the cause of much embarrassment to\\nthem.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0289.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "256 Lieute7tant Digbys Journal.\\nIt is scarce to be conceived the many difficulties we\\nhad to encounter in carrying on a war in such a\\ncountry, from the tediousness of removing provisions\\nstores and the smallness of our numbers were\\nmuch diminished by sending parties back and forward\\nfrom fort George to our camp.\\n22\u00c2\u00b0^. A few Germans deserted, one of whom was\\ntaken and suffered death. Various were the reports\\nthen circulating thro our camp, not of the most\\npleasing kind, which might easily be perceived on\\nthe faces of some of our great men, who I believe\\nbegan to think our affairs had not taken so fortunate\\na turn as might have been expected as to my\\nopinion, it was of very little consequence compared\\nto so many abler judges certain it was, as an Indian\\nexpress arrived\\n28^^ to our camp, that Col. St Leger was\\nobliged to retire with his small army to Oswego, in\\nOn the 2ist of August an order of Burgoyne relating\\nto desertion contained the following: In regard to Desert-\\ners themselves, all out posts. Scouts and working Parties of\\nProvincials and Indians, are hereby promised a reward of\\ntwenty Dollars for every Deserter they bring in and in case\\nany Deserter should be killed in the pursuit, their scalps are\\nto be brought off. The unfortunate man here mentioned\\nwas George Huridertmark, guilty of quitting his Post when\\nCentinel without being regularly relieved, and of Desertion,\\nand was sentenced to be shot to death. Vide Burgoyne s\\nOrderly Book, pp. 79, Z\\\\, et seq.\\nBarry St. Leger was born in 1737, and entered the\\nTwenty-eighth Foot, April 27, 1756, with the commission of\\nan ensign. The following year he went to America and\\nserved under Abercrombie was made captain in the Forty-", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0290.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 257\\nhis return towards Canada; but I forgot, I should\\nfirst have mentioned the nature and cause of his\\nexpedition. Lieut Col St Leger, 34 regmt, left\\nCanada about the time we did, with a command of\\nnear 700 regulars viz 100 men from the S regmt\\n100 from the 34^ regmt; Sir John Johnston s regmt of\\nNew York, ^9 133; and the Hannau Chasseurs, 342,\\nwith a body of Canadians and Indians and some\\nsmall pieces of Cannon. He was to go by Lake\\nOntario, and to come down the Mohock river on\\nthe Back settlements to take fort Stanwix ^o ^c^\\neighth Foot, and took part in the siege of Louisbourg in\\n1758. After its capture he accompanied General Wolfe to\\nQuebec, and won distinction there. In July, 1760, he was\\nappointed brigade major, and August 16, 1762, a major of\\nthe Ninety-fifth Foot. At the close of the French war, he\\nretired on half pay, but on May 25, 1772, procured an appoint-\\nment in the army of lieutenant-colonel, and May 20, 1775,\\nreceived a commission as lieutenant-colonel in the Thirty-\\nfourth Foot. His unfortunate expedition to the Mohawk\\ndid not altogether prevent his advancement, as he was made\\na colonel in the army, November 17, 1780, and a brigadier-\\ngeneral, October 21, 1782. He died in 1789. Vide British\\nArmy Lists, in loco American Historical Record, vol. 3,\\np. 435 Colonial History of New York, vol. 8, p. 714 John-\\nson s Orderly Book, p. 66, and, for an account of his opera-\\ntions in 1777, The Expedition of Lieut.-Col. Barry St. Leger,\\nby William L. Stone, Albany, 1877.\\n^^^This regiment was known by several names, and very\\nunpleasantly by the Americans on account of its inhuman-\\nity. It was called Johnson s Royal Greens on account of\\nthe color of its uniform also as the Queen s Loyal Ameri-\\ncans and the Royal Regiment of New York.\\nThis fort was erected in 1758 and called Fort Stanwix,\\ntaking its name from General Stanwix, an officer under\\n33", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0291.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "258 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nto join us at Albany. This was the plan settled by-\\nLord George Germain, as you will see in his letter\\nto Gen Carlton, dated Whitehall March 6^ 1777;\\nbut why that expedition miscarryed I cannot pretend\\nto say as the conduct of Col. St Leger [by] com-\\nmon report, which was all I could depend upon, did\\nhim every kind of [in] justice in the plan concerted\\nby him for carrying his orders into execution. Our\\naccounts also from Genl Howe, or rather our hearing\\nnothing about his proceedings to the Southward, was\\nanother cause of disappointment, as it was but\\nnatural to suppose, that had he done nothing very\\ngreat with so large a body of troops under his com-\\nmand said to be near 40,000 we could not\\neasyly penetrate into the enemy s country with one\\neighth of that number so that upon mature delib-\\neration, and agreeable to the general s express orders,\\nit was determined by him to drop all sorts of com-\\nmunication with Canada the Army being too small\\nto afford parties at the different posts between us,\\nand Ticonderoga and by forcing his way by the\\ngreatest exertion possible, fight for the wished for\\njunction with the Southern army; and also to remain\\non our present ground till provisions stores were\\nGeneral Abercrombie. After the repulse of Abercrombie\\nby the French at Ticonderoga, in which Lord George Howe,\\nthe elder brother of General William Howe of Revolution-\\nary fame, was killed, Abercrombie dispatched Stanwix to\\nbuild this fort near the head waters of the Mohawk, the\\nsite of the present town of Rome. It was repaired and\\nstrengthened by General Schuyler in 1776 and received his\\nname.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0292.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 259\\nall up previous to so material a movement. In my\\nopinion, this attempt showed a glorious spirit in our\\nGeneral, and worthy alone to be undertaken by\\nBritish Troops, as the eyes of all Europe, as well\\nas Great Britain were fixed upon us tho some\\ndisatislied persons with us did not scruple to give it\\nthe appellation of rashness, and were of opinion,\\nthat we should have remained at Fort Edward\\nentrenched, until we heard Genl Clinton was come\\nup near Albany and then pushed on to co operate\\nwith him. Our great design wish then was to\\ndraw on a general engagement, which we hoped\\nwould be decisive, as by their unbounded extent of\\ncountry they might, by avoiding it, protract the war.\\nSeptember 2^^. Went out with a large forraging\\nparty, as was the custom every morning, and\\nmarched 9 miles towards the enemy before we\\ncould procure any it then turning very scarce from\\nour remaining so long on that post. We halted at\\nan exceeding good house near the road, which was\\ndeserted by its master and family on our approach.\\nThe furniture was good, and which I might have\\nappropriated to what use I pleased. About 3\\no clock we returned to our camp with some hay, not\\nwithout some odd thoughts on the fortune of war,\\nwhich levels all distinctions of property, and which\\nour present situation pictured strongly.\\n4*^ A drum[mer], who went from our camp as a\\nflag of truce to Genl Gates, returned, and the\\nfollowing letters which passed from Gen Gates", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0293.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "26o Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nto Genl Burgoyne, with his answers and Gates\\naccount of the Bennington affair to their congress,\\nI shall here insert for the amusement of the reader\\nTo the honourable, the continental congress.\\nYour excellencies will perceive by the inclosed\\nletters, that the glorious victory at Bennington has\\nreduced the boasting stile of Gen Burgoyne so\\nmuch, that he begins in some degree to think and\\ntalk like other men.\\nHead quarters of the King s Army\\nUPON Hudson river August 30 1777.\\nSir. Major Genl Reidzel has requested me to\\ntransmit the inclosed to Lieut CoP Baum, 5 whom\\nthe fortune of war put into the hands of your troops\\nat Bennington. Having never failed in my attention\\ntowards prisoners, I cannot entertain a doubt of your\\nFrederick Baum was lieutenant-colonel of the Bruns-\\nwick Dragoons, and is spoken of as being a good officer but\\nunfit for this expedition, in which he lost his life in fact, the\\ntroops which he commanded were wholly unfit for the ser-\\nvice here assigned them. Stone thus describes the equip-\\nment of one of these men: He wore high and heavy jack\\nboots, with large, long spurs, stout and stiff, leather breeches,\\ngauntlets, reaching high up upon his arms, and a hat with a\\nhuge tuft of ornamental feathers. On his side he trailed a\\ntremendous broad sword a short but clumsy carbine was\\nslung over his shoulder, and down his back, like a Chinese\\nMandarin, dangled a long queue. It is admitted that Baum\\nand his men fought heroically, but in vain, being over-\\nwhelmed by numbers. He lived two days after being\\nwounded, and was buried with military honors August nine-\\nteenth.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0294.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 261\\ntaking this opportunity to show me a return of civil-\\nity; and that you will permit the baggage and ser-\\nvants of such officers, your prisoners, as desire it, to\\npass to them unmolested. It is with great concern,\\nI find myself obliged to add to this application a\\ncomplaint of the bad treatment the provincial soldiers\\nin the king s service received after the affair at\\nBennington. I have reports upon oath that some\\nwere refused quarter after having asked it. I am\\nwilling to believe this was against the order and\\ninclination of your officers but it is my part to\\nrequire an explanation, and to warn you of the hor-\\nrors of retaliation, if such a practice is not in the\\nstrongest terms discountenanced. Duty and prin-\\nciple, Sir make me a public enemy to the Ameri-\\ncans, who have taken arms, but I seek to be a\\ngenerous one, nor have I the shadow of resentment\\nagainst any individual, who does not induce it by\\nacts derogatory to those maxims upon which all men\\nof honor think alike. Persuaded that a Gentleman\\nof the station to which this lettter is addressed will\\nnot be comprised in the exception I have made I\\nam personally. Sir,\\nYour most humble servant,\\nJN\u00c2\u00ab BURGOYNE.\\nHead quarters of the army of the\\nUnited States Sep. 2^^.\\nSir. Last night I had the honour of receiving\\nyour excellency s letter of the 30 August. I", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0295.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "262 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nam astonished you should mention inhumanity, or\\nthreaten retaHation. Nothing happened in the action\\nof Bennington, but what is common when works are\\ncarried by Assault. That the savages of America\\nshould in their warfare mangle and scalp the unhappy\\nprisoners, who fall into their hands, is neither new\\nnor extraordinary but that the famous Lieut General\\nBurgoyne, in whom the fine gentleman is united with\\nthe soldier and the scholar, should hire the savages\\nof America to scalp Europeans and the descendants\\nof Europeans nay more, that he should pay a price\\nfor each scalp so barbarously taken, is more than\\nwill be believed in England until authenticated facts\\nshall in every gazette convince mankind of the truth\\nof this horrid tale. Miss M ^Crea, a young lady\\nlovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable\\ndisposition, engaged to be married to an officer in\\nyour army, was with other women and children taken\\nout of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the\\nwoods, and there scalped and mangled in the most\\nshocking manner. Two parents with their six chil-\\ndren, [were] all treated with the same inhumanity\\nwhile quietly residing in their once happy and peace-\\nful dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss M ^Crea was\\npartly aggravated by her being dressed to receive\\nher promised husband but met her murderers em-\\nployed by you. Upwards of one hundred men,\\nwomen and children have perished by the hands of\\nthese ruffians, to whom it is asserted, you have paid\\nthe price of blood. Inclosed are letters from your", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0296.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 263\\nwounded officers, prisoners in my hands, by whom\\nyou will be informed of the generosity of their Con-\\nquerers. Such cloathing, necessaries, attendants\\nwhich your excellency pleases to send to the prisoners\\nshall be carefully delivered. I am, sir, your most\\nHumble servant\\nH. GATES/5^\\nSir. I received your letter of the 2^ inst, and in\\nconsequence of your complying with my proposal,\\nhave sent the baggage, servants of those officers,\\nwho are prisoners in your hands. I have hesitated,\\nsir, upon answering the other paragraphs of your\\nletter. I disdain to justify myself against the rhap-\\nsodies of fiction, and calumny, which from the first\\nof this contest, it has been an unvaried American\\npolicy to propagate but which no longer impose\\nupon the world. I am induced to deviate from this\\nrule in the present instance, lest my silence should\\nbe construed an acknowledgement oi the truth of\\nyour allegation, and a pretence be thence taken for\\nexercising future barbarities by the American troops.\\nUpon this motive, and upon this alone, I condescend\\nto inform you, that I would not be conscious of the\\n1^2 After General Gates had written this letter to Burgoyne,\\nhe called General Lincoln and his aide-de camp, Wilkinson,\\nto hear it read. Upon being pressed for an opinion respect-\\ning it, his hearers suggested that it might be considered\\nsomewhat too personal, to which the old general replied\\nwith his usual profane bluntness: I don t believe\\neither of you can mend it, and abruptly terminated the\\nconsultation.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0297.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "264 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nacts, you presume to impute to me, for the whole\\ncontinent of America, tho. the wealth of worlds were\\nin its bowels and a paradise on its surface. It has\\nhappened, that all my transactions with the Indian\\nnations last year and this, have been open, clearly\\nheard, distinctly understood and accurately minuted\\nby very numerous, and in many parts, very prejudiced\\naudiences. So diametrically opposite to truth is your\\nassertion that I have paid a price for scalps, that one\\nof the first regulations established by me at the great\\nCouncil in May, and repeated and enforced, and\\ninvariably adhered to since, was that the Indians\\nshould receive compensation for prisoners, because\\nit would prevent cruelty, and that not only such com-\\npensations should be witheld, but a strict account\\ndemanded for scalps. These pledges of Conquest\\nfor such you well know they will ever esteem them\\nwere solemnly and peremptorily prohibited to be\\ntaken from the wounded and even the dying, and\\nthe persons of aged men, women and children, and\\nprisoners were pronounced sacred even, in assaults.\\nRespecting Miss M ^Crea; her fall wanted not the\\ntragic display you have laboured to give it, to make\\nit as sincerely abhorred and lamented by me, as it\\ncan possibly be by the tenderest of her friends. The\\nfact was no premeditated barbarity, on the contrary,\\ntwo chiefs who had brought her off for the purpose\\nof security, not of violence to her person, disputed\\nwho should be her guard, and in a fit of savage pas-\\nsion in the one from whose hands she was snatched,", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0298.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 265\\nthe unhappy woman became the victim. Upon the\\nfirst intelligence of the events, I obliged the Indians\\nto deliver the murderer into my hands, and tho to\\nhive punished him by our laws and principles of\\njustice would have been perhaps unprecedented, he\\ncertainly should have suffered an ignominous death,\\nhad I not been convinced, by circumstances and\\nobservation beyond the possibility of a doubt, that a\\npardon under the terms I prescribed and they ac-\\ncepted, would be more efficatious than an execution\\nto prevent similar mischiefs. The above instance\\nexcepted, your intelligence respecting cruelties of the\\nIndians is absolutely false. You seem to threaten\\nme with European publications, which affect me as\\nlittle as any other threats you could make, but in\\nregard to American publications, whether the charge\\nagainst me, (which I acquit you of believing), was\\npencilled from a gazette or for a gazette, I desire\\nand demand of you, as a man of honour, that should\\nit appear in print at all, this answer may follow it.\\nI am Sir,\\nYour humble servant,\\nJNo. BURGOYNE.\\n6*^ We were pretty credibly informed by accounts\\nwhich came from the enemy, and were depended\\nupon, that in the action near Bennington, \\\\(:f^ August,\\nwe had killed, wounded, prisoners and missing\\nincluding wounded in our hospitals, who escaped\\nnear 1000 men. It was then expected we should\\n34", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0299.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "266 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nshortly move, as the magazines of provisions and\\nother stores were mostly up, and our new bridge\\nover the Hudson river was near finished. Our re-\\nmoval from that post was also very necessary, in\\nrespect of procuring forage, which began then to\\nturn very scarce indeed, I wonder we did so well,\\nas it was amazing the great quantity of hay, Indian\\ncorn Sc we were obliged to provide for so great a\\nnumber of cattle. Potatoes and all other vegetables\\nwere long before consumed, and very few fresh pro-\\nvisions to be got then. A few of our wounded offi-\\ncers and men from the hospitals of Ticonderoga\\njoined the army also captain Wight and others,\\nwho suffered from fever and such disorders, came\\nup. The weather then began to turn cold in the\\nmornings and evenings, which was but badly calcu-\\nlated for the light cloathing of the army, most of our\\nwinter apparel being sent from Skeensborough to\\nTiconderoga in July. Many officers had also sent\\nback their tents and markees, of which I was one,\\nand in their place substituted a soldier s tent, which\\nwere then cold at nights though a luxury to what we\\nafter experienced\\nIO*^ About 1 1 o clock, an express arrived with\\nintelligence that the enemy were on the move, and\\nhad advanced from their camp at Half Moon to\\nStill water, a few miles nearer us, but they might\\nhave saved themselves that trouble, as we should\\nsoon have been up with them. He also informed\\n[us] that in consequence of that unfortunate affair at", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0300.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 267\\nBennington, they were joined by some thousands of\\nMilitia, who in all probability would have remained\\nneuter had we proved successful. From these ac-\\ncounts we threw up more works to protect our camp\\ntill ready to move towards them after which we\\nshould be as liable to an attack in our rear as front,\\nand the waiting to secure every store against such\\nan attack, caused our being so long on that post\\n1 1 We received orders to be in readiness to\\ncross the Hudson river at a moment s warning; but\\nall that day was a continued fall of heavy rain,\\nwhich continued till the l3 when the morning being\\nvery fine, the army passed over the Bridge of boats\\nand encamped on the heights of Saratoga. We\\nencamped in three columns in order of Battle. The\\nduty here turned very severe, such numbers being\\nconstantly on either guards or picquets during that\\nday and the next we had many small alarms, as\\nparties of theirs came very near our camp but a\\nfew companies soon sent them off.\\n15 Moved about 3 miles nearer the enemy, and\\ntook post on a strong position late in the evening,\\nand had just time to pitch our camp before dark\\nabout 1 1 at nigrht we received orders to stand to our\\narms, and about 12 I returned to my tent and lay\\ndown to get a little rest, but was soon alarmed by a\\ngreat noise of fire, and on running out saw Major\\nAckland s tent and markee all in a blaze, on which I\\nmade the greatest haste possible to their assistance,\\nbut before I could arrive. Lady Harriot Ackland,", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0301.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "268 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nwho was asleep in the tent when it took fire, had\\nprovidentially escaped under the back of it but the\\nmajor was much burned in trying to save her/^^\\nWhat must a woman of her rank, family and fortune\\nfeel in her then disagreeable situation liable to\\nconstant alarms and not knowing the moment of an\\n^^^Anburey has the following account of this occurrence:\\nOur situation, as being the advanced post of the army, was\\nfrequently so very alert that we seldom slept out of our\\ncloaths. In one of these situations a tent, in which Major\\nAckland and Lady Harriet were asleep, suddenly caught\\nfire; the major s orderly sergeant, with great danger of\\nsuffocation, dragged out the first person he got hold of,\\nwhich was the major. It providentially happened that in\\nthe same instant Lady Harriet, without knowing what she\\ndid, and perhaps not perfectly awake, made her escape, by\\ncreeping under the walls in the back part of the tent, and\\nupon recovering her senses, conceive what her feelings must\\nbe when the first object she beheld was the major, in the\\nmidst of the flames, in search of her The sergeant again\\nsaved him, but the major s face and body was burnt in a\\nvery severe manner every thing they had with them in the\\ntent was consumed. This accident was occasioned by a\\nfavorite Newfoundland dog, who being very restless, over-\\nset the table on which a candle was burning, (the major\\nalways had a light in. his tent during the night, when our\\nsituation required it) and it rolling to the walls of the tent,\\ninstantly set them on fire. The almost romantic attach-\\nment of Burgoyne s two officers, Major Acland and General\\nRiedesel and their lovely and devoted wives, relieves in a\\nstriking manner the horrors of the campaign, so strongly\\ncontrasted is it with the suffering and selfishness which\\neverywhere prevailed. Here were two gentle and refined\\nwomen amid the wreck and ruin of war, and always very\\nnear to the portals of death, living an almost idyllic life of\\nunselfish devotion and love to their husbands, and of charity\\nand self-sacrifice to those about them. Truly it is a spectacle\\nworthy of contemplation", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0302.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 269\\nattack but from her attachment to the major, her\\nladyship bore everything, with a degree of steadiness,\\nand resokition, that could alone be expected from an\\nexperienced veteran.\\ni6*^ A detachment with about 2000 men with 6\\npieces of cannon attended Gen Burgoyne on a recon-\\nnoitering party towards the enemy. We remained\\nout till near night, and fired our evening gun at sun\\nset to make them imagine we had taken post so much\\nnearer them and afterwards returned to our camp\\nwith the gun. We heard Gen Gates had been there\\nthe preceding day attended by a corps of riflemen.\\nIt was then pretty certain and generally believed,\\nand indeed wished for, that we should shortly have\\na decisive engagement, I say wished for, as they\\nnever would allow us to go into winter quarters, till\\nwe had gained some great advantage over them\\nshould that be the case, many of the country people\\nwould join us, but not till then they choosing to\\nbe on the strongest side.\\nxf^. The whole moved about 9 in the morning,\\nand tho we were marching till near night, we came\\nbut 3 miles nearer them we going a great circuit\\nthro thick woods, for such is all that country in\\norder to keep possession of the heights, we lay on\\nour arms not having light or time to pitch our tents.\\ni8*^ About 1 1 in the morning, we heard the report\\nof small arms at a small distance. It was a party of\\nthe enemy, who surprised some unarmed men forag-\\ning not far from our camp. They killed wounded", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0303.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "270 Lieutenant Digby s Journal.\\n13, and then retreated on our sending a party to\\noppose them and during that day and night we\\nwere very watchful and remained under arms.\\n19^^ At day break intelligence was received, that\\nColonel Morgan, 55 with the advance party of the\\n^^*A number of men belonging to the British camp were\\nendeavoring to get some potatoes in a field near by for their\\nmess when surprised by the Americans. Anburey says that\\nthey might easily have been taken prisoners, and states the\\nnumber killed and wounded to have been near thirty. He\\nremarks that such cruel and unjustifiable conduct can have\\nno good tendency, while it serves greatly to increase hatred,\\nand a thirst for revenge. Vide Travels Through the Inte-\\nrior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 409.\\nDaniel Morgan has been claimed to be a native both of\\nPennsylvania and of New Jersey, but his biographer, Graham,\\ndecides that he was born in Hunterdon county. New Jersey,\\nin the winter of 1736. His parents were Welsh, and his\\nearly life one of hardship. At the age of seventeen he ran\\naway from home and found employment as a farm laborer\\nin Virginia. He was a wagoner in the Braddock expedi-\\ntion and noted for his great strength and daring. While in\\nthe frontier service the next year, he was beaten with five\\nhundred lashes for striking a British lieutenant in return for\\na blow which the officer bestowed upon him with his sword,\\nunder the severity of which punishment he would have suc-\\ncumbed had not his constitution been of iron. The terrible\\nmarks of this beating, which cut his flesh to ribbons, he\\nbore to his grave. He was commissioned an ensign in 1758,\\nand, after a rough life of a few years, married and settled\\ndown as a farmer in Virginia. When the news of the battle\\nof Lexington reached him, he mustered a picked company\\nof riflemen and marched with them to Cambridge, a distance\\nof six hundred miles, in twenty-one days. It was in the\\ndusk of evening when Morgan met General Washington,\\nwho was riding out to inspect the camp. As they met,\\nMorgan touched his broad-brimmed hat and said General\\nfrom the right bank of the Potomac. Hastily dismount-", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0304.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 271\\nenemy, consisting of a corps of rifle men, were strong\\nabout 3 miles from us their main body amounting to\\ngreat numbers encamped on a very strong post about\\nhalf a mile in their rear and about 9 o clock we\\nbegan our march, every man prepared with 60 rounds\\ning, Washington took the captain s hand in both of his\\nand pressed it silently. Then passing down the line, he\\npressed, in turn, the hand of every soldier, large tears\\nstreaming down the noble cheeks as he did so. Without\\na word he then remounted his horse, saluted, and returned\\nto the camp. In Arnold s campaign against Canada, Mor-\\ngan was an active spirit, and was taken a prisoner in the\\nattack upon Quebec. It is said that he wept when he\\nrealized the hopelessness of the campaign. While in con-\\nfinement he was offered a colonel s commission to join the\\nBritish, but repelled the offer with indignation. After being\\nexchanged, he joined the army of defense and did noble\\nservice in the battles which preceded the surrender of Bur-\\ngoyne. At the close of the battle which decided this event,\\nit is said that Gates approached him with a proposition to\\ndesert Washington and support his pretensions to the chief\\ncommand, but was indignantly repelled by Morgan, who re-\\nplied I will serve under no other man but Washington.\\nFor this reply Gates revenged himself by not mentioning\\nhis name in his report of the battle in which he rendered\\nsuch distinguished service. After the surrender of Burgoyne,\\nhe served in the South, and achieved honor at the battle of\\nthe Cowpens, for which he was awarded a gold medal by\\nCongress. At the close of the war he retired to his Vir-\\nginian farm, which he named Saratoga but, upon the break-\\ning out of the whisky insurrection in western Virginia, in\\n1794, he was called to command the militia for its suppres-\\nsion, and soon after was elected to Congress. Before the\\nclose of his term he retired, prostrated by sickness. Wash-\\nington, however, continued to consult him, although he was\\nincapacitated for service. He died at Manchester, Virginia,\\nJuly 6, 1802. Vide The Life of Daniel Morgan (Graham);\\nalso, A Sketch of Morgan by John Esten Cooke.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0305.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "272 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nof cartridge and ready for instant action. We moved\\nin 3 colums, ours to the right on the heights and\\nfarthest from the river in thick woods. A little after\\n12 our advanced picquets came up with Colonel\\nMorgan and engaged, but from the great superiority\\nof fire received from him his numbers being much\\ngreater they were obliged to fall back, every officer\\nbeing either killed or wounded except one, when\\n^^^The sharpshooters of Morgan caused great havoc in the\\nBritish ranks. Lamb says Several of the Americans\\nplaced themselves in high trees, and, as often as they could\\ndistinguish a British officer s uniform, took him off by de-\\nliberately aiming at his person. Anburey describes most\\ngraphically the terrible scenes of the day following this bat-\\ntle Our army, he says, abounded with young officers,\\nin the subaltern line, and in the course of this unpleasant\\nduty (the burial of the dead), three of the 20th regi-\\nment were interred together, the age of the eldest not\\nexceeding seventeen. In the course of the last action.\\nLieutenant Hervey, of the 62nd, a youth of sixteen,\\nand nephew of the Adjutant-General of the same name, re-\\nceived several wounds, and was repeatedly ordered off the\\nfield by Colonel Anstruther but his heroic ardor would not\\nallow him to quit the battle, while he could stand and see\\nhis brave lads fighting beside him. A ball striking one of\\nhis legs, his removal became absolutely necessary, and while\\nthey were conveying him away, another wounded him mor-\\ntally. In this situation the surgeon recommended him to\\ntake a powerful dose of opium, to avoid a seven or eight\\nhours ^life of most exquisite torture; this he immediately\\nconsented to, and when the Colonel entered the tent with\\nMajor Harnage, who were both wounded, they asked whether\\nhe had any affairs they could settle for him his reply was,\\nthat being a minor, every thing was already adjusted but\\nhe had one request, which he had just life enough to utter,\\nTell my uncle I died like a soldier. Where will you find\\nin ancient Rome heroism superior! This mode of war-", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0306.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 273\\nthe line came up to their support and obliged Morgan\\nin his turn to retreat with loss. About half past one,\\nthe fire seemed to slacken a little but it was only\\nto come on with double force, as between 2 3 the\\naction became general on their side. From the\\nsituation of the ground, and their being perfectly\\nacquainted with it, the whole of our troops could\\nnot be brought to engage together, which was a\\nvery material disadvantage, though everything pos-\\nsible was tried to remedy that inconvenience, but to\\nno effect, such an explosion of fire I never had any\\nidea of \u00e2\u0080\u00a2before, and the heavy artillery joining in con-\\ncert like great peals of thunder, assisted by the\\nechoes of the woods, almost deafened us with the\\nnoise. To an unconcerned spectator, it must have\\nhad the most awful and glorious appearance, the dif-\\nferent Battalions moving to relieve each other, some\\nbeing pressed and almost broke by their superior\\nnumbers. This crash of cannon and musketry never\\nceased till darkness parted us, when they retired to\\ntheir camp, leaving us masters of the field but it\\nwas a dear bought victory if I can give it that name,\\nas we lost many brave men. The 62\u00c2\u00b0 had scarce 10\\nmen a company left, and other regiments suffered\\nmuch, and no very great advantage, honor excepted,\\nwas gained by the day. On its turning dusk we\\nfare, in which the officers were singled out by accurate\\nmarksmen for death, was new to the British and deemed by\\nthem cruel. Vide Journal of Occurrences During the Late\\nAmerican War, p. 159; Travels Through the Interior Parts\\nof America, vol. i, p. 423, et seq.\\n35", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0307.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "2 74 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nwere near firing- on a body of our Germans, mis-\\ntaking their dark clothing for that of the enemy.\\nGeneral Burgoyne was every where and did every\\nthing [that] could be expected from a brave officer/^^\\nBrig gen. Frazier gained great honour by exposing\\nhimself to every danger. During the night we re-\\nmained in our ranks, and tho we heard the groans of\\nour wounded and dying at a small distance, yet could\\nnot assist them till morning, not knowing the posi-\\ntion of the enemy, and expecting the action would be\\nrenewed at day break. Sleep was a stranger to us,\\nbut we were all in good spirits and ready to obey\\nwith cheerfulness any orders the general might issue\\nbefore morning dawned.\\n20*^ At day break we sent out parties to bring in\\nour wounded, and lit fires as we were almost froze\\nwith cold, and our wounded who lived till the morn-\\ning must have severely felt it. We scarce knew how\\nthe rest of our army had fared the preceding day,\\nnor had we tasted victuals or even water for some\\ntime before so sent parties for each. At 1 1 o clock,\\nsome of our advanced sentrys were fired upon by\\nLamb, who was present, speaks of this in his journal,\\nand others comment upon Burgoyne s coolness and courage\\nin battle placing himself in the fore front of danger, a\\nconspicuous object for the American sharpshooters, against\\nwhose bullets he seemed to bear a charmed life. His pres-\\nence among his troops was in marked contrast to the action\\nof Gates, who remained in the rear and witnessed no part of\\nthis or the previous battle in fact, we are told by Wilkin-\\nson, what seems almost incredible That not a single gen-\\neral officer was on the field of battle the igth Sept. until the\\nevening, when General Learned was ordered out.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0308.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 275\\ntheir rifle men, and we thought it the prelude to\\nanother action but they were soon silenced. It was\\nGen Phillips and Fraziers opinion we should follow\\nthe stroke by attacking their camp that morning;\\nand it is believed, as affairs after turned out, it would\\nhave been better for the army to have done so why\\nit was not attended, to I am not a judge tho I\\nbelieve Gen Burgoyne had material objections to it,\\nparticularly our hospitals being so full and the maga-\\nzines not properly secured to risque that move-\\nment. About 12 the general reconnoitered our\\n198 Wilkinson gives us a conversation held by him with Gen-\\neral Phillips, in which the latter fully explains the reason why\\nBurgoyne did not attack Gates on the twentieth. Said Phil-\\nlips After the affair of the 19th September terminated,\\nGeneral Burgoyne determined to attack you the next morn-\\ning on your left, with his whole force; our wounded, and\\nsick, and women had been disposed of at the river; the\\narmy was formed early on the morning of the 20th, and we\\nwaited only for the dispersion of the fog, when General\\nFraser observed to General Burgoyne, that the grenadiers\\nand light infantry who were to lead the attack, appeared\\nfatigued by the duty of the preceding day, and that if he\\nwould suspend the operation until the next morning, he was\\npersuaded they would carry the attack with more vivacity.\\nBurgoyne yielded to the proposition of Fraser the orders\\nwere countermanded, and the corps returned to camp and\\nas if intended for your safety and our destruction, in the\\ncourse of the night, a spy reached Burgoyne with a letter\\nfrom General Sir Henry Clinton, advising him of his m-\\ntended expedition against the highlands, which determined\\nBurgoyne to postpone the meditated attack of your army,\\nand wait events the golden, glorious opportunity was lost\\nyou grew stronger every day, and on the 7th of October over-\\nwhelmed us. This is a very different account from Digby s.\\nVide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 251, seq.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0309.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "276 Lietitena7it Digbys Jotirnal.\\npost and contracted the extent of ground we then\\ncovered to a more secure one nearer the river, which\\nwe took up in the evening our left flank near the\\nHudson river to guard our battows and stores, and\\nour right extending near two miles to heights west of\\nthe river, with strong ravines, both in our front and\\nrear, the former nearly within cannon shot of the\\nenemy. On our taking up this ground, we buried\\nnumbers of their dead. Their loss must have been\\nconsiderable, as the fire was very severe. Contiguous\\nto our ground was a fine field of Indian corn, which\\ngreatly served our horses, who had but little care\\ntaken of them the last 2 days, and many were killed\\nthe I9 At night, half stood to their arms, and so\\nrelieved each other, in which time of watch we could\\ndistinctly hear them in the wood between us felling\\ntrees from which we supposed they were fortifying\\ntheir camp, which by all accounts, and the situation\\nof the country, we had reason to believe was very\\nstrong\\n21 Their morning gun, from its report, seemed\\nalmost as near as our own, and soon after we heard\\nthem beating their drums frequently for orders. At\\n12 we heard them huzzaing in their camp, after which\\nthey fired 13 heavy guns, which we imagined might\\nbe signals for an attack and which would be the\\nmost fortunate event that we could have wished,\\nour position being so very advantageous. Soon\\nafter we found it was a Feu-de-joy, but for what cause", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0310.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 277\\nwe could not tell, In the evening, an express was\\nsent thro the woods to Gen Clinton, informing him\\nthat if he could not advance nearer to Albany, by\\nwhich movement many troops then opposing us would\\nbe drawn off to stop his progress, we should be\\nobliged to return to Ticonderoga by 12*^ October at\\nfarthest, as our provisions would not allow of our\\nremaining there beyond that period. At 6 in the\\nevening we encamped. It rained very heavy, and\\nthe general often expressed his desire that the men\\nwould take some rest being greatly harassed after\\ntheir great fatigue to make them the better able\\nto bear what might follow. The night was constant\\nrain, and we lay accoutred in our tents\\n22\u00c2\u00b0 Formed a bridge of boats across the Hudson,\\non the left flank of our line. A spy from the enemy\\nwas taken near our camp, and we had reason to sup-\\npose there were many others around. He informed\\nthat they had a report Gen Burgoyne was killed on\\nthe l9*^ which must have arose from Cap Green,\\nT\\\\\\\\\\\\s feu-de-Joie was probably caused by the reception of\\nthe news of the partially successful expedition against Ticon-\\nderoga in the rear of Burgoyne s army. On the eighteenth.\\nColonel Brown attacked Ticonderoga and captured a portion\\nof the Fifty-third Regiment in the old French lines and re-\\nleased about a hundred prisoners, which were held by the\\nBritish. He also took an armed vessel stationed to defend\\nthe carrying place, with several officers. Digby does not\\nrecognize the fact that one gun was fired for each of the\\ncolonies.\\nCharles Green was born December 18, 1749, at Gibral-\\ntar, where his father was stationed with his regiment. At", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0311.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "278 Lieutenafit Digbys Joitrnal.\\none of the aid de camps, being wounded and falling\\nfrom his horse near the general. About noon there\\nwas a confused report of Gen Clinton s comeing up\\nthe river, and it must be owned Gen Burgoyne was\\nthe early age of eleven he became a gentleman cadet in the\\nRoyal Artillery, and an ensign in the Thirty-first Foot at\\nthe age of sixteen, November 23, 1769, he was made a\\nlieutenant his regiment being then in Florida and\\nserved against the Charibs in 1772-3. In May he returned\\nto England and was appointed adjutant of his regiment, and\\nbecame, in 1774, a captain-lieutenant by purchase. He\\nserved in the campaign of y6^ and, at the beginning of the\\ncampaign of yj, was made aide-de-camp to Major-General\\nPhillips. After recovering from the wound which Digby\\nhere mentions, he returned in March, 1778, to England, and\\nbecame aide-de-camp to Lieutenant-General Oughton, He\\nrejoined his regiment in Canada, in 1780, and was appointed\\nmajor of brigade the following year. He became major of\\nthe Thirty-first by purchase in 1788. In 1793 he was made\\nlieutenant-colonel of a battalion, and the next year was\\ntransferred to the Thirtieth Foot, which he accompanied\\nto Corsica, where he remained until 1796, when he received\\nthe appointment of coast governor of Grenada, which office\\nhe retained until 1801, when he returned to England, and,\\nin January, 1797, was promoted to a colonelcy. In October,\\n1798, he received a further promotion to the rank of briga-\\ndier general, and for some time commanded in Ireland. He\\nwas raised to the honor of knighthood. May 3, 1803, and in\\nthe spring of 1804 conducted an expedition against Surinam,\\nand, after its capture, administered the civil government\\nthere for a year, when, owing to broken health, he returned\\nto England, and was further honored by being created a\\nbaronet, December 5, 1805. In May, 1807, he was placed in\\ncommand of the garrison at Malta, which position he re-\\ntained a year, and, in 1809, was raised to the rank of lieu-\\ntenant-general, and, in 1819, to that of general. He died\\nat Cheltenham, England, in 1831. Vide British Army Lists,\\nin loco Annual Biography and Obituary, vol. 16, p. 439.", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0312.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 279\\ntoo ready to believe any report in our favour. Orders\\nwere given for our cannon to fire 8 rounds at mid\\nnight from the park of Artillery. It was done with\\na view of causing the enemy to draw in their out\\nposts expecting an attack, at which time 2 officers in\\ndisguise were sent express to Gen Clinton with\\nmessages to the same effect as was sent the 21^^ The\\nintention answered, as they stood to their works all\\nthat night which was constant rain.\\n23 It was said we were to strengthen our camp\\nand wait some favourable accounts from Gen Clinton,\\nand accordingly began to fell trees for that purpose.\\nI visited our hospitals, which were much crowded,\\nand attended the Auctions of our deceased officers,\\nwhich for the time caused a few melancholy ideas,\\nthough still confirmed me in believing that the\\noftener death is placed before our eyes the less ter-\\nrible it appears. All kinds of supplies and stores\\nfrom Canada were then entirely cut off, as the com-\\nmunication was dropped, and the variety of reports\\nand opinions circulating were curious and entertain-\\ning, as I believe our situation was rather uncommon\\nit was such at least as few of us had before expe-\\nrienced. Some few thought we should be ordered to\\nretreat suddenly under cover of some dark night, but\\nthat was not thought probable, as it would be cruel\\nto leave the great numbers of sick and wounded we\\nhad in such a situation we also were certain our\\ngeneral would try another action before a retreat was\\nthought on. Others said we waited either to receive", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0313.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "2 8o Lieute7tant Digbys Journal.\\na reinforcement from Ticonderoga or Gen Clinton,\\nwhich last might have some weight, but as to the\\nformer, we knew there were too few troops there to\\nbe able to spare us any. Others again thought\\nwhen the enemy saw us determined to keep our\\nground and heard of Gen Clinton s movements, they\\nwould draw off part of their great force to oppose\\nhim but that was not thought very probable by\\ntheir receiving so large reinforcements daily to their\\ncamp. On the whole, I believe most people s opinions\\nand suppositions were rather founded on what they\\nwished, than on any certain knowledge of what would\\nhappen time only, that great disposer of all human\\nevents, could alone unfold to us what was to come.\\nOur few remaining Indians appeared very shy at\\ngoing out on any scouting parties, indeed, I always\\ntook them for a people, whose very horrid figure had\\na greater effect on their enemy than any courage\\nthey possessed, as their cruel turn often assured me\\nthey could not be brave, Humanity pity for the\\nmisfortunes of the wretched, being invariably the\\nconstant companions of true courage theirs is savage\\nand will never steadily look on danger. We there\\ngot some news papers of the enemy taken from [a]\\ndeserter, in which there was an account of the 19^^ by\\na M^ Wilkinson, adjutant genl. to their army, very\\npartially given, saying we retreated the 19 from the\\nfield of battle, which was absolutely false as we lay\\nthat night on the same ground we fought on, as a\\nproof of which, we buried their dead the morning of", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0314.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 281\\nthe 20^* they not venturing near. He concludes with\\na poor, low expression, saying, On the 20*^ the\\nenemy lay very quietly licking their sores.\\n24 At day break they fired on our German picquet\\nand killed 3 men, but this alarm gave us no unneces-\\nsary trouble, as we were always under arms an hour\\nbefore day and remained so till it was completely\\nlight. During the night it rained heavy, and on the\\n26 many bodies not buried deep enough in the\\nground appeared, (from the great rain), as the soil\\nwas a light sand, and caused a most dreadful smell.\\nWe still continued making more works. A report\\n[was] circulated [that] Ticonderoga was taken, but\\nnot believed. I shall here insert Gen Gates orders\\nto his troops which we received by a deserter\\nHead Quarters of the army of the\\nUnited States September 26. i777\\nThe public business having so entirely engaged\\nthe attention of the General, that he has not been\\nThe letter here referred to by Digby was addressed by\\nWilkinson to Colonel Vischer, who was at Albany on the\\ntwentieth of September, and was published in the papers of\\nthe day. In it he said The concurrent testimony of the\\nprisoners and deserters of various characters, assures us, that\\nGeneral Burgoyne who commanded in person was wounded\\nin the left shoulder, that the 62nd regiment was cut to pieces,\\nand that the enemy suffered extremely in every quarter\\nwhere they were engaged. As General Burgoyne s situa-\\ntion will shortly constrain him to a decisive action, rein-\\nforcements should be immediately pushed forward to our\\nassistance, as our numbers are far from being equal to an\\ninsurance of victory, and every bosom must anticipate the\\nconsequences of a defeat. The enemy have quietly licked\\ntheir sores this day.\\n36", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0315.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "282 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nproperly at leisure to return his grateful thanks to\\nGen. Poors Gen Learned s ^\u00c2\u00b03 Brigades, to the\\nEnoch Poor was the son of Thomas and a grandson of\\nDaniel Poor, who was one of the pioneers in the settlement\\nof Andover, Massachusetts, in which town Enoch was born\\nin 1736. After receiving his education, he removed to Exe-\\nter, New Hampshire, and engaged in commercial pursuits.\\nWhen the sound of the guns fired at Lexington reached his\\nears, he hastened to cast in his lot with the patriots, and\\nwas appointed colonel of the Second New Hampshire Regi-\\nment. After the evacuation of Boston his regiment was\\nordered to New York, and later joined in the invasion of\\nCanada. On February 21, 1777, he was appointed a briga-\\ndier-general, and did valuable service in the campaign of that\\nyear which resulted so gloriously for the cause of Independ-\\nence. After witnessing the surrender of Burgoyne, Gen-\\neral Poor accompanied his command to the Delaware, where\\nhe ably supported General Washington in his operations in\\nthat quarter, and shared with him the hardships of Valley\\nForge. He greatly distinguished himself at the battle of\\nMonmouth, and later in an expedition against the Indians\\nof the Six Nations. In August, 1780, General Poor was\\nplaced in command of a brigade under Lafayette, by whom\\nhe was greatly esteemed. Unfortunately, while in this com-\\nmand, he had a quarrel with a French officer and was killed\\nby him in a duel, September 8, 1780. Washington, when he\\nannounced his death to Congress, spoke of him as an offi-\\ncer of distinguished merit, who, as a citizen and a soldier,\\nhad every claim to the esteem of his country.\\nEbenezer Learned was born at Framingham, Massachu-\\nsetts, in 1728, and served as a captain in the French war of\\n1 756-1 763. After the battle of Lexington, which fired the\\nmilitary ardor of the country. Learned marched with the\\nThird Massachusetts Regiment, of which he had been made\\ncolonel, to Cambridge, which place he reached on the day\\nafter the battle. When the army was ordered to New York,\\nLearned, who had contracted disease in the service, retired,\\nby permission of Congress, in May, 1776 but, recovering his\\nhealth again, offered his services to his country, and was", "height": "3234", "width": "2361", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0316.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Jour^ial. 283\\nregiment of rifle men, to the corps of light infantry\\nand to Col\u00c2\u00b0 Marshall s regiment for their valiant\\nbehaviour in the action of the 19 inst, which will for\\never establish and confirm the reputation of the arms\\nof the United States; notwithstanding the General\\nhas been so late in giving this public mark of honour\\nand applause to the brave men, whose valour has so\\neminently served their country, he assures them the\\njust praise he immediately gave to the Honorable,\\nthe Continental Congress, will remain a lasting record\\nof their honour and renown.\\nBy the account of the enemy by their embar-\\nrassed circumstances by the desperate situation of\\ntheir affairs, it is evident they must endeavour by\\none rash stroke to regain all they have lost, that\\nfailing, their utter ruin is inevitable. The General\\ntherefore intreats his valiant army, that they will, by\\nthe exactness of their discipline, by their alertness to\\nappointed a brigadier-general on April 2, 1777, and he soon\\nafter joined the army, which was concentrating on the Hud-\\nson to repel the advance of the British invaders from Canada.\\nHe participated in the campaign which terminated so suc-\\ncessfully for the patriots, but, his health again failing, he was\\nobliged to retire permanently from military service on March\\n24, 1778. He was made a pensioner December 7, 1795, and\\ndied April i, 1801, at Oxford, Massachusetts.\\nThomas Marshall was born at Boston, Massachusetts,\\nin 1718. He was a captain in the Ancient and Honorable\\nArtillery Company in 1763 and the four following years, and\\nwas made major of a regiment in 1765, and lieutenant-colonel\\nin 1767. He was in command of the Tenth Massachusetts\\nRegiment at the time here spoken of by Digby. He died\\nat Weston, Massachusetts, November 18, 1800.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0317.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "284 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nfly to their arms on all occasions, and particularly by\\ntheir caution not to be surprised, secure that victory,\\nwhich Almighty Providence (if they deserve it) will\\nbless their labour with.\\n2f^. We received the unwelcome news that a letter\\nfrom Gen Clinton to Gen Burgoyne (it was not an\\nanswer to his of the 21^ had fallen into the hands\\nof the enemy. On the express being taken he swal-\\nlowed a small silver bullet in which the letter was,\\nbut being suspected, a severe tartar emetic was given\\nhim which brought up the ball.^ We also heard\\nthey were in possession of Skeensbo.ro and had a\\npost both there and at Hubberton. We also received\\naccounts of their making an attack upon Ticonderoga\\nand taking prisoners part of the 53 regiment but\\nthis was not properly authenticated. In the evening\\nour few remaining Indians left us.\\n28^^ A large detachment was ordered out to forage\\nfor the army, which was greatly wanting, as all our\\ngrass was ate up and many horses dying for want.\\nWe brought in some hay without any skirmish, which\\nwe expected going out.\\n2(f^. About day break our picquet was fired on from\\nthe wood in front, but the damage was trifling. I\\nsuppose seldom two armies remained looking at each\\nother so long without coming to action. A man of\\nIt will be seen that Digby gives the version of this affair\\nwhich is consonant with the evidence relating to it, which\\nhas been preserved. He says that the message taken was\\nfrom Clinton to Burgoyne, and not from Burgoyne to CHn-\\nton, as stated by Fonblanque, Vide ante, note 26.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0318.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 285\\ntheirs in a mistake came into our camp in place of\\nhis own, and being challenged by our sentry, after\\nrecollecting himself, I believe, says he, I am\\nwrong and may as well stay where I am. That he\\nmight be pretty certain of.\\n30^^ We had reason to imagine they intended to\\nopen a battery on our right they also fired three\\nmorning guns in place of two, which caused us to\\nexpect a reinforcement, which was soon confirmed\\nby a deserter who came over to us. That evening\\n20 Indians joined us from Canada our horses were\\nput on a smaller allowance\\nOctober 2^^. Dispatches were received from Brig-\\nadier General Powell, who commanded at Ticon-\\nderoga with his account of their attempt on that\\nplace, and being at length repulsed with loss they\\nretreated over the mountains.\\n3 Dispatches from Ticonderoga were taken by\\nthe enemy coming thro the woods directed by an\\nIndian.\\n4^^ Our picquet was fired upon near day break,\\nbut as our own posts were strong, and we all slept\\nwith our clothes on it was but little minded. Here\\nthe army were put on a short allowance of provisions,\\nwhich shewed us the general was determined to wait\\nthe arrival of general Clinton, (if possible), and to\\nthis the troops submitted with the utmost cheerful-\\nness.\\n5 A small party of our sailors were taken by the\\nenemy, also about 20 horses, that strayed near their", "height": "3206", "width": "2311", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0319.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "286 Lieutenant Digby s Journal.\\nlines. The weather continued fair and dry since\\n26 September.\\n6^ I went out on a large forage for the army, and\\ntook some hay near their camp. On our return we\\nheard a heavy fire and made all the haste possible\\nwith the forage. It was occasioned by some of our\\nranger s falling in with a party of theirs our loss\\nwas trifling. At night we fired a rocket from one of\\nour cannon at 12 o clock, the reason I could never\\nhear for doing so. In general it is a signal between\\ntwo armies at a small distance, but that could not\\nhave been our case. During the night there were\\nsmall alarms and frequent popping shots, fired by\\nsentrys from our different outposts.\\n7^^ Expresses were received from Ticonderoga,\\nbut what the purport of them were I could never\\nlearn. A detachment of 1500 regular troops with\\ntwo 1 2 pounders, two howitzers and six 6 pounders\\nwere ordered to move on a secret expedition and to\\nbe paraded at 10 o clock, though I am told. Major\\nWilliams^\u00c2\u00b0^ (Artillery) objected much to the removal\\nof the heavy guns; saying, once a 12 pounder is\\nremoved from the Park of artillery in America\\nGriffith Williams became a gentleman cadet in 1744,\\nand was commissioned a lieutenant-fireworker, April 6, 1745.\\nMarch i, 1755, he was advanced to the position of first lieu-\\ntenant; January i, 1759, of captain-lieutenant, and February\\n12, 1760, of captain. He was promoted to a majority in the\\narmy, February 17, 1776. In the battle of October seventh he\\nkept a battery in action until the artillery horses were all\\ndestroyed, and his men either killed or wounded being\\nunable to get off their guns, he was surrounded and taken.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0320.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 287\\n(meaning in the woods) it was gone. From some\\ndelay, the detachment did not move till near one\\no clock, and moved from the right of our camp soon\\nafter which, we grained an eminence within half a\\nmile of their camp, where the troops took post but\\nthey were sufficiently prepared for us, as a deserter\\nfrom our Artillery went over to them that morning\\nand informed them of our design. This I have since\\nheard, and it has often surprised me how the fellow\\ncould be so very exact in his intelligence, as were I\\ntaken prisoner, I could not (had I ever so great\\na desire) have informed them so circumstantially.\\nAbout 3 o clock, our heavy guns began to play,\\nbut the wood around being thick, and their exact\\nknowledge of our small force, caused them to ad-\\nvance in great numbers, pouring in a superiority of\\nfire from Detachments ordered to hang upon our\\nflanks, which they tried if possible to turn. We\\ncould not receive a reinforcement as our works,\\nGeneral Hospital Stores, provisions would be left\\ndefenceless, on which an order was given for us to\\nretreat, but not before we lost many brave men.\\nBrigadier General Frazier was mortally wounded\\nwhich helped to turn the fate of the day. When\\nHe was subsequently exchanged, and became a major in the\\nartillery, March 21, 1780; lieutenant-colonel, January 9, 1782,\\nand colonel of the Second Battalion, December i, 1783. He\\ncommanded a battery at the siege of Gibraltar, and upon\\nhis return, was in command at Woolwich, where he died\\nMarch 18, 1790, after a service of nearly half a century.\\nVide Kane s Artillery List and British Army Lists, in loco\\nHistory of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. i, pp. 288, 315.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0321.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "288 Lieutenajit Digbys Journal.\\nGeneral Burgoyne saw him fall, he seemed then to\\nfeel in the highest degree our disagreeable situation.\\nHe was the only person we could carry off with us.\\nOur cannon were surrounded and taken the men\\nand horses being all killed which gave them addi-\\ntional spirits, and they rushed on with loud shouts,\\nwhen we drove them back a little way with so great\\nloss to ourselves, that it evidently appeared a retreat\\nwas the only thing left for us. They still advanced\\nupon our works under a severe fire of grape shot,\\nwhich in some measure stopped them, by the great\\nexecution we saw made among their columns during\\nwhich, another body of the enemy stormed the Ger-\\nman lines after meeting with a most shameful resist-\\nance, and took possession of all their camp and\\nequipage, baggage Col\u00c2\u00b0 Bremen fell nobly at\\nthe head of the Foreigners, and by his death blotted\\nout part of the stain his countrymen so justly merited\\nfrom that days behaviour. On our retreating,\\n2\u00c2\u00b0^ From a careful study of the action of the German sol-\\ndiers in this and other battles of the campaign of jj^ there\\nseems to be no sufficient ground for this statement. The\\nGerman soldiers on all occasions fought bravely and with\\nastonishing persistence, when it is considered how little they\\nwere interested in the success or failure of the cause for\\nwhich they were imperiling their lives. In this case they\\nwere posted to defend the British right flank behind a breast-\\nwork of rails extending about two hundred yards across a\\nfield. The rails were piled horizontally and supported by\\npickets driven into the ground. The space between this\\nbreastwork and the great redoubt was occupied by the Cana-\\ndian loyalists, who thus protected the German left flank.\\nWhile Arnold was making his furious attack on the great", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0322.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "Lietitenant Digbys Journal. 289\\nwhich was pretty regular, considering how hard we\\nwere pressed by the enemy, General Burgoyne ap-\\npeared greatly agitated as the danger to which the\\nlines were exposed was of the most serious nature at\\nthat particular period. I should be sorry from my\\nexpression of agitated, that the reader should imagine\\nthe fears of personal danger was the smallest cause\\nof it. He must be more than man, who could undis-\\nturbed look on and preserve his natural calmness,\\nwhen the fate of so many were at stake, and entirely\\ndepended on the orders he was to issue. He said but\\nlittle, well knowing we could defend the lines or fall\\nin the attempt. Darkness interposed, (I believe\\nfortunately for us) which put an end to the action.\\nredoubt, a large portion of these Canadians were absent\\nfrom their post, some aiding in the defense of the great\\nredoubt, and at this critical moment Learned appeared with\\nhis brigade and drove those who remained from their posi-\\ntion, leaving the German left flank wholly exposed. It was\\nthen that Arnold came upon the scene from his attack on\\nthe great redoubt, and taking in the situation at a glance,\\nseized Learned s brigade, and rushing through the open\\nspace in the British lines left by the retreat of the Canadians,\\nfell upon the unprotected left flank and rear of the Germans\\nwith a fury which forced them to retreat, leaving their gen-\\neral dead on the field. This left the key of the position in\\nthe hands of the Americans. Undoubtedly this was disas-\\ntrous to Burgoyne but that the Germans acted cowardly in\\nthe matter, we have no evidence to prove. On the other\\nhand, we have the concurrent testimony of English officers\\nthat they were brave men, although in this case they have\\nbeen criticised by several writers, we think, without a full\\nknowledge of all the facts. The courage of the men engaged\\nin this campaign English, Germans or Americans can-\\nnot be justly impugned.\\n37", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0323.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "290 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nGeneral Frazier was yet living, but not the least\\nhopes of him. He that night asked if Gen^ Bur-\\ngoynes army were not all cut to pieces, and being\\ninformed to the contrary, appeared for a moment\\npleased, but spoke no more. Capt Wight (53 Gren-\\nadiers), my captain, was shot in the bowels early in\\nthe action. In him I lost a sincere friend. He lay\\nin that situation between the two fires, and I have\\nbeen since informed lived till the next day and\\nwas brought into their camp. Major Ackland was\\nwounded and taken prisoner with our Quarter master\\nGeneral, and Major Williams of the Artillery. Sir\\n2 John Money was a native of Norwich, England, and\\nwas commissioned an ensign in the Norfolk militia in 1760,\\nat which date he was twenty years of age. The next year\\nhe took part in the battle of Felinghausen as a volunteer,\\nand March 11, 1762, was made a cornet in the Sixth\\nDragoons; February 10, 1770, he was commissioned a cap-\\ntain in the Ninth Foot. He participated in the campaign\\nof j^, and on July seventeenth of that year was made deputy\\nquartermaster-general. Digby rightly speaks of him as quar-\\ntermaster-general, as at this time he was acting as such. Dur-\\ning this and the previous campaign, he distinguished himself\\non several occasions. Having been exchanged, he served\\non the staff of General Cornwallis, and on November 17,\\n1780, was promoted to a majority in the army, and Septem-\\nber 28, 1 78 1, took this position in the Ninth Foot. He was\\nfurther promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the\\narmy, November 18, 1790, colonel, August 21, 1795, major-\\ngeneral, June 18, 1798, lieutenant-general, October 30, 1805,\\nand general, June 4, 1814. During this time he was on half\\npay as a major of the Ninety-first Foot, and was the author\\nof several works of a military character. He died on his\\nestate, called Crown Point, near Norwich, on March 26,\\n1 8 17. Vide British Army Lists, in loco The Georgian Era,", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0324.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 291\\nFrancis Clerk fell, Aid de camp to the general,\\nwith other principal officers. Our Grenadier Com-\\npany out of 20 men going out, left their Captain and\\n16 men on the field. Some here did not scruple to\\nsay, General Burgoyne s manner of acting verified the\\nrash stroke hinted at by General Gates in his orders\\nof the 26^* (see page 281) but that was a harsh and\\nsevere insinuation, as I have since heard his intended\\ndesign was to take post on a rising ground, on the\\nleft of their camp, the f^ with the detachment,\\nthinking they would not have acted on the offensive,\\nbut stood to their works, and on that night our\\nmain body was to move, so as to be prepared to\\nstorm their lines by day break of the S and it\\nappears by accounts since, that Gen Gates would\\nhave acted on the defensive, only for the advice of\\nBrigadier General Arnold, who assured him from his\\nknowledge of the troops, a vigorous sally would\\ninspire them with more courage than waiting behind\\ntheir works for our attack, and also their knowledge\\nof the woods would contribute to ensure the plan he\\nproposed. During the night we were employed in\\nmoving our cannon Baggage nearer to the river.\\nIt was done with silence, and fires were kept lighted\\nto cause them not to suspect we had retired from\\nvol. 2, p. 97 Hadden s Journal and Orderly Books, pp. xlvii,\\nxlix, 90, 225 Journal of Occurrences During the Late Ameri-\\ncan War, pp. 142, 176; Remembrancer of Public Events,\\nvol. II, p. 28.\\nVide ante, note 126.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0325.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "292 Lietitenant Digbys Journal,\\nour works where it was impossible for us to remain,\\nas the German lines commanded them, and were\\nthen in possession of the enemy, who were bringing\\nup cannon to bear on ours at day break. It may\\neasily be supposed we had no thought for sleep, and\\nsome time before day we retreated nearer to the\\nriver. Our design of retreating to Ticonderoga then\\nbecame public.\\n8 Took post in a battery which commanded the\\ncountry around, and the rest of the army surrounding\\nthe battery and under cover of our heavy cannon.\\nAbout 8 in the morning we perceived the enemy\\nmarching from their camp in great numbers, blacken-\\ning the fields with their dark clothing. From the\\nheight of the work and by the help of our glasses,\\nwe could distinguish them quite plain. They brought\\nsome pieces of cannon and attempted to throw up a\\nwork for them, but our guns soon demolished what\\nthey had executed. Our design was to amuse them\\nduring the day with our cannon, which kept them at\\na proper distance, and at night to make our retreat,\\nbut they soon guessed our intentions, and sent a\\nlarge body of troops in our rear to push for the pos-\\nsession of the heights of Fort Edward. During the\\nday it was entertaining enough, as I had no idea of\\nartillery being so well served as ours was. Sometimes\\nwe could see a 12 pounder take place in the centre\\nof their columns, and shells burst among them,\\nthrown from our howitzers with the greatest judg-\\nment. Most of their shot were directed at our bridge", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0326.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0327.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0328.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 293\\nof boats, as no doubt they imagined we intended to\\nretreat that way but their guns were badly served.\\nAbout 1 1 o clock general Frazier died, and desired\\nhe might be buried in that battery at evening gun\\nfireing. So fell the best officer under Burgoyne, who\\nfrom his earliest years was bred in camps, and from\\nthe many engagements he had been in, attained a\\ndegree of coolness and steadiness of mind in the\\nhour of danger, that alone distinguishes the truly\\nbrave man. At 12 o clock some of their balls fell\\nvery near our hospital tents, pitched in the plain, and\\nfrom their size, supposed to attract their notice, tak-\\ning them perhaps for the general s quarters, on which\\nwe were obliged to move them out of the range of\\nfire, which was a most shocking scene, some poor\\nwretches dying in the attempt, being so very severely\\nwounded. At sun set general Frazier was buried ac-\\ncording to his desire, and general Burgoyne attended\\nthe service, which was performed I think in the most\\nsolemn manner I ever before saw perhaps the scene\\naround, big with the fate of many, caused it to\\nappear more so, with their fireing particularly at our\\nbattery, during the time of its continuance.^ About\\n1 1 at night, the army began their retreat. General\\nReidzel commanding the Van guard, and Major\\nWe have several accounts of this sad scene. Madame\\nRiedesel is especially graphic in her delineation of it, and,\\nas her memoirs are not accessible to most readers, we may be\\npermitted to copy from them I had just sat down with my\\nhusband at his quarters to breakfast. General Frazier and,\\nI believe, General Burgoyne were to have dined with me on", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0329.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "294 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nGeneral Phillips the rear, and this retreat, though\\nwithin musket shot of the enemy and encumbered\\nwith all the baggage of the army, was made without\\nloss. Our battallion was left to cover the retreat of\\nthe whole, which from numberless impediments did\\nthat same day. I observed considerable movement among\\nthe troops. My husband thereupon informed me, that there\\nwas to be a reconnoissance, which, however, did not surprise\\nme, as this often happened. On my way homeward, I met\\nmany savages in their war dress, armed with guns. To my\\nquestion where they were going, they cried out to me, War!\\nWar! which meant that they were going to fight. This\\ncompletely overwhelmed me, and I had scarcely got back to\\nmy quarters, when I heard skirmishing, and firing, which by\\ndegrees, became constantly heavier, until, finally, the noises\\nbecame frightful. It was a terrible cannonade, and I was\\nmore dead than alive. About three o clock in the afternoon\\nin place of the guests who were to have dined with me, they\\nbrought into me upon a Htter poor General Frazier (one of\\nmy expected guests), mortally wounded. Our dining table,\\nwhich was already spread, was taken away and in its place\\nthey fixed up a bed for the general. I sat in the corner of\\nthe room trembling and quaking. The noises grew con-\\ntinually louder. The thought that they might bring in my\\nhusband in the same manner was to me dreadful and tor-\\nmented me incessantly. The general said to the surgeon,\\nDo not conceal anything from me. Must I die? The\\nball had gone through his bowels, precisely as in the case of\\nMajor Harnage. Unfortunately, however the general had\\neaten a hearty breakfast, by reason of which the intestines\\nwere distended, and the ball, so the surgeon said, had not\\ngone, as in the case of Major Harnage, between the intes-\\ntines but through them. I heard him often amidst his\\ngroans, exclaim Oh, fatal ambition Poor General Bur-\\ngoyne! My poor wife Prayers were read to him. He\\nthen sent a message to General Burgoyne, begging that he\\nwould have him buried the following day at six o clock in\\nthe evening, on the top of a hill which was a sort of a", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0330.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 295\\nnot move until near 4 o clock in the morning of the\\n9 and were then much delayed in breaking up the\\nbridges in our rear. This was the second time of\\ntheir being destroyed that season the first by the\\nenemy to prevent our pursueing them. What a-great\\nredoubt. I knew no longer which way to turn. The whole\\nentry and the other rooms were filled with the sick, who\\nwere suffering with the camp sickness, a kind of dysentery.\\nFinally, toward evening, I saw my husband coming, upon\\nwhich I forgot all my sufferings, and thanked God that he\\nhad spared him to me. He ate in great haste with me and\\nhis adjutant behind the house. We had been told that we\\nhad gained an advantage over the enemy, but the sorrowful\\nand downcast faces which I beheld, bore witness to the con-\\ntrary, and before my husband again went away, he drew me\\none side, and told me that every thing might go very badly,\\nand that I must keep myself in constant readiness for de-\\nparture but by no means to give any one the least inkling\\nof what I was doing. I therefore pretended that I wished\\nto move into my new house the next morning, and had\\nevery thing packed up. My Lady Ackland occupied a tent\\nnot far from our house. In this she slept, but during the\\nday was in the camp. Suddenly one came to tell her that\\nher husband was mortally wounded, and had been taken\\nprisoner. At this she became very wretched. We com-\\nforted her by saying that it was only a slight wound, but as\\nno one could nurse him as well as herself, we counseled her\\nto go at once to him, to do which she could certainly obtain\\npermission, She was the loveliest of women. I spent\\nthe night in this manner at one time comforting her and\\nat another looking after my children whom I had put to bed.\\nAs for myself, I could not go to sleep, as I had General\\nFrazier and all the other gentlemen in my room, and was\\nconstantly afraid that my children would wake up and cry, and\\nthus disturb the poor dying man, who often sent to beg my\\npardon for making me so much trouble. About three o clock\\nin the morning, they told me that he could not last much\\nlonger. I had desired to be apprised of the approach of this", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0331.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "296 Lieute7tant Digbys Journal.\\nalteration in affairs Our hospitals full of sick and\\nwounded were left behind, with a letter from general\\nBurgoyne to general Gates, in which he tells him he\\nmakes no doubt of his care to the sick and wounded,\\nconscious of his acting in the same manner himself\\nmoment. I accordingly wrapped up the children in the bed\\ncoverings and went with them into the entry. Early in the\\nmorning, at eight o clock, he expired. After they had washed\\nthe corpse they wrapped it in a sheet and laid it on a bed-\\nstead. We then again came into the room, and had this sad\\nsight before us the whole day. At every instant, also,\\nwounded officers of my acquaintance arrived, and the can-\\nnonade again began, A retreat was spoken of but there was\\nnot the least movement made toward it. About four o clock\\nin the afternoon, I saw the new house which had been built\\nfor me in flames: the enemy, therefore, were not far from us.\\nWe learned that General Burgoyne intended to fulfill the\\nlast wish of General Frazier, and to have him buried at six\\no clock, in the place designated by him. This occasioned an\\nunnecessary delay, to which a part of the misfortunes of the\\narmy was owing. Precisely at six o clock the corpse was\\nbrought out, and we saw the entire body of generals with\\ntheir retinues on the hill assisting at the obsequies. The\\nEnglish chaplain, Mr. Brudenel, performed the funeral ser-\\nvices. The cannon balls flew continually around and over\\nthe party. The American general. Gates, said that if he had\\nknown that it was a burial he would not have allowed any\\nfiring in that direction. Many cannon balls also flew not far\\nfrom me, but I had my eyes fixed upon the hill, where I dis-\\ntinctly saw my husband in the midst of the enemy s fire, and\\ntherefore I could not think of my own danger. The order\\nhad gone forth that the army should break up after the\\nburial, and the horses were already harnessed to our calashes.\\nI did not wish to set out before the troops. The wounded\\nMajor Harnage, although he was so ill, dragged himself out\\nof bed, that he might not remain in the hospital, which was\\nleft behind protected by a flag of truce. As soon as he\\nobserved me in the midst of danger, he had my children", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0332.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 297\\nhad the fortune of war placed it in his reach. During\\nour march, it surprised us their not placing troops on\\nthe heights we were obliged to pass under, as by so\\ndoing, we must have suffered much. We came up\\nwith the general and the line about 9 in the morning\\nat Davagot, seven miles from the enemy. It then\\nbegan to rain very hard and continued so all day.\\nWe halted till near 3 in the evening, which surprised\\nmany about which time, a large body of the enemy\\nwere perceived on the other side the river, and sup-\\nposed to be on their way to Fort Edward in order to\\nobstruct our crossing at that place, on which we were\\nimmediately ordered to march after burning all unnec-\\nand maid servants put into the calashes, and intimated to\\nme that I must immediately depart. As I still begged to be\\nallowed to remain, he said to me, Well then your children\\nat least must go, that I may save them from the slightest\\ndanger. He understood how to take advantage of my weak\\nside. I gave it up, seated myself inside with them, and we\\ndrove off with them at eight o clock in the evening. The\\ngreatest silence had been enjoined, fires had been kindled in\\nevery direction and many tents left standing, to make the\\nenemy believe that the camp was still there. We traveled\\ncontinually the whole night. Little Frederica was afraid\\nand would often begin to cry. I was, therefore, obHged to\\nhold a pocket handkerchief over her mouth, lest our where-\\nabouts should be discovered. At six o clock in the morning\\na halt was made, at which every one wondered. General\\nBurgoyne had all the cannon ranged and counted, which\\nworried all of us, as a few more good marches would have\\nplaced us in security. Vide Letters and Journals of Madame\\nRiedesel, pp. 1 16-123.\\n2 This place is now called Coveville. The old name is\\nsaid to have been derived from dovecote, on account, per-\\nhaps, of having been a haunt for wild pigeons.\\n38", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0333.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "298 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nessary baggage, camp equipage and many wagons\\nand carts, which much delayed our line of march.\\nHere Lady Harriot Ackland was prevailed to go to\\nthe enemy, or I might rather say, it was her wish to\\ndo so, her husband, the major, being a prisoner.\\nShe was conducted to general Gates by a chaplain,\\nand received, I am informed, by him with the great-\\nest politeness possible indeed he must have been a\\nbrute to have acted otherwise. We waded the Fish\\nRev. Edward Brudenel was the chaplain to the artil-\\nlery, and is the person to whom Fonblanque erroneously\\nmarries Lady Acland after the major s death. His bravery\\nwas marked at this terrible funeral by his steady attitude\\nand his unaltered voice, though frequently covered with dust\\nwhich the shot threw up on all sides of him. He subse-\\nquently became the rector of a parish in Lincolnshire, and\\ndied in London, June 25, 1805. Vide note to Hadden s\\nJournal, p. 106.\\nThe account of the manner in which Lady Acland\\nreceived the news of her husband s dangerous condition,\\nnamely, that he was mortally wounded and a prisoner in\\nthe enemy s hands is related by the Baroness Riedesel and\\nquoted in note 210. She resolved to go to him, and applied\\nto Burgoyne for permission, who says Though I was ready-\\nto believe that patience and fortitude in a supreme degree\\nwere to be found, as well as every other virtue, under the\\nmost tender forms, I was astonished at this proposal. After\\nso long an agitation of spirits, exhausted not only for want\\nof rest, but absolutely want of food, drenched in rains for\\ntwelve hours together, that a woman should be capable of\\nsuch an undertaking as delivering herself to an enemy prob-\\nably in the night, and uncertain of what hands she might\\nfall into, appeared an effort above human nature. The\\nassistance I was enabled to give was small indeed. I had\\nnot even a cup of wine to offer her; but was told she had\\nfound, from some kind and fortunate hand, a little rum and\\ndirty water. All I could furnish to her was an open boat", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0334.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 299\\nKiln near Schylers house, about 8 o clock that night,\\nthe enemy having destroyed the Bridge some days\\nand a few lines, written upon dirty and wet paper, to Gen-\\neral Gates, recommending her to his protection. In this\\nopen boat, accompanied by Chaplain Brudenel, her maid\\nand husband s body servant, who was wounded, at night-fall\\nand in the midst of an icy storm, she set out on her danger-\\nous undertaking. It was ten o clock when they reached the\\noutpost, and Lady Acland hailed it herself. Major Dearborn\\nwas in command, and the party were conducted to his quar-\\nters, a log cabin on the shore of the lake. Here they\\nwere detained until sunrise, but Lady Acland s mind was\\npartially relieved from anxiety by the announcement that\\nher husband was not in danger from his wounds. Wilkinson\\nsays I visited the guard before sunrise, her boat had\\nput off and was floating down the stream to our camp, where\\nGeneral Gates, whose gallantry will not be denied, stood\\nready to receive her with all the tenderness and respect\\nto which her rank and condition gave her a claim indeed\\nthe feminine figure, the benign aspect, and polished manners\\nof this charming woman, were alone sufficient to attract the\\nsympathy of the most obdurate but if another motive could\\nhave been wanting to inspire respect, it was furnished by the\\npeculiar circumstances of Lady Harriet, then in that most\\ndelicate situation, which cannot fail to interest the solici-\\ntudes of every being possessing the form and feelings of a\\nman. Lady Acland is always spoken of as a woman of\\ncharming refinement. General Gates, in a letter to his wife,\\nsaid She is the most amiable, delicate piece of quality\\nyou ever beheld. She was greatly beloved in the army for\\nher kind attentions to the sick and wounded, often denying\\nherself such little comforts as came to her in order to bestow\\nthem upon the suffering. A widow for thirty seven years,\\nshe died, July 21, 181 5. Vide Memoirs of My Own Times,\\nvol. I, pp. 284, 377 Journal of Occurrences During the Late\\nAmerican War, pp. 185-189; Historical Magazine, vol. 4,\\np. 9 Political and Military Episodes, pp. 297-302 Memoirs\\nof Madame Riedesel, p. 120; Campaign of General John\\nBurgoyne (Stone), Appendix 7.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0335.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "300 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nbefore and took post soon after on the heights of\\nSaratoga, where we remained all night under constant\\nheavy rain, without fires or any kind of shelter to\\nguard us from the inclemency of the weather. It was\\nimpossible to sleep, even had we an inclination to do\\nso, from the cold and rain, and our only entertain-\\nment was the report of some popping shots heard\\nnow and then from the other side the great river at\\nour Battows.\\nio*\\\\ Preparations were made early in the morning\\nto push for the heights of Fort Edward, and a detach-\\nment of artificers we sent under a strong escort\\nto repair the bridges and open the road to that place.\\nThe* 47^ regiment. Captain Frazier s marksmen and\\nMacKay s provincials^ were ordered for that service\\nMadame Riedesel gives an interesting account of the\\ndistressing condition of affairs at this period in Burgoyne s\\narmy. Vide Her Letters and Journal, pp. 124-134.\\nSamuel McKay was an ensign in the Sixty-second Foot,\\nDecember 30, 1755, and was promoted to the rank of lieu-\\ntenant, December 6, 1756, at which time he was in America.\\nHe served through the French war, and at its conclusion, in\\n1763, retired upon half pay. He was in command of a body\\nof Canadian volunteers at Fort St. John when it was captured\\nby Montgomery in September, 1775, and was made a pris-\\noner. He was sent to Hartford, and while there on parole,\\nattempted to escape, but was recaptured and roughly handled\\nby his captors. He was confined in jail, it was thought,\\nsecurely, but succeeded in making his escape and making\\nhis way to Canada, raised a company of volunteers, with\\nwhich he joined St. Leger s expedition. He went safely\\nthrough the campaign of yj, and died in the summer of\\n1779. Vide British Army Lists, in loco American Archives,\\n4th Series, vol. 4, p. 248; 5 Ibid., vol. 5, p. 452 Ibid., vol.\\n6, pp. 563, 574, 601, 633 5th Series, vol. i, p. 133.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0336.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 301\\nbut about 1 1 o clock, intelligence was received that\\nthe enemy were surrounding us, on which it was\\nresolved to maintain our post, and expresses were sent\\nto recall the 47^ regiment We burned Schyler s\\nhouse to prevent a lodgement being formed behind\\nit,^ and almost all our remaining baggage, rather\\n216 Digby doubtless gives the correct version of this affair.\\nBurgoyne was charged with having destroyed property un-\\nnecessarily, but denied it in Parliament in the following\\nwords: I am ignorant of any such circumstance I do not\\nrecollect more than one accident by fire. I positively assert\\nthere was no fire by order or countenance of myself, or any\\nother officer except at Saratoga. That district is the prop-\\nerty of Major General Schuyler of the American troops\\nthere were large barracks built by him, which took fire the\\nday after the army arrived upon the ground in their retreat,\\nand I believe I need not state any other proof of that mat-\\nter being merely accident, than that the barracks were then\\nmade use of as my hospital, and full of sick and wounded\\nsoldiers, General Schuyler had likewise a very good dwell-\\ning house, exceeding large storehouses, great saw mills ^and\\nother out buildings, to the value altogether of perhaps ten\\nthousand pounds; a few days before the negotiations with\\nGeneral Gates, the enemy had formed a plan to attack me\\na large column of troops were approaching to pass the small\\nriver, preparatory to a general action, and were entirely\\ncovered from the fire of my artillery by these buildings.\\nSir, I know that I gave the order to set them on fire and in\\na very short time that whole property I have described, was\\nconsumed. But to shew that the person most deeply con-\\ncerned in that calamity, did not put the construction upon\\nit which it has pleased the honourable gentleman to do, I\\nmust inform the house, that one of the first persons I saw,\\nafter the convention was signed was General Schuyler. I\\nexpressed to him my regret at the event which had hap-\\npened, and the reasons which had occasioned it. He desired\\nme to think no more of it; said that the occasion justified\\nit, according to the principles and rules of war, and he should", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0337.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "302 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nthan it should fall into their hands. Here again\\nthe discontented part of the army were of opinion\\nthat our retreat was not conducted so well as it\\nmight have been, and that in place of burning our\\nbridge of boats over the Hudson, which we left on\\nfire on our retreating the night of the 8 from\\nwhence it was evident to the enemy which side of\\nthe river we intended to keep on, and would oblige\\nus to ford the Hudson opposite to where they had\\na force consequently would be attended with a\\ndisadvantage. We should have crossed our bridge\\non the night of the 8 to gain the Fort Edward\\nside of the river, and would have nothing to delay\\nour march we moving so many hours before they\\nwere apprized of our motions. They also declared\\nour halting so long at Davagot, the 9*^^ within 7\\nmiles of the enemy, was the cause of our being sur-\\nrounded, as even then we had time to have pushed\\non, and the day being so constant rain was in our\\nfavour, as had we attempted to ford the river at\\nSaratoga, the small arms of the enemy, as well as*\\nours must have been so wet, that but few would go\\noff, and they knew our superiority at the bayonet.\\nThey also said that even the lo**^ by spiking our can-\\nnon and destroying all our baggage a paltry con-\\nsideration in comparison, in our circumstances we\\nmight have made our retreat good to Fort George,\\nhave done the same upon the same occasion, or words to\\nthat effect. Vide Speech of General Burgoyne on a Motion\\nof Inquiry made by Mr. Vyner in Parliament, May 26, 1778.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0338.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 303\\nsaving the troops and Musquetry but even then it\\nwas not certain that vessels were prepared to convey\\nus over the lake in which case it would have been a\\nworse post than Saratoga for the army. These were\\nthe opinions of unsatisfied and discontented men,\\nwho never approved of anything that turned out\\ncontrary to their expectations. Had Burgoyne been\\nfortunate, they would not have dared to declare\\nthem as he was unsuccessful, they set him down\\nguilty. However, all thoughts of a retreat were\\nthen given over, and a determination [made] to fall\\nnobly together, rather than disgrace the name of\\nBritish troops on which we immediately changed\\nour ground a little, and under the protection of that\\nnight, began to entrench ourselves, all hands being\\nordered to work. We were called together and\\ndesired to tell our men that their own safety, as well\\nas ours, depended on their making a vigorous\\ndefence but that I was sure was an unnecessary\\ncaution, well knowing they would never forfeit the\\ntitle of Soldiers. As for the Germans, we had but a\\npoor opinion of their spirit since the night of the f^.\\nCertain our situation was not the most pleasing but\\nwe were to make the best of it, and I had long\\nbefore accustomed and familiarized my mind to bear\\nwith patience any change that might happen. The\\nmen worked without ceasing during the night, and\\nwithout the least complaining of fatigue, our cannon\\nwere drawn up to the embrasures and pointed ready\\nto receive them at day break.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0339.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "304 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n1 1^^ Their cannon and ours began to play on each\\nother. They took many of our Battows on the\\nriver, as our cannon could not protect them. We\\nwere obliged to bring our oxen and horses into our\\nlines, where they had the wretched prospect of liv-\\ning but a few days, as our grass was all gone, and\\nnothing after but the leaves of the trees for them\\nstill they continued fireing into us from Batteries\\nthey had erected during the night, and placed their\\nriflemen in the tops of trees but still did not ven-\\nture to storm our works. At night we strengthened\\nour works and threw up more.\\nI2*^ Our cattle began to die fast and the stench\\nwas very prejudicial in so small a space. A cannon\\nshot was near taking the general, as it lodged quite\\nclose to him in a large oak tree. We now began to\\nperceive their design by keeping at such a distance,\\nwhich was to starve us out. I believe the generals\\ngreatest wish, as indeed it ought to be, was for them\\nto attack us, but they acted with much greater pru-\\ndence, well knowing what a great slaughter we must\\nhave made among them they also knew exactly\\nthe state of our provisions, which was [sufficient for]\\nbut 4 or 5 days more, and that upon short allowance.\\nIn the evening, many of our Canadian drivers of\\nwagons, carts and other like services, found means\\nto escape from us. At night, I ventured to take a\\nlittle sleep which had long been a stranger to me,\\nand tho but a short time could be spared between\\nour watches, yet [I] found myself much refreshed.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0340.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal 305\\nWe were all in pretty good health, though lying in\\nwet trenches newly dug must be very prejudicial to\\nthe constitution, and tho it might not affect it for the\\ntime, yet rheumatism afterwards would be the cer-\\ntain consequence.\\n13^ Their cannon racked our post very much the\\nbulk of their army was hourly reinforced by militia\\nflocking in to them from all parts, and their situa-\\ntion, which nearly surrounded us, was from the\\nnature of the ground unattackable in all parts and\\nsince the 7 the men lay constantly upon their\\narms,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Harassed and fatigued beyond measure, from\\ntheir great want of rest. All night we threw up\\nTraverse to our works, as our lines were enfiladed\\nor flanked by their cannon.\\nI4^^ A council of war was called, and a flag of truce\\nsent to the enemy by Major Kingston, and the\\n2 A traverse, in military parlance, is a breastwork thrown\\nup to protect a line of works against an enfilading or reverse\\nfire.\\n218 Robert Kingston was commissioned an ensign in the\\nEleventh Foot, September 3, 1756, and a lieutenant, Jan-\\nuary 26, 1758. August 8, 1759. he exchanged mto Bur-\\ngoyne s regiment, the Sixteenth Light Dragoons and\\nserved in the Portugal campaign, in which Burgoyne achieved\\nrenown. For his meritorious services he was advanced to\\nthe grade of captain, April 27, 1761 was made major, July\\n15 1768, and served with his regiment until 1774, when he\\nwent on half pay until April 17, 1776. He accompanied\\nBurgoyne on his return to America in the spring of 1777, as\\ndeputy adjutant-general, and August 29, 1777, became a\\nlieutenant-colonel in the army, and after the death of Sir\\nFrancis Gierke took that lamented officer s position of sec-\\n39", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0341.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "3o6 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nfollowing message delivered by him to Gen Gates\\nfrom Gen Burgoyne. I am directed to represent\\nretary to General Burgoyne. He it was who conducted the\\nnegotiations leading to the surrender. On approaching the\\nadvanced post between the armies he was met by Wilkinson,\\nthe adjutant of Gates, and conducted blindfolded to the tent\\nof the American general. Wilkinson says that at this time\\nhe appeared to be about forty he was a well-formed,\\nruddy, handsome man, and expatiated with taste and elo-\\nquence on the beautiful scenery of the Hudson s river and\\nthe charms of the season. When I introduced him into\\nGeneral Gates tent and named him, the gentlemen saluted\\neach other familiarly with General Gates, your servant\\nand Kingston, how do you do and a shake of the hand.\\nHaving read to Gates this communication from Burgoyne,\\nWilkinson says To my utter astonishment, General Gates\\nput his hand to his side pocket, pulled out a paper, and pre-\\nsented it to Kingston, observing: There, sir, are the terms\\non which General Burgoyne must surrender. The major\\nappeared thunderstruck, but read the paper, whilst the old\\nchief surveyed him attentively through his spectacles. We\\nare informed that he at first declined to take back to Bur-\\ngoyne the terms of Gates, but finally thought better of it\\nand consented to do so upon the cogent reason given by\\nGates, that as he had brought the message he ought to take\\nback the anszverT Kingston was commissioned lieutenant-\\ncolonel of the Eighty-sixth Foot, September 30, 1779 was\\nsubsequently appointed lieutenant-governor of Demarara,\\nand was in command when that island was surrendered to\\nthe French, February 3, 1782. He was promoted to a\\ncolonelcy in the army on the twentieth of the following\\nNovember, and served for seven years as a commissioner on\\nthe claims of loyalists in the American war. He was made\\na major-general, October 12, 1793, but his name does not\\nappear on the list of the following year. Vide British Army\\nLists, in loco Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, pp. 299-\\n313 The Remembrancer of Public Events, vol. 14, p. 333;\\nThe Loyalists of America and their Times (Ryerson), To-\\nronto, 1880, vol. 2, pp. 166-182.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0342.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 307\\nto you from Gen Burgoyne, that after having fought\\nyou twice, he has waited some days in his present\\nsituation determined to try a third conflict against\\nany force you could bring to attack him he is ap-\\nprized of the superiority of your numbers, and the\\ndisposition of your troops to impede his supplies\\nand render his retreat a scene of carnage on both\\nsides. In this situation he is impelled by humanity\\nand thinks himself justified by established principles\\nand precedent of state and of war, to spare the lives\\nof brave men upon honourable terms. Should Major\\nGeneral Gates be inclined to treat upon that idea,\\nGen Burgoyne would propose a cessation of arms\\nduring the time necessary to communicate the prelim-\\ninary terms, by which in any extremity he and his\\narmy mean to abide. It was then generally believed\\nby their not attacking us, and our speedy want of\\nprovisions, that terms were the only resource left us.\\nWhat could be thought of else in our truly distressed\\nsituation? They, of course, would not risque an action\\nin such circumstances, which was the only hope left\\nus, as by their declining it, we must in consequence,\\nfall a prey to want and hunger which then stared us\\nfully in the face. On the return of the flag, Gen\\nGates sent in the following propositions, to which I\\nshall insert Gen Burgoynes replys and those which\\nit was impossible for us to accept, were our situation\\never so desperate, are in my opinion most spiritedly\\nanswered by General Burgoyne.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0343.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "3o8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nGeneral Gates Propositions.\\n1. Gen Burgoyne s army being exceedingly re-\\nduced by repeated defeats, by desertion, sickness\\ntheir provisions exhausted, their military stores\\ntents and baggage taken or destroyed, their retreat\\ncut off and their camp invested, they can only be\\nallowed to surrender prisoners of war.\\nReply, Lieut General Burgoyne s, army however\\nreduced, will never admit that their retreat is cut off,\\nwhile they have arms in their hands.\\n2. The officers and soldiers may keep their bag-\\ngage belonging to them, the Generals of the United\\nStates, never permit individuals to be pillaged\\n3. The troops under his excellency Gen Bur-\\ngoyne will be conducted by the most convenient\\nroute to New England, marching by easy marches\\nand sufficiently provided for by the way.\\n4. The officers will be admitted on parole, may\\nwear their side arms, and will be treated with the\\nliberality customary in Europe, so long as they, by\\nproper behaviour continue to deserve it but those\\nwho are apprehended having broke their parole (as\\nsome British officers have done) must expect to be\\nclose confined\\nReply, There being no officers in this army under\\nor capable of being under, the description of break-\\ning parole, this article needs no answer.\\n5. All public stores, Artillery, Arms, amunition,\\ncarriages horses must be delivered to commis-\\nsaries appointed to receive them.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0344.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 309\\nReply All public stores may be delivered, arms\\nexcepted.\\n6. These terms being agreed to and signed, the\\ntroops under his excellency Gen Burgoyne s com-\\nmand may be drawn up in their encampment, when\\nthey will be ordered to ground their arms and may\\nthereupon be marched to the river side to be passed\\nover on their way towards Bennington\\nReply This article inadmissible in any extremity.\\nSooner than this army will consent to ground their\\narms in their encampment, they will rush on the\\nenemy determined to take no quarter\\nSigned J^^^^ -yt^^-^/y^t^^^^\\n7. A cessation of arms to continue until sun set\\nto receive general Burgoynes answer\\nSigned\\nCamp at Saratoga. October 14^ ^lll-\\nThese propositions being laid before the council\\nof war consisting of all the field officers of the army\\nand captains commanding corps for deaths had\\nreduced us so much we deemed unhonourable\\nto be accepted. This gave the greatest satisfaction\\npossible to Gen Burgoyne, who wished, if possible,\\nto avoid any terms still persisting [in] a faint glim-", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0345.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "3 1 o Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nmering of hope, from either the arrival of Gen Clinton\\nor some other unforseen and providential manner,\\nof our being extricated from the many difificulties\\nthat then surrounded us. At night another council\\nof war was called, and terms as high on our side sent,\\nsupposing a medium would be struck.\\nI5*^ A cessation of arms was agreed upon till 2\\no clock at Noon, during which we walked out of our\\nlines into the plain by the river and between both\\narmies, when near the period of the cessation being\\nover, we stood to our works, more watchful of a sur-\\nprise than at any other time. Col. Sutherland near\\nNicholas Sutherland was commissioned an ensign in the\\nSixty-second Foot, June 14, 1755, and was promoted to the\\nrank of lieutenant in the Seventy-seventh Foot, January\\n8, 1757, and of captain-lieutenant, September 15, 1758, at\\nwhich time his regiment was in America. He took part in\\nthe siege, which resulted in the surrender of Fort Du\\nQuesne, and the next year was in an expedition against the\\nCherokees, in which he was wounded. He became a cap-\\ntain, December 31, 1761, and the next year took part in an\\nexpedition against Martinico and Havana. He was on half\\npay from 1763 till March 14, 1765, when he entered the\\nTwenty-first Foot, then about to embark for America, as\\ncaptain. He became major in this regiment by purchase,\\nFebruary 21, 1772, and returned shortly after to England,\\nwhere the Twenty-first was stationed until the spring of\\n1776, when it Vv^as ordered again to America, and after\\nGeneral Nesbit s death he was advanced, November 5, 1776,\\nto that officer s place of lieutenant-colonel. In the nego-\\ntiations for the surrender of Burgoyne, he was an important\\nfigure, as will be seen from the following The terms had been\\npractically arranged, October fifteenth, and Captain Craig, at\\nhalf-past ten o clock, had written to Wilkinson, the aid-de-\\ncamp of Gates, that they had received Burgoyne s approba-\\ntion and concurrence. Owing to the news of Clinton s", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0346.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Jour^ial. 311\\ntwo returned with the flag, and brought accounts\\nthat General Gates seemed almost willing to come\\ninto our terms but soon after a report circulated\\nthat General Clinton was coming up the river, tho\\nat a great distance, which Burgoyne eagerly catched\\nat, and to make it stronger, Gates so easily comply-\\ning with our proposals confirmed it to him on which\\nhe expressed his desire to withdraw the treaty if\\npossible, but luckily for the army, he was overruled\\nadvance, before alluded to, Burgoyne desired to break the\\nagreement, which only required the signatures of the party\\nto complete it. The next day Gates, finding that Burgoyne\\nwas delaying to complete the agreement, finally gave him\\ntwo hours to decide in, at the expiration of which time hos-\\ntilities were to recommence. Says Wilkinson The two\\nhours had elapsed by a quarter, and an aid-de-camp from the\\ngeneral had been with me to know how matters progressed.\\nSoon after I perceived Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland oppo-\\nsite to me and beckoned him to cross the creek on approach-\\ning me he observed Well, our business will be knocked\\nin the head after all. I enquired why? He said: The\\nofficers had got the devil in their heads and could not agree.\\nI replied gaily I am sorry for it, as you will not only lose\\nyour fusee* but your whole baggage He expressed much\\nsorrow, but said he could not help it. At this moment I\\nrecollected the letter Captain Craig had written me the night\\nbefore and taking it from my pocket I read it to the colonel,\\nwho declared he had not been privy to it and added, with\\nevident anxiety Will you give me that letter I\\nanswered in the negative, and observed I should hold it\\nas a testimony of the good faith of a British commander.\\nHe hastily replied Spare me that letter, sir, and I pledge\\nyou my honour I will return it in fifteen minutes. I pene-\\ntrated the motive and willingly handed it to him he sprang\\noff with it, and directing his course to the British camp, ran\\nWhich he had owned thirty-five years and had desired me to except from the surren-\\ndered arms and save for him as she was a favorite piece.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0347.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "312 Lieutenant Digbys Journau\\nin opinion, as the report of Clinton was entirely\\ngroundless, and we had then but two days provisions.\\nIn the morning- our money chest was distributed\\namong the army still, the general delayed signing\\nthe treaty and nothing was done cannonading and\\nsmall arms commenced afresh, upon the report of\\nthe treaty being broke up, but after many flags pass-\\ning and repassing, the terms were at last mutually\\nagreed to, and to be signed that evening by both\\ngenerals viz.\\nArticles of Conventions^ between Lieut General\\nBURGOYNE AND MaJOR GeNERAL GaTES.\\nI. The troops under Lieutenant General Burgoyne\\nto march out of their camp with the honours of war,\\nas far as I could see him. In the meantime I received a\\nperemptory message from the general to break off the treaty\\nif the convention was not immediately ratified. I informed\\nhim by the messenger that I was doing the best I could for\\nhim and would see him in half an hour. Colonel Suther-\\nland was punctual to his promise and returned with Captain\\nCraig, who delivered me the convention signed by General\\nBurgoyne. I then returned to head-quarters, after eight\\nhours absence, and presented to General Gates the import-\\nant document that made the British army conventional pris-\\noners to the United States. Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland\\nreturned to England on parole several months after the sur-\\nrender, and died there July i8, 1781. Vide British Army\\nLists, in loco Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 316, et\\nseq.; Historical Record of the Twenty-first Foot, p. 25, et\\nseq.; Burgoyne s Orderly Book, p. 17.\\nThis document was originally headed Articles of Capitu-\\nlation, but the word capitulation was objected to by Bur-\\ngoyne and convention substituted therefor, to save in some", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0348.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 313\\nand the Artillery out of the entrenchments to the\\nverge of the river, where the old fort stood, where\\nthe arms and artillery are to be left the arms to be\\npiled by word of command by their own officers.\\n2. A free passage to be granted to the army under\\nLieut Gen Burgoyne to Great Britain, on condition\\nmeasure his wounded pride. This occasioned a laugh among\\nsome of his critics, as it was so much in accord with the acts\\nof those at this time in authority, who in all their doings\\nlaid great stress upon preserving the national dignity. The\\nfollowing, among many of a like strain, written after the\\nsurrender, and printed in a London journal, well illustrates\\nthe manner in which the opponents of the government viewed\\nthe course of those who were managing the war:\\nETIQUETTE.\\nWhat though America doth pour\\nHer millions to Britannia s store,\\n(Quoth Grenville) that won t do for yet,\\nThough it risk all and nothing get,\\nTaxation is the etiquette.\\nThe tea destroy d the offer made,\\nThat all the loss should be repaid\\nNorth asks not justice, nor the debt,\\nBut he must have the etiquette.\\nAt Bunker s Hill the cause was tried\\nThe earth with British blood was dy d\\nOur army, though twas soundly beat\\n(We hear) bore off the etiquette.\\nThe bond dissolv d, the people rose\\nTheir rulers from themselves they chose\\nTheir Congress then at nought was set\\nIts natne was not the etiquette.\\nThough twere to stop the tide of blood,\\nTheir titles must not be allow d\\n(Not to the chiefs of armies met,)\\nOne Arnold was the etiquette.\\nThe Yankees at Long Island found\\nThat they were nearly run aground\\nHowe let them scape when so beset\\nHe will explain that etiquette.\\n40", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0349.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "314 Lieutenant Dtgbys Journal.\\nof not serving again in North America during the\\npresent contest and the port of Boston is assigned\\nfor the entry of transports to receive the troops\\nwhenever general How shall so order.\\n3 Should any chartel take place by which the army\\nunder Lieut Gen Burgoyne, or any part of it may be\\nexchanged, the foregoing article to be void, as far as\\nsuch exchange shall be made.\\n4. The army under Lieut general Burgoyne to\\nmarch to Massachusets bay by the easiest, most\\nconvenient and expeditious route, and to be quar-\\ntered in, near, or as convenient as possible to Boston,\\nr\\nHis aides-de-camp to Britain boast\\nOf battles Yankee never lost\\nBut they are won in the Gazette\\nThat saves the nation s etiquette.\\nClinton, his injured honour saw\\nSwore he d be tried by martial law,\\nAnd kick Germaine whene er they met\\nA riband saved that etiquette.\\nThough records speak Germaine s disgrace,\\nTo quote them to him face to face,\\n(The Commons now are si honnite,)\\nThey voted not the etiquette.\\nOf Saratoga s dreadful plain\\nAn army ruin d why complain\\nTo pile their arms as they were let,\\nSure they came off with etiquette.\\nCries Burgoyne, They may be reliev d\\nThat army still may be retriev d,\\nTo see the King, if I be let,\\nNo Sir Tis not the etiquette.\\nGod save the King and should he choose\\nHis people s confidence to lose.\\nWhat matters it They ll not forget\\nTo serve him still through etiquette.\\nVide Journal of the Reign of George the Third (Walpole),\\nLondon, 1859, vol. 2, p. 275, et seq.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0350.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 315\\nthat the march of the troops may not be delayed,\\nwhen transports arrive to receive them.\\n5 The troops to be supplied on their march and\\nduring their being in quarters, with provisions by\\ngeneral Gates orders at the same rate of rations as\\nthe troops of his own army and if possible, the\\nofficer s horses and cattle to be supplied with forage\\nat the usual rate.\\n6 All officers to retain their carriages, batt horses\\nand other cattle, and no baggage to be molested\\nor searched Lieut General Burgoyne giving his\\nhonour that there are no public stores secreted\\ntherein major general Gates will of course take the\\nnecessary measures for the due performance of this\\narticle. Should any carriages be wanted during the\\nmarch for the transportation of officer s baggage,\\nthey are, if possible, to be supplied by the country\\nat the usual rates.\\n7 Upon the march and during the time the army\\nshall remain in quarters in the Massachusets Bay,\\nthe officers are not, as far as circumstances will admit,\\nto be separated from their men the officers to be\\nquartered according to their rank, and are not to be\\nhindered from assembling their men for roll calling\\nand other necessary purposes of regularity.\\n8 All corps whatever of General Burgoyne s army,\\nwhether composed of sailor s, battow-men, artificers,\\ndrivers, independent companies and followers of the\\narmy of whatever country, shall be included in the\\nfullest sense and utmost extent of the above articles,", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0351.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "3i6 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nand comprehended in every respect as British sub-\\njects.\\n9. All Canadians and persons belonging to the\\nCanadian establishment, consisting of sailors, battow\\nmen, artificers, drivers, independent companies and\\nany other followers of the army, who come under no\\nparticular description, are to be permitted to return\\nthere they are to be conducted immediately by the\\nshortest route to the first British post on Lake George,\\nand are to be supplied with provisions in the same\\nmanner as the other troops, and are to be bound by\\nthe same condition of not serving during the present\\ncontest in North America.\\n10. Passports to be immediately granted for three\\nofficers not exceeding the rank of captains, who shall\\nbe appointed by Lieut Gen Burgoyne to carry dis-\\npatches to Sir Willm Howe, Sir Guy Carlton and to\\ncGreat Britain by the way of New York and Major\\nGen Gates engages the public faith that these dis-\\npatches shall not be opened. These officers are to\\nset out immediately after receiving their dispatches,\\nand are to travel the shortest route and in the most\\nexpeditious manner.\\n1 1 During the stay of the troops in Massachusets\\nBay, the officers are to be admitted on Parole, and\\nare to be permitted to wear their side arms.\\n1 2 Should the army under Lieut General Burgoyne\\nfind it necessary to send for their clothing and other\\nbaggage to Canada, they are to be permitted to do", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0352.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 3 1 7\\nit in the most convenient manner, and the necessary-\\npassports granted for that purpose.\\n13 These articles are to be mutually signed and ex-\\nchanged tomorrow morning at nine of the clock, and\\nthe troops under Lieut Gen. Burgoyne are to march\\nout of their entrenchments at 3 o clock this afternoon.\\nCamp at Saratoga, 16^ October 1777\\nSigned Jl c\\nMajor General.\\nIn place of marching from our encampment that\\nevening as expressed in the convention, it was de-\\nferred till the next morning. In the mean time, we\\nmade preparations for so long a march about 200\\nmiles and the wet, rainy season just coming on. I\\nhad not destroyed all my baggage, tho indeed most\\nof it was gone at the general conflagration but as\\nto the horses who outlived our late scene of every\\nimaginable distress, they exhibited a most wretched\\npicture of poverty and want, made up of nothing but\\nskin and bone, and it may naturally be supposed,\\nrather unfit for such a journey.\\n17 A day famous in the annals of\\nAmerica.\\nGen Burgoyne desired a meeting of all the officers\\nearly that morning, at which he entered into a detail\\nVerily, as Digby remarks, the seventeenth of October\\nwas a day memorable in the annals of America for the", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0353.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "3i8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nof his manner of acting since he had the honour\\nof commanding the army but he was too full to\\nspeak heaven only could tell his feelings at the\\nsurrender of Burgoyne s army has been regarded by his-\\ntorians from that day to this as the turning point in that\\nconflict which freed a people from thraldom to aristocracy\\nand made possible a true republie. Under date of Decem-\\nber 2, 1777, Walpole says At night came an express from\\nGeneral Carleton, informing that he had learnt by deserters,\\nand believed, that the Provincials had taken Burgoyne and\\nhis whole army prisoners. The King fell into agonies on\\nhearing this account, but the next morning, at his levee to\\ndisguise his concern, affected to laugh and to be so inde-\\ncently merry, that Lord North endeavoured to stop him\\nand under date of the fifteenth, thirteen days later, he records\\nthe reception of the official account from the hands of Cap-\\ntain Craig. Upon this a public fast was appointed, which\\nstirred up the wits all over the kingdom. As an example\\nWalpole gives us the following effusion upon the several\\ngenerals who conducted the war in America\\nFirst General Gage commenced the war in vain\\nNext General Howe continued the campaign,\\nThen General Burgoyne took the field, and last,\\nOur forlorn hope depends on General Fast.\\nWalpole also wrote, under date of February 27, 1778:\\nThe Fast was observed a ridiculous solemnity, as the\\nnation was to beg a blessing on their arms, when the war\\nwas at an end, or at least suspended for sixteen months\\nif the Americans pleased.\\nThe following was a\\nREFLECTION ON THE FAST.\\nPsalm xxvi, v. 6.\\nWith cruel hearts and bloody hands.\\nThe Ministry were stain d,\\nA Fast was publish d thro these lands\\nThat they might all be clean d,\\nBut, oh what blunders, time aflFords,\\nThro want of grace and sense,\\nThey wash d them in a form oi words\\nInstead of Innocence.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0354.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digby s Journal, 319\\ntime. He dwelled much on his orders to make the\\nwished for junction with General Clinton, and as to\\nhow his proceedings had turned out, we must (he\\nsaid), be as good judges as himself. He then read\\nover the Articles of Convention, and informed us the\\nterms were even easier than we could have expected\\nfrom our situation, and concluded with assuring us,\\nhe never would have accepted any terms, had we\\nprovisions enough, or the least hopes of our extricat-\\ning ourselves any other way. About 10 o clock, we\\nmarched out, according to treaty, with drums beat-\\ning the honours of war, but the drums seemed to\\nThe London Morning Post had the following\\nOUR COMMANDERS\\nNov. 2, 77.\\nGage nothing did and went to pot\\nHowe lost one town and other got\\nGuy nothing lost and nothing won,\\nDunmore was homeward forced to run,\\nClinton was beat, and got a garter.\\nAnd bouncing Burgoyne catch d a Tartar,\\nThus all we gain for millions spent\\nIs to be laughed at, and repent.\\nBut the following reads almost like an American pro-\\nduction. It is entitled\\nTHE HALCYON DAYS OF OLD ENGLAND. A BALLAD.\\nWhat honours were gaining by taking their forts,\\nDestroying batteaux and blocking up ports\\nBurgoyne would have worked them but for a mishap,\\nBy Gates and one Arnold he s caught in a trap.\\nSing tantarara, etc.\\nBut Howe was more cautious and prudent by far,\\nHe sailed with his fleet up the great Delaware.\\nAll summer he struggled and strove to undo them\\nBut the plague of it was that he could not get to them.\\nVide Journal of the Reign of George the Third, vol. 2,\\npp. 76, 170, 186, 214, et passim.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0355.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "320 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nhave lost their former inspiriting sounds, and though\\nwe beat the Grenadiers march, which not long\\nbefore was so animating, yet then it seemed by its\\nlast feeble effort, as if almost ashamed to be heard\\non such an occasion. As to my own feelings, I can-\\nnot express them. Tears (though unmanly) forced\\ntheir way, and if alone, I could have burst to give\\nmyself vent. I never shall forget the appearance of\\ntheir troops on our marching past them a dead\\nsilence universally reigned through their numerous\\ncolumns, and even then, they seemed struck with our\\nsituation and dare scarce lift up their eyes to view\\nBritish Troops in such a situation. I must say their\\ndecent behaviour during the time, (to us so greatly\\nfallen) meritted the utmost approbation and praise.\\nThe meeting between Burgoyne and Gates was well\\nWalpole sarcastically observes, while reflecting upon the\\nsurrender and the word dictated, as applied to its terms\\nby Burgoyne: The terms were singularly gentle and the\\nProvincials, while the prisoners deposited their arms, kept\\nout of sight, not to insult their disgrace. The grief of the\\nBritish soldiers was as profound as the joy of the Americans.\\nEvery rhymester in the land was ready to join in the chorus,\\nno matter how rough his voice might be, and many of the\\nstrains sound strangely to modern ears. As an example, we\\nquote from a volume of the poems of Rev. Wheeler Case,\\nprinted in 1778, and thought worthy of a reprint in 1852\\nThe hero 6^a:^^j appears in sight,\\nHis troops are clothed in armor bright;\\nThey all as one their banners spread,\\nWith Death or Victory on their head.\\nO horrid place! Oh dreadful gloom!\\nI mourn for want of elbow room.\\nMy tawny soldiers from me fled,\\nHave now returned to scalp my head?", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0356.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 321\\nworth seeing. He paid Burgoyne almost as much\\nrespect as if he was the conqueror, indeed, his noble\\nair, tho prisoner, seemed to command attention and\\nrespect from every person. A party of Light dragoons\\nwere ordered as his guard, rather to protect his per-\\nson from insults than any other cause. Thus ended\\nall our hopes of victory, honour, glory\\nThus was Burgoyne s Army sacrificed to either the\\nabsurd opinions of a blundering ministerial power\\nthe stupid inaction of a general, who, from his\\nlethargic disposition, neglected every step he might\\nhave taken to assist their operations,^ or lastly,\\n223 The failure of General Howe to co-operate with Bur-\\ngoyne excited widespread astonishment and made him, as\\nwell as his brother, the earl, very unpopular, as will be seen\\nfrom the following letter written from New York to England,\\nDecember 10, 1777: If you was in this town you would\\nbe surprised to find the Howes so unpopular they have\\nbeen so here all this campaign. The total loss of General\\nBurgoyne s army can only be imputed to them. To possess\\nthe lakes and the North river, and by that means to sepa-\\nrate the northern and southern colony, seems to have been\\nthe expectation of the King, Ministers, Parliament and Na-\\ntion. Had General Howe gone up the North River, instead\\nof acting to the southward that line of separation would\\nhave been formed in July. General Burgoyne s army would\\nhave been saved, and both armies, conjunctly or separately,\\nmight have acted against New England, which would have\\nbeen striking at the heart of the rebellion. General Howe,\\nin his retreat from the Jerseys, in his embarkation, in his\\nstay aboard the transports before he sailed, in his voyage to\\nthe mouth of the Delaware, where he played at bopeep with\\nthe rebels, and in his circumbendibus to Chesapeak Bay,\\nexpended nearly three months of the finest time of the cam-\\npaign; and all this to go out of his way, to desert his real\\nbusiness, and to leave Burgoyne with 6,000 regulars to fall a\\n41", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0357.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "32 2 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nperhaps, his own misconduct in penetrating so far,\\nas to be unable to return, and tho I must own my\\nsacrifice. On his return to England he was assailed on\\nevery side and endeavored to meet his critics by a defense\\nin which he asserted that he had received no positive orders\\nto co-operate with Burgoyne. This, however, was not\\ndeemed sufficient, but it is now known, that by the careless-\\nness of Lord George Germaine, the minister of George the\\nThird, for American affairs, the orders intended for Howe\\nwere not forwarded to him, as will be seen from the follow-\\ning, taken from the Life of the Earl of Shelburne The incon-\\nsistent orders given to Generals Howe and Burgoyne, could\\nnot be accounted for except in a way which it must be diffi-\\ncult for any person who is not conversant with the negli-\\ngence of office to comprehend. Among many singularities,\\nhe had a particular aversion to being put out of his way on\\nany occasion he had fixed to go into Kent or Northamp-\\ntonshire at a particular hour, and to call on his way at his office\\nto sign the despatches, all of which had been settled, to both\\nthese Generals. By some mistake, those to General Howe\\nwere not fair copied, and upon his growing impatient at it,\\nthe office, which was a very idle one, promised to send it to\\nthe country after him, while they dispatched the others to\\nGeneral Burgoyne, expecting that the others could be expe-\\ndited before the packet sailed with the first, which, however,\\nby some mistake sailed without them, and the wind detained\\nthe vessel which was ordered to carry the rest. Hence came\\nGeneral Burgoyne s defeat, the French declaration and the\\nloss of thirteen colonies. It might appear incredible if our\\nown Secretary and the most respectable persons in office had\\nnot assured me of the fact what corroborates it is that it\\ncould be accounted for in no other way. It requires as\\nmuch experience in business to comprehend the very trifling\\ncauses which have produced the greatest events, as it does\\nstrength of reason to develope the design. Vide A View\\nof the Evidence relating to the conduct of the American\\nWar under Sir William Howe, Lord Viscount Howe and\\nGeneral Burgoyne, London, 1779, p. 82, et seq. Life of\\nWilliam, Earl of Shelburne, vol. i, p. 358, et seq.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0358.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 323\\npartiality to him is great, yet if he or the army\\nunder his command are guilty, let them suffer to the\\nutmost extent, and by an unlimited punishment, in\\npart blot out and erase if possible, the crime charged\\nto their account.\\nNo doubt the reader has seen general Burgoyne s\\nletter dated Albany 20 October 1777 to Lord\\nGeorge Germain, in which he gives the fullest ac-\\ncount of the army under his command, being re-\\nduced so much by repeated distresses and unsuc-\\ncessful attempts to enter into a convention with\\nMajor General Gates commanding the Continental\\narmy on the 17 October at Saratoga. He there\\ngives his reasons for acting on every occasion in the\\nmost particular manner, which I hope, and sincerely\\nwish, will fully acquit him to the world of any\\ncensure the misfortunes of his army might (as man-\\nkind in general are apt to condemn the unsuccessful)\\nthrow on him. The reader may also, with the\\ngreatest show of reason, imagine it a presumption\\nin me not to copy his journal for that time and de-\\nstroy my own, admitting of a comparison little in my\\nfavour but let him recollect my first design in put-\\nting the above passages to paper, it was as expressed\\nin my preface, for the eye of a friend who, I flattered\\nmyself, for we are by nature vain, would receive\\nas much satisfaction from the manner I have ex-\\npressed my thoughts and feelings at the different\\ntimes, of material changes and alterations in our\\naffairs, (and there has been many) as the bare recital", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0359.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "324\\nLieutenant Digbys Jotirnal.\\nof facts, which are so well known at present to the\\nworld.\\nReturn of the Killed and wounded prisoners\\nduring the campaign 1777-\\nReturn of the Killed, ivounded and prisoners of the\\nBritish troops under the Command of his excellency\\nLieut. General Burgoyne in the course of the Cam-\\npaign 1777 (I have not attempted to correct\\nerrors in this table J. P. B.)\\nRANK IN THE ARMY\\nCASUALTIES.\\nBritish line six Regiments\\nEight Companies of light In-\\nfantry and Grenadiers belong-\\ning to the Regiments left to\\ngarrison Canada and Its fron-\\ntiers\\nRoyall regiment of Artillery\\nUetachment of 33rd regiment\\nEngineers\\n16 Dragoons\\nFoot guards\\nOfficers\\nSergeants\\nTotal Killed wounded and prisoners..\\n\u00c2\u00b0a\\nBritish officers killed, wounded and prisoners\\nduring the campaign i 777\\nRoyal regime7it of Artillery.\\nKilled, Captain Jones 2^ Lieut. Clieland.\\nThomas Jones entered the Mihtary Academy at Wool-\\nwich as a cadet, March 18, 1755, and, on December twenty-", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0360.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 325\\nWounded. Captains Bloomfield, Green, 31 regt\\naid-de-camp, to Major Gen Phillips Lieutenants\\nHowarth,=^7 Smith,^^^ Volunteer Sutton.^^\\nseventh following, was commissioned lieutenant-fireworker\\nsecond lieutenant in the Royal Artillery, April 2, 1757 first\\nlieutenant, January i, 1759; captain-lieutenant, October 23,\\n1761, and captain, January i, 1771. He participated in the\\nsiege of Belleisle in 1761, and embarked for America in 1773.\\nWhen Arnold and Montgomery made their attack upon\\nQuebec, Captain Jones was active in opposing them, and\\nat the conclusion of the campaign of 76, returned with Bur-\\ngoyne to England, where he was married during the winter.\\nHe returned in June of the next year, and was killed at the\\nbattle of Freeman s Farm, September nineteenth. His\\nintrepidity and ability were frequently spoken of by writers\\nof the time. Vide British Army Lists, in loco History\\nRoyal Artillery, vol. i, pp. 229, 304, 135; A State of the\\nExpedition, p. 79, Appendix 49, and Hadden s Journal and\\nOrderly Books, pp. 50, 98, 109, 164, et passim.\\n2^^ Molesworth Clieland received his commission of second\\nlieutenant in the First Battalion Royal Artillery on March\\n15, 1 77 1. The artillery formed a most important part of\\nBurgoyne s army, and owing to its extent and the splendor\\nof its equipment, caused much criticism among his enemies,\\nwho claimed that it was disproportionate to his infantry.\\nIt did however most effective service but owing to the\\nnature of the country, great labor was required in moving\\nit, and the men in charge were subjected to severe toil and\\nhardship. Lieutenant Clieland was the first officer of the\\nartillery to fall. He was killed at Skenesborough on July\\nsixth. Vide British Army Lists, in loco Journal of Occur-\\nrences, etc., p. 174.\\nThomas Blomefield entered the Royal Military\\nAcademy at Woolwich on February 9, 1758, before he\\nhad completed his fourteenth year, and exhibited such re-\\nmarkable talents as to secure a commission in the First\\nBattalion of the Royal Artillery as lieutenant-fireworker on\\nJanuary 3, 1759. When only fifteen years of age, at the", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0361.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "326 Lieutenmit Digbys Journal.\\nPrisoners, Major Williams, Lieutenants Howarth\\nand York. ^3\u00c2\u00b0\\nbombardment of Havre de Grace by Admiral Rodney, he\\ncommanded a bomb vessel with abiHty. He was made sec-\\nond lieutenant, August i, 1762, and participated in the cap-\\nture of Martinique and Havana. He was promoted to the\\nrank of first lieutenant in the Second Battalion, May 28,\\n1766, and captain-lieutenant, January 29, 1773. Shortly\\nafter his arrival in Canada, on June 3, 1776, he was made\\nmajor of brigade to Major-General Phillips. He performed\\nmost important service in the construction of floating bat-\\nteries during the campaign of that year, and at the close of\\nthe campaign returned to England. In the spring of 1777\\nhe returned to Canada and participated in Burgoyne s expe-\\ndition. Madame Riedesel thus speaks of his wound: One\\nday I undertook the care of Major Plumpfield, adjutant of\\nGeneral Phillips, through both of whose cheeks a small\\nmusket ball had passed, shattering his teeth and grazing his\\ntongue. He could hold nothing whatever in his mouth.\\nThe matter from the wound almost choked him, and he was\\nunable to take any other nourishment, except a little broth,\\nor something liquid. We had Rhine wine. I gave him a\\nbottle of it, in hopes that the acidity of the wine would\\ncleanse his wound. He kept some continually in his mouth\\nand that alone acted so beneficially, that he became cured,\\nand I again acquired one more friend. Thus in the midst of\\nmy hours of care and suffering, I derived a joyful satisfac-\\ntion, which made me very happy. He was among the\\nparoled officers at Cambridge, and returned to England in\\nthe spring of 1779. His subsequent commissions in the\\nRoyal Artillery and army were as follows: Captain, January\\n19, 1780; major in the army, March 19, 1783, and in the\\nartillery, September twenty-fifth of the same year; a lieu-\\ntenant-colonel, December 5, 1793 colonel in the army, Janu-\\nary 26, 1797, and in the artillery, November 12, 1800; a\\nmajor-general, September 25, 1803, ^^^d colonel command-\\nant of the Ninth Battalion, June i, 1806. He commanded\\nthe artillery at the siege of Copenhagen with great suc-\\ncess, for which he received the thanks of Parliament and a", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0362.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 327\\nBattalion of Light Infantry consisting of \\\\o Companies\\nCommanded by Earl Balcarres,\\n(f Company Lieut Wright. ^i\\n20* Company\\nbaronetcy, which honor was conferred upon him, November\\n14, 1807. His last promotion was to the rank of lieutenant-\\ngeneral, July 25, 1810. His death took place at his home\\nat Shooter s Hill, in Kent, August 24, 1822. Vide British\\nFamily Antiquity (Playfair), London, i8ii,vol. 7, p. 833,\\net seq.; Burke s Peerage and Baronetage, in loco British\\nArmy Lists, in loco; A State of the Expedition, p. 62;\\nHistory of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. i, pp. 174.\\n177, 379; vol. 2, pp. 158, 167; Letters and Journals of\\nMadame Riedesel, p. 132.\\n227 Edward Howarth was commissioned a second lieuten-\\nant in the Royal Artillery, on June 17, 1772, and was one\\nof the most brilliant of that youthful band of officers who\\naccompanied Burgoyne to America in 1776. He was\\nwounded and taken p risoner at Saratoga in the final battle\\nof the campaign. Concerning him Anburey relates the fol-\\nlowing curious incident Your friend Howarth s wound, I\\nhear, is in his knee it is very singular, but he was prepos-\\nsessed with an idea of being wounded, for when the orders\\ncame for the detachment s going out, he was playing picquet\\nwith me, and after reading the orders, and that his brigade\\nof guns were to go, he said to me, God bless you A\\nfarewell, for I know not how it is, but I have a strange re-\\nsentiment that I shall either be killed or wounded. I was\\nrather surprised at such an expression, as he is of a gay and\\ncheerful disposition, and cannot but say, that during the\\nlittle time I could bestow in reflection that day, I continually\\ndwelt upon his remark, but he is now happily in a fair way\\nof recovery. On July 7, 1779, Howarth was promoted to\\nthe rank of first lieutenant in the artillery, and on December\\nI, 1782, of captain-Heutenant and captain. He occupied\\nthe position of quartermaster for eleven years namely,\\nfrom April 4, 1783, to March i, 1794, at which latter date he\\nattained the army rank of major. On January i, 1798, he", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0363.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "328 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n21^^ Company\\n24* Company\\nwas promoted to the army rank of lieutenant-colonel and\\nbrevet-major-general and July 16, 1799, was made a major\\nin the artillery. He was further promoted to a lieutenant-\\ncolonelcy in the artillery, April 18, 1801 a colonelcy,\\nDecember 29, 1805 major-general in the army, June 4, 181 1;\\nlieutenant-general in the army August 12, 1819, and colonel\\ncommanding in the artillery, August 6, 1821. General\\nHowarth served under Wellington in the Peninsular war\\nwith great distinction, commanding the artillery as brigadier-\\ngeneral at the battles of Talavera, Busaco and Ferantes\\nd Onore, and for the ability he displayed, was in 18 14, hon-\\nored with the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Bath.\\nIn 1824, he was further rewarded with the Knight Grand-\\nCross of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order, a medal\\nand two clasps. Owing to failing health he was obliged to\\nvacate his command, and retiring to his. country seat at\\nBirnstead, Surrey, he died on March 5, 1827. He had been\\nin almost constant service for over half a century. Vide\\nBritish Army Lists, in loco History of the Royal Artil-\\nlery, vol. I, pp. 226, 381 Hadden s Journal and Orderly\\nBooks, pp. xlviii, Ivi.\\n228 William P. Smith became a cadet in Woolwich, April\\nI, 1768, and a second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery,\\nMarch 15, 1771. He was wounded in the battle of October\\n7, and was among the convention prisoners. He subse-\\nquently received the following promotions First lieutenant,\\nJuly 7, 1779; captain-lieutenant, February 28, 1782, and\\ncaptain of the Sixth Company of the Second Battalion, May\\n24, 1790 major in the army, March i, 1794, and in the artil-\\nlery, April 25, 1796; lieutenant-colonel in the army, January\\nI, 1798, and in the artillery, January 8, 1799. His last com-\\nmission was that of colonel in the artillery, July 20, 1804.\\nHis death took place July 23, 1806. Vide British Army\\nLists, in loco History of the Royal Artillery, vol. i, p. 181.\\n229 Of Volunteer Sutton we can find no particulars. He is\\nmentioned by Lamb in his list of wounded officers, and we", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0364.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "t\\nLieutenant Digbys Journal. 329\\n27 Company; Wounded, Capt Craig.\\n62^^ Company; Wounded, Lieut Jones.\\nmay infer had seen military service. At the dawn of day\\non the sixth of July, General Fraser pursued Colonel Fran-\\ncis, and overtaking him, would have met with a disastrous\\ndefeat but for the timely arrival of Riedesel with his Ger-\\nmans. Sutton was wounded in this action. If he survived\\nhis wound, he must have returned to Canada, as he is no-\\nwhere again mentioned, and his name does not appear among\\nthe convention prisoners.\\nJohn H. York became a cadet at Woolwich, May i,\\n1768, and a second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery, March\\n15,1771. He was taken prisoner October seventh. At what\\ntime he was exchanged is unknown. He was promoted as fol-\\nlows, viz. to the rank of first lieutenant, July 7, 1779 cap-\\ntain-lieutenant, April 6, 1782, and captain in the Third\\nCompany, Fourth Battalion, May 26, 1790; a major in the\\narmy, March i, 1794, and in the artillery, December 9, 1796;\\na lieutenant-colonel in the army, January i, 1798, and in the\\nartillery, July 16, 1799. His last commission was that of\\ncolonel in the artillery, July 20, 1804, and he was shortly\\nafter, November i, 1805, drowned on the South American\\ncoast. Vide British Army Lists, in loco History of the\\nRoyal Artillery, vol. i, pp. 257, 315.\\nJames Wright received his first commission as ensign\\nin the Ninth Foot, March 23, 1764, while that regiment was\\ndoing service in Florida. In 1769 the Ninth returned home\\nand was assigned to garrison duty in Ireland. He was com-\\nmissioned a lieutenant, September i, I77i,and accompanied\\nhis regiment to Canada in 1776, taking part in the campaign\\nof that year. He was killed in the final battle at Saratoga.\\nVide British Army Lists, in loco Historical Record Ninth\\nFoot.\\nJohn Jones received his commission of ensign in the\\nSixty-second Foot on December 9, 1767, and was promoted\\nto the rank of lieutenant, September i, 1771. His regiment\\n42", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0365.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "330 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n29^^^ Company Killed, Lieut Douglass.^ Wounded,\\nLieut. Battersby.^34 Prisoner, Ensign Johnston. ^^s\\n31^^ Company\\narrived in Canada in the spring of 1776, and he, therefore,\\ntook part in the campaign of that year. He was wounded\\nat Hubbardton in the action of July seventh, and his name\\ndisappears from the army lists after 1781. Vide British\\nArmy Lists, in loco Historical Record Sixty-second Foot.\\nJames Douglas was commissioned a lieutenant in the\\narmy on April 8, 1773, and received his appointment of\\nensign in the Twenty-ninth Foot on June 30, 1774. He\\nwas promoted to a lieutenancy in his regiment, February 27,\\n1776, and was wounded in the action of July seventh. He\\nwas being borne from the field after his wound, when a shot\\npassed directly through his heart, killing him instantly. His\\nplace was filled by Ensign Dowling of the Forty-seventh\\nFoot, on the fourteenth, by order of the commanding gen-\\neral. Vide British Army Lists, in loco Travels Through\\nthe Interior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 339; Burgoyne s\\nOrderly Book, p. 55.\\n2^ James Battersby entered the Twenty-ninth Foot, Febru-\\nary 2, 1770, as an ensign, at which time this regiment was\\nstationed in Boston and won unpleasant notoriety in the\\nmassacre of the fifth of March following. He was pro-\\nmoted to a lieutenancy, December 16, 1773, and in February,\\n1776, embarked at Chatham with his regiment for the seat\\nof war in America. He was wounded in the action of Octo-\\nber seventh, and was one of the convention prisoners. He\\nwas promoted to a captaincy, February 16, 1778, while a\\nprisoner. His name appears on the army lists for the last\\ntime in 1784. Vide British Army Lists, in loco Historical\\nRecord Twenty-ninth Foot; Journal of Occurrences During\\nthe Late American War, p. 176.\\n235 William Johnson was commissioned an ensign in the\\nTwenty-ninth Foot on March 29, 1776. Of his subsequent\\nfate we know nothing. His name was borne on the army\\nlists of 1780 for the last time.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0366.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 331\\n34^1^ Company Wounded, Cap Harris.^^e\\n53 Company Wounded, Major Earl Balcarres.\\nLieutenants Houghton CuUen.^^y\\n236 John Adolphus Harris entered the Thirty- fourth Foot\\nunder an ensign s commission, January 11, 1760, and was\\npromoted to the rank of Heutenant, January 28, 1762. At\\nthis time the Thirty-fourth was in the West Indies, and Lieu-\\ntenant Harris participated in the siege of Havana, and after\\nthe peace accompanied his regiment to Florida, where it\\nremained until 1768, when it was assigned to garrison duty\\nin Ireland. On November 28, 1 771, he was promoted to a\\ncaptaincy, and in 1776, the Thirty-fourth having been as-\\nsigned to duty in America, he took part in the campaign of\\nthat year. He was wounded at Hubbardton in the action\\nof July seventh. Anburey thus speaks of him in a letter\\nhome, dated July seventeenth: I omitted to mention to\\nyou, that your old friend Captain H was wounded at\\nthe battle of Huberton, early in the action, when the grena-\\ndiers formed to support the light infantry. I could not pass\\nby him as he lay under a tree, where he had scrambled upon\\nhis hands and knees, to protect him from the scattering shot,\\nwithout going up to see what assistance could be afforded\\nhim, and learn if he was severely wounded. You who know\\nhis ready turn for wit, will not be surprised to hear, though\\nin extreme agony, that with an arch look, and clapping his\\nhand behind him, he told me, if I wanted to be satisfied, I\\nmust ask that, as the ball had entered at his hip, and passed\\nthrough a certain part adjoining; he is now at Ticonderoga,\\nand from the last account, is recovering fast. Owing to the\\nseverity of his wound, he was unable to take part in the\\nsubsequent movements of the campaign, and so was not\\namong the captured officers. After his return to England,\\nhe became major of the Eighty-fourth Foot, or Royal High-\\nland Emigrants, First Battalion, October 22, 1779, and lieu-\\ntenant-colonel of the Sixtieth Foot, or Royal Americans,\\nJanuary 16, 1788. He was afterward commissioned in the\\narmy as follows: Lieutenant-colonel, February 26, 1795;\\nmajor-general, January i, 1798; heutenant-general, January\\nI, 1805, and general, June 4, 1814. His name appears upon", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0367.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "332 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n2d^ Regm^ Killed, Lieutenants Lucas, 38 Cooke,\\nObines. Wound. Lieut. CoP. Lynd,^ Captains\\nWemys, Doulin,^ Stanley,^ Farquari^^s Lieuten-\\nthe army lists for the last time in 1826. Vide British Army\\nLists, in loco; Historical Record Thirty fourth Foot;\\nTravels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i,\\np. 361, et seq.\\nWilliam Cullen entered the Fifty-third Foot as an en-\\nsign while that regiment was doing garrison duty in Ireland,\\nAugust 31,1 774, and was promoted to a lieutenancy, March 2,\\n1776, just before the departure of his regiment for America.\\nHe was wounded July seventh, in the action with the troops\\nof Colonel Francis, and probably returned to Ticonderoga,\\nas he was not among the captives of Burgoyne s army.\\nThe Fifty-third Regiment was stationed in Canada for sev-\\neral years after the close of the war, and during this time\\nLieutenant Cullen was commissioned a captain, his commis-\\nsion bearing date September 13, 1781. He seems to have\\nbecome weary of his long sojourn in America and retired on\\na captain s half pay in 1784. Vide British Army Lists, in\\nloco Historical Record, Fifty-third Foot Journal of Occur-\\nrences During the Late American War, p. 175.\\nThomas Lucas entered the Twentieth Foot upon the\\neve of its embarkation for America, having received his\\ncommission of lieutenant therein, March i, 1776. He passed\\nthrough the perils of the campaign of that year to meet his\\ndeath in the battle of Freeman s Farm, September nine-\\nteenth.\\nJohn Cooke entered the Twentieth Foot as an ensign\\nwhile it was stationed in Ireland, March 14, 1774, and when\\nhis regiment was about to proceed to the relief of Carleton\\nat Quebec, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant,\\nMarch 3, 1776. He ended his brief career at the battle of\\nFreeman s Farm, on September nineteenth.\\nHamlet Obins entered the British army as a cornet in\\nthe Third Light Dragoons, January i, 1766, and was pro-\\nmoted to a lieutenancy in the Sixteenth Light Dragoons,", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0368.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 333\\nants DowHn, Ensig Connel.^ Prisoners Stanley,\\nFarquar. Cap Dowlin, Ensign Connel.\\nBurgoyne s regiment, February 18, 1769, in which regiment\\nhe remained until the breaking out of the war in America,\\nwhen he was transferred to the infantry and commissioned\\na lieutenant in the Twentieth Foot, March 9, 1776. He fell\\nin the battle of October seventh, which decided the fate of\\nBurgoyne s army. Vide British Army Lists, in loco Jour-\\nnal of Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 176.\\n2 John Lind entered the Thirty-fourth Foot, December\\n12, 1755, and the next year was with his regiment at Fort\\nSt. Phillip, where it sustained a siege. He was commissioned\\na captain, January 12, 1760, and took part in the expedition\\nagainst Belleisle during that year. In 1762 he participated\\nin the expedition against the Spanish West Indies, and at\\nthe successful close of the war accompanied his regiment to\\nFlorida, where he remained until 1768, when his regiment\\nwas ordered home and went into garrison in Ireland. On\\nNovember 28, 1771, he was made major of his regiment, and\\nJanuary 16, 1776, was transferred to the Twentieth Foot\\nand promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In the\\nspring of that year he accompanied his regiment to America\\nand took part in the campaign under Carleton. The next\\nyear he followed the fortunes of Burgoyne to the battle of\\nFreeman s Farm, where he was wounded, but remained with\\nhis command and was among the surrendered officers at\\nSaratoga a few weeks later. He was raised to the army\\nrank of colonel, November 20, 1782, and was made a major-\\ngeneral, October 12, 1793. He died May i, 1795. Vide\\nHistorical Record of the Thirty-fourth Foot do. Twen-\\ntieth Foot British Army Lists, in loco Gentleman s Maga-\\nzine for 1795.\\n2* Francis Weymis was commissioned a lieutenant in the\\nTwentieth Foot, September 26, 1757, at which time his regi-\\nment formed part of the expedition under Lieutenant-Gen-\\neral Sir John Mordant, against Rochfort, which resulted in\\nthe capture and destruction of the fortifications on the Isle", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0369.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "334 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n21^ Regmt Killed, Lieutenants Curray, Mc-\\nKinzy, Turnbull, Robertson. Wounded, Lieut.\\nRutherf ord Prisoner, Lieut Rutherford,\\nd Aix, on the western coast of France. The French, in the\\nsummer of 1759, sent an army into Germany with which\\ncountry England was in alliance, and the regiment to which\\nLieutenant Weymis belonged was ordered to Germany to\\nform part of the forces under Prince Ferdinand, of Bruns-\\nwick. The service performed by the British troops in the\\nGerman service was severe, and when the Twentieth returned\\nto England in 1763, it received the thanks of Parliament for\\nits conduct. From this date until 1769, a period of six\\nyears. Lieutenant Weymis was with his regiment at Gibral-\\ntar. On the 25th of May, 1772, he was promoted to the\\nregimental and army rank of captain. After the campaign\\nin America of 1776, Lieutenant Weymis passed the follow-\\ning winter at the Isle aux Noix, and was wounded in the\\nbattle of the nineteenth of September. He was among the\\nconvention prisoners, and upon his return home at the close\\nof the war was promoted to the rank of major, March 19,\\n1783. His name disappears from the army lists after 1787.\\nVide British Army Lists, in loco Historical Record Twen-\\ntieth Foot, pp. 15-23; Journal of Occurrences During the\\nLate American War, p. 175.\\nRichard Dowling first appears on the army lists as\\nadjutant of the Twentieth Foot, January 8, 1768, while\\nthat regiment was doing garrison duty at Gibraltar, where\\nit remained until 1774, when it proceeded to Ireland, and\\nwas there stationed until the spring of j6. Adjutant Dow-\\nling was commissioned a captain in his regiment, July 7,\\n1775, and accompanied it to America the following spring.\\nHe was wounded in the battle of September nineteenth,\\nand taken prisoner, from which time he disappears from\\nview. His name continued upon the army lists until April\\nI, 1780, when his place was filled by Thomas Storey. Vide\\nBritish Army Lists, in loco Historical Record Twentieth\\nFoot, pp. 15-23; Journal of Occurrences During the Late\\nAmerican War, p. 176.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0370.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 335\\n24 Regmt Killed, Lieut. Col. Frazier, Major\\nGrant. Wounded, Major Agnew,^ Captains Blake,\\nStrangways,^55 Lieut. Doyle.^^^\\nJohn Stanly entered the Twentieth Foot as a lieuten-\\nant, September 7, I/72, while the regiment was stationed at\\nGibraltar. He was promoted to a captaincy about the time\\nof its departure for America, March 9, 1776. He was\\nwounded and taken prisoner at Freeman s Farm, and his\\nname appears for the last time on the army lists in 1783.\\nWilliam Farquar was commissioned a lieutenant in the\\nForty-seventh Foot, September 25, 1759, after that regi-\\nment s brilliant service in the siege and capture of Louis-\\nbourg and the fall of Quebec. In 1763 he entered upon\\nhalf pay, but re-entered the service, and obtained a lieuten-\\nancy. May 3, 1765, in the Fifty-sixth Foot, which was at\\nthat time on duty at Gibraltar. He received a captain s\\ncommission in the Twentieth Foot, May 13, 1776. He was\\nwounded and taken prisoner in the battle of September\\nnineteenth. At what time he was exchanged we are not\\ninformed. He was promoted to a majority in the army,\\nMarch 19, 1783. His name disappears from the army lists\\nafter 1794. Vide Historical Record Forty-seventh Foot;\\ndo. Fifty-sixth Foot British Army Lists, in loco.\\nJames Dowling was first commissioned an ensign in\\nthe Forty-seventh Regiment, June 18, 1775, the day after\\nthe battle of Bunker Hill, in which the Forty-seventh was\\nengaged. He accompanied his regiment to Canada in the\\nspring of the next year. Lieutenant Douglass of the\\nTwenty-ninth Foot having been killed in the action of\\nJuly seventh, Burgoyne promoted Ensign Dowling to the\\nvacant lieutenancy, July 14, 1777. He was wounded in the\\nperformance of his duty, October seventh, and seems to\\nhave escaped capture thereby. His name disappears from\\nthe army lists after 1787. Vide British Army Lists, in loco\\nBurgoyne s Orderly Book, p. 55; Journal of Occurrences\\nDuring the Late American War, p. 176.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0371.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "2,2)^ Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n47^ Regmt Killed, Lieut Reynels, Harvey,\\nStewart,^59 Ensigns Taylor,^^ Phillips, Young,\\nAdjutant Fitzgerald. Wounded Lieut. Col\u00c2\u00b0. Ans-\\nMorgan Connel was commissioned an ensign in the\\nTwentieth Foot, April 6, 1776. He was wounded in the\\nbattle of October seventh and taken a prisoner. We have\\nno further account of him.\\nSamuel Currie received his first commission in the Brit-\\nish army, which was that of a second lieutenant in the\\nTwenty-first Foot, on March 14, 1766. At this date his\\nregiment was stationed in Western Florida, and remained\\nthere until 1770, when it was ordered to Canada, and, on\\nFebruary 21, 1772, he was promoted to the rank of first\\nlieutenant. Shortly after he returned to England, where\\nthe Twenty-first was in garrison until the spring of j^, when\\nLieutenant Currie accompanied it to Quebec, and shortly\\nafter his arrival in Canada, viz., on July 4, 1776, he received\\nthe appointment of assistant commissary of General Gor-\\ndon s brigade. He lost his life in the battle of September\\nnineteenth. Vide British Army Lists, in loco Historical\\nRecord Twenty-first Foot; Journal of Occurrences During\\nthe Late American War, p. 175.\\nKenneth Mackenzie entered the British military service\\nas an ensign in the Thirty-third Foot, August 26, 1767, and\\nwas promoted to a lieutenancy, February 27, 1771. On\\nAugust 16, 1775, he was transferred to the Twenty first\\nFoot, and the following spring accompanied his regiment\\nto America. He was made a first lieutenant on May 7, 1776,\\nand participated in the campaign of that year. He ended\\nhis life in the performance of a soldier s duty on the battle-\\nfield of September nineteenth. Vide British Army Lists,\\nin loco; Historical Record Thirty-third Foot; Journal of\\nOccurrences During the Late American War, p. 175.\\nGeorge Turnbull received his commission of second\\nlieutenant in the Twenty-first Foot on May 3, 1776, and was\\nprobably one of those youthful officers, of which there were", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0372.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. x,\\ntruther,^^ Major Harnage,^^^ Captain Bunbury,^^^\\nEnsigns, Blackee,^^^ Harvey. Prisoners Lieut.\\nNaylor,^^^ Ensign De Antroch.\\nso many in Burgoyne s army, who lost their lives in the dis-\\nastrous campaign of 1777. He was killed Octc?ber seventh\\nnear Stillwater.\\n2^^ John James Roberton entered the British army as a\\nsecond lieutenant of Royal Engineers, July 13, 1774- He\\nwas attached to the right wing of the army by an order of\\nJune 27, 1777, his duty being to strengthen the right of the\\ncamp under the direction of Brigadiers Powell and Hamil-\\nton. The last mention made of him in Burgoyne s Orderly\\nBook is on September seventh, when he was assigned to the\\nduty of repairing the roads between the camp at Duer s\\nHouse and Fort Edward. On the nineteenth he was killed.\\n252 Richard Rutherford entered the Twenty-first Foot as a\\nsecond lieutenant, February 26, 1776. He was wounded in\\nthe battle of September nineteenth, and as his name is\\ndropped from the army list of 1779, we may infer that he\\ndid not recover from his wounds.\\n253 William Agnew was commissioned a lieutenant in the\\nTwenty-fourth Foot, September 3, 1756, and a captain-lieu-\\ntenant. May 15, 1763. Having served in Germany, his regi-\\nment was transferred to Gibraltar, and he subsequently\\naccompanied it to America in the spring of 1776. He was\\nmade major of the Twenty-fourth, July 14, 1777, in place\\nof Major Grant, who was killed on the seventh of that\\nmonth. He was wounded in the battle of Freeman s Farm,\\nSeptember nineteenth. He became lieutenant-colonel of\\nhis regiment, February 15, 1782, but his name is not borne\\nupon the lists of the next year. Vide British Army Lists,\\nin loco Historical Record Twenty-fourth Foot Journal of\\nOccurrences During the Late American War, p. 175.\\n2-^ John Blake was made an ensign of the Twenty-fourth\\nFoot, May 23, 1761, and lieutenant, June 12, 1766. He\\nwas promoted to a captaincy, July 7, 1775- He was\\n43", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0373.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "33^ Lietitenant Digbys Journal.\\nEngineers, Prisoner, Lieut. Dunford.\\nFoot Guards Killed, Sir Francis Clark, aid-de-\\ncamp to General Burgoyne,\\nwounded in the battle of the nineteenth of September,\\nand did not rejoin his regiment, as his name is not in the\\nlist of surrendered officers. He appears at the head of the\\nlist of captains on the list of 1788. Vide British Army Lists,\\nin loco; Historical Record Twenty- fourth Foot.\\nHon. Stephen Digby Strangways was the second son\\nof Stephen Fox and Elizabeth, the only daughter and heir\\nof Thomas Strangways Horner, Esq. His father was raised\\nto the peerage, March 11, 1 741, as Lord Ilchester, of Ilches-\\nter, in Somersetshire, and subsequently, on June 5, 1756,\\nwas made Earl of Ilchester. Stephen Digby Strangways\\nwas born on December 3, 1751, and was the brother of Lady\\nHarriet Acland. He entered the British military service as\\na cornet in the Royal Irish Dragoons, August 5, 1767, at the\\nage of sixteen years but, preferring the infantry service,\\nexchanged into the Twenty-fourth Foot, and obtained a cap-\\ntaincy, April 17, 1769. He participated in the campaign of\\n1776, and was wounded in the battle of October seventh,\\nbut was with the army when it surrendered. He was made\\nmajor of the Twentieth Foot, December i, 1778, and at-\\ntained no higher rank in the army. Vide Burke s Peerage\\nand Baronetage, in loco British Army Lists, in loco; His-\\ntorical Record Twenty-fourth Foot; Hadden s Journal and\\nOrderly Books, p. liv.\\n2^ William Doyle was of an ancient Irish family noted in\\nmilitary annals. He entered the British infantry service as\\nan ensign in the Twenty-fourth Foot, July 16, 1774, and was\\npromoted to a lieutenancy, November 27, 1776, at the close\\nof Carleton s successful campaign, in which he took part.\\nHe was among the officers who surrendered at Saratoga.\\nHe was raised to the rank of captain, July 31, 1787, major\\nin the army. May 6, 1795, and lieutenant-colonel, July 22,\\n1797. He exchanged into the Sixty-second Foot, and was\\nmade its lieutenant-colonel, August 16, 1804. He was pro-\\nmoted to the army rank of colonel, October 30, 1805 major-", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0374.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 339\\n16 Dragoons. Prisoner, Cornet Grant.\\nN. B I could not get an exact account of the loss\\nof the German troops commanded by Gen Reldzel,\\ngeneral, June 4, 181 1, and lieutenant-general, August 12,\\n1 8 19. Vide British Army Lists, in loco Burgoyne s Orderly\\nBook, p. 178.\\n2^ Thomas Reynell was the son of Sir Thomas Reynell of\\nLaleham, Middlesex county, and his wife, who so faithfully\\nfollowed him through the terrible scenes of the campaign\\nwith Mrs. Riedesel, Acland and Harnage, until the fatal\\nnineteenth of September, when he received his death wound,\\nwas Anne, the daughter of Samuel Coutty, Esq., of Kin-\\nsale. Mrs. Reynell was left with three small children, the\\noldest of whom was less than six years of age, and the\\nyoungest an infant. The oldest of these children, Richard\\nLittleton Reynell, born April 30, 1772, settled in America,\\nwhere he was married and lived until his death, September\\n4, 1829, at which time he enjoyed the title of baronet. His\\nbrother, Samuel, who was born October 31, 1775, and was\\nhardly two years of age at his father s death, died unmar-\\nried, and the title descended to Thomas, the youngest\\nbrother. Thomas Reynell, the subject of this brief sketch,\\nentered the British military service as an ensign in the\\nSixty-second Foot, December 8, 1767, and was advanced to\\nthe rank of lieutenant, May 3, 1770. He sailed with his\\nregiment from the Cove of Cork, April 8, 1776, and took\\npart in the campaign of Carleton of that year. Anburey\\nthus relates the incidents of his death You will readily\\nallow that it is the highest test of affection in a woman, to\\nshare with her husband the toils and hardships of the cam-\\npaign, especially such an one as the present. What a trial\\nof fortitude the late action must have been, through a dis-\\ntressing interval of long suspence The ladies followed the\\nroute of the artillery and baggage, and when the action\\nbegan, the Baroness Reidesel, Lady Harriet Ackland, and\\nthe wives of Major Harnage and Lieutfenant Reynell, of the\\nSixty-second Regiment, entered a small uninhabited hut,\\nbut when the action became general and bloody, the Sur-", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0375.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "340 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nbut believe it was pretty near equal to that of the\\nBritish.\\ngeons took possession of it, being the most convenient for\\nthe first care of the wounded in this situation were these\\nladies four hours together, where the comfort they afforded\\neach other was broke in upon, by Major Harnage being\\nbrought in to the surgeons deeply wounded What a blow\\nmust the next intelligence be, that informed them that Lieu-\\ntenant Reynell was killed Madame Riedesel gives us\\nfurther particulars of the trying scenes of that day: The\\nwife of Major Harnage, a Madame Reynels the wife* of the\\ngood lieutenant who the day previous had so kindly shared\\nhis broth with me, the wife of the commissary, and myself,\\nwere the only ladies who were with the army. We sat\\ntogether bewailing our fate, when one came in, upon which\\nthey all began whispering, looking at the same time exceed-\\ningly sad. I noticed this, and also that they cast silent\\nglances toward me. This awakened in my mind the dread-\\nful thought that my husband had been killed. I shrieked\\naloud, but they assured me that this was not so, at the\\nsame time intimating to me by signs, that it was the lieu-\\ntenant the husband of our companion who had met\\nwith misfortune. A moment after she was called out. Her\\nhusband was not yet dead, but a cannon ball had taken off\\nhis arm close to his shoulder. During the whole night we\\nheard his moans, which sounded fearfully through the\\nvaulted cellars. The poor man died toward morning. The\\ncellar of the house in which these ladies found shelter dur-\\ning this dreadful night is still shown to the curious. Both\\nLamb and Digby are in error as to the regiment of which\\nhe was a member. Lamb makes him of the Twenty-fourth,\\nand Digby of the Forty-seventh. Vide Burke s Peerage\\nand Baronetage and British Army Lists, in loco Travels\\nThrough the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 426; Let-\\nters antl Journals of Madame Riedesel, p. 129, et seq.\\nStephen Harvey became a lieutenant in the army,\\nAugust 15, 1775, and was assigned to the Sixty-second\\nFoot with a lieutenant s comniission therein, February 29,\\n1776, and accompanied his regiment to America a few", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0376.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 341\\nBattalion of Grenadiers consisting of ten Companies\\nCommanded by Major Ackland.\\n(f^ Company Killed, Captain Stapleton,^^ Lieu-\\nweeks later. Lamb thus records his fate Nor should\\nthe heroism of Lieutenant Hervey, of the 62nd regiment,\\na youth of sixteen, and nephew to the adjutant general\\nof the same name be forgotten. It was characterized by\\nall that is gallant in the military character. In the battle of\\nthe 19th September, he received several wounds, and was\\nrepeatedly ordered off the field by Lieutenant-Colonel An-\\nstruther, but his heroic ardor would not allow him to quit\\nthe battle while he could stand, and see his brave comrades\\nfighting beside him. A ball striking one of his legs, his\\nremoval became absolutely necessary, and while they were\\nconveying him away, another wounded him mortally. In\\nthis situation, the surgeon recommended him to take a\\npowerful dose of opium, to avoid a seven or eight hours\\nlife of most exquisite torture. This he immediately con-\\nsented to, and when the colonel entered the tent, with\\nMajor Harnage, who were both wounded, they asked\\nwhether he had any affairs they could settle for him His\\nreply was, that being a minor, every thing was already\\nadjusted but he had one request, which he retained just\\nlife enough to utter: Tell my uncle, I died like a soldier\\nAnburey gives the same relation and adds:\\nWhere will you find in ancient Rome heroism superior!\\nVide British Army Lists, in loco Journal of Occurrences\\nDuring the Late American War, p. 179.\\n259 Archibald Stuart was a lieutenant in the army under a\\ncommission dated October 10, 1759 but we have no further\\naccount of him until June 23, 1775, when we find him a\\nheutenant of Invalids at Hull. He was commissioned a\\nlieutenant of the Sixty-second Foot on the eve of its de-\\nparture to relieve Quebec. He fell in the battle of October\\nseventh.\\nGeorge Taylor received his commission as an ensign in\\nthe Sixty-second Foot on March 2, 1776, and was in the\\ncampaign of that year under Carleton. He was one of those", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0377.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "342 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\ntenant Huggart;^ Wounded, Captain Swetman,\\nLieutenant Rowe,\\nyouthful officers who had but just commenced a promising\\nmiHtary career, which was brought to an untimely end dur-\\ning this campaign. He fell at the battle of Freeman s\\nFarm, September nineteenth, in which battle the Sixty-\\nsecond suffered severe loss.\\nLevinge Cosby Phillips was commissioned an ensign\\nin the Sixty-second Foot, December 20, 1776. Wilkinson\\nthus alludes to him The morning after the action I vis-\\nited the wounded prisoners who had not been dressed, and\\ndiscovered a charming youth not more than 16 years old,\\nlying among them feeble, faint, pale and stiff in his gore\\nthe delicacy of his aspect and the quality of his clothing\\nattracted my attention, and on enquiry I found he was an\\nEnsign Phillips; he told me he had fallen by a wound in his\\nleg or thigh, and as he lay on the ground was shot through\\nthe body by an army follower, a murderous villain, who\\navowed the deed, but I forgot his name the moans of this\\nhapless youth moved me to tears I raised him from the\\nstraw on which he lay, took him in my arms and removed\\nhim to a tent, where every comfort was provided and every\\nattention paid to him, but his wounds were mortal, and he\\nexpired on the 21st; when his name was first mentioned to\\nGeneral Gates, he exclaimed, just Heaven he may be the\\nnephew of my wife, but the fact was otherwise. Let those\\nparents who are now training their children for the military\\nprofession let those misguided patriots, who are inculcating\\nprinciples of education subversive of the foundations of the\\nrepublic, look on this picture of distress, taken from the life,\\nof a youth in a strange land, far removed from friends and\\nrelations co-mingled with the dying and the dead, himself\\nwounded, helpless and expiring with agony, and then should\\npolitical considerations fail of effect, I hope, the feelings of\\naffection and the obligations of humanity, may induce them\\nto discountenance the pursuits of war, and save their off-\\nspring from the seductions of the plume and the sword, for\\nthe more solid and useful avocations of civil life by which\\nalone peace and virtue and the republic can be preserved,", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0378.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 343\\n20 Company Wounded, Major Ackland, twice\\nPrisoners, Major Ackland.\\nand perpetuated. Vide British Army Lists, in loco Me-\\nmoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 246.\\nHenry Young received his commission of ensign in the\\nSixty-second Foot on November 21, 1776, and this was his\\nfirst campaign. Of the several officers of tender years in\\nBurgoyne s army, all connected with families of repute,\\nwhose lives were sacrificed by a wretched king and a besot-\\nted aristocracy in the support of a bad cause, we have\\ntouching notices in the journals of the survivors who par-\\nticipated in the great contest. Madame Riedesel thus\\nrefers to the last hours of Ensign Young A few days\\nafter our arrival, I heard plaintive moans in another room\\nnear me, and learned that they came from Young, who\\nwas lying very low. I was the more interested in him, since\\na family of that name had shown me much courtesy during\\nmy sojourn in England. I tendered him my services, and\\nsent him provisions and refreshments. He expressed a great\\ndesire to see his benefactress, as he called me. I went to\\nhim, and found him lying on a little straw, for he had\\nlost his camp equipage. He was a young man, probably\\neighteen or nineteen years old and, actually, the own\\nnephew of the Mr. Young whom I had known, and the\\nonly son of his parents. It was only for this reason that\\nhe grieved; on account of his own sufferings he uttered\\nno complaint. He had bled considerably, and they wished\\nto take off his leg, but he could not bring his mind to it,\\nand now mortification had set in. I sent him pillows and\\ncoverings, and my women servants a mattress. I redoubled\\nmy care of him, and visited him every day, for which I\\nreceived from the sufferer a thousand blessings. Finally,\\nthey attempted the amputation of the limb, but it was too\\nlate, and he died a few days afterward. As he occupied an\\nappartment close to mine, and the walls were very thin, I\\ncould hear his last groans through the partition of my\\nroom. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Letters and\\nJournals of Madame Riedesel, p. 114.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0379.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "344 Lieuteiiant Digbys Jotcrnal.\\n21^ Company; Killed, Lieut Don;^^? wounded\\nCaptn. Ramsey,^^^ Lieut. Fetherston;^^^ Prisoners,\\nCaptn Ramsey.\\nGeorge Tobias Fitzgerald was appointed adjutant of\\nthe Sixty-second Foot, October 26, 1775, and fell at Sara-\\ntoga on October eleventh.\\n2^* John Anstruther, of the noble Scotch family of An-\\nstruther of Balcaskie, entered the Twenty-sixth Foot as\\nensign, May 2, 1751, and was advanced to the rank of lieu-\\ntenant in the Eighth Foot, August 28, 1756. The dates of\\nhis subsequent commissions are as follows: captain-lieuten-\\nant, September 25, 1761 captain, July 23, 1762; major,\\nNovember 5, 1766; lieutenant-colonel in the Sixty-second\\nFoot, October 21, 1773. He served in the campaign of\\n1776, and was wounded in the action of September nine-\\nteenth, and also in that of October seventh. After the\\nsurrender he was paroled, and returned home in 1778. He\\nwas promoted to a colonelcy in the army, November 17,\\n1780, but does not seem to have had a command after\\nhis return to England. His name disappears from the army\\nlists after 1782. Vide British Army Lists, i7t loco Histori-\\ncal Record Sixty-second Foot.\\n2^^^ Henry Harnage was of an ancient English family, and,\\nat the age of seventeen, received his first commission in the\\nmilitary service as an ensign in the Fourth Foot, June 7, 1756,\\nand, on September twenty-ninth of the following year, was\\nadvanced to a lieutenancy therein. He was promoted, May\\n4, 1767, to a captaincy in the Sixty-second Foot, the second\\nbattalion of his regiment having received that number, and,\\nDecember 21, 1775, to a majority. He was wounded in the\\nbattle of September nineteenth in the bowels, almost pre-\\ncisely in the same manner as was General Eraser but, said\\nthe surgeon, the general had eaten a hearty breakfast, by\\nreason of which the intestines were distended, and the ball,\\nhad not gone, as in the case of Major Harnage, between\\nthe intestines, but through them. In spite of this severe\\nwound, he was on the battle-field of October seventh, when\\nhe was again wounded. When the army retreated on the", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0380.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 345\\n24* Company;\\n47^^ Company Prisoner, Lieutenant England/^\\nnext night, we are told by Madame Riedesel that he\\ndragged himself out of bed, that he might not remain in\\nthe hospital, which was left behind, protected by a flag of\\ntruce, and, although suffering from his wound, he did not\\nforget to attend to the protection of her and her children.\\nHe was made a lieutenant-colonel in the army, November\\n17, 1780, while he was on the way to London with dispatches\\nfrom Sir Henry Clinton, and was commissioned to the same\\nrank in the One Hundred and Fourth Foot, March 18,\\n1782, in which year his name appears on the army lists for\\nthe last time. Vide British Army Lists, in loco Letters\\nand Journals of Madame Riedesel, p. 114.\\nAbraham Bunbury was commissioned a lieutenant in\\nthe Sixty-second Foot, September 17, 1773, and received\\nthe rank of captain in the army, December 21, 1775. He\\ndoes not appear to have had a command during Burgoyne s\\ncampaign. He was wounded in the battle of October sev-\\nenth, and, as his name does not appear in the list of officers\\nparoled at Cambridge, we may infer that he was taken with\\nother wounded men back to Canada. His name appears\\nupon the army lists for a number of years, but he held no\\ncommand in the army.\\nHenry Blacker was commissioned as an ensign in the\\nSixty-second Foot, December 21, 1775, and was acting in\\nthat capacity when the surrender at Saratoga took place, as\\nhis name so appears in the parole of Burgoyne s officers,\\nDecember 13, 1777. He was, however, commissioned to a\\nlieutenancy under the date of October eighth. He was\\npromoted to a captaincy, October 26, 1786.\\nGeorge Hervey was commissioned an ensign in the Sixty-\\nsecond Foot, April 6, 1776, and was wounded in the action\\nof September seventeenth. He, however, was in the battle\\nof October seventh, and was among those who signed the\\nparole after the surrender.\\n269 Wm. Pendred Naylor was commissioned an ensign in\\nthe Sixty-second Foot, March 12, 1774, and accompanied\\n44", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0381.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "34^ Lieutenmit Digbys Journal.\\n62 Company Wounded, Captn. Shrimpton.\\n29 Company Wounded, Lieut Steel.\\nhis regiment to America in the spring of 1776. After the\\nclose of the campaign of that year, Ensign Naylor was pro-\\nmoted to a lieutenancy, November 21, 1776, which rank he\\nheld when taken prisoner in the battle of October 7, 1777.\\nHis name continued to be borne upon the army lists until\\n1783, when it disappeared.\\nHenry Danterroche was made an ensign in the Sixty-\\nsecond Foot on November 21, 1776, after the close of the\\ncampaign of that year. He was taken prisoner in the battle\\nof October seventh, and does not appear to have subse-\\nquently advanced beyond the grade of ensign. His name\\nappears upon the army Hsts for the last time in 1786.\\nAndrew Durnford was commissioned as an ensign in\\nthe Royal Engineers, July 28, 1769, and was advanced to\\nthe rank of Heutenant, March 6, 1775. He was taken pris-\\noner in Colonel Baum s unfortunate attack on Bennington.\\nAt what time he was exchanged we do not know, but find\\nhim acting as assistant deputy quartermaster-general in New\\nYork and Georgia from 1779 to the close of the war. He\\nwas commissioned a captain-lieutenant and captain in the\\nEngineers, October i, 1784, and a major in the army. May\\n6, 1795. His name does not appear in the army lists after\\n1799.\\nJames Grant entered the Sixteenth Light Dragoons as\\ncornet, December 27, 1774, and was transferred to the\\nTwenty-first Dragoons, December 27, 1775. He was one\\nof the men selected by Burgoyne to bear dispatches through\\nthe American lines to Clinton, but was not successful, and\\nreturned to the British camp. He was subsequently taken\\nprisoner, but was paroled and returned to England. On\\nOctober 20, 1779, 1 was promoted to the army rank of\\nlieutenant, and, on January 7, 1780, exchanged into the\\nSixty-first Foot as an ensign. On the following twenty-sixth\\nof April he was made a lieutenant, but we can trace his\\ncareer no farther, as his name disappears from the army lists\\nafter 1782.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0382.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 347\\n31^ Company.\\n34^^ Company Wounded, Captain Forbes.\\n53 Company Killed, Captain Wight.\\n283\\nFrancis Samuel Stapleton entered the Ninth Foot as\\nan ensign, September 4, 1762, while that regiment was en-\\ngacred in its arduous and successful campaign m the island\\nof Cuba, and the next year accompanied the regiment to\\nFlorida, which territory Spain had ceded to Great Britain\\nin exchange for Cuba, which it had lost in the war. In the\\nautumn of 1769 the Ninth arrived in Ireland, and on De-\\ncember 12, 1770, while it was in garrison there, Ensign\\nStapleton was raised to the rank of lieutenant, and on\\nMay 21, 1773, was promoted to a captaincy in his regi-\\nment. He participated in the operations by which the\\nAmericans were expelled from Canada in 1776, and fell\\nmortally wounded in the action of the 7th July, 1777.\\nVide British Army Lists, in loco Historical Record Ninth\\nFoot Journal of Occurrences During the Late American\\nWar, p. 174.\\n2^* James Haggart received his first commission of second\\nlieutenant of marines, May 25, 1775, and was killed in the\\nbattle of July 7, 1777- Anburey relates that upon the very\\nfirst attack of the Light Infantry a ball destroyed both ot\\nhis eyes.\\n27^ George Swettenham was commissioned a lieutenant in\\nthe army, February 28, 1760, and of the Ninth Foot, August\\n8 1764 while that regiment was stationed in Florida under\\nthe command of Lieutenant-General Whitemore. In 1769\\nhe returned to Ireland with his regiment, where it remained\\nuntil the breaking out of the war in America. On March\\n2 1776 he was promoted to a captaincy, and was wounded\\nat the battle of Freeman s Farm. He was among the\\nparoled officers of the surrendered army. His regiment\\nreturned to England at the close of the war, in 1783, and\\nwas stationed in Scotland in 1784 and 1785, and m the\\nlatter year his name disappears from the army lists. Vide\\nBritish Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record Ninth Foot\\nBurgoyne s Orderly Book, p. 178.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0383.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "34^ Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nBritish Line,\\n(f^ Regiment Killed, Lieutenant Westrop\\nWounded, Capt\u00c2\u00b0. Mt. Gomery,^^ Lieutenants Ste-\\nJohn Rowe entered the service as an ensign in the\\nNinth Foot, December 12, 1770, while this regiment was in\\nIreland, and was advanced to a lieutenancy, October 19,\\n1772. He was wounded in the action of July seventh, and\\ndoes not appear to have been with his regiment after this\\ndate. He was superseded September 20, 1777.\\nJohn Don received his commission of second lieutenant\\nin the Twenty-first Foot, August 28, 1771, and of first lieu-\\ntenant, February 23, 1776. Anburey thus speaks of his death\\nin the action of the nineteenth of September Shortly\\nafter this we heard a most tremendous firing upon our left,\\nwhere we were attacked in great force, and the very first\\nfire, your old friend, Lieutenant Don, of the 21st regiment,\\nreceived a ball through his heart. I am sure it will never be\\nerased from my memory for when he was wounded, he\\nsprung from the ground, nearly as high as a man. Vide\\nBritish Army Lists, iii loco Travels Through the Interior\\nParts of America, vol. i, p. 414.\\nHon. Malcolm Ramsay entered the Twenty-first Foot\\nas ensign on May 18, 1761, and appears on the same date to\\nhave been made a second lieutenant. The Twenty-first was\\nat this time engaged in the successful expedition against\\nBelleisle, on the coast of France, and, after the capture of\\nthat place, proceeded to Mobile. Lieutenant Ramsay was\\npromoted to the rank of first lieutenant, January 16, 1765;\\ncaptain-lieutenant, October 6, 1769, and captain, December\\n25, 1770. In 1772 his regiment was ordered home, where it\\nremained until the spring of 1776, when it sailed for Canada\\nto relieve Carleton. Captain Ramsay was wounded, Sep-\\ntember nineteenth, at the battle of Freeman s Farm, and\\nso severely as not to be able to share in the subsequent\\nperils of the campaign. He was probably in Canada at the\\ntime of the surrender of Burgoyne, where we find him,\\nDecember 21, 1777, commissioned a major in the Eighty-\\nthird Foot. He was made lieutenant-colonel of the Eighty-", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0384.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 349\\nvelly,^^s Murray,^^^ Prince, Ensign D Salon,^^^ Ad-\\njutant, Fielding ^^5 Prisoners, Captn. Mt Gomery,\\nMoney Ensign D Salons and Surgeon [Shelly]\\nthird, and deputy adjutant-general in New Brunswick,\\nAugust 24, 1 78 1. His name appears on the army Hsts\\nfor the last time as lieutenant-colonel late Eighty-third\\nFoot in 1794. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; His-\\ntorical Record Twenty-first Foot; Journal of Occurrences\\nDuring the Late American War, p. 175.\\nWm. Featherstone was commissioned a second lieu-\\ntenant in the Twenty-first Foot, May 17, 1762, and a lieu-\\ntenant, November 18, 1768. The regiment was during this\\ntime stationed at Mobile, where it remained until 1772,\\nwhen it returned to England, Early in the spring of 1776\\nit was ordered back to America to relieve Carleton, and\\nLieutenant Featherstone participated in the campaign of\\nthat year. He was commissioned a captain-lieutenant with\\nrank of captain in the army, September 12, 1777. He was\\nwounded in the battle of October seventh, and we infer,\\nwas conveyed to Canada, as his name does not appear upon\\nthe list of officers who surrendered at Saratoga. His name\\nis borne upon the army lists as captain until 1794, when\\nit disappears. Vide British Army Lists, in loco Historical\\nRecord Twenty-first Foot.\\n280 Poole England received his first commission as ensign\\nin the Forty-seventh Foot, November 6, 1769, and on April\\ni^ ^^773 the year in which his regiment embarked for\\nAmerica he was promoted to a lieutenancy. He partici-\\npated in the battle of Bunker Hill in which action he was\\nwounded and, when Boston was evacuated, accompanied\\nhis regiment to Canada. He was fort major at Ticonderoga,\\nSeptember 6, 1777, and was taken prisoner, but liberated on\\nparole. His name is not found on the army lists later than\\n1783.\\nJohn Shrimpton was commissioned a lieutenant in the\\nSixty-second Foot, June 3, 1761, and, on the twenty-second\\nof the following October, received the same rank in the", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0385.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "350 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\narmy, and was advanced to the rank of captain-lieutenant\\nand captain, September 17, 1773. He was wounded on the\\nseventh of July in the following manner: After the action\\nwas over, and all firing had ceased for near two hours, upon\\nthe summit of the mountain I have already described, which\\nhad no ground anywhere that could command it, a number\\nof officers were collected to read the papers taken out of the\\npocketbook of Colonel Francis, when Captain Shrimpton,\\nof the 62nd regiment, who had the papers in his hand,\\njumped up and fell, exclaiming, he was severely wounded\\nwe all heard the ball whiz by us, and turning to the place\\nfrom whence the report came, saw the smoke; as there was\\nevery reason to imagine the piece was fired from some tree,\\na party of men were instantly detached, but could find no\\nperson, the fellow, no doubt, as soon as he had fired, had\\nslipt down and made his escape. Anburey again speaks\\nof him shortly after: Major (sic) Shrimpton, who I told\\nyou was wounded upon the hill, rather than remain with the\\nwounded at Huberton, preferred marching with the brigade,\\nand on crossing this creek, having only one hand to assist\\nhimself with, was on the point of slipping in, had not an\\nofficer, who was behind him caught hold of his cloaths, just\\nas he was falling. His wound was through his shoulder, and\\nas he could walk, he said he would not remain to fall into\\nthe enemy s hands, as it was universally thought the sick\\nand wounded must. Captain Shrimpton recovered suffi-\\nciently to participate in the subsequent scenes of the cam-\\npaign of 1777, and was one of the surrendered officers who\\nsigned the parole at Cambridge. He returned to England\\nand became tower major at the Tower of London in 1787,\\nbut we lose sight of him the following year. Vide British\\nArmy Lists, in loco Travels Through the Interior Parts of\\nAmerica, vol. i, pp. 231, et seg., 342.\\nThomas Steele entered the Twenty-ninth Foot as an\\nensign, June 21, 1769, and was advanced to the rank of lieu-\\ntenant therein, November 3, 1773. The Twenty-ninth Regi-\\nment was in America during this period, but returned to\\nEngland in 1774, where it was in garrison for two years,\\nwhen it was ordered back to America to assist in the war\\nthere. Lieutenant Steele was wounded in the action of\\nJuly seventh, but not, it would appear, seriously enough to", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0386.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 351\\nprevent him from participating in the subsequent events of\\nBurgoyne s campaign, as we find him at the close of it\\namong the surrendered officers. The army lists do not\\nbear his name later than 1784.\\nGordon Forbes entered the Thirty-third Foot as an\\nensign under a commission bearing date August 27, 1756,\\nand was advanced to the rank of lieutenant in the Seventy-\\nsecond Foot the second battalion of the Thirty-third,\\nwhich had been renumbered on October 2, 1757. On\\nOctober 17, 1762, he was promoted to a captaincy, and dur-\\ning the two following years, served in the expedition against\\nthe Spanish settlements in the West Indies. On his return\\nto England, he exchanged into the Thirty-fourth Foot,\\nApril 12, 1764, and accompanied his regiment to Louisiana,\\nwhich Spain had just ceded to Great Britain. The Thirty-\\nfourth returned to England in 1773, and was ordered to\\nAmerica in the spring of 1776. At the close of the suc-\\ncessful campaign against the Americans in that year. Cap-\\ntain Forbes was promoted, on November eleventh, to a\\nmajority, and transferred to the Ninth Foot, with which\\nregiment he gallantly served in the campaign of the follow-\\ning year. He was wounded in the action of the nineteenth\\nof September, and was among the officers who surrendered\\nin the following month. He returned to England in 1778,\\nand was made lieutenant-colonel of the One Hundred and\\nSecond Foot, September 24, 1781. On October 12, 1787,\\nhaving been on half pay during the four previous years\\nhe was made lieutenant-colonel of the Seventy-fourth Foot,\\nand, November 18, 1790, colonel in the army. On April\\n18, 1794, not having had a regimental command for a period\\nof five years, he was appointed colonel of the One Hundred\\nand Fifth Foot, and, on October third, was made a major-\\ngeneral in the army. On January 24, 1787, the One Hun-\\ndred and Fifth having been disbanded during the preceding\\nyear he was made colonel of the Eighty-first, but was\\ntransferred to the Twenty-ninth Foot on August eighth fol-\\nlowing. He was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general,\\nJanuary i, 1801, and of general, January i, 1812. His death\\ntook place January 17, 1828. Vide British Army Lists, in loco\\nHadden s Journal and Orderly Books, pp. xlvii, 162-164.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0387.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "352 Lieutenant Digbys Jour7taL\\nWm. Stone Montgomery. See note 167, ante, p. 221.\\nJoseph Stevelly was commissioned an ensign in the\\nNinth Foot, January i, 1774, and was promoted to the rank\\nof Heutenant, December 19, 1776. He was wounded at Fort\\nAnne, July ninth, but was with his regiment at the time\\nof the surrender. His name is not borne on the army Hsts\\nafter 1781.\\nJames Murray was commissioned an ensign in the\\nNinth Foot, September 26, 1772, and a lieutenant, March\\n2, 1776. He served through Carleton s campaign, and was\\nwounded the following year in the attack on Fort Anne,\\nJuly ninth. Anburey, in writing home, speaks of him as\\nour pleasant Hibernian friend, and describes the rough\\nmanner in which he comforted his fellow sufferers who had\\nmet with the same misfortune which had befallen him.\\nMurray was among the officers who were paroled at Cam-\\nbridge after the surrender. He served as the quartermaster\\nof his regiment until the close of the war, having acted in\\nthat capacity for a period of fourteen years namely, from\\nJanuary 14, 1770, to the close of 1783. He was advanced\\nto the rank of captain, March 31, 1787. In 1789 he retired\\nfrom the service upon half pay. Vide British Army Lists,\\nin loco Travels Through the Interior Parts of America,\\nvol. I, p. 350, et seq.\\nWilham Prince entered the Ninth Foot as an ensign,\\nMarch 14, 1772, and was advanced to a lieutenancy, July\\n7, 1775. He was wounded at the battle of Freeman s Farm,\\nSeptember nineteenth, but not sufficiently to prevent him\\nfrom remaining with his regiment, hence he was among the\\nofficers who surrendered at Saratoga a few weeks later. He\\nwas promoted to a captaincy, April 5, 1781, but does not\\nappear to have attained any higher rank. His name is\\nborne on the army lists for the last time in 1785.\\nBaron Alexander Salons was commissioned an ensign\\nin the Ninth Foot, September 2, 1776. By an order of\\nAugust thirteenth he was assigned to service in Captain\\nFraser s corps, and, three days later, while in performance\\nof his duty, was wounded at the battle of Bennington. He\\nwas sent back with the wounded to Canada, and, after his", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0388.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 353\\nreturn to England, was made a captain in the Eighty-fifth,\\nwhich was assigned to duty in Jamaica. The cHmate of\\nJamaica wrought great havoc in the regiment, and it is said\\nthat in a short time nine-tenths of the men of the regiment\\nwere dead or on the sick list. In 1783 his name disappears\\nfrom the army lists.\\nIsaac Fielding received his commission as adjutant in\\nthe Ninth Foot, November 24, 1775. He was wounded at\\nFort Anne, July ninth, but had recovered from his wound\\nsufficiently to take part in the final scenes of the campaign\\nhence he was among the officers who surrendered at Sara-\\ntoga. We have no account of his subsequent career, as his\\nname disappears from the army list after 1780.\\n45", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0389.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "354\\nLieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nReturn of the ar7ny of the United States under the\\ncommand of H. Gates, Major General, i f^ October\\n1777.\\nBrigadiers\\nColonels\\nLieut Colonels\\nMajors\\nCaptains\\nFirst lieuten 3\\nSecond lieut^\\nEnsigns\\nChaplains\\nAdjutants\\nQuarter masters\\nPaymasters\\nSurgeons\\nSurgeons mates\\nSergeants\\nDrummers\\nRank file 13,216,\\nSick present 622\\nSick absent 731\\nAt Fort Edward 3875\\nOn Furlough 1 80,\\n12\\n44\\n43\\n49\\n344\\n332\\n326\\n345\\n5\\n42\\n44.\\n30\\n37\\n43\\n1392\\n636\\n22348.\\non command.\\nSigned\\nMajor General.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0390.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\n355\\nReturn of the British Troops under the\\nof Lieut Genl Burgoyne 1 7 October\\nGenerals staff 10\\nLieut Col\u00c2\u00ae 4\\nMajors 6,\\nCaptains 40,\\nLieutenants 59,\\nEnsigns 36,\\nChaplains 4\\nAdjutants 5\\nQ masters 3,\\nSurgeons 7\\nMates 7\\nSergeants 162\\nDrummers fifers 135,\\nRank file fit for duty 2365.\\nSick 361.\\nMusicians 36.\\nBatt men 139.\\n3379\\nSigned\\nCommand\\n1777.\\nLieut. General.\\nReturn of the German troops tinder the Command\\nof Lieut. General Burgoyne, if^ October 1777.\\nOfficiers 132.\\nBat officiers 197.\\nChusurgiers 19.\\nSoldats 1792.\\nTambours 72.\\nTotal Germans 2202.\\nGeneral Major.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0391.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "35^ Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nTotal provincial army 22348.\\nBritish 3379 5581.\\nGermans 2202\\nDifference of armies 16767.\\n*General Burgoyne s speech to the Indians in\\nCongress, Bouquet June 21 1777 and their\\nANSWER.\\nBrave Chiefs and Warriors.\\nThe great King, our common father and the\\npatron of all who seek and deserve his protection,\\nhas considered with satisfaction the general conduct\\nof the Indians tribes, from the beginning of the\\ntroubles in America, too sagacious and too faithful\\nto the deluded or corrupted, they have observed the\\nviolated rights of the parental power they love, and\\nburned to vindicate them. A few individuals alone,\\nthe refuse of a small tribe, at the first were led away,\\nand the misrepresentations, the special allurements,\\nthe insidious promises and diversified [plots] in which\\nthe rebels are exercised, and all of which they em-\\nployed for that effect, have served only in the end,\\nto enhance the honour of the tribes in general for\\ndemonstrating to the world, how few and how con-\\ntemptible are the apostates. It is a truth known to\\nyou all, that, these pitiful examples excepted (and\\n^This speech of Burgoyne to the Indians appears at the\\nend of Digby s Journal, and is imperfect, the leaves which\\ncontained the concluding portion of it and the old chiefs\\nreply being lost. These I have been enabled to supply, J. P. B.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0392.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 357\\nthey probably have before this day hid their faces in\\nshame), the collected voices and hands of the Indian\\ntribes over their vast continent, are on the side of\\njustice, of law and of the king-.\\n[The restraint you have put upon your resentment\\nin waiting the King, your father s call to arms, the\\nhardest proof, I am persuaded, to which your affec-\\ntion could have been put, is another manifest and\\naffecting mark of your adherence to that principle of\\nconnection to which you were always fond to allude,\\nand which is the mutual joy and the duty of the\\nparent to cherish.]\\nThe clemency of your father has been abused, the\\noffers of his mercy have been despised and his farther\\npatience, would in his eyes become culpable in\\nasmuch as it would withold redress from the most\\ngrievous oppressions in the provinces, that ever dis-\\ngraced the history of mankind. It therefore remains\\nfor me the general of one of his majesties armies,\\nand in this council his representative, to release you\\nfrom those bonds [which] your obedience imposed.\\nWarriors [you are free Go] forth in the might of\\nyour valour [and your cause strike at the common\\nenemies of Great Britain and America disturbers\\nof public order, peace, and happiness destroyers of\\ncommerce, parricides of the State.\\nHaving reached this part of his speech General\\nBurgoyne raised his hand and pointed to the British\\nofficers which surrounded him and then to their\\nGerman allies and continued.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0393.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "358 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nThe circle around you the chiefs of H is Majesty s\\nEuropean forces and of the Princes his allies, esteem\\nyou as brothers in the war [emulous in glory and\\nin friendship, we will endeavour reciprocally to give\\nand to receive examples we know how to value,\\nand we will strive to imitate your preseverance in\\nenterprise and your constancy, to resist hunger, weari-\\nness and pain.] Be it our task, from the dictates\\nof our religion, the laws of our warfare, and the prin-\\nciples and interests of our policy, to regulate your\\npassions when they overbear, to point out where it\\nis nobler to spare than to revenge, to discriminate\\nthe degrees of guilt, to suspend the uplifted stroke,\\nto chastise and not to destroy.\\n[This war to you my friends is new upon all\\nformer occasions, in taking the field, you held your-\\nselves authorized to destroy wherever you came,\\nbecause every where you found an enemy. The case\\nis now very different.\\nThe King has many faithful subjects dispersed in\\nthe provinces consequently you have many brothers\\nthere, and these people are more to be pitied, that\\nthey are persecuted or imprisoned wherever they are\\ndiscovered or suspected, and to dissemble, to a gen-\\nerous mind, is a yet more grievous punishment.\\nPersuaded that your magnanimity of character,\\njoined to your principles of affection to the King,\\nwill give me fuller controul over your minds than the\\nmilitary rank with which I am invested, I enjoin\\nyour most serious attention to the rules which I hereby", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0394.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 359\\nproclaim for your invariable observation during the\\ncampaign\\nTo this the Indians shouted vociferously Etow\\nEtow Etow! to signify their approval and then\\nlistened with eager attention, to gather from the\\ninterpreter the General s instructions which were as\\nfollows\\nI positively forbid bloodshed when you are not\\nopposed in arms.\\nAged men, women, children, and prisoners must\\nbe held secure from the knife or hatchet, even in the\\ntime of actual conflict.\\nYou shall receive compensation for the prisoners\\nyou take, but you will be called to account for scalps.\\nIn conformity and indulgence to your customs,\\nwhich have affixed an idea of honour to such badges\\nof victory, you will be allowed to take the scalps of\\nthe dead when killed by your fire or in fair opposi-\\ntion, but on no account or pretence or subtilty or\\nprevarication are they to be taken from the wounded\\nor even from the dying, and still less pardonable will\\nit be held to kill men in that condition [on purpose,\\nand upon a supposition that this protection to the\\nwounded would be thereby evaded. Base lurking\\nassassins, incendiaries, ravagers and plunderers of the\\ncountry, to whatever army they may belong, shall be\\ntreated with less reserve; but the latitude must be\\ngiven you by order, and I must be the judge on\\nthe occasion.] Should the enemy on their part\\ndare to countenance acts of barbarity towards", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0395.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "360 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.\\nthose who fall into their hands, it shall be yours also\\nto retaliate, but till this severity shall be thus com-\\npelled, bear immovable in your hearts this solid\\nmaxim (it cannot be too deeply impressed) [that\\nthe great essential reward the worthy service of your\\nalliance] the sincerity of your zeal to the King,\\nyour father and never-failing protector, will be ex-\\namined and judged upon the test only of your steady\\nand uniform adherence to the orders and counsels of\\nthose to whom His Majesty has entrusted the direc-\\ntion and the honour of his arms.\\nAt the conclusion they again shouted Etow\\nEtow Etow and after holding a consultation, an\\naged Iroquois chief gravely arose and replied as\\nfollows\\nReply of the Old Chief of the Iroquois to\\nBurgoyne s speech of June 21^ 1777.\\nI stand up in the name of all the nations present,\\nto assure our father that we have attentively listened\\nto his discourse. We receive you as our father,\\nbecause when you speak we have the voice of our\\ngreat father beyond the great lake. We rejoice in\\nthe approbation you have expressed of our behaviour.\\nWe have been tried and tempted by the Bostonians\\nbut we have loved our father, and our hatchets have\\nbeen sharpened upon our affections. In proof of\\nthe sincerity of our professions, our whole villages\\nable to go to war are come forth. The old and\\ninfirm, our infants and wives alone remain at home.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0396.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 361\\nWith one common assent we promise a constant\\nobedience to all you have ordered, and all you shall\\norder and may the Father of Days give you many\\nand success.\\nWhen the Iroquois Chief had concluded his speech\\nhis hearers applauded as before with loud- shouts of\\nhtow I Etow f Etow\\n46\\nn", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0397.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0398.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nAnbenaquis, 93.\\nAbercrombie, General James,\\nbefore Ticonderoga, 127;\\nSt. Leger served under,\\n256; Stanwix under, 258;\\nmentioned, 217, 258.\\nAccount of Burgoyne s Cam-\\npaign, see Neilson, Charles.\\nAcland, Lady Harriet, accom-\\npanied her husband to\\nAmerica, 112; conflicting\\nstories concerning her sec-\\nond marriage, 112; escaped\\nfrom a burning *tent, 267,\\n268 romantic attachment\\nfor her husband, 268 in\\nthe American lines, 298\\nher heroic conduct, 298,\\n299 described, 299 sister\\nof Capt. Strangways, 338;\\nmentioned, 295, 339.\\nAcland, Major John Dyke,\\nwounded, 211, 290, 298, 343;\\nhis tent burned, 267 him-\\nself burned, 268 the ro-\\nmantic attachment of his\\nwife, 268 biographical no-\\ntice, III; mentioned, 16,\\nIII.\\nAdams, Katherine, mother of\\nCapt. Robert, 137.\\nAdams, Capt. Robert, mur-\\ndered by Indians, 135, 136;\\nbiographical notice of, 136-\\n138.\\nAdams, Thomas, father of\\nCapt. Robert, 136, 137.\\nAdolphus, John, his History\\nof England, cited, 239.\\nAgnew, Major William,\\nwounded, 335 biograph-\\nical notice, 337.\\nAlbany, Burgoyne, Clinton\\nand Howe to meet at, 14,\\n15, 19, 24, 26, 64, 65, 259;\\nBurgoyne proceeded to-\\nward, 21 re-enforcements\\nsent to, 25 Burgoyne s\\npath to, blocked, 29; Clin-\\nton on the way to, 46 Gen.\\nSchuyler born and died in,\\n241, 243 the Baroness Rie-\\ndesel in, 243 volunteers\\nfrom, 250 St. Leger to\\nmeet Burgoyne at, 258\\nmentioned, 19, 28, 33, loi,\\n108, 240, 244, 257, 277, 281.\\nAlgonquins, the, 93.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0399.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "364\\nIndex.\\nAllen, Col. Ethan, captured\\nTiconderoga, 127.\\nAllen, Joseph, his Battles of\\nthe British Navy, cited, 140.\\nAmboy, evacuated by Howe,\\nAmerica, a day famous in the\\nannals of, 317; mentioned,\\n67, 69, 93, 102, 121, 155,\\n156, 166, 169, 174, 182, 189,\\n191, 218, 222,230,234, 239,\\n245, 246, 300, 305, 306, 310,\\n325, 327, 330,331,332, 333.\\n334, 335, 337? 339 340, 34^,\\n349. 350.\\nAmerican Archives, The,\\ncited, 104, 114, 130, 138,\\n254, 300.\\nAmerican Historical Record,\\nThe, cited, 257.\\nAmerican Revolution, The\\nHistory of, see Ramsay,\\nDavid, M. D.\\nAmerican troops, the, trium-\\nphant in Canada, 3, 8\\ndriven from Quebec, 9, 10;\\ndisheartened, 13 sufferings\\nof, 13, 14; bitterat the loss\\nof Ticonderoga, 20; impa-\\ntient for the approach of\\nCarleton, 172; accused of\\ninhumanity, 261, 263, 264,\\n265, 270, 272, 273; defended\\nby Gates, 261-263.\\nAmerican War, History of\\nthe, see Stedman, C.\\nAmhurst, Gen. Jeffrey, cap-\\ntured Crown Point, 127;\\ncaptured Ticonderoga, 127;\\nbiographical notice of, 135-\\n137-\\nAnburey, Thomas, biograph-\\nical notice of, 17 his Trav-\\nels through the Interior\\nParts of America translated\\ninto French and German,\\n17 cited, 17, 18, 123, 130,\\n131, 134, 175,211-213,237,\\n252, 255, 268,270,272, 273,\\n327, 330, 331,332,339. 340,\\n341, 348, 350,352.\\nAncient and Honorable Artil\\nlery Company, The, 283.\\nAndover, Mass., 282.\\nAnnual Biography and Obitu-\\nary, The, cited, 278.\\nAnnual Register, The, cited,\\n86, 140, 148.\\nAnson, Lord, General Howe\\nserved under, 156.\\nAnstruther, Colonel John,\\nwounded, 336, 337; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 344\\nmentioned, 272, 341.\\nAnticosti, Island of, described,\\n96, 97.\\nAntiochus, 121.\\nAntroch, Ensign Henry de,\\nsee Danterroch, Henry.\\nApollo, The, 187.\\nArgyle, the Tories of, seek\\nprotection from the In-\\ndians, 236.\\nAriadne, The, 148.\\nArnold, Gen. Benedict, joined\\nMontgomery, 8 attacked\\nby Carleton, 10, 12 unable\\nto form a conjunction with\\nSullivan, 12, 13 attacked\\nBurgoyne and Eraser, 30\\nurged Gates to make a night\\nattack, 32, 291 suspended,", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0400.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n365\\n32; a controlling spirit in a\\nfight, 39, 40, 41 duel with\\nBalcarres, 87 dispatched a\\nparty to reconnoitre, 145\\ncommander on the lake,\\n146, 147, 241 built the\\nRoyal Savage, 158; com-\\nmander of the Congress,\\n163 confidence reposed in,\\n164; heroic conduct, 171,\\n288, 289 strengthened his\\nposition at Ticonderoga,\\n172 accompanied Phillips\\nto Virginia, 175 supposed\\nletter to Burgoyne, 241\\njoined the British, 246\\nsuspected by Clinton, 246,\\n247 with Morgan in Can-\\nada, 271 his furious attack\\nupon the Germans, 288,\\n289; before Quebec, 325;\\nbiographical notice of, 146,\\n147; mentioned, 9, 313,319.\\nArnold, Hannah, letter of, to\\nher son Benedict, 146.\\nArnold s Campaign for the\\nConquest of Canada, see\\nHenry, John Joseph.\\nArrogant, The, 150.\\nArticles of Convention be-\\ntween Gates and Burgoyne,\\n312-317.\\nAstor Library, vi.\\nAugust, The, 253.\\nBaccalaos, early name of New-\\nfoundland, 90.\\nBalcarres, the Earl of, at-\\ntacked by Arnold, 41 duel\\nwith Arnold, 87 landed at\\nQuebec, 104; wounded,\\n211,331; biographical no-\\ntice of,. 86; mentioned, 16,\\nno, 252, 327.\\nBalcaskie, Scotland, 344.\\nBarre, Col. Isaac, demanded\\nof Germaine what was be-\\ncome of Burgoyne, 65 re-\\ngretted the death of Gen.\\nMontgomery, 100, loi.\\nBasque, a province of Spain,\\n95.\\nBasques, the, fished early near\\nNewfoundland, 90.\\nBatman, defined, 202.\\nBatten Kill, 249, 253.\\nBattersby, Lieutenant James,\\nwounded, 330 biograph-\\nical notice of, 330.\\nBattles of the British Navy,\\nsee Allen, Joseph.\\nBaum, Lieut.-Col. Frederick,\\nsent to attack Bennington,\\n23-24; 250, 251, 346; his\\ncommand destroyed, 23\\ntaken prisoner, 260 bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 260;\\nmentioned, 193, 194.\\nBay of Biscay, 207.\\nBay of Placentia, 91.\\nBeatson, Robert, his Military\\nMemoirs of Great Britain,\\ncited, 148 his Political\\nIndex to the Histories ot\\nGreat Britain, cited, 148.\\nBelle Isle, the expedition\\nagainst. Col. Hamilton in,\\n196; General Hodgson in,\\n207 Maj. Walker in, 207;\\nCapt. Jones in, 325 Col.\\nLind in, 333 Capt. Ram-\\nsay in, 348.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0401.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "366\\nIndex.\\nBemus Heights, the battle of,\\nMaj. Acland wounded at,\\nIII Mrs. Acland at, II2;\\nBreymann killed at, 193.\\nBennington, the patriots\\ngathered at, 23 Gen. Baum\\nsent to seize the stores at,\\n23-\\nBennington, the battle of,\\nLieut.-Col. Peters at, 194;\\nGen. Riedesel sent to, 248,\\n250; Lieut.-Col, Baum\\ntaken prisoner at, 260, 346\\nthe victory at, caused re-\\ncruits to come into the\\nAmerican camp, 267 Capt.\\nDurnford taken prisoner at,\\n346 Capt. Salons wounded\\nat, 352 mentioned, 24, 27,\\n193, 255, 260,261,262, 265.\\nBerkshire, England, 86.\\nBerwick, Maine, 10.\\nBerwick, Scotland, Sir Wil-\\nliam Howe, governor of,\\n156.\\nBetham, the Rev. William,\\nhis Baronetage, cited, 222.\\nBingley, Lord, a supposed\\nrelative of Burgoyne, 168.\\nBiographical Dictionary, see\\nBlake. John L., D. D.\\nBird Islands, The, described,\\n92.\\nBirnstead, England, Howarth\\ndied at, 328.\\nBiscay, a province of Spain,\\n95.\\nBiscay, the Bay of, 207.\\nBiscayners, The, supposed an-\\ncestors of the Esquimaux,\\n95 traces of, in Europe, 95.\\nBlake, Capt. John, wounded,\\n335 biographical notice of,\\n337- 338.\\nBlake, John L., D. D., his Bio-\\ngraphical Dictionary, cited,\\n247.\\nBlackee, see Blacker.\\nBlacker, Ensign Henry,\\nwounded, 337 biograph-\\nical notice of, 345.\\nBleurie River, The, 142.\\nBlomefield, Capt. Thomas,\\nwounded, 325 biograph-\\nical notice of, 325, 326.\\nBonchetti, Joseph, his British\\nDominions in North Amer-\\nica, cited, 97.\\nBoscawen, Admiral Edward,\\naccompanied to America\\nby St. Clair, 218.\\nBoston, Burgoyne s troops to\\nembark at, 49 troops quar-\\ntered in, 49, 50; Gen. Heath\\nat the siege of, 62 Bur-\\ngoyne in, 115; Capt. Craig\\nat the siege of, 166; Col.\\nMarshall born in, 283\\nmentioned, 60, 61, 62, 103,\\n113, 147, 182, 194,244, 282,\\n314, 349-\\nBoston Gazette, The, Gen.\\nHeath a writer for, 61.\\nBoston Massacre, Lieut. Bat-\\ntersby in the, 330.\\nBoston, The, burnt, 162\\ncommanded by Sumner,\\n163.\\nBotta, Carlo G. G., his His-\\ntory of the War of Inde-\\npendence, cited, loi, 247.\\nBoucherville, Canada, 193.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0402.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "Index.\\nZ^7\\nBoucherville, Capt. Rene An-\\ntoine de, in command of a\\nCanadian company, 193\\nbiographical notice of, 193.\\nBouquet Expedition, Capt.\\nAdams in the, 137.\\nBouquet, Col. Henry, 200.\\nBouquet River, The, named\\nafter Col. Bouquet, 200.\\nBourbon River, The, 93.\\nBouroughbridge, England,\\nrepresented by Gen. Phil-\\nlips, 174.\\nBraddock, Gen. Edward, Gen.\\nGates served under, 169\\nCol. Morgan served under,\\n270 Capt. Langlade served\\nunder, 254.\\nBrampton, England, Arnold s\\ndeath at, 147.\\nBrandywine, Battle of. Gen.\\nSullivan at the, 10.\\nBreed s Hill, 236, see Bunker\\nHill.\\nBrenton, Edward P., his Naval\\nHistory of Great Britain,\\ncited, 148.\\nBreymann, Lieut.-Col. Hein-\\nrich Christoph, sent to sup-\\nport Baum, 24 defeated,\\n24; biographical notice of,\\n193-194 mentioned, 31,\\n41, 193, 288.\\nBribes, Gens. Schuyler and\\nSt. Clair accused of accept-\\ning, 219.\\nBritish Army Lists, The,\\ncited, 86, 87, 109, 112, 114,\\n123, 124, 130, 137, 150, 156,\\n160, 171, 175, 181, 182. 195,\\n199, 203, 206, 207, 211, 217,\\n219,222,225, 234, 235, 245,\\n247,257,278, 287, 290, 300,\\n306,312,325, 327, 328, 329,\\n330,332,333. 334, 335, 336,\\n337,338,339, 340, 341, 343,\\n344,345,347, 348, 349, 350,\\n351,352.\\nBritish Family Antiquary, see\\nPlayfaire, William.\\nBritish Museum, v, vii.\\nBritish North America, Gen.\\nCraig Governor General of,\\n167.\\nBritish War Office, vi.\\nBrooks, the Rev. Charles, his\\nHistory of Medford, cited,\\n213.\\nBrown, Col., attacked Ticon-\\nderoga, 277.\\nBrudenel, the Rev. Edward,\\nperformed the funeral serv-\\nice at the burial of General\\nEraser, 296 conducted\\nLady Acland to the Amer-\\nican lines, 298, 299 bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 298.\\nBrunswick, 334.\\nBrunswick Dragoons, The,\\n260.\\nBrymen, see Breymann, Lieut.-\\nCol. Heinrich Christoph.\\nBrymner, Mr. Douglas, vi, 195.\\nBuckingham, James Silk, his\\nCanada, Nova Scotia and\\nother British Provinces,\\ncited, 92.\\nBullet, Story of the Silver,\\n33, 34-\\nBunbury, Capt. Abraham,\\nwounded, 337 biograph-\\nical notice of, 345.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0403.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "368\\nIndex.\\nBunker Hill, the battle of, its\\neffect upon the English\\nGovernment, 4, 5 Dear-\\nborn at, 38; the retreat\\nfrom Long Island com-\\npared to the, 60 Col. Nes-\\nbit at, 114; witnessed by\\nBurgoyne, 116; the assault\\nled by Gen. Howe, 155\\nCapt. Craig at, 166, 167;\\nL Estrange at, 182; Col.\\nHale at, 216; Sir Henry\\nClinton at, 246; Col. Dow-\\nling at, 335 Lieut. Eng-\\nland at, 349 mentioned,\\n236, 313-\\nBurgoyne, Lady Charlotte,\\n115.\\nBurgoyne, Lieut.-Gen. Sir\\nJohn, drove Sullivan to St.\\nJohns, 10; sailed for Eng-\\nland, 13, 14; at Quebec,\\n14, 187; in command of\\nthe Northern army, 14, 15,\\nX84, 85, 187, 188; at Mon-\\ntreal, 15 letter to Lord\\nGermaine, 15; occupied a\\npost near Ticonderoga, 15\\nfine equipped army, 16-18;\\narmy divided into three\\nbrigades, 17; detached St.\\nLeger to Fort Schuyler,\\n18 at Crown Point, 19\\nbefore Ticonderoga, 19, 20;\\nhis position discovered, 20\\ncaptured Ticonderoga, 20;\\nvictory celebrated, 21, 172\\nletter to Lord Germaine,\\n21 sent for more troops,\\n21-22; to Skeensborough,\\n22 his progress hindered,\\n22, 30; discontent of his\\nallies, and army weakened,\\n22-23 sent Baum to Ben-\\nnington, 23 embarrassed,\\n24, 29, 37 disheartened\\nletter to Lord Germaine,\\n24-27 messages to Gen.\\nHowe intercepted, 25, 28,\\n123; to meet Howe at Al-\\nbany, 24, 26, 64, 65, 188,\\n257, 258; recruits at Lake\\nChamplain, 26; communi-\\ncations cut off, 26, 197\\nawaited Howe s operations,\\n26 peril of his position,\\n27, 28, 29; defeat of St.\\nLeger, 27 crossed the\\nHudson, 28 at Dovegat,\\n29 path blocked, 29; army\\ndivided, 29, 30 attacked\\nby Arnold and Morgan, 30,\\n38;. failed to follow a gained\\nadvantage, 31, 275 un-\\njustly claimed victory, 31\\nadvised to advance, 32 re-\\nceived letters from Gen.\\nClinton, 32-34, 275 mes-\\nsenger to, taken prisoner,\\n33, 284 hoped for re-en-\\nforcements, 32, 33 fortified\\nhis camp, 33, 34; letter to\\nClinton, 35, 36; position\\nmore critical, 37, 288, 289,\\n300 prepared to attack the\\nAmericans, 37 attacked by\\nthe enemy, 38 ordered a\\nretreat, 40, 41 moved\\nacross Fish Creek, 42, 293\\nnot guilty of spending the\\nnight in revelry, 42, 43\\nsent a force to clear the", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0404.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n369\\nway to Fort Edward, 44\\na still more critical position,\\n46 called a council, 46, 47,\\n317, 318; a retreat pre-\\nvented by the enemy, 46,\\n47, 251, 279; proposed a\\nsurrender, 47, 296, 305-307\\nhis terms accepted, 47 en-\\ndeavored to break the\\nagreement, 47-48, 309, 310,\\n311; treaty signed, 48, 312;\\nsurrendered, 49 troops\\nstarted for Boston, 49 dif-\\nficulty in supplying quarters\\nfor his army, 51, 52; com-\\nplicated affairs, 53 his sup-\\nplies in arrears, 54; regimen-\\ntal colors not given up, 55,\\n74 his utterances carefully\\n.scanned, 57; his soldiers\\ndeserted, 58 feeling of\\ndoubt concerning him, 58\\nhis health impaired, 59;\\nembarked for England, 59,\\n88, 173; paid expenses for\\nhis troops, 59 felt that the\\nA m e r ic a n Government\\ntreated him unjustly, 64;\\ndispatches from, reach\\nEngland, 66, 346 the dis-\\naster of his army expected,\\n64-66, 318, 319; his recep-\\ntion in London, 66, 67\\npublished an address on his\\ncampaign, 68, 69 ministry\\nhostile, 68 accused of try-\\ning to supplant Carleton,\\n68 charged with double\\ndealing, 68 endeavored to\\nhave his captured army lib-\\nerated, 68 demanded a\\n47\\ntrial, 68-69 assailed by\\npamphlets, 69, 70 popular,\\n67, 68, 69 ordered to\\nAmerica, 67, 68, 69; his\\narmy a sacrifice to a blunder\\nof Lord Germaine, 70, 321\\nHowe s failure to co-oper-\\nate with him a puzzle to\\nWashington, 71, 72; com-\\npared to Howe, 72 second\\nin command, 84, 85; treated\\nprisoners humanely, 108\\nhis expedition against Forts\\nChambly and St. Johns,\\n114-116; in Parliament,\\n115; general orders of, 1 19;\\norders against scalping,\\n135) 359; on the Maria,\\n151 erected a block-house,\\n152; witnessed the battle\\nof Bunker Hill, 155 his\\nfavorite aid-de-camp, 160;\\nhis parentage, 168 com-\\nplimented Carleton, 172\\nadvised Carleton to ad-\\nvance, 172; left Phillips in\\ncommand of the troops,\\n175 Colonel of the Queen s\\nRegiment, 189, 229, 231,\\n232 Governor of Fort\\nWilliam, 189, 229, 231,\\n232; manifesto of, 189-192;\\nhumorous replies to, 192,\\n229-232 his unfavorable\\nopinion of the Provincial\\nloyalists, 195 on St. Clair s\\nwant of foresight, 204\\npraised the Grenadiers, 212;\\noccupied Mount Defiance,\\n218 said to have bribed\\nGens. Schuyler and St.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0405.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "370\\nIndex.\\nClair, 219; eulogized Gen.\\nMontgomery, 221 in Port-\\nugal, 222 eulogized Gen.\\nFraser, 224-22 5 his advance\\non Skeensborough a help\\nto the enemy, 227-228 is-\\nsued a proclamation, 233\\nnot in favor of hiring In-\\ndians, 237-239, 262 letters\\nto Gen. Gates, 237, 263,\\n259-265 supposed letter\\nfrom Gen. Arnold, 241 de-\\nstroyed the house of Gen.\\nSchuyler, 243 at Duer s\\nhouse, 244 Gen. Clinton s\\nweak attempt to help him,\\n246; at Fort Miller, 249;\\ncrossed the Hudson, 249,\\n267 on St. Luc, 254 his\\norders relating to deserters,\\n256 to meet St. Leger at\\nAlbany, 257, 258; com-\\nplained of the treatment of\\nprisoners, 261; sent supplies\\nto his officers, 263 de-\\nfended himself against the\\naspersions of Gen. Gates,\\n264-265; on Saratoga\\nHeights, 267, 300; com-\\npared to Gen. Gates, 274;\\nhis reasons for not follow-\\ning the advice of Fraser\\nand Phillips, 275 his death\\nreported, 277 heard of\\nClinton s advance, 278\\ncriticised in his own army,\\n291 baggage destroyed,\\n301 denied having unnec-\\nessarily destroyed property,\\n301; discontent in his army,\\n302-303 articles of sur-\\nrender given in full, 312-\\n317 his surrender the turn-\\ning point of the Revolution,\\n318; his meeting with Gen.\\nGates, 320; letters to Lord\\nGermaine, 323 not to be\\ncensured, 323 return of\\nthe killed, wounded and\\nprisoners of his command,\\n324; return of his troops,\\n355 his speech to the In-\\ndians, 356-360; other\\nspeeches of, cited, 68, 254,\\n302 biographical notice of,\\n114-116; mentioned, V, vi,\\nvii, I, 2, 16, 18, 56, 65, 117,\\n123, 136, 139, 150, 170, 192,\\n194, I97\u00c2\u00bb 198 211, 219, 220,\\n239, 243, 260, 271, 281, 282,\\n297, 308,313, 314,315. 316,\\n322, 325.327, 332,333, 335,\\n337,343,345,348; the Con-\\nvention of Saratoga, see\\nDeane, Charles, LL.D.\\nhis letter to his constitu-\\nents, cited, 66 his Orderly-\\nBook, see O Callaghan, Ed-\\nmund B., LL.D.; his State\\nof the Expedition from\\nCanada, cited, 15, 21, 24,\\n49, 50, 69, 112, 175, 325,\\n327. 5^^, \u00c2\u00ab/j-c\u00c2\u00bb, Fonblanque,\\nEdward Barrington, de\\nNeilson, Chas.; and Stone,\\nCol. William L.\\nBurgoyne, Sir John Fox, son\\nof Gen, Sir John, 116.\\nBurgoyne s Light-Horse, 115.\\nBurke, Sir Bernard, his\\nLanded Gentry, cited, 181\\nhis Peerage and Baronet-", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0406.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n371\\nage, cited, 86, 87, 104, 112,\\n116, 156, 160, 327, 338,\\n340.\\nBurke, Edmund, denounced\\nthe employment of merce-\\nnary troops, 7;. eulogized\\nMontgomery, loi.\\nBurcaco, the battle of, Gen.\\nHowarth at, 328.\\nCab riding, 180.\\nCambridge, Mass., Lieut.\\nDigby at, vii officers quar-\\ntered at, 50 Balcarres at,\\n87 Gen. Thompson at,\\n107 flags displayed at,\\n161; Gen. Gates at, 170;\\nGen. Phillips at, 175 Col.\\nMorgan at, 270 Gen.\\nLearned at, 282 Capt.\\nBunbury at, 345 Capt.\\nShrimpton at, 350; men-\\ntioned, 59, 212, 216, 326.\\nCampbell, Capt. Alexander,\\ncarried a dispatch from\\nBurgoyne to Gen. Clinton,\\nCanada, Lieut. Digby in, vi,\\nvii Forty-third Regiment\\nin, vi, 2 Americans tri-\\numphant in, 3, 8 Gen,\\nCarleton to remain in, 14\\nGen. Montgomery s cam-\\npaign in, 19 Gen. Amherst\\nin, 135 Gen. Gates in, 170\\nmentioned, v, 3, 21, 38, 39,\\n41, 55, 65, 83, 92, 93, no,\\n114, 119, 122, 123, 124, 129,\\n133, 149, 171, 173, 176, 180,\\n187, 188, 189, 193, 194, 197.\\n198, 199, 200, 203, 218, 226,\\n240, 253, 257, 258, 279, 282,\\n283,285,300, 316, 326, 329,\\n330, 332, 336, 345, 347, 348,\\n349, 352 Arnold s Cam-\\npaign for the Conquest of,\\nsee Henry, John Joseph\\nConquest of, see Jones,\\nCharles H. The History\\nof, see Garneau, Francis\\nXavier; Nova Scotia and\\nother British Provinces, see\\nBuckingham, James Silk\\nState of the Expedition\\nfrom, see Burgoyne, Lieut.-\\nGen. Sir John.\\nCanadians, Gen. Carleton s\\ntreatment of the, 85, 184;\\nemployed in the British\\narmy, 119, 142, 238 forced\\nto work in irons, 120; char-\\nacter of the, 122 do not\\nbury their dead in the\\nwinter, 183; under Bouch-\\nerville and Moning, 193\\nunder McKay, 300 de-\\nserted, 304 returned to\\nCanada, 316.\\nCanoes, how constructed,\\n123-125.\\nCape Breton, 194, 253.\\nCape of Good Hope, Lieut.\\nScott at the, 124; Capt.\\nPringle in command at the,\\n48 Capt. Craig governor\\nof, 167.\\nCape Race, 91.\\nCape Rosiers, 91.\\nCardigan, Capt. Longcroft, in\\ncommand of the Sea Fenci-\\nbles off, 151.\\nCaresford, The, 83, 91.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0407.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "372\\nIndex.\\nCaribs, the campaign against,\\n149; Capt. Green in the,\\n278.\\nCarib war, Capt. Pilot in the,\\n149.\\nCarillon, name given to the\\npresent Ticonderoga by\\nMontcalm, 127.\\nCarleton, Gen. Sir Guy, took\\nrefuge in Quebec, 8 forced\\nGen. Thomas to retreat, 9,\\n10; his army divided, 10;\\nattacked Gen. Arnold at\\nMontreal, 10 improvised\\na navy, 1 1 pushed on to\\nCrown Point, 12 eluded\\nby Arnold, 12; destroyed\\nthe American fleet, 12;\\nprudence dictated to him to\\nwithdraw his army, 13, 18\\nstationed parts of his army\\nalong the St. Lawrence,\\n13 in winter quarters at\\nQuebec, 13; criticised by\\nLord Germaine and others,\\n13 arrival of Burgoyne,\\n14 appointed commander\\nof the Canadian depart-\\nment, 14 letter to Lord\\nGermaine, 14 departure of\\nBurgoyne, 16 asked to gar-\\nrison Ticonderoga, 21-22;\\ndid not assist Burgoyne\\nin the campaign, 22, 27\\nBurgoyne accused of art-\\nfully supplanting him, 68\\nin command of the northern\\narmy, 84 friend of Gen.\\nMontgomery, 100 at the\\ndefence of Quebec, 102\\ndrove the enemy to Fort\\nSorel, 103 waited for ship,\\n103-104; treated prisoners\\nhumanely, 108, 133 en-\\ncouraged the hiring of In-\\ndians, 121; his orders to\\narrest all rebels, 133 on\\nthe Maria, 157 sent troops\\nto Crown Point, 162 elated\\nat the capture of Col.\\nWaterbury, 163 paroled\\nthe prisoners, 166; the\\nAmericans impatient for\\nhim to approach, 172 close\\nto Crown Point, 172; did\\nnot follow the advice of\\nBurgoyne and Phillips, 172\\ncomplimented by Bur-\\ngoyne, 172; reconnoitered\\nthe enemy s lines, 174\u00e2\u0080\u0094175\\nhis character, 183, 184;\\ncriticised for not taking\\nTiconderoga, 187, 188; let-\\nters to and from Germaine,\\n238, 258 commander-in-\\nchief, 247 suspected St.\\nLuc of treachery, 253\\nBurgoyne to notify him of\\nthe surrender, 316; sent\\nmessenger to England, 318;\\nbiographical notice of, 84-\\n86; mentioned, v, 9, 38,\\n69, 71, 113, 120, 123, 130,\\n132, 140, 145, 157, 158, 167,\\n182, 196, 197, 332, 333, 338,\\n339.341,348, 349, 352.\\nCarleton, Gen. Sir Guy, Let-\\nters of, cited, 123.\\nCarleton, Lady Maria How-\\nard, wife of Gen. Sir Guy,\\n145, 148.\\nCarleton, The, launched, 139;", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0408.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "Index.\\nZ1Z\\nnamed, 145 commanded\\nby Lieut. Dacres, 152\\nmentioned, 148, 151, 158,\\n176.\\nCarlisle, Pa., Gen. Thomp-\\nson s death at, 108.\\nCarlisle, Pa., Gazette, The,\\ncited, 127.\\nCarriole, a, described, 180,\\n181.\\nCarter, Capt. John, destroyed\\nbaggage at Skeensborough,\\n205-206; his spirited con-\\nduct, 223 biographical no-\\ntice of, 205, 206.\\nCartier, Capt. Jacques, dis-\\ncovered the Island of Anti-\\ncosti, 97 named the pres-\\nent Island of Orleans, Isle\\nof Bacchus, 103 his Jour-\\nnal Historique, cited, 103.\\nCaryole, see Carriole.\\nCase, the Rev. Wheeler,\\nPoems of, cited, 320.\\nCastletown, Gen. St. Clair at,\\n218; Burgoyne issued a\\nproclamation for the people\\nto send deputies to, 233\\nmentioned, 21.\\nCataracony, de Boucherville\\nborn at, 193.\\nCatherine, Queen of Russia,\\nrefused to assist George\\nin., 5, 6; called Sister\\nKitty, 6.\\nCatlin, George, his American\\nIndians, cited, 121.\\nCedars, The, 84.\\nCerberus, The, at Boston,\\n115; humorous lines upon.\\n115.\\nby\\nCeres, The, commanded\\nDacres, 139.\\nChambersburg, 137.\\nChambly Rapids, 151.\\nChamplain, Lake, see Lake\\nChamplain.\\nChamplain, Samuel de, named\\nthe Island of Anticosti, 97\\ncalled the present Richelieu\\nRiver the River of the Iro-\\nquois, 103 named Lake\\nSt. Peters, 113; probably\\nvisited the site of Ticon-\\nderoga, 126-127; named\\nthe Isle-aux Noix, 135\\ndiscovered Lake George,\\n214; his Voyages, cited,\\n97, 113, 127.\\nCharibs, see Caribs.\\nCharlestown, Mass., Col. Nes-\\nbit at the burning of,\\n114.\\nCharlestown, S. C, 195, 246.\\nCharlevoix, P. F. X. de, his\\nHistory of New France,\\ncited, 97 his letters to the\\nDuchess de Lesdiguires,\\ncited, 103, 104.\\nChatham, 330.\\nChatham, the Earl of, de-\\nnounced the employment\\nof mercenary troops, 7\\nupon the surrender of Bur-\\ngoyne, 65.\\nCheeseman, 134.\\nCheltenham, death of Col.\\nGreen at, 278.\\nCherbourg, Gen. Burgoyne at\\nthe attack of, 115.\\nCheonderoga, former name of\\nTiconderoga, 126.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0409.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "374\\nIndex.\\nCherokees, campaign against\\nthe, 234, 310.\\nChesapeake Bay, Howe s fleet\\nin the, 321.\\nChippewas, The, under Lang-\\nlade, 254, 255.\\nClarke, Capt. Sir Francis Carr,\\ninformation obtained by,\\n160, 164; discussed the\\nmerits of the Revolution\\nwith Gates, 171 favorite\\naid-de-camp of Burgoyne,\\n171, 306; killed, 160, 291,\\n338 succeeded by Maj.\\nKingston, 305 biograph-\\nical notice of, 160; men-\\ntioned, 161.\\nClinton, Francis Fiennes,\\ngrandfather of Sir Henry,\\n246.\\nClinton, George, father of Sir\\nHenry, former governor of\\nNew York, 246,\\nClinton, Gen, Sir Henry, in\\ncommand at New York, 25\\nBurgoyne sent a messenger\\nto urge him up the Hudson,\\n27, 28, 248, 249, 277, 279,\\n346; a letter from him\\nreached Burgoyne, 32, 33\\nabout to ascend the river,\\n33; a messenger of, taken\\nprisoner, 33, 284 letters to\\nBurgoyne, 33, 34, 246, 275\\nletters from Burgoyne, 35,\\n36, 123, 124; captured Forts\\nMontgomery and Clinton,\\n45, 47 burned Kingston\\nand returned to New York,\\n46 his progress up the\\nHudson alarmed Gates, 49\\noffered to renew the obliga-\\ntion of the convention at\\nSaratoga, 59 ceased to sup-\\nply the convention prison-\\ners, 62 superseded by Gen.\\nCarleton, 84; in Boston,\\n155 criticised for his weak\\nattempt to assist Burgoyne,\\n246 reported advance up\\nthe river, 278 Burgoyne\\nwaited to hear from him,\\n279,285,310,311,312; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 246, 247;\\nmentioned, 19, 314, 319,\\n345 his narrative cited,\\n247 his Observations on\\nStedman s History of the\\nAmerican War, cited, 247.\\nClinton, Gen. James, received\\nan interrupted letter from\\nSir Henry Clinton to Bur-\\ngoyne, 33, 34.\\nCodfish, strange story of the,\\n89-90.\\nCodlands, early name of New-\\nfoundland, 91.\\nCoffin, Sir Isaac, named the\\nBird Islands, 92,\\nCoffin s Islands, 92.\\nCogswell, M., teacher of Gen.\\nArnold, 146.\\nCollections of the New Hamp-\\nshire Historical Society,\\ncited, 233.\\nCollections of the Wisconsin\\nHistorical Society, cited,\\n255.\\nCollege de Louis-le-Grand,\\n17-\\nCollins, Arthur, his Peerage,\\ncited, 86.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0410.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n375\\nColonial History of New\\nYork, see O Callaghan,\\nEdmund B., LL. D.\\nColors of the captured regi-\\nments said to have been left\\nin Canada, 54, 55 proved\\nto be false, 55, 56, 74, see\\nFlags.\\nCongress, The Continental,\\nGen. Sullivan a delegate to,\\n10 Gen. Gates before, 170\\nGens. Schuyler and St.\\nClair before, 241, 242 men-\\ntioned, 61, 62, 63, 99, 161,\\n164, 166, 194,283,313.\\nCongress, The, burnt, 162\\ncommanded by Arnold,\\n163.\\nConnecticut, proposed opera-\\ntions in, 25 Whitcomb a\\nnative of, 131 mentioned,\\n146, 162, 193.\\nConnecticut, History of, see\\nHollister, G. H.\\nConnecticut, The, burnt, 162\\ncommanded by Grant, 163.\\nConnel, Ensign Morgan,\\nwounded and a prisoner,\\n333; nothing further known\\nof him, 336.\\nContinental army, 218, see\\nAmerican troops. The, 218.\\nCooke, Lieut. John, killed at\\nFreeman s Farm, 332 bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 332.\\nCooke, John Eesten, his Life\\nof Daniel Morgan, cited,\\n271.\\nCooper, 134.\\nCopenhagen, Capt. Blome-\\nfield at the siege of, 326.\\nCork, Cove of, the troops\\nsailed from, 4, 83,98, 151,\\n339-\\nCornwallis, Lord, the surren-\\nder of, 70, 219, 247; Gen.\\nGates served under, 169;\\ngovernor of Halifax, 169;\\nGen. Money on the staff of,\\n290; mentioned, 39, 195.\\nCorrespondence in the Public\\nRecord Office, cited, 4.\\nCorrica, Capt. Greene in, 278.\\nCortereal, Capt. Gasper, seized\\nnatives for slaves, 95.\\nCoudres, Isle aux, see Isle-\\naux-Coudres.\\nCouncil of Censors, 166.\\nCourt and City Register, cited,\\n150.\\nCoutty, Samuel, father of\\nAnne Reynell, 339.\\nCove of Cork, see Cork, Cove\\nof.\\nCoveville, formerly Davagot,\\n297.\\nCowpens, the battle of, Col.\\nMorgan at, 271.\\nCraig, Capt. James H., cap-\\ntured thirty men at Sorel\\nriver, 126; went with the\\nflag of truce to the Ameri-\\ncan hnes, 166, 167; took\\ndispatches to England, 167,\\n318; prepared a letter to\\nWilkinson, 310; biograph-\\nical notice of, 166-168.\\nCream carried in a basket and\\nsold by weight, 180.\\nCreasy, Sir Edward, his Fif-\\nteen Decisive Battles of the\\nWorld, cited, 74.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0411.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "Z7^\\nIndex.\\nCrown Point, Arnold and\\nSullivan fall back to, ii,\\n12; Carleton withdrew his\\ntroops from, 13, 18; used\\nas a hospital and magazine\\nby Burgoyne, 15 formerly\\ncalled Fort St. Frederick,\\n1 26 captured by Gen. Am-\\nherst, 127 captured by Col.\\nWarner, 127; Gen. Water-\\nbury at, 163 Lieut. Digby\\nat, 164; commanded by\\nMaj. Heartley, 165 weakly\\ngarrisoned, 174; feu-de-\\njoy at, 225 mentioned, 21,\\n117, 135, 147, 162, 177, 200.\\nCrown Point, name given by\\nGen. Money to his estate,\\n290; death of Gen. Money\\nat, 290.\\nCuba, Capt. Stapleton in the\\nexpedition against, 347.\\nCulbertson, Alexander, father\\nof Lieut, Joseph, 137.\\nCulbertson, Lieut. Joseph,\\nmurdered by Indians, 135,\\n136 biographical notice of,\\n137, 138.\\nCulbertson, Margaret, mother\\nof Lieut. Joseph, 137.\\nCulbertson, Robert, in the\\nPennsylvania line, 137.\\nCulbertson, Samuel, in the\\nPennsylvania line, 137.\\nCulbertson s Row, 137.\\nCullen, Lieut. Wm., wounded,\\n331 biographical notice of,\\n332.\\nCumberland Bay, Americans\\ncruising in the, 177.\\nCumberland county, 137.\\nCumberland valley, 126.\\nCurray, see Currie.\\nCurrie, Lieut. Samuel, killed,\\n334 biographical notice of,\\n336.\\nCurwen, Samuel, his Journals\\nand Letters, cited, 171.\\nDacres, Lieut. James Richard,\\ncommanded the Carleton,\\n139,152; Longcroft served\\nunder, 151 biographical\\nnotice, 139.\\nDanterroche, Ensign Henry,\\na prisoner, 337 biograph-\\nical notice, 346.\\nDavacot, see Dovegat.\\nDavagot, sec Dovegat.\\nDavis, commander of the Lee,\\n164.\\nDearborn, Lieut.-Col. Henry,\\nleader of the New England\\ntroops, 38, 39; biographical\\nnotice of, 38, 39.\\nDeane, Charles, LL. D., his\\nLieut. -Gen. John Burgoyne\\nand the Convention of Sara-\\ntoga, cited, 57.\\nDe AntroQlT, see Danterroche.\\nDeer, an abundance of, 154,\\n165.\\nDe Fermoy, Gen. Roche, 20.\\nDelaware river. The, 161, 282,\\n319 321.\\nDemarara, Kingston, Lieu-\\ntenant-Governor of, 306.\\nDenmark, 95.\\nDenys, Nicholas, a map of,\\ncited, 92.\\nDe Peyster, Gen. John Watts,\\ncited, 20.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0412.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n377\\nDerby, the Earl of, a daughter\\nof, married Gen. Burgoyne,\\n115.\\nDestruction Bay, 176.\\nDe Warrville, J. P. Brissot,\\nvisited Gen. Heath, 62 his\\nNew Travels in the United\\nStates of America, cited,\\n62.\\nDickenson, commanded\\nthe Enterprise, 164.\\nDieskau, Baron Ludwig Au-\\ngust, at Fort Miller, 244.\\nDigby, Lieutenant William,\\nbut little known of his per-\\nsonal history, vi, 1-2 en-\\ntered the British army, vi\\nin Ireland, vi, 2, 3 at Que-\\nbec, vi, 104 embarked for\\nAmerica, vi at Chambly,\\nvi, 118; followed the for-\\ntunes of Burgoyne and pa-\\nroled at Cambridge, vii\\non duty in Canada, vii, 2\\nretired from the service, vii\\nanchored off the Isle-aux-\\nCoudres, 102 at the Island\\nof Orleans, 103 at Point\\nNeuf, 105 at Trois Riv-\\nieres, 106; lost a particu-\\nlar friend, 109; at Lake St.\\nPeter, 113; before Fort\\nSorel, 113; at St. Denis,\\n116; at Belloeville, 118 at\\nMontreal, 120 at St. Johns,\\n135, 139; sick, 148-149; his\\nbrother-in-law, 149; went to\\nRiviere-la-Cole, 150; on the\\nLoyal Convert, 1 50, 152; at\\nPoint au Fer, 152 ordered\\nto Crown Point, 162; at\\n48\\nCrown Point, 164; at Riv-\\niere Sable, 173; bound for\\nCanada, 176; for St. Johns,\\n177-178; at Bouquet river,\\n200 before Ticonderoga,\\n206 on Mount Independ-\\nence, 208-210; marched\\ntoward Skeensborough,\\n219-220; delayed, 226; de-\\nparted for Fort Anne, 233;\\nleft Fort Anne, 239; near\\nFort Edward, 240 at Fort\\nMiller, 244; ordered back,\\n245 at Batten Kill, 249,\\n253 crossed the Hudson,\\n267 foraging, 286 in the\\nretreat, 293 at Dovegat,\\n297 on the heights of Sara-\\ntoga, 300 for Fort Edward,\\n300 baggage destroyed,\\n301 at the burning of\\nSchuyler s house, 301-302\\nsurrender of the army, 310-\\n317; prepared to march,\\n317; mentioned, 20, 116,\\n133. 135, 150. 158, 161, 181,\\n184, 192,217, 234, 250, 275,\\n277,278,283, 284, 290, 301,\\n317,340,361.\\nDocuments relating to the\\nColonial History of New\\nYork, see O Callaghan, Ed-\\nmund B., LL. D.\\nDon, Lieut. John, wounded,\\n344 biographical notice of,\\n348.\\nDorchester, the Baron of,\\n86.\\nDouglas, Sir Charles, com-\\nmander of the Isis, 104;\\nbiographical notice of, 104.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0413.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "378\\nIndex.\\nDouglas, Lieut. James, killed,\\n330j 335 biographical no-\\ntice of, 330.\\nDoulin, see Dowling,\\nDovegat, Gen. Burgoyne at,\\n29 the retreat to, 41 army\\nmoved from, 42; lines formed\\nat, 297 now called Cove-\\nville, 297 origin of the\\nname, 297 long halt at,\\n302.\\nDowlin, see Dowling.\\nDowling, Lieutenant James,\\nwounded, 332, 333; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 335.\\nDowling, Captain Richard,\\nwounded, 332, 334; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 334.\\nDoyle, Lieutenant William,\\nwounded, 335 biograph-\\nical notice of, 338-339.\\nDublin, Captain Henry Pilot,\\ntown major of, 150; men-\\ntioned, 49, 221, 222.\\nDuer s house, the head-quar-\\nters of Burgoyne, 244, 337.\\nDuncan, F., his History of the\\nRoyal Artillery, cited, 175,\\n206, 207, 287, 325, 327, 328,\\n329-\\nDundas, Col. Francis, accom-\\npanied Arnold, 246.\\nDunford, see Durnford.\\nDunlap, William, his History\\nof New York, cited, 247.\\nDunmore, John Murray, Earl\\nof, 319.\\nDurham, N. H., 10.\\nDurnford, Captain Andrew, a\\nprisoner, 338 biographical\\nnotice of, 346.\\nEdinburgh, Captain Pringle\\ndied at, 148; Gen. St. Clair\\nborn in, 218.\\nEgle, William H., M. D., vi,\\n127, 138.\\nEighth Foot, 344.\\nEighty-fifth Foot, 353.\\nEighty-first Foot, 351.\\nEighty-fourth Foot, 331.\\nEighty-second Foot, 167.\\nEighty-sixth Foot, 306.\\nEighty-third Foot, 348, 349.\\nEleventh Dragoons, 115.\\nEleventh Foot, 196, 305.\\nEleventh Regiment of Massa-\\nchusetts, 21 1.\\nEngland, the people opposed\\nto hiring German troops, 6-\\n7; Burgoyne sailed for, 13-\\n14, 59 the disaster of Bur-\\ngoyne not unexpected in,\\n64-66 Capt. Craig took\\ndispatches to, 167; the re-\\nception of the news of Bur-\\ngoyne s surrender in, 318-\\n319; mentioned, 5, 14,51,\\n52, 56, 65, 87, 95, 103, 115,\\n124, 139, 140, 147, 148, 149,\\n150, 151, 173, 174, 194, 199,\\n203, 207, 222, 223, 226, 234,\\n278,290,310, 322, 325, 334,\\n336,346,349, 350, 351, 353.\\nEngland, Histories of, see\\nAdolphus, John Knight,\\nCharles, and Mahon, Lord.\\nEngland, Lieut. Poole, a pris-\\noner, 345 biographical no-\\ntice of, 349.\\nEnterprise, The, commanded\\nby Dickenson, 104; men-\\ntioned, 144, 162.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0414.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n379\\nEskmouth, Scotland, 104.\\nEsquimaux, The, in New-\\nfoundland, 93 origin of the\\nname of, 93 ate raw flesh,\\n93 described, 93-96.\\nEtiquette, a poem, 313, 314.\\nEurope, the eyes of, on Bur-\\ngoyne s army, 259; men-\\ntioned, 51,\\nExeter, N. H., 282.\\nExpedition of Lieut.-Colonel\\nBarry St. Leger, see Stone,\\nCol. William L.\\nFalkirk, the battle of, 234.\\nFarmington, Mass., General\\nLearned born at, 282.\\nFarquar, Captain William,\\nwounded, 332; biograph-\\nical notice of, 335.\\nFeatherstone, Lieut. William,\\nwounded, 344 biograph-\\nical notice of, 349.\\nFederal Constitution, The, 62.\\nFelinghausen, Gen. Money at\\nthe battle of, 290.\\nFerdinand, Prince, 174, 334.\\nFerentes d Onore, battle of,\\nHowarth at the, 328.\\nFerguson, Col., 213.\\nFetherston, see Featherstone.\\nField Book of the Revolution,\\nsee Lossing, Benson J.\\nFielding, Adjutant Isaac,\\nwounded, 349; biograph-\\nical notice of, 353.\\nFifteen Decisive Battles of\\nthe World, see Creasy, Sii\\nEdward.\\nFifteenth Foot, The, 198.\\nFifty-fifth Foot, The, 86.\\nFifty-sixth Foot, The, 335\\nHistorical Record of, cited\\n325.\\nFifty-third Grenadiers, The,\\n290.\\nFifty-third Regiment of Foot,\\nThe, Lieut. Digby in, vi\\norganized, 2 uniform of, 2\\nin Ireland, vi, 2 ordered to\\nCanada, vi, 2 Capt. Scott\\na member of, 36 a portion\\nof it at the capture of Ti-\\nconderoga, T^y, 124; men-\\ntioned, 86, 109, no, 181,\\n196,203,221,245,277,332;\\nHistorical Record of, cited,\\n203, 245, 332.\\nFilbert Island, named by Car-\\ntier, 98, see IsIe-aux-Cou-\\ndres.\\nFirst Foot, The, 128, 234;\\nHistorical Record of, cited,\\n^.235.\\nPish Creek, 42.\\nFish Kiln, 298, 299.\\nFitch, Asa, his Survey of\\nWashington County, cited,\\n217.\\nFitzgerald, Adjutant George\\nTobias, killed, 336; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 344.\\nFitzmaurice, Lord Edmond,\\nhis Life of William, Earl of\\nShelburne, cited, 65, 70,\\nh 239, 322.\\nFlag, The American, Sir Fran-\\ncis Clarke on, 160-161 de-\\nscribed, 161, 234-235 ac-\\ncount of, 161 different\\nones, 161 materials used\\nin making one for Fort", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0415.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "38o\\nIndex.\\nSchuyler, i6i of Liberty,\\n20 1, see Colors.\\nFleet, The American, on Lake\\nChamplain, 162-164.\\nFleet, The English, on Lake\\nChamplain, 152.\\nFlorida, ceded to Great Brit-\\nain, 149, 347; Capt. Greene\\nin, 278 Lieut. Wright in,\\n329; Capt. Harris in, 331;\\nLieut. Currie in, 336; Capt.\\nStapleton in, 347 Gen.\\nWhitemore in, 347.\\nFonblanque, Edward Barring-\\nton de, his Life of Sir John\\nBurgoyne, cited, 7, 13, 33,\\n42, 74, 83, 112, 116, 124,\\n168, 171, 204, 284, 298,\\n299.\\nFort Anne, the Americans re-\\ntired to, 221 built by Col.\\nNickerson, 221 described,\\n221 Captain Montgomery\\nwounded and taken a pris-\\noner at, 221 Col. Hill be-\\nfore, 224 destroyed, 224;\\nthe victory at, of no great\\nbenefit to the English, 227\\nthe army advanced toward,\\n233; Lieut. Westropp killed\\nat, 234 march from, 239\\nLieut, Stevelly wounded at,\\n352 Lieuts. Fielding and\\nMurray wounded at, 353.\\nFort Arnold, 60.\\nFort Chamble, sec Fort Cham-\\nbly.\\nFort Chambly, Gen. Burgoyne\\nto command the expedition\\nagainst, 114-116; described,\\n116, 128; captured by the\\nAmericans, 1 16, 128; retreat\\nfrom, n8; mentioned, vi,\\nII, 117, 120, 129, 131.\\nFort Cumberland, Gen. Gates\\nat, 169.\\nFort Du Quesne, Sutherland\\nat the surrender of, 310.\\nFort Edward, Gen. Schuyler\\nat, 19; in possession of the\\nAmericans, 44, 46 army\\nencamped near, 240 the\\nretreat from, 242 men-\\ntioned, 25, 37, 44, 228, 233,\\n259, 262, 292, 297, 300, 302,\\n337, 354-\\nFort Frederic, see I ort St.\\nFrederic.\\nFort George, account of, 227-\\n228 erected by Montcalm,\\n227 named for the Duke\\nof York, 228 heavy bag-\\ngage at, 240, 247 a regi-\\nment ordered back to, 245\\nmentioned, 39, 256, 302.\\nFortieth Foot, The, 210, 211.\\nFort Independence, General\\nRiedesel before, 19; men-\\ntioned, 205, 214, see Mount\\nIndependence.\\nFort la Mothe, formerly Fort\\nSt. Anne, 143.\\nFort Ligonier, Gen. St. Clair\\nin command at, 218.\\nFort Miller, evacuated by the\\nAmericans, 244 account\\nof, 244 denominated as\\nDuer s house, 244; Gen.\\nBurgoyne at, 249.\\nFort Montgomery captured\\nby Gen. Clinton, 124; men-\\ntioned, 33, 36.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0416.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n381\\nFort St. Anne, formerly called\\nFort la Mothe, 143.\\nFort St. Frederic, former name\\nof Crown Point, 126, 135.\\nFort St, Johns, Gen. Sullivan\\ndriven to, 10, 118; Gen.\\nBurgoyne s departure from,\\n16; Burgoyne s expedition\\nagainst, 114-116; captured\\nby the Americans, 116; first\\nerected by Montcalm, 116;\\nvessels built at, 120; cap-\\ntured, 128; Lieut. Digby\\n^t, 135, 139; troops assem-\\nbled at, 188; captured by\\nGen. Montgomery, 300\\nmentioned, 11, 13, 125, 129,\\n131, 140, I49\u00c2\u00bb 154, 170, 173,\\n176, 177, 201.\\nFort St. Louis, the present\\nsite of Fort Chambly, 1 16.\\nFort St. Phillip, 333,\\nFort Schuyler, St. Leger sent\\nto, 18 Gen. Gansevoort at,\\n19; St. Leger at, 23, 161\\nflag made for, 161 formerly\\nFort Stanwix, 258.\\nFort Sorel, origin of the name,\\n103 the Americans driven\\nto, 103, 114; Lieut. Digby\\nat, 113.\\nFort Stanwix, unsuccessful\\nexpedition to, 257 ac-\\ncount of, 257-258 repaired\\nby Gen. Schuyler, 258.\\nFort Ticonderoga, see Ticon-\\nderoga.\\nFort William, Gen. Burgoyne\\ngovernor of, 189, 229.\\nFort William Henry, the de-\\nstruction of, 227.\\nForty-eighth Foot, The, 256,\\n257.\\nForty-fifth Foot, The, 123.\\nForty-fourth Foot, The, 221.\\nForty-second Foot, The, 86.\\nForty-seventh Foot, The, 1 14,\\n144, 182, 300, 330, 335, 349.\\nForty-seventh Foot, The His-\\ntorical Record of, cited, 1 82,\\n335-\\nForty-seventh Light Infantry,\\n166.\\nForty-seventh Regiment, The,\\n144, 196, 221.\\nForty-sixth Foot, The, 155,\\n196.\\nForty-sixth Foot, The His-\\ntorical Record of, cited, 1 56.\\nFoster s Peerage and Orders\\nof Knighthood, cited, 87.\\nFourth Foot, The, 114, 344.\\nFox, Charles James, on Lord\\nGermaine, 238 eulogized\\nGen. Montgomery, loi.\\nFox, Elizabeth, wife of Ste-\\nphen, 338.\\nFox, Stephen, father of Ste-\\nphen Digby Strangways,\\n338.\\nFoxes, The, under Langlade,\\n254, 255.\\nFrance, the partial sympathy\\nof, for the Americans, 7\\nmentioned, 95, 207, 334,\\n348.\\nFrancis Ebenezer, father of\\nCol. Ebenezer, 211.\\nFrancis, Col. Ebenezer, killed,\\n211; biographical notice of,\\n211-213; mentioned, 329,\\n332, 350.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0417.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "382\\nIndex.\\nFrancis, Rachel Whitemore,\\nmother of Col. Ebenezer,\\n211; her grief at the loss of\\nher son, 212, 213.\\nFraser, Lieut. Alexander, sent\\nto head off the Americans,\\n107 sent to reconnoiter,\\n122 biographical notice of,\\n122-123.\\nFraser, Gen. Simon, took pos-\\nsession of Mount Hope,\\n19, 202 succeeded by Bal-\\ncarres, 87 Riedesel sent\\nto help him, 217; sent his\\nprisoners to Ticonderoga,\\n219; praised by Burgoyne,\\n224, 225; bravery of, 274;\\nadvised Burgoyne to ad-\\nvance, 275 wounded, 287-\\n290 died, 293-296 burial\\nof, 296; mentioned, 16, 30,\\n3i 32, 37, 38, 39. 40, 41,\\nIII, 122, 140, 161, 177, 193,\\n207, 208, 220, 223, 224, 235,\\n236,251,329, 344.\\nFraser,Lieut.-Col. Simeon,had\\ncharge of the troops that\\nsailed from Cork, 4 sent to\\nreconnoiter, 142 returned\\nwith but little information,\\n143; took a prisoner, 174;\\nkilled, 335; biographical no-\\ntice of, 83 mentioned, 109,\\n193, 300, 352.\\nFrazier, see Fraser.\\nFrederick, Prince, 197.\\nFreeman s Farm, the battle\\nof, Lieut. Scott at, 123\\nLieut. Craig wounded at,\\n167; Lieut. Lucas killed\\nat, 332 Lieut. Cooke killed\\nat, 332 Captain Lind\\nwounded at, 332, 333 Capt.\\nStanley wounded at, 332,\\n335 Maj. Agnew wounded\\nat, 337; Ensign Taylor\\nkilled at, 342 Capt. Swet-\\ntenham wounded at, 347\\nCapt. Ramsey wounded at,\\n348; Lieut. Prince wounded\\nat, 352 Capt. Jones killed\\nat, 325 mentioned, 30.\\nFrench, declaration of war of\\nthe, 322.\\nFrothingham, the Hon. Rich-\\nard, his Siege of Boston,\\ncited, 114, 156, 247.\\nGage, Gen. Thomas, charac-\\nterized the Americans as\\nlawless, 3-4 mentioned,\\n318, 319-\\nGansevoort, Gen. Peter, had\\na flag made for Fort Schuy-\\nler, 19, 161 biographical\\nnotice of, 19.\\nGardner, Capt. Henry Faring-\\nton, sent with dispatches to\\nEngland, 222, 223, 226;\\nbiographical notice of, 222-\\n223.\\nGarneau, Francis Xavier, his\\nHistory of Canada, cited,\\n85, 86, 184, 254.\\nGates, Gen. Horatio, super-\\nseded Gen. Schuyler, 29,\\n242 tardy with reinforce-\\nments, 30 refused to make\\na night attack, 32, 291 en-\\ncamped south of Fish Creek,\\n44 Burgoyne proposed a\\ntreaty of surrender, 47, 57-", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0418.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n383\\n58, 259, 306 accused by\\nBurgoyne of sending part\\nof his troops to Albany, 47,\\n48 his army in order of\\nbattle, 48 treaty signed,\\n48 alarmed by information\\nof Clinton s progress, 49,\\n50 blamed for too liberal\\nconcessions, 50; the sur-\\nrender, 50, 51 delayed in\\nsending information of the\\nsurrender to Washington,\\n50-51 remarks of La Fay-\\nette concerning, 51 asked\\nconcerning the military\\nchests and colors, 54-55\\ncarelessness in regard to\\nthe surrender, 55-56; of-\\nfered the command at Ti-\\nconderoga, 168, 204, 218;\\nconfidence of Congress in,\\n168, 169; letter to General\\nSchuyler, 172 letters to\\nand from Burgoyne, 237,\\n259-265, 296, 306, 308, 309\\nmet Madam Riedesel, 242\\ndefended his soldiers from\\nthe accusation of inhu-\\nmanity, 261-263 accused\\nBurgoyne of employing In-\\ndians, 262 proposed to\\nMorgan to desert Washing-\\nton, 271 his revenge, 271\\ncompared to Burgoyne, 274;\\norders of, 281-284; met\\nLady Acland, 298-299\\nsent message to Burgoyne\\nby Maj. Kingston, 307; an-\\nnoyed by the delay, 311;\\narticles of convention given\\nin full, 312-317; met Bur-\\ngoyne, 49, 320-321 returns\\nof his army, 354 biograph-\\nical notice of, 168-171\\nmentioned, 37, 70, 269, 281,\\n301,307,309, 311, 315, 316,\\n319,323,342.\\nGentleman s Magazine, The,\\ncited, 104, 199, 333.\\nGeorge I, grandfather of Sir\\nWilliam Howe, 155.\\nGeorge III, determined to\\nchastise the colonists, 5\\napplied for help to Cathe-\\nrine of Russia, Germany and\\nHolland, 5, 6 bitter feeling\\nagainst, 6, 7 elated at the\\ncapture of Ticonderoga, 21\\nhired German troops, no;\\nfell into agonies at hearing\\nof the surrender of Bur-\\ngoyne, 318; mentioned,\\n199, 229, 322.\\nGeorge III, Journal of the\\nReign of, see Walpole,\\nHorace.\\nGeorgia, Capt. Durnford in,\\nGeorgian Era, The, cited, 290.\\nGermaine, Lord George, des-\\nignated Washington as\\nMr., 3 criticised Gen.\\nCarleton, 13; letters to\\nCarleton, 14, 238, 258\\nelated at the capture of\\nTiconderoga, 20, 21 letters\\nfrom Burgoyne, 21, 24-27,\\n323 said Gen. Howe had\\nruined his plans, 64-65\\nassailed, 66 hostile to Bur-\\ngoyne, 66-67 published a\\npamphlet against Burgoyne,", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0419.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "384\\nIndex.\\n69 the sacrifice of Bur-\\ngoyne s army due to a blun-\\nder of, 70, 322 obliged to\\nretire from office, 70 the\\ncapture of Waterbury re-\\nported to, 163 minister\\nfor American affairs, 237\\ncharacter of, 238 advised\\nthe employment of Indians,\\n237-238 compared to Dr.\\nSangrado, 238 conduct of,\\nin Germany, 239 detested\\nby his associates, 239 Lut-\\ntrell and Wilkes on, 239;\\nplanned the campaign, 258\\nmentioned, 65, 314.\\nGerman troops, the, hired to\\nassist George III, 6; the\\npeople of England opposed\\nto hiring them, 6, 7 feeling\\nof the Americans against,\\niio-iii; feeling in Ger-\\nmany against, in; behavior\\nof, 250-252 deserted, 256\\nequipments of, 260; consid-\\neration of their ability, 288-\\n289, 303; not cowardly, 289.\\nGermantown, the battle of.\\nGen. Sullivan at, 10.\\nGermany, asked to assist\\nGeorge III, 6, 7 Gen. Phil-\\nlips won distinction in, 174;\\nLord Germaine in, 239; Maj.\\nAgnewin, 337; mentioned,\\n95, 122, 123, 334, see Ger-\\nman troops, the.\\nGibralter, Lieut. Scott in, 123\\nCapt. Craig born at, 166;\\nCapt. Scott in, 181 Col.\\nWright at, 245 Captain\\nGreen born in, 277 Maj.\\nWilliams at, 287 Capt,\\nDowling at, 334; Capt.\\nStanley at, 335 Capt. Far-\\nquar at, 335 Maj. Agnew\\nat, 337-\\nGlover, Gen. John, advanced\\nmoney to Burgoyne, 59\\nbiographical notice of, 59-\\n61.\\nGlover s Marblehead Regi-\\nment, 59-60.\\nGondola, the, used by Carle-\\nton, described, 1 1.\\nGordon, Gen. Patrick, shot by\\nWhitcomb, 1 28-1 31 indig-\\nnation in the British army\\nconcerning his death, 130,\\n132; feeling in the Ameri-\\ncan army concerning, 1 30\\nLieut. Currie served under,\\n336 biographical notice of,\\n128-130; mentioned, 131.\\nGrafton, The, 151.\\nGraham, James, his Life of\\nCol. Daniel Morgan, cited,\\n207, 271.\\nGrahame, the Rev. James, his\\nHistory of the United\\nStates, cited, in.\\nGrampus, The, 59.\\nGrant, Cornet James, his un-\\nsuccessful attempt to reach\\nGen. Clinton, 248, 346; taken\\nprisoner, 339 biographical\\nnotices of, 248, 346.\\nGrant, Maj. Robert, killed,\\n210, 211; biographical no-\\ntice of, 2 10-2 II mentioned,\\n335. 337-\\nGrant, commander of\\nthe Connecticut, 163.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0420.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n385\\nGreat Britain, Florida ceded\\nto, 104, 347 Louisiana\\nceded to, 351 mentioned,\\nvi, 119, 176, 178, 188, 189,\\n191, 199, 259, 313.\\nGreen, Captain Charles,\\nwounded, 277, 278 bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 277-\\n278.\\nGreene, Gen. Nathaniel, St.\\nClair served under, 219;\\nmentioned, 10.\\nGreenland, 95.\\nGrenada, Capt. Green coast\\ngovernor of, 278.\\nGrenville, Lord, 313.\\nGrimes, commander of\\nthe Jersey, 163.\\nGrout, Abigail, married Col.\\nHale, 215.\\nHadden, Gen. James M., his\\nJournal and Orderly Books,\\nsee Rogers, Col. Horatio.\\nHaggart, Lieut. James, killed,\\n342 biographical notice of,\\n347-\\nHaight Hall, death of Gen.\\nCarleton at, 87.\\nHakluyt, Richard, his Voy-\\nages, cited, 97.\\nHalcyon Days of Old Eng-\\nland, The, 319.\\nHaldemann, Gen. Sir Fred-\\nerick, lost Ticonderoga, 127.\\nHale, Moses, father of Col.\\nNathan, 215.\\nHale, Col. Nathan, taken pris-\\noner, 215 biographical no-\\ntice of, 215-216.\\nHalf Moon, the camp at, 266.\\n49\\nHaliburton, Thomas C, his\\nHistory of Nova Scotia,\\ncited, 137.\\nHalifax, German colors sent\\nto, 55 Lord Cornwallis\\ngovernor of, 169; men-\\ntioned, 137, 167, 182.\\nHall, Hiland, LL.D., his His-\\ntory of Vermont, cited, 194.\\nHamilton, Gen. James Inglis,\\nproposed exchange of, 108\\nbiographical notice of, 196,\\n197 mentioned, 337.\\nHampshire Grants, the, 24.\\nHampstead, N. H., Col. Hale\\nborn at, 215.\\nHampton, N. H., 38.\\nHancock, John, 85.\\nHarnage, Major Henry,\\nwounded, 337, 340, 341\\nbiographical notice of, 344-\\n345 mentioned, 272, 294,\\n296.\\nHarnage, Mrs., 339.\\nHarris, Capt. John Adolphus,\\nwounded, 331 biographical\\nnotice of, 331-332.\\nHarrisburg, Va., vi, 127.\\nHartford, Conn., 300.\\nHartley, Maj. Thomas, in\\ncommand at Crown Point,\\n165; accused of cruelty, 172\\nbiographical notice of, 165-\\n166; mentioned, 138.\\nHarvey, Lieutenant Stephen,\\nkilled, 336; biographical no-\\ntice of, 340-341.\\nHarvey, see also Hervey.\\nHavana, Ligonier in the expe-\\ndition against, 234 Suth-\\nerland in the expedition", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0421.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "386\\nIndex.\\nagainst, 310; Blomefield at\\nthe capture of, 326 Harris\\nserved in, 331 mentioned,\\n155-\\nHavre de Grace, Blomefield\\nat the bombardment of, 326.\\nHawley, commander of the\\nRoyal Savage, 163.\\nHazel nuts in abundance, 98.\\nHeartley, see Hartley.\\nHeath, Gen. William, urged\\nthe hasty removal of the\\nBritish convention prisoners\\nfrom Boston, 51-52 letters\\nfrom Washington to, 52,108;\\ncomplicated affairs concern-\\ning furnishing rations to the\\ntroops, 53 confined Gen.\\nPhillips to the limits of his\\nhouse and garden, 175 bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 61-62\\nthe Memoirs of, cited, 62,\\n175-\\nHeights of Abraham, the, St.\\nClair at, 218; mentioned,\\n84.\\nHendricks, 134.\\nHenry, John Joseph, his Cam-\\npaign against Quebec, cited,\\nlOi, 108, 134.\\nHenry, Patrick, a letter of,\\ncited, 51.\\nHenry, The, missing, 91.\\nHerriot, George, his Travels\\nthrough Canada, cited, 90.\\nHervey, Earl, General Bur-\\ngoyne s letter to, cited, 204.\\nHervey, Ensign George,\\nwounded, 337 biograph-\\nical notice of, 345 men-\\ntioned, 272.\\nHesse Hanan Regiment, The\\n197.\\nHewitt s Tavern, 247.\\nHigby, Dr. Moses, 34.\\nHill, Lieut.-Col. John, the\\ncolors of his regiment pre-\\nsented to the king, 56 be-\\nfore Fort Anne, 224 bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 224,\\n225.\\nHinton, J. H., his History of\\nthe United States, cited,\\n127, 137.\\nHistorical Magazine, The,\\ncited, 175, 299.\\nHistorical Record of the\\nFifty-sixth Foot, The,\\ncited, 335.\\nHistorical Record of the\\nFifty-third Foot, The, cited,\\n2, 203, 245, 332.\\nHistorical Record of the First\\nFoot, The, cited, 235.\\nHistorical Record of the\\nForty-seventh Foot, The,\\ncited, 182, 335.\\nHistorical Record of the\\nForty-sixth Foot, The,\\ncited, 156.\\nHistorical Record of the\\nNinth Foot, The, cited, 56,\\n221,222,225, 235. 329- 347-\\nHistorical Record of the\\nSixty-second Foot, The,\\ncited, 330, 344.\\nHistorical Record of the\\nThirty-first Foot, The,\\ncited, 150.\\nHistorical Record of the\\nThirty-fourth Foot, The,\\ncited, 332, 333.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0422.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "Index,\\n387^\\nHistorical Record of the\\nThirty-third Foot, The,\\ncited, 336.\\nHistorical Record of the\\nTwentieth Foot, The, cited,\\n333, 334-\\nHistorical Record of the\\nTwenty-first Foot, The,\\ncited, 312, 336, 349.\\nHistorical Record of the\\nTwenty-fourth Foot, The,\\ncited, 337, 338.\\nHistorical Record of the\\nTwenty-ninth Foot, The,\\ncited, 330.\\nHistory of England, The, see\\nAdolphus, John Knight,\\nCharles, and Mahon, Lord.\\nHistory of the Siege of Bos-\\nton, The, see Frothingham,\\nRichard.\\nHistory of the United States,\\nsee Graham, the Rev.\\nJames.\\nHodgson, Maj.-Gen., at Belle\\nIsle, 207.\\nHolland refused to assist\\nGeorge HI, 6.\\nHollister, G. H., his History\\nof Connecticut, cited, 86.\\nHope, The, bound for Eng-\\nland, 103.\\nHopkins, Commodore Esek,\\nsailed for the Delaware,\\n161 displayed the rattle-\\nsnake flag on his vessel,\\n161.\\nHorner, Elizabeth, married\\nStephen Fox, 338.\\nHorner,Thomas Strangeways,\\n338.\\nHoughton, Lieut. Charles,\\ndeath of, 109 biographical\\nnotice of, 109.\\nHoughton, Lieut. Richard,\\nkilled, 202 biographical\\nnotice of, 202-203.\\nHowarth, Lieut. Edward,\\nwounded, 325; biographical\\nnotice of, 327-328.\\nHowe, General Lord George\\nAugustus, fell at Ticonde-\\nroga, 156, 241, 258; suc-\\nceeded by his brother\\nRichard, 156; a friend\\nof Gen. Schuyler, 156,\\n241.\\nHowe, Gen. Lord Richard,\\ndeath of, 156; biograph-\\nical notice of, 156; men-\\ntioned, 319; Narrative\\nof his Transactions, cited,\\n322.\\nHowe, Gen. Sir William, ad-\\ndressed a letter to Wash-\\nington as Mr., 3 obliged\\nto recognize Washington\\nwith his appropriate title,\\n3; at New York, 19; to\\nmeet Burgoyne at Albany,\\n19, 24, 26, 64, 65, 188 pre-\\npared an expedition to Phil-\\nadelphia, 19, 25 message\\nfrom him intercepted, 25\\nBurgoyne waited to hear\\nfrom him, 26, 258 failed to\\nsend Clinton to help Bur-\\ngoyne, 27, 28 compared to\\nBurgoyne, 72 the reason\\nfor his not co-operating with\\nBurgoyne, 72, 321, 322 un-\\nfairly treated, 74 his char-", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0423.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "t388\\nIndex.\\nacter, 74-75 bad news\\nfrom, 155; commander in\\nchief, 187, 246; with the\\nSouthern army, 188; su-\\nperseded by Clinton, 246;\\nto be notified of Burgoyne s\\nsurrender, 316; unpopular,\\n321-322; biographical no-\\ntice of, 155-156; men-\\ntioned, 58, 70, 115,258,313,\\n318, 319; the Narrative\\nRelating to his Command\\nin America, cited, 71,\\n322.\\nHubbardton, the battle of,\\nBalcarres wounded at, 86;\\nCraig wounded at, 167;\\nFrancis wounded at, 212;\\nt;he victory of, of no great\\nbenefit to the English, 227\\nJones wounded at, 330;\\nHarris wounded at, 331\\nShrimpton wounded at,\\n350; mentioned, 246, 284,\\n331, 350.\\nHubberton, see Hubbardton.\\nHuberton, see Hubbardton.\\nHudson River, the, Schuyler s\\narmy encamped near, 22\\nforts on, held by the Ameri-\\ncans, 19; crossed by Bur-\\ngoyne s troops, 28, 249, 267\\nClinton about to ascend, 33\\nrecrossed by Burgoyne, 41,\\n302 the army near, 240\\nmentioned, 19, 36, 42, 45,\\n47, 71, 244, 247, 252, 253,\\n260, 266, 276, 277, 283, 321.\\nHudson s Bay, 93.\\nHuggart, see Haggart.\\nHull, 341.\\nHumphreys, 134.\\nHundertmark, George, shot\\nfor desertion, 256.\\nHunterdon County, N. J., 270.\\nHuntington, 163.\\nHutchinson, 61.\\nHurons, the, probably fought\\nthe Iroquois at Ticonder-\\noga, 127.\\nInchbald, Elizabeth, her The\\nHeiress, cited, 66.\\nIndia, Lieut. Scott in, 124.\\nIndians, the, join the British\\narmy, 120-121, 228-229;\\nconduct of, 121 their ca-\\nnoes described, t 23-1 25\\ntheir cruelty to prisoners,\\nI35\u00c2\u00bb 136, 174, 235, 244, 262,\\n280, 359; in ambush, 143-\\n144; their silent paddling,\\n143 their ability to move\\nquickly through thick for-\\nests, 154; painted a cap-\\ntured prisoner, 174; com-\\nmanded by Francis, 193\\nordered not to scalp pris-\\noners, 200, 359; victorious\\nin small skirmishes, 201,\\n243 caused the death of\\nHoughton, 202 murdered\\nMiss McCrea, 235 commit-\\nted depredations on the\\nTories, 236; the employ-\\nment of, disliked by Bur-\\ngoyne, 237, 238-239; em-\\nployment of, advised by\\nGermaine, 238-239 com-\\nmanded by St. Luc, 253\\nprepared to desert, 253-\\n255, 284; commanded by", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0424.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n389\\nLanglade, 254-255 Gates\\nopinion of, 262, 263 their\\nlack of true courage, 280\\nnew recruits of, from Can-\\nada, 285 speech to, from\\nBurgoyne, 356-360; men-\\ntioned, 250, see Savages.\\nInflexible, The, described, 151;\\ncommanded by Schank, 1 52;\\nmentioned, 18, 120, 152,\\n201.\\nInnuits, original name of the\\nEsquimaux, 93.\\nIlchester, Lord, 338.\\nIphigenie, The, captured the\\nCeres, 139.\\nIreland, Digby on duty in, vi,\\n2 troops sailed from, 3,\\n9, 129; Gen. Thompson a\\nnative of, 107 Capt. Scott\\nin, 181 L Estrange in, 182\\nCapt. Wright in, 245 Capt.\\nGreen in, 278 Capt. Harris\\nin, 331 Lieut. Cullen in,\\n332 Lieut. Cooke in, 332\\nCol. Lind in, 333 Capt.\\nDowling in, 334; Capt.\\nSweetenham in, 347 Capt.\\nStapleton in, 347 Lieut.\\nRowe in, 348 mentioned,\\n85, 99, 329.\\nIroquois, the, tortured prison-\\ners, 121 probably fought\\nthe Huronsat Ticonderoga,\\n127; speech of their chief\\nto Burgoyne, 360-361\\nmentioned, 1 16.\\nIroquois River, the, now\\ncalled the Sorel, 103.\\nIrvine, Col. William, before\\nQuebec, 107-108 Capt.\\nWilson served under, 126;\\nCapt. Adams served under,\\nIrving, Washington, his Life\\nof Washington, cited, 60,\\n171.\\nIsis, The, 104.\\nIsland Amott, sec Isle la\\nMotte.\\nIsland of Coudres, see Isle-\\naux-Coudres.\\nIsland of Nuts, 125, see Isle-\\naux-Coudres.\\nIsland of Orleans, see Isle of\\nBacchus.\\nIsland of St. Paul, 91.\\nIsle-aux-Coudres, so named\\nby Cartier, 98 Digby an-\\nchored off the, 102 de-\\nscribed, 102 earthquike\\nat, 102 Lieut. Houghton\\nkilled at the, 109 called\\nIsland of Nuts, 125.\\nIsle auxNoix, described, 134-\\n135 named by Champlain,\\n135; mentioned, 11, 13,\\n117, 125, 137, 138, 142, 152,\\n154, 170.\\nIsle d Aix, captured, 333,\\n334-\\nIsle la Motte, the, Scott\\ncruising off, 143 described,\\n143 named for Sieur la\\nMothe, 143 McCoy cap-\\ntured on, 145 Gen. Eraser\\nat, 178.\\nIsle of Bacchus, name given\\nto the present Island of\\nOrleans by Cartier, 103.\\nIsle of Guernsey, Gen. Am\\nherst governor of, 136.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0425.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "390\\nIndex.\\nIsle of Wight, the, Sir Wil-\\nham Howe, Heut. -governor\\nof, 155.\\nIsles aux Oyseaux, described,\\n92.\\nJackson s Creek, 142.\\nJamaica, Dacres in command\\nat, 140 Salons in, 353.\\nJealousy between the Eng-\\nlish and German troops,\\n250.\\nJefferson, Thomas, enter-\\ntained Gen. Phillips, 175\\nmentioned, 39.\\nJefferson, Thomas, Life of, sec\\nRandolph, Thomas Jeffer-\\nson.\\nJersey, The, captured, 162\\ncommanded by Grimes, 163.\\nJessop, sec Jessup.\\nJessup, Ebenezer, biograph-\\nical notice of, 194, 195.\\nJessup, Edward, biographical\\nnotice of, 194-195.\\nJessup, Prof. Henry G., 195.\\nJesuits, the, 121.\\nJogues, Pere Isaac, visited and\\nnamed Lake George, 214.\\nJohn of Gaunt, granted man-\\nors to the Burgoyne family,\\n114.\\nJohnson, Sir John, accom-\\npanied St. Leger, 257; the\\ninhumanity of his regiment,\\n257 the Orderly Books of,\\ncited, 257.\\nJohnson, Ensign William,\\ntaken prisoner, 330 noth-\\ning known of his subsequent\\nfate, 330.\\nJohnson, Gen. William, named\\nLake George, 214; at Fort\\nMiller, 244.\\nJohnson s Royal Green s, in-\\nhumanity of, 257.\\nJohnston, see Johnson.\\nJones, Charles H., his Con-\\nquest of Canada, cited, 103,\\n117, 137, 144, 166.\\nJones, David, concerned in\\nthe murder of Miss McCrea,\\n235 to marry her, 236.\\nJones, Lieut. John, wounded,\\n329 biographical notice of,\\n329-330.\\nJones, Capt. Thomas, killed,\\n324; biographical notice of,\\n324-325-\\nJones, Thomas, his History\\nof New York, cited, 194.\\nJordan, John W., vi.\\nJosselyn, John, his Two Voy-\\nages to New England,\\ncited, 103.\\nJournals and Letters of Cur-\\nwen, see Curwen, Samuel.\\nJournals and Orderly Books\\nof Gen. Hadden, see Rog-\\ners, Col. Horatio.\\nJournals du Voyage de M.\\nSaint-Luc de la Corne,\\ncited, 254.\\nJournal Historiflue, see Car-\\ntier, Jacques.\\nJournal of Occurrences Dur-\\ning the Late American\\nWar, see Lamb, Sergeant\\nR.\\nJournal of the Principal Oc-\\ncurrences During the Siege\\nof Quebec, see Shortt, W. T.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0426.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n391\\nJournal of Captain Thomas\\nScott, cited, 124.\\nJournal of the Reign of George\\nIII, see Walpole, Horace.\\nJournals of Congress, The,\\ncited, 55, 58.\\nKalm, Peter, 143.\\nKane, I,, his Artillery List,\\ncited, 206, 207, 287.\\nKensington, Henry, v, vii.\\nKent, England, 135, 327.\\nKidwally, 151.\\nKilmansegge, the Baroness,\\n.155-\\nKingston, Canada, formerly\\nCataracony, 193.\\nKingston, N. Y., 34, 36, 46.\\nKingston, Robert, bearer of\\na message to Gates, 47,\\n305 biographical notice of,\\n305-306.\\nKinsale, England, 339.\\nKnight, Charles, his Pictorial\\nHistory of England, cited,\\n239-\\nLaborers, Land of, 95.\\nLabrador, origin of the name,\\n95 mentioned, 93.\\nLa Carne, Jean-Louis de, 253.\\nLa Carne St. Luc, Luc de\\nChapt de, leader of the In-\\ndians, 24, 253 biograph-\\nical notice of, 253-254;\\nmentioned, 255.\\nLa Fayette, Marquis de, re-\\nmarks concerning General\\nGates, 51 before Peters-\\nburg, 175 General Poor\\nserved under, 282.\\nLafitau, J. F., his Moeurs des\\nSauvages, cited, 121.\\nLake Champlain, Burgoyne\\nreceived recruits at, 26;\\nArnold as commodore on,\\n146, 147, 241 Pringle on,\\n148; Longcroft on, 151\\nlist of the American fleet\\non, 162-164; controlled by\\nthe English, 173 men-\\ntioned, 116, 119, 129, 134,\\n135. 175. 178, 188, 200, 214,\\n215,217,234.\\nLake George, forts on, held\\nby the Americans, 19 com-\\nmunications to cut off from\\nSt. Clair, 19; discovered by\\nChamplain, 214; called St.\\nSacrament, 214; why the\\nname was changed, 214;\\ncannon sent by the way of,\\n233; mentioned, 25, 41, 46,\\n227, 234, 236, 316.\\nLake Oneida, 18.\\nLake Ontario, 18, 257.\\nLake St. Peter, Digby at, 1 13\\nnamed by Champlain, 113.\\nLake St. Sacrament, former\\nname of Lake George, 214.\\nLaleham, England, 339.\\nLamb, Sergeant R., in charge\\nof the wounded, 219; his\\nJournal of Occurrences\\nDuring the Late American\\nWar, cited, 34, 49, 199, 203,\\n220, 222, 234, 237, 245, 247,\\n272-273,291, 325, 328, 330,\\n332, 333 334, 335. 336, 337,\\n341.347,349.\\nLancashire, England, 87.\\nLand of Laborers, 95.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0427.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "392\\nIndex.\\nLangdale, see Langlade, Char-\\nles de.\\nLanglade, Charles de, bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 254-\\n255-\\nLast Journals of Horace Wal-\\npole, see Walpole, Horace.\\nLaurel Hill, St. Clair died at,\\n219.\\nLauterback, Germany, Gen.\\nRiedesel born in, 1 10.\\nLearned, Gen. Ebenezer, at-\\ntacked Burgoyne s center,\\n38, 41 publicly thanked,\\n282 biographical notice of,\\n282-283 mentioned, 289.\\nLeeds, Duke of, 168.\\nLee, Gen. Charles, 10.\\nLee, The, captured, 162 com-\\nmanded by Davis, 164.\\nLegineu, General Amherst\\nserved under, 135.\\nLe Loup, concerned in the\\nmurder of Jane McCrea,\\n235-\\nLesdeguieres, the Duchess\\nof, Charlevoix letters to,\\ncited, 103, 104.\\nL Estrange, Capt. Richard,\\nlost in the ice, 182; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 182.\\nLetter from Crown Point, A,\\ncited, 138.\\nLetters and Journals of\\nMadam Riedesel, see Stone,\\nCol. William L.\\nLetters to the Duchess of\\nLesdeguieres, from Charle-\\nvoix, cited, 103-104.\\nLevestoe, vii, sec Livingstone.\\nLewis, Gen. Morgan, 237.\\nLexington, the battle of, its\\neffect upon the English\\ngovernment, 4-5 General\\nHeath at, 62 Col. Nesbit\\nat, 114; its effect upon Ar-\\nnold, 147; its effect upon\\nGates, 169; L Estrange in,\\n182; its effect upon Col.\\nHale, 216; effect upon Col.\\nMorgan, 270 fired the\\nmilitary ardor of the coun-\\ntry, 282; its effect upon Gen.\\nPoor, 282.\\nLiberty, The, commanded by\\nPremier, 164; mentioned,\\n163.\\nLight Dragoons, the Queen s,\\n189, 229, 230, 23^1, 232,\\n248.\\nLight Infantry, 211.\\nLigonier, Lord Edward, bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 234,\\n235-.\\nLigonier, Col. Francis, father\\nof Lord Edward, 234.\\nLigonier, Viscount, of Clon-\\nmel, 234.\\nLincoln, Francis F. C, sixth\\nEarl of, 246.\\nLincolnshire, England, 298.\\nLind, Col. John, wounded,\\n332 biographical notice of,\\n.333-\\nLindsay, Alexander, see Bal-\\ncarres, the Earl of.\\nLithy, The, missing, 91.\\nLivingstone, Robert, a daugh-\\nter of, married Gen. Mont-\\ngomery, 99.\\nLivingstone, Gov. William,\\nhis humorous reply to Bur-", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0428.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n393\\ngoyne s manifesto, 192\\nmentioned, 142.\\nLondon, 2, 4, 1 5, 1 7, 1 8, 2 1 66,\\n74, 92, 103, 116, 140, 148,\\n160, 169, 171, 175,313,345-\\nLondon Chronicle, The, cited,\\n140, 148.\\nLondon Morning Post, The,\\n319-\\nLondon, Tower of, Captain\\nShrimpton in command at\\nthe, 350.\\nLong, Col., attacked by Col.\\nHill, 224 his defeat caused\\nby a lack of ammunition,\\n225.\\nLongcroft, Capt. Edward, at\\nRiviere-la-Cole, 150; com-\\nmander of the Loyal Con-\\nvert, 152; biographical\\nnotice of, 150-151.\\nLong Island, the retreat after\\nthe battle of, compared to\\nthe battle of Bunker Hill,\\n60 Sir Henry Clinton at,\\n246 Riedesel in command\\nat, no; mentioned, 313.\\nLords Commissioners of the\\nAdmiralty, 151.\\nLossing, Benson J., his Field\\nBook of the Revolution,\\ncited, 34, 61, 62, 166, 170-\\nJ71, 237.\\nLouisburg, the siege of, Sir\\nWilliam Pepperell at, 2\\nNew England troops at, 83\\nGuy Carleton at, 84 Gen.\\nMontgomery at, 99 Sir\\nWilliam Howe at, 1 55 Lord\\nLigonier at, 234 St. Leger\\nat, 257; Farquar at, 335.\\n50\\nLouisiana ceded to Great\\nBritain, 351 Capt. Forbes\\nin, 351-\\nLouis-le-Grand,Collegede, 17.\\nLoyal ConvertjThe, Digby on,\\n150, 152; formerly belonged\\nto the Americans, 1 52 com-\\nmanded by Longcroft, 1 5 1-\\n152.\\nLoyalists of America and\\ntheir times, see Ryerson,\\nEgerton, LL. D.\\nLoyalists of the American\\nRevolution, see Sabine,\\nLorenzo.\\nLoyal Rangers, the, 194.\\nLucas, Lieut. Thomas, killed,\\n332 biographical notice of,\\n332.\\nLunenburg, Mass., 215.\\nLuttrell, Temple, on Lord\\nGermaine, 239.\\nLyme, England, 199.\\nLynd, see Lind.\\nMaccabees, the Books of,\\ncited, 121.\\nMcCoy, Ensign, captured,\\n145 before Gen. Eraser,\\n145-146; information, given\\nby him, 146-147.\\nMcCrea, Jane, the story of\\nher murder, 235-237 men-\\ntioned by Gates, 262 by\\nBurgoyne, 264-265 The\\nLife of, by D.Wilson, cited,\\n235-237-\\nMcDonald, his home\\nand mill destroyed, 138.\\nMcFarlane, William, suc-\\nceeded Houghton, 109.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0429.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "394\\nIndex.\\nMcKay, Capt. Samuel, com-\\nmander of the Canadians,\\n142 his cruelty, 142 sent\\nby Burgoyne to open the\\nroad, 300 biographical no-\\ntice of, 300.\\nMackenzie, Lieut. Kenneth,\\nkilled, 334; biographical\\nnotice of, 336.\\nMcKinzy, see Mackenzie.\\nMcNeil, Mrs., 235.\\nMcPherson, 134.\\nMagazine of American His-\\ntory, The, cited, 112.\\nMagdalen Islands, the, 92.\\nMahon, Lord, his remarks\\nconcerning Washington, 50;\\nhis History of England,\\ncited, 51, 73. 163, 244.\\nMaine, Arnold in, 8 Capt.\\nCraig in, 167; mentioned,\\n10.\\nMalta, Col. Greene in com-\\nmand at, 278.\\nMalte Brun, Konrad, cited, 89.\\nManchester, Va., Col. Morgan\\ndied at, 271.\\nManifesto of Burgoyne, 189-\\n192, 229; humorous replies\\nto the, 192, 229-233.\\nMansfield, commanded the\\nNew Haven, 163.\\nMarblehead, Mass., 59.\\nMarblehead, The History and\\nTraditions of, cited, 61.\\nMarburg, 1 10.\\nMaria,The, named for the wife\\nof Sir Guy Carleton, 145,\\n148 commanded by Lieut.\\nStarke, 151; Carleton on\\nboard, 157.\\nMarlborough, the Duke of,\\nBurgoyne served under,\\n115; mentioned, (i6.\\nMarshall, Lieut. John, his\\nRoyal Naval Biography,\\ncited, 140.\\nMarshall, Col. Thomas, pub-\\nlicly thanked, 283 bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 283.\\nMartinico, campaign against.\\nGates in the, 169; Suther-\\nland in the, 310.\\nMartinique, Blomfield at the\\ncapture of, 326.\\nMassachusetts, 9, 61, 92, 114,\\n211, 282, 283,314,315,316.\\nMaurepas, Jean Frederic,\\nComte de, fort named in\\nhonor of, 126.\\nMedford, birthplace of Col.\\nFrancis, 211; the History\\nof, see Brooks, the Rev.\\nCharles.\\nMediterranean sea, the, Craig\\nin service in, 167.\\nMemoirs of Gen. Heath, see\\nHeath, Gen. William.\\nMemoirs of Maj.-Gen. Riede-\\nsel, see Stone, Col. William.\\nMemoirs of My Own Times,\\nsee Wilkinson, Gen. James.\\nMenominees, the, under de\\nLanglade, 255.\\nMeyrick, Dr., 117.\\nMiddlesex county, England,\\n339-\\nMidhurst, represented by Bur-\\ngoyne, 115.\\nMilitary Journal of Thatcher,\\nThe, see Thatcher, James,\\nM. D.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0430.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n395\\nMilitary Memoirs of Great\\nBritain, The, see Beatson,\\nRobert.\\nMiller, Capt. Robert, his\\ndaughter married Capt.\\nWilson, 127.\\nMinigo, the Indian name of\\nthe Island of Orleans, 103.\\nMister, applied to Wash-\\nington, 3, 15.\\nMobile, Ramsey at, 348\\nFeatherstone at, 349.\\nMohawk river, the, forts on,\\nheld by the Americans, 19,\\n21 unsuccessful expedition\\nto, 257; Fort Stanwix on,\\n258.\\nMonckton, Gen. Gates his aid-\\nde-camp, 169.\\nMoney, Gen. John, taken\\nprisoner, 290 biographical\\nnotice of, 290-291.\\nMonin, Capt., commander of\\nthe Canadians, 142 cruelty\\nof, 142 death of, 142\\nmentioned, 193.\\nMonmouth, battle of. Gen.\\nPoor at, 282 mentioned,\\n39-\\nMonning, Capt., see Monin,\\nCapt.\\nMontcalm, Louis Joseph,\\nMarquis de, erected works\\nat St. Johns, 116; at Ticon-\\nderoga, 127, 204; erected\\nFort George, 227.\\nMontgomery, Capt. William\\nStone, wounded and taken\\na prisoner, 220, 221, 225,\\n348 biographical notice of,\\n221-222.\\nMontgomery, Gen. Richard,\\njoined by Arnold, 8 army\\nof, wasted by disease and\\nexposure, 8 unsuccessful\\nattack upon Quebec, 8, 99,\\n325 known to Carleton,\\n84 captured Trois Rivieres,\\n84 captured Forts St.\\nJohns and Chambly, 116,\\n300; his coffin, 134; suc-\\nceeded Schuyler, 241 bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 99-101\\nmentioned, 3, 9, 19, 102, 253.\\nMontgomery, Sir William,\\nfather of Capt. William,\\n221, 222.\\nMontreal, held by Arnold, 10;\\nBurgoyne at, 15, 120; Gor-\\ndon buried at, 129; cap-\\ntured, 253 mentioned, 13,\\n86, 106, 116, 122, 129, 131,\\n176, 178, 183.\\nMontreal, Island of, 120.\\nMordant, Gen. Sir John, ac-\\ncompanied by Capt. Wey-\\nmis, 333.\\nMorgan, Gen. Daniel, at-\\ntacked Fraser, 38 attacked\\nthe British right flank, 38\\none of his sharpshooters\\nwounded Fraser, 39-40\\nadvanced on the enemy,\\n270 caused great havoc,\\n272 his retreat, 273 bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 270-\\n272 mentioned, 30.\\nMorgan, Gen. Daniel, Life of,\\nsee Graham, James, and\\nCooke, John Esten.\\nMorton, the Earl of, ancestor\\nof Sir Charles Douglass, 104.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0431.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "396\\nIndex.\\nMothe, Sieur la, erected a\\nfort, 143 island named for\\nhim, 143.\\nMott, Samuel, 254.\\nMount Defiance, occupied by\\nBurgoyne, 218; remarks of\\nWashington concerning,\\n219; mentioned, 204; see\\nSugar-loaf hill.\\nMount Hope, occupied by\\nFraser, 19.\\nMount Independence, origin\\nof the name, 208 retreat\\nfrom, 208-210; mentioned,\\n214, see Fort Independ-\\nence.\\nMount Vernon, Gen. Gates at,\\n169.\\nMr. applied to Washing-\\nton, 3, 15.\\nMurray, Lieutenant James,\\nwounded, 349 biographi-\\ncal notice of, 352,\\nMusselburgh, Scotland, 104.\\nNamur, The, 150.\\nNantucket, Sir Isaac Coffin a\\nnative of, 92.\\nNarrative of his Conduct in\\nAmerica, by Sir Henry\\nClinton, cited, 247.\\nNarrative of Lieut.-Gen, Sir\\nWilliam Howe, cited, 71.\\nNaticousti, former name of\\nAnticosti, 97.\\nNational Library at Washing-\\nton, vi.\\nNatiscotes, former name of\\nAnticosti, 97.\\nNaval History of Great Brit-\\nain, see Brenton, Edward P.\\nNaylor, Lieut. William Pen-\\ndred, taken prisoner, 337\\nbiographical notice of, 345-\\n346.\\nNeilson, Charles, his Account\\nof Burgoyne s Campaign,\\ncited, 235, 237.\\nNesbit, Col., ill-treated prison-\\ners, 108.\\nNesbit, Gen. William, in com-\\nmand before Fort Sorel,\\n1 14 succeeded by Suther-\\nland, 310.\\nNew Britain, 93.\\nNew Brunswick, Capt. Ram-\\nsay in, 349.\\nNew England, to be separated\\nfrom the south and west,\\n14; to furnish supplies to\\noppose Burgoyne, 15 to be\\nattacked by Burgoyne, 21,\\n321 troops of, at Louis-\\nburgh, 83 troops under\\nAmherst, 135.\\nNewfoundland, early fishing\\non the banks of, 90 called\\nBaccalaos and Codlands,\\n90 described, 92-93 men-\\ntioned, 88, 89, 91.\\nNew Hampshire, 10, 38, 216,\\n282.\\nNew Hampshire Historical So-\\nciety Collections, cited, 233.\\nNew Haven, Arnold a drug-\\ngist in, 147.\\nNew Haven, The, burnt, 162\\ncommanded by Mansfield,\\n163.\\nNew Jersey, William Living-\\nstone governor of, 192\\nmentioned, 10, 270.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0432.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n397\\nNewport, Gen. Sullivan at the\\nsiege of, lo permission not\\ngranted for the British\\ntroops to depart from, 53\\nBurgoyne embarked from,\\n59-\\nNew Travels in the United\\nStates of America by J. P.\\nB. de Warville, cited, 62,\\nNew York, city, Howe and\\nClinton in, 19; Chnton in\\ncommand at, 25 Burgoyne\\nreceived no help from, 26\\nGen. Gates died at, 171\\nprison ships at, 232 in-\\nducements offered for re-\\ncruits in, 247; mentioned,\\n246, 346.\\nNew York State, vi, 8, 14, 19,\\n61, 99, 169, 194, 195, 241,\\n282.\\nNew York, The History of,\\nsee Jones, Thomas, and\\nDunlap, William.\\nNew York, The, burnt, 162;\\ncommanded by Reed, 163.\\nNew York Council of Safety,\\ncensured St. Clair, 219.\\nNew York, Documents Relat-\\ning to the Colonial History\\nof, see O Callaghan, E. B.,\\nLL.D.\\nNiagara river, the, 39.\\nNicholson, Col., built Fort\\nAnne, 221.\\nNineteenth Light Dragoons,\\n156.\\nNinety-fifth Foot, 257.\\nNinety-first Foot, 124, 290.\\nNinth Battalion, 326.\\nNinth Dragoons, 221.\\nNinth Foot, 22 1 224, 234, 290,\\n329,347,348,351,352,353;\\nHistorical Record of the,\\ncited, 221-222, 225, 235,\\n329, 347.\\nNinth Regiment, the colors of\\nthe, concealed, 56; men-\\ntioned, 122, 196, 221.\\nNoel, M., translated An-\\nburey s Travels Through\\nthe Interior Parts of Amer-\\nica, 17.\\nNorfolk militia, the, 290.\\nNormands, the, 103.\\nNormandy, 179.\\nNorth Britain, 189, 229.\\nNorth, Lord Frederick, re-\\nsponsible for hiring the\\nGerman troops, 7 repre-\\nhended Burke and Fox\\nfor eulogizing Montgom-\\nery, loi mentioned, 65,\\n318.\\nNorth river, the, 321, see Hud-\\nson river.\\nNorth sea, the, 93.\\nNorth-western territory, St.\\nClair governor of the,\\n219.\\nNorwich, Conn., birthplace of\\nBenedict Arnold, 146.\\nNorwich, England, John\\nMoney a native of, 290.\\nNottingham, England, Gen.\\nHowe a representative of,\\n155-156.\\nNova Scotia, 92 the History\\nof, see Haliburton, Thomas\\nC.\\nNutt, Lieut. George Anson,\\nbiographical notice of, 195.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0433.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "398\\nIndex.\\nObins, Lieut. Hamlet, killed,\\n332 biographical notice of,\\n332-333-\\nO Callaghan, Edmund B., LL.\\nD., his edition of Bur-\\ngoyne s Orderly Books,\\ncited, 124, 195,196, 199,237,\\n256, 330, 335, 339,347; his\\nColonial History of New\\nYork, cited, 257 his Docu-\\nments Relating to the\\nColonial History of New\\nYork, cited, 254, 257.\\nOne Hundred and Eighth\\nFoot, 129.\\nOne Hundred and Fifth Foot,\\n351.\\nOne Hundred and Second\\nFoot, 351.\\nOne Hundred and Thirteenth\\nRoyal Highland Volun-\\nteers, 196.\\nOrderly Books of Burgoyne,\\nthe, see O Callaghan, Ed-\\nmund B., LL. D.\\nOrleans, Island of, Digby at,\\n103 called Minigo, 103\\ncalled Isle of Bacchus,\\n103.\\nOrne, Capt., 59.\\nOswego, St. Leger retired to,\\n256.\\nOttawa, vi.\\nOttawas, the, join the British,\\n228 under Langland, 254-\\n255.\\nOughton, Lieut.-Gen., Capt.\\nGreene served under, 278.\\nOur Commanders, 319.\\nOxford, Mass., Gen. Learned\\ndied at, 283.\\nOyseaux, Isles aux, described,\\n92.\\nPalmer, Lieut., concerned in\\nthe killing of Miss McCrea,\\n236.\\nPalmer, P. S., his History of\\nLake Champlain, cited, 2 1 7,\\n218-219.\\nParis, 103.\\nParker, Sir Peter, his expedi-\\ntion against Charleston,\\n195.\\nParsons, Usher, M. D,, his\\nLife of Sir William Pep-\\nperell, cited, 2.\\nPatterson, Col., a messenger\\nfor Gen. Howe, 3.\\nPausch, 183.\\nPeari, The, 83.\\nPeekskill, 72.\\nPeninsular war, the, Lieut.\\nHowarth in, 328.\\nPennsylvania, Howe s expe-\\ndition to, 25 mentioned,\\n107, 108, 126, 137, 138, 165,\\n166, 218, 219, 270.\\nPennsylvania Historical Soci-\\nety, vi.\\nPennsylvania Sixth Regi-\\nment, 126.\\nPennsylvania State Library,\\nvi, 127, 138.\\nPensacola, 149.\\nPepperell, Sir William, formed\\na regiment, 2 at Louis-\\nburgh, 2 knighted, 2\\ndeath of, 2 The Life of,\\nsee Parsons, Usher, M. D.\\nPercy, Lord, Craig served un-\\nder, 166.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0434.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n399\\nPetersburgh, Va., Gen. Phil-\\nlips died at, 175.\\nPeters, John, father of Lieut.-\\nCol. John, 193.\\nPeters, Lieut.-Col. John, in\\ncommand of the provincial\\nTory corps, 193 biographi-\\ncal notice of, 193,\\nPeters, the Rev. Samuel, 193.\\nPetershaw, Lord, 129.\\nPhiladelphia, Gen. Howe\\nprepared an expedition\\nagainst, 19,64; St. Clair in\\ncommand at, 219; evacu-\\nated by Clinton, 246; men\\ntioned, 35, 64, loi, 247.\\nPhiladelphia, The, sunk, 162\\ncommanded by Rice, 163.\\nPhillips, Ensign Levinge\\nCosby, killed, 336; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 342-\\n343-\\nPhillips, Gen. William, before\\nTiconderoga, 19 his orders\\nconcerning Whitcomb, 133\\nadvised Carleton to ad-\\nvance, 172; reconnoitered\\nthe enemy s lines, 174-175\\nin command at Montreal,\\n184; advised Burgoyne to\\nadvance, 275 Capt. Greene\\nunder, 278 Bloomfield\\nserved under, 325-326; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 174-\\n175 mentioned, 16, 18, 30,\\n37, 42, 243, 294.\\nPickering, Charles, M. D., his\\nRaces of Men and their\\nGeographical Distribution,\\ncited, 95.\\nPigeons plenty, 152.\\nPilot, Capt. Henry, brother-\\nin-law of Digby, 149; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 149-\\n150.\\nPixton, Maj. Acland died at,\\n112.\\nPlacentia, Bay of, 91.\\nPlayfair, William, his British\\nFamily Antiquary, cited,\\n104, 116, 222, 327.\\nPlymouth, England, fleet from,\\n88; Sir William Howe,\\ngovernor of, 156.\\nPlymouth, Mass., 9.\\nPoint au Faire, see Point au\\nFer.\\nPoint au Fer, blockhouse\\nerected on, 152; mentioned,\\n153, 148, 177-\\nPolitical Index to the His-\\ntories of Great Britain, see\\nBeatson, Robert.\\nPoor, Daniel, grandfather of\\nGen. Enoch, 282.\\nPoor, Gen. Enoch, attacked\\nthe British left, 38 publicly\\nthanked, 282, biographical\\nnotice of, 282.\\nPoor, Thomas, father of\\nEnoch, 282.\\nPort Andre, 207.\\nPort Neuf, Digby at, 105.\\nPortsmouth, England, 59.\\nPortugal, Burgoyne and Gard-\\nner in, 222 mentioned, 39.\\nPotton, England, granted to\\nthe Burgoyne family, 10.\\nPowell, Gen. Henry Watson,\\nin command at Ticon-\\nderoga, 285 biographical\\nnotice of, 196-199.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0435.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "400\\nIndex.\\nPowell s Brigade, i8i, 337.\\nPrairie, La, 129.\\nPremier, commander of\\nThe Liberty, 164.\\nPrentis, Capt., 133, 134.\\nPreston, Burgoyne the repre-\\nsentative of, ^J, 115.\\nPrince Society, the publica-\\ntion of, cited, 127.\\nPrince, Lieutenant William,\\nwounded, 349 biographi-\\ncal notice of, 352.\\nPrincess Amelia, The, 150.\\nPringle, Capt. Thomas, com-\\nmodore of Lake Champlain,\\n148, 152, 157-158; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 148\\nmentioned, 139, 164.\\nProspect Hill, Boston, the\\nquarters of the British\\ntroops, 49-50.\\nProvidence, The, burnt, 162;\\ncommanded by Simonds,\\n163.\\nPublic Records Office, 4.\\nPutnam, Gen. Israel, in the\\nHighlands, 25.\\nPutnam s Creek, 201.\\nQuaker Springs, 30.\\nQuebec, Carleton took refuge\\nin, 8, 13, 16; daring attack\\nupon, 8,99; Gen. Thomas\\nbefore, 9 Burgoyne at, 14,\\n104 Dearborn in the\\nassault of, 38 New England\\ntroops at, 83 Carleton,\\ngovernor of, 84 the attempt\\nto storm, 99; Digbyat, 104;\\nGen. Nesbit died at, 1 14\\nSir William Howe at, 155\\nCraig at, 167 mentioned,\\nvi, 3. 70, 83, 92, 98, 99, 102,\\n103, 105, 106, 108, 116, 122,\\n135. 139. i5i 152, 173. 176,\\n180, 182, 183, 198, 222, 228,\\n230,254, 257, 271, 325, 332,\\n335\u00c2\u00bb 336, 341 Journal of\\nthe Principal Occurrences\\nDuring the Siege of, see\\nShortt, W. T.\\nQueen s Loyal Americans,\\nthe regiment of the, the in-\\nhumanity of, 257.\\nQueen s Ranger Huzzars,\\nthe, 247.\\nQueen s Regiment of Light\\nDragoons, the, 189, 229.\\nRaces of Men and their Geo-\\ngraphical Distribution, see\\nPickering, Charles, M. D.\\nRadeau, a, described, 11.\\nRamsay, David, M. D., his His-\\ntory of the American Revo-\\nlution, cited, loi, ro8, 244.\\nRamsay, Captain Malcolm,\\nwounded, 344; biographi-\\ncal notice of, 348-349.\\nRandolph, Thomas Jefferson,\\nhis Life of Thomas Jeffer-\\nson, cited, 175.\\nRaphoe, Ireland, Gen. Mont-\\ngomery a native of, 99.\\nRead, Captain, 59.\\nReading, Pa., Hartley a native\\nof, 165.\\nReed, Lieut.-Col. James, com-\\nmanded the New York, 163\\nmentioned, 216.\\nReed, Joseph, a letter from\\nWashington to, cited, 63-64", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0436.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n401\\nReflection on the Fast, 318.\\nRegisters of Westminster\\nAbbey, cited, 116.\\nRemembrances of Public\\nEvents, The, cited, 1 16, 291,\\n306.\\nRevenge, The, commanded by\\nSeaman, 163 mentioned,\\n162.\\nRevolutionary Record, The,\\ncited, 166.\\nReynell, Anne, wife of Lieut.\\nReynell, followed her hus-\\nband to America, 339 her\\nchildren, 339.\\nReynell, Baron Richard Little-\\nton, 339.\\nReynell, Samuel, 339.\\nReynell, Sir Thomas, 339.\\nReynell, Lieut.Thomas, killed,\\n336; biographical notice of,\\n339-340.\\nReynell, Thomas, Jr., 339.\\nReynels, see Reynell.\\nRhinebeck, Gen. Montgomery\\nsettled at, 99.\\nRhinehesse, Riedesel born in,\\nno.\\nRhode Island troops, the, com-\\nmandedbyGen. Sullivan, 10.\\nRice, commander of The Phila-\\ndelphia, 163.\\nRichardson, Captain, 90.\\nRichelieu, Cardinal, 103.\\nRichelieu river, the, formerly\\ncalled the River of the Iro-\\nquois and the Sorel, 103\\nmentioned, 116, 135.\\nRichmond, the Duke of, his\\nletter to Lord Rockingham,\\ncited, 65.\\n51\\nRiedesel, Baron Friedrich\\nAdolph, before Fort Inde-\\npendence, 19 his contempt\\nfor the American prison-\\ners, 108 marched toward\\nSkeensborough, 217; sup-\\nposed jealousy concerning,\\n217 to sustain Fraser, 223-\\n224; sent to Bennington,\\n248, 250 the romantic at-\\ntachment of his wife, 268\\nreturn of the troops under,\\n355 biographical notice of,\\niio-iii; mentioned, 16,\\n18, 30, 3i 36, 37. 46, 48,\\n88, 119, 184, 260, 293, 329,\\n339 Memoirs, Letters and\\nJournals of, during his resi-\\ndence in America, see Stone,\\nCol. William L.\\nRiedesel, Baroness Frederica\\nLouisa, her romantic attach-\\nment for her husband, 268\\nmentioned, 48, 339; her\\nLetters and Journals relat-\\ning to the war of the Amer-\\nican Revolution, see Stone,\\nCol. William L.\\nRindge, N. H., History of,\\nsee Stearns, Ezra S.\\nRindge, N. H., home of Col.\\nHale, 216; a company of\\nminute men formed in, 216.\\nRiviere la Colle, 148, 149,\\n150.\\nRiviere Sable, Digby at, 173.\\nRobertson, Lieut. John James,\\nkilled, 334; biographical\\nnotice of, 337.\\nRochfort, the expedition\\nagainst, 333.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0437.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "402\\nIndex.\\nRockingham, Lord, letter to,\\nfrom the Duke of Rich-\\nmond, cited, 65.\\nRodney, Admiral, Longcraft\\nserved under, 1 50-1 51\\nBlomfield served under,\\n326.\\nRogers, Col. Horatio, his edi-\\ntion of Hadden s Journal\\nand Orderly Book, cited,\\nvi, 83, 86, 108, 112, 115,\\n128, 130, 134, 148, 180, 181,\\n184, 193, 194, 195, 199,203,\\n206, 207, 216, 223, 227-228,\\n254, 291, 298, 299,325,328,\\n338. 351-\\nRome, N. Y., the site of Fort\\nStanwix, 258.\\nRowe, Lieut. John, wounded,\\n342 biographical notice of,\\n348.\\nRoxbury, Mass., 9, 39, 61, 62.\\nRoyal Americans, the, Gates\\na major in, 169.\\nRoyal Artillery, Phillips a\\ncaptain in the, 174; men-\\ntioned, 278, 324, 325, 326,\\n327, 328, 329.\\nRoyal Artillery, History of,\\nsee Duncan, F.\\nRoyal Engineers, the, 337, 346.\\nRoyal George, The, 18, 201,\\n223.\\nRoyal Greens, Johnson s, in-\\nhumanity of, 257.\\nRoyal Highland Emigrants,\\nthe, 331.\\nRoyal Irish Dragoons, the,\\n338.\\nRoyal Naval Biography, see\\nMarshall, Lieut. John.\\nRoyal Regiment of New\\nYork, the inhumanity of,\\n257.\\nRoyal Savage, The, built by\\nArnold, 158 destroyed,\\n158-159, 162, 177; com-\\nmanded by Hawley, 163\\nmentioned, 145.\\nRussia, 5.\\nRutherford, Lieut. Richard,\\nwounded, 334 biograph-\\nical notice of, 337.\\nRyerson, Egerton, LL. D.,\\nhis Loyalists of America\\nand their Times, cited, 244,\\n306.\\nSabine, Lorenzo, his Loyal-\\nists of the American Rev-\\nolution, cited, 194, 243-\\n244.\\nSacs, the, under de Langlade,\\n254-255.\\nSt. Clair, Gen. Arthur, his\\ncommunication with Lake\\nGeorge cut off, 19; at Ti-\\nconderoga, 19 surprised\\nby the British, 20; retreated,\\nleaving his stores behind,\\n20 the retreat disclosed,\\n20 failed to hold his po-\\nsition, 170, 174; in com-\\nmand at Ticonderoga, 204\\nhis want of foresight, 204;\\nBurgoyne on, 204 at Cas-\\ntletown, 218 censured, 218;\\nbefore Congress, 241-242\\nbiographical notice of, 218-\\n219.\\nSt. Dennis, Digby at, 116.\\nSt. Johns, see Fort St. Johns.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0438.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "Index,\\n40-\\nSt. Lawrence, Gulf of, de-\\nscribed, 91-92 full of ice,\\n104.\\nSt. Lawrence river, 10, 18,92,\\n93, 96, 97\u00c2\u00bb 102, 120, 178,\\n180, 181.\\nSt. Leger, Lieut.-Col. Barry,\\nto make a division on the\\nMohawk, 15; detached to\\nFort Schuyler, 18; at Fort\\nSchuyler, 23, 161 retreat\\nof, 27 at Oswego, 256; to\\nmeet Burgoyne at Albany,\\n257-258 fine conduct of,\\n258 joined by McKay, 300;\\nbiographical notice of, 256-\\n257; mentioned, 28.\\nSt. Luc, see LaCarne St. Luc,\\nLuc de Chapt de.\\nSt. Malo, Burgoyne at the at-\\ntack of, 115; Hamilton at,\\n196.\\nSt. Maurice river, 106.\\nSt. Paul, Island of, 91.\\nSt. Sacrament, Lake, former\\nname of Lake George, 214.\\nSalem, 59.\\nSalons, Baron Alexander,\\nwounded, 349; biographi-\\ncal notice of, 352-353.\\nSaratoga, Burgoyne encamp-\\ned at, 28 mentioned, vii,\\n58, 302, 303, 309, 314, 317,\\n323, 333, 338, 344, 345, 349,\\n352, 353-\\nSaratoga, the battle of, Lieut.\\nWright killed at, 329 men-\\ntioned, 39.\\nSaratoga, Heights of, held by\\nthe Americans, 42 Bur-\\ngoyne on the, 267, 300.\\nSaratoga, name given by Gen.\\nMorgan to his farm, 271.\\nSaratoga, a pseudonym,\\nsigned to the humorous\\nmanifesto, 233.\\nSaunders, F. vi.\\nSaunders, William, captured,\\n131-\\nSavages join the British army,\\n120-12 1 described, 121;\\nsee Indians.\\nScaling a gun described, 154.\\nScalping among the Scythi-\\nans, 121 ;j-^\u00c2\u00a3 under Indians.\\nSchank, Lieut., commanded\\nthe Inflexible, 152.\\nSchiller, Johann Christoph,\\nupbraided the Germans for\\nsending troops to America,\\n6.\\nSchuyler, Gen. Phillip, com-\\nmander of the American\\narmy, 19; laid hindrances\\nin the way of Burgoyne, 22\\nhis army encamped on the\\nMohawk and Hudson, 22\\nsuperseded by Gates, 29;\\nhis diary cited, 31 his\\nmansion the head-quarters\\nof Burgoyne, 42 took\\ncharge of Mme. Riedesel\\nand her children, 48, 242\\nfriend of George Augustus,\\nLord Howe, 156; to him\\nbelongs the honor of\\nBurgoyne s defeat, 170;\\nGates envious of, 170; let-\\nter from Gates, 172; as-\\nsigned Ticonderoga to\\nGates and then to St. Clair,\\n204; accused of accepting", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0439.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "404\\nIndex.\\na bribe, 219 issued a proc-\\nlamation, 233 before Con-\\ngress, 241-242 feeling\\nagainst, 242 his house\\nburned, 249, 299, 301 re-\\npaired Fort Stanwix, 258\\nnamed the fort, 258; met\\nBurgoyne, 301 told Bur-\\ngoyne to have no regret\\nfor burning the house, 301\\nBurgoyne s excuse, 301\\nbiographical notice of, 241-\\n243-\\nSchyler, see Schuyler.\\nScotland, 87, 104, 218, 344.\\nScot s Farm, 142.\\nScott, Capt. Alexander, lost\\nin the ice, 181 biographi-\\ncal notice of, 181.\\nScott, Lieut. Thomas, a mes-\\nsenger for Burgoyne, 36,\\n123 his Journal cited, 124\\ncruising off Isle la Motte,\\n143 passed through the\\nenemy s fleet, 143 took to\\nthe woods, 143-144; com-\\nmanded the Thunderer,\\n152; biographical notice\\nof, 122-124.\\nScythians, scalping among\\nthe, 121.\\nSea Fencibles, the, 151.\\nSeaman, commanded the Re-\\nvenge, 163.\\nSecond Battalion, 181, 287.\\nSecond Foot, 115.\\nSecond New Hampshire Reg-\\niment, the, 216, 282.\\nSeringapatam, Lieut. Scott at\\nthe taking of, 124.\\nSeventh Regiment, 100.\\nSeventieth Foot, the, 114.\\nSeventy-first Highlanders,\\nthe, 87.\\nSeventy-fourth Foot, the,\\n351-\\nSeventy-second Foot, the, 84,\\n351.\\nSeventy-seventh Foot, the,\\n310.\\nShelburne, Life of William\\nEarl of, see Fitzmaurice,\\nLord Edmond.\\nShelly, Surgeon, 220.\\nShirley, Governor William,\\nformed a regiment, 2.\\nShooter s Hill, Blomfield s\\ndeath at, 327.\\nShortt, W. T., his Journal of\\nthe Principal Occurrences\\nDuring the Siege of Que-\\nbec, cited, 86.\\nShrimpton, Captain John,\\nwounded, 211, 346; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 349-\\n.350.\\nSiege of Boston, the, see\\nFrothingham, Hon. Rich-\\nard.\\nSilver Bullet, the story of the,\\n33-34,284.\\nSilver Bullets said to have\\nbeen thrown by Burgoyne,\\n219.\\nSimcoe, Col. John Graves,\\naccompanied Arnold on his\\nSouthern campaign, 246;\\ncommanded the Queen s\\nRanger HuzzEirs, 247 his\\nJournal cited, 175.\\nSimonds commanded The\\nProvidence, 163.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0440.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n405\\nSioux, the, under de Lang-\\nlade, 254-255.\\nSismondi, Jean Charles Leon-\\nard de, his Histoire des\\nFrancais, cited, 135.\\nSister Kitty, a soubriquet\\nconferred on Catherine of\\nRussia, 6.\\nSisters, the, missing, 91.\\nSix Nations, the expedition\\nagainst, Gen. Poor in, 282.\\nSixteenth Dragoons, the, Bur-\\ngoyne s Light Horse, 115,\\n222, 223, 248, 305, 332, 346.\\nSixth Dragoons, the, 290.\\nSixth Pennsylvania Regi-\\nment, the, 126, 165.\\nSixtieth Foot, the, 155, 331.\\nSixty-fifth Foot, the, 195.\\nSixty-first Foot, the, 346.\\nSixty-fourth Foot, the, 196,\\nSixty-ninth Foot, the, 198.\\nSixty-second Foot, the, 36, 55,\\n196, 272, 273,200,310,329,\\n338, 339. 340, 341. 342, 343\\n344, 345, 346, 349 the His-\\ntorical Record of, 330, 344.\\nSixty-third Foot, the, 87.\\nSkene, Capt. Phillip, served\\nurfder Abercrombie, 217;\\nnamed Skenesborough, 217;\\nmentioned, 233.\\nSkenesborough, Burgoyne at,\\n21, 22; baggage sent to,\\n205 Riedesel marched to-\\nward, 217; origin of the\\nname, 217; Digby ordered\\nto, 219-220; the army as-\\nsembled at, 222 enemy\\ndriven from, 223 feu-de-\\njoieat, 222, 225; long delay\\nat, 226 doubt expressed\\nconcerning the expedience\\nof bringing the army to,\\n227 the delay gave the\\nenemy time to collect, 228\\ndeparture of the army, 233;\\nsupplies sent from Ticon-\\nderoga, 266 in the posses-\\nsion of the Americans, 284\\nCheland killed at, 325 men-\\ntioned, 222, 224, 228.\\nSmith, Lieut. William P.,\\nwounded, 425 biographi-\\ncal notice of, 228.\\nSnakes at Skeensborough,\\n228.\\nSomersetshire, England, in,\\n112,338.\\nSorel, M. de, 103.\\nSorel river, formerly called\\nthe River of the Iroquois,\\n103 Capt. Wilson captured\\nat the, 126, II, 116, 120,\\n135, 145-\\nSouth American coast, Capt.\\nYork drowned on the, 329.\\nSouth Carolina, 195.\\nSpain ceded West Florida to\\nGreat Britain, 149, 347\\nceded Louisiana to Great\\nBritain, 351 mentioned,\\n95, 115-\\nSpanish West Indies, 333.\\nSparks, Jered, his Life of\\nWashington, cited, 3, 51,\\n53, 54, 86, 108, 163, 166,\\n171, 219.\\nSpecht, Johann Frederick,\\nbiographical notice of, 197-\\n199.\\nSpencer, Cornet, 247.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0441.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "4o6\\nIndex.\\nSpitfire, The, burnt, 162 com-\\nmanded by Ulmer, 163.\\nSpofford, A. R., vi, 58.\\nSpruce used as an anticros-\\nbutic and for beer, 122,\\n137-\\nStamford, Conn,, the birth-\\nplace of Gen. Waterbury,\\n162 death of Waterbury\\nat, 163.\\nStanly, Capt. John, wounded,\\n332 biographical notice of,\\n335-\\nStanwix, Gen. John, his name\\ngiven to a fort, 257 served\\nunder Abercrombie, 257-\\n258.\\nStapleton, Captain Francis,\\nkilled, 341 biographical\\nnotice of, 347.\\nStark, Gen. John, destroyed\\nBaum s command, 23 bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 23-24.\\nStark, Lieut., commanded the\\nMaria, 152.\\nState of the expedition from\\nCanada, see Burgoyne,\\nLieut.-Gen. Sir John.\\nStaten Island, 72.\\nStearns, Ezra S., his History\\nof Rindge, cited, 216.\\nStedman, C, his History of\\nthe American War, cited,\\n206, 247.\\nSteele, Lieutenant Thomas,\\nwounded, 346 biographi-\\ncal notice of, 350-351.\\nStevelby, Lieutenant Joseph,\\nwounded, 348-349 bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 352.\\nStewart, see Stuart.\\nStillwater, battle of, Schuy-\\nler s outposts at the, 22\\nWright killed at the, 245\\nTurnbull killed at the, 337\\nmentioned, 266.\\nStone, F. D., vi.\\nStone, Col. William L., men-\\ntioned, vi, 161 his articles\\nin the Magazine of Ameri-\\ncan History, cited, 112; his\\nCampaign of Gen. John\\nBurgoyne, cited, 31, 299;\\nhis edition of the Letters\\nand Journals of the Baroness\\nRiedesel, cited, 42, 43, 55,\\n88, III, 199, 242-243, 293,\\n297, 299, 300, 326-327, 340,\\n343, 345 his edition of the\\nMemoirs, Letters and Jour-\\nnals of Baron Riedesel,\\ncited, 108, III, 119, 217,\\n250, 252 his expedition of\\nLieut.-Col. Barry St. Leger,\\ncited, 237, 257.\\nStopford, Major, 128.\\nStorey, Thomas, 334.\\nStrangways, Captain Stephen\\nDigby, wounded, 335; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 338.\\nStuart, Lieutenant Archibald,\\nkilled, 336 biographical\\nnotice of, 341.\\nStuart, James, his Three\\nYears in North America,\\ncited, 87.\\nSugar Hill, see Sugar-loaf\\nHill.\\nSugar-loaf Hill, General\\nPhillips on, 174; comman-\\nded Ticonderoga, 204, 205,\\nCapt. Walker on, 207.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0442.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n407\\nSullivan, Gen. John, unable\\nto form a conjunction with\\nArnold, 10; fell back to\\nCrown Point, 1 1 sent with\\nreinforcements to Albany,\\n25 elated in finding himself\\nin command before Quebec,\\n108-109 unsuccessful in\\nrecovering lost ground, 108-\\n109 evacuated the Isle aux\\nNoix, 138; biographical\\nnotice of, 10.\\nSumner, commanded the\\nBoston, 163,\\nSurinam, Greene in the expe-\\ndition against, 278.\\nSurrey, England, 328.\\nSutherland, Col. Nicholas, a\\nmessenger from Burgoyne\\nto Yates, 310, 311; bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 310-312.\\nSutton, England, granted to\\nthe Burgoyne family, 114.\\nSutton, Volunteer, wounded,\\n325 biographical notice of,\\n328-329.\\nSwartwood, Capt. Abraham,\\nhis coat used in making a\\nflag, 161.\\nSweden, 95.\\nSwetman, see Swettenham.\\nSwettenham, Captain George,\\nwounded, 342 biographi-\\ncal notice of, 347.\\nSword-fish described, 89.\\nTaylor, Sergeant Daniel, 34.\\nTenth Regiment, the, 282,\\n283.\\nTetton, the birthplace of\\nMajor Acland, iii.\\nThanet, the Earl of, supposed\\nrelative of Gen. Gates, 168.\\nThatcher, James, M. D., his\\nMilitary Journal, cited, 219.\\nThevet, Andre, cited, 97.\\nThird Foot Guards, the, 160.\\nThird Light Dragoons, the,\\n332.\\nThird New Hampshire Foot,\\nthe, 216.\\nThirteenth Dragoons, the,\\nUS-\\nThirteenth Foot, the, 224.\\nThirtieth Foot, the, 166, 278.\\nThirty-eighth Foot, the, 196.\\nThirty-first Foot, the, 114,\\n149- 188, 278; The Histor-\\nical Record of the, cited,\\n150.\\nThirty-fourth Foot, the, 123,\\n196, 333, 351 The\\nTalavera, Lieut. Howarth at\\nthe battle of, 328.\\nTaylor, Ensign George, killed,\\n336 biographical notice of,\\n341-342.\\nHistorical Record of the,\\ncited, 332, 333.\\nThirty-seventh Foot, the, 181.\\nThirty-sixth Foot, the, 114.\\nThirty-third Foot, the, iii,\\nI95 336, 351; The Histor-\\nical Record of the, cited,\\n336.\\nThomas, Gen. John, forced to\\nretreat, 9, 108 biograph-\\nical notice of, 9 mentioned,\\n10.\\nThompson, General William,\\ntaken prisoner, 9 biograph-\\nical notice of, 107-108.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0443.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "4o8\\nIndex,\\nThree Mile Point, 201.\\nThree Years in North Amer-\\nica, see Stuart, James.\\nThunderer, The, commanded\\nby Lieut. Scott, 152.\\nTiconderoga, put into a con-\\ndition of defense by the\\nAmericans, 12; Burgoyne\\nto take a post within sight\\nof, 15 dismayed, 18 Gen.\\nSt. Clair at, 19, 170; Bur-\\ngoyne before, 19-20 the\\nloss of, very bitter to the\\nAmericans, 20, 224, 241-\\n242 capture of, hailed with\\ndelight by George III and\\nLord Germaine, 20-21, 64,\\n225 to be garrisoned by\\ntroops from Carleton, 21\\nBurgoyne obliged to garri-\\nson it, 26-27; attacked by\\nthe Americans, 37 Bur-\\ngoyne s intended retreat to,\\n46, 245; garrisoned, 124;\\nIndian name of, 126; de-\\nscribed, 126-127, 213-214;\\nprobably visited by Cham-\\nplain, 126; Montcalm at,\\n127; called Carilton, 127;\\nAbercrombie before, 127,\\n258 captured by Amherst,\\n127; by Ethan Allen, 127;\\nby Haldeman, 127 Lord\\nHowe killed at, 156, 241,\\n258 Waterbury at, 163\\nHeartley retired to, 1 65-1 66;\\nparoled prisoners taken to,\\n166, 219; Gates in com-\\nmand at, 168; the force at,\\n169; the Americans im-\\npatient for the approach of\\nCarleton, 172; forced evac-\\nuation, 174; comments on\\nCarleton s not attempting\\nto reduce it, 187 General\\nPowell in command at, 196\\n-197; an attack repelled,\\n197 abandoned, 198 Fra-\\nser in possession of an emi-\\nnence that commanded it,\\n202 assigned to Gates,\\n204, 218; commanded by\\nSugar-loaf Hill, 204-205\\nwant of foresight in St.\\nClair, 204 baggage stored\\nat, 226 flight of the enemy\\nfrom, 227; Lord Howe and\\nGen. Schuyler at the attack\\nof, 241 recruits from, 266;\\nfear that the army should\\nbe obliged to return to, 277\\nexpedition of the Ameri-\\ncans against, 277 rein-\\nforcements expected from,\\n280 report of its capture,\\n281 news of the attack\\nreceived, 284-285 partial\\nsuccess of the Americans,\\n285 intercepted dispatches\\nto Burgoyne from, 285 ex-\\npress from, 286 retreat to,\\nproposed, 292 mentioned,\\nvii, 72, 116, 129, 130, 131,\\n132, 147, 163, 173, 176,206,\\n223, 228, 230, 242, 246, 258,\\n331, 332, 349-\\nTiconderago, see Ticonderoga.\\nTierra Laborador, see Labra-\\ndor.\\nToboyne Township, Captain\\nAdams a native of the,\\n137-", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0444.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n409\\nToovey, Col. John, com-\\nmanded the Fifty-third\\nRegiment of Foot, vi.\\nTories, the, feeHng against,\\n243-244 cause embarrass-\\nment among the Ameri-\\ncans, 255.\\nToronto, 244, 306.\\nTorture of prisoners, the, did\\nnot originate among the\\nIndians, 121,\\nTower of London, the, Capt.\\nShrimpton in command of,\\n350.\\nTownsend, Dr., 160.\\nTraverse, A., explained, 305.\\nTrois Rivieres, Carleton at, 84;\\nDigby at, 106; described,\\n106 prisoners paroled at,\\n132; mentioned, 184.\\nTrumbull, The, commanded\\nby Wigglesworth, 163 es-\\ncaped, 162.\\nTurnbull, Lieutenant George,\\nkilled, 334, 337, biograph-\\nical notice of, 336-337.\\nTwentieth Foot, the, in, 155,\\n^^f W 333 334, 335,\\n336 The Historical Record\\nof the, cited, 333, 334.\\n1 wenty-eighth Foot, the, 256.\\nTwenty-first Dragoons, the,\\n346.\\nTwenty-first Foot, the, 197,\\n198,310, 336, 337, 348; The\\nHistorical Record of the,\\ncited, 312, 336, 349.\\nTwenty-fourth Foot, the, 87,\\n122,144,211,224,337,338;\\nIhe Historical Record of\\nthe, cited, 337, 338.\\n52\\nTwenty-ninth Foot, the, 129,\\n188,330,335,350,351; The\\nHistorical Record of the,\\ncited, 330.\\nTwenty-seventh Foot, the,\\n248.\\nTwo Voyages to New Eng-\\nland, see Josselyn, John.\\nTyconderoga, see Ticonder-\\noga.\\nUlmer, Capt., commanded\\nthe Spitfire, 163.\\nUnited States, History of the,\\n.f^^ Graham, the Rev. James.\\nUnited States, New Travels\\nin the^ see De Warrville, J.\\nP. Brisscot.\\nUnited States, the, 6^, 195,\\n261,281,283,312,354.\\nUniversal Magazine, The,\\ncited, 140, 148.\\nValcour Island, 12.\\nValley Forge, Gen. Poor at,\\n282; mentioned, 60.\\nVerchere, Madame de, the\\nheroism of, 178-179.\\nVercheres, described, 178-\\n179; origin of the name, 178.\\nVermont, 194; The History\\nof, see Hall, Hiland, LL. D.\\nVershere, see Vercheres.\\nVillaret, Admiral, 148.\\nVirginia, Burgoyne s captive\\narmy sent to, 62, 175; Am-\\nherst governor of, 136;\\nArnold in, 175 Phillips in,\\n175 mentioned, 107, 270.\\nVischer, Col., letter from Gen.\\nWilkinson to, 281.", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0445.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "4IO\\nIndex.\\nVon Gall, Col. W. R., bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 197-\\n199.\\nVyner, Mr., 254, 303.\\nWalker, Capt, Ellis, ordered\\nto Sugar-loaf Hill, 207\\nbiographical notice of,\\n207.\\nWalpole, Horace, called Cath-\\nerine of Russia Sister\\nKitty, 6; idle story of his\\nbeing the father of Gen.\\nGates, 168; god-father of\\nGates, 168-169; his Jour-\\nnal of the Reign of George\\nHI, cited, 21, 171,239, 314,\\n318-319, 320; his Last Jour-\\nnals, cited, 171.\\nWalpole, Horatio, 168.\\nWarbourg, Gen. Phillips at,\\n174.\\nWarner, Col. Seth, captured\\nCrown Point, 127.\\nWar of Independence, The\\nHistory of the, see Botta,\\nCarlo G. G.\\nWashington county, the sur-\\nvey of, see Fitch, Asa.\\nWashington, D. C, the Na-\\ntional Library of, vi.\\nWashington, Gen. George, ad-\\ndressed as Mister, 3, 4,\\n15 his confidence in Gen.\\nThomas, 9; compared to\\nMoses, 14 baffled Howe,\\n19; sent reinforcements to\\nAlbany, 25 delay of Gates\\nin informing him of Bur-\\ngoyne s surrender, 50; his\\nreply to Heath concerning\\nthe removal of the troops\\nfrom Boston, 50-52 Lord\\nMahon s opinion of, 50-51\\nletter to Gates, 50-51 let-\\nters to Heath, 52, 108 letter\\nto Congress, 54 letter from\\nGates, 57; letter to Reed,\\n63-64 puzzled at Howe s\\nfailure to co-operate with\\nBurgoyne, 71-72 request\\nfor an exchange of prison-\\ners, 84-85 opposed send-\\ning Thompson to Virginia,\\n107 Gates an early friend\\nof, 169; Gates envious of,\\n170; proclamation of, 192;\\nremarks of, concerning the\\nevacuation of Ticonderoga,\\n219; met Morgan at Cam-\\nbridge, 270-271 consulted\\nMorgan, 271 his eulogistic\\nremarks upon Gen. Poor,\\n282 mentioned, 39, 60, 62,\\n216.\\nWashington, The Life of\\nGeorge, see Irving, Wash-\\nington, and Sparks, Jered.\\nWashington,The, commanded\\nby Waterbury, 163 cap-\\ntured, 162, 173.\\nWaterbury, Gen. David, J.,\\ntaken prisoner, 162 com-\\nmanded The Washington,\\n163 biographical notice\\nof, 162 mentioned, 165,\\n166.\\nWayne, Col., 138.\\nWellington, the Duke of,\\nHowarth served under, 328.\\nWemys, see Weymis.\\nWest India fleet, the, 148.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0446.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n411\\nWest Indies, the, Montgom-\\nery in, 99; Gates in, 169;\\nPowell in, 196; Harris in,\\n331 Lind in, 333; Gordon\\nin, 351-\\nWestminster Abbey, Bur-\\ngoyne buried in, 191.\\nWestminster Abbey Register,\\ncited, 1 16.\\nWestminster, England, Bur-\\ngoyne educated at, 115.\\nWeston, Mass., Col. Marshall\\ndied at, 283.\\nWest Point, 60.\\nWestroop, Lieut. Richard,\\nkilled at Fort Anne, 235,\\n348 biographical notice of,\\n234-.\\nWeymis, Captain Francis,\\nwounded, 332; biographical\\nnotice of, 333-334-\\nWhale and sword fish, fight\\nbetween a, 89.\\nWhisky Insurrection, the,\\n271.\\nWhitcomb, Lieut. Benjamin,\\na scout, shot Gen. Jordon,\\n128-131; seized a British\\nquartermaster, 1 29-1 31\\nhis account of the affair,\\n129; Anburey s account of\\nit, 130; biographical notice\\nof, 1 3 1- 1 34; sent to recon-\\nnoiter, 145.\\nWhitehall, 14, 258.\\nWhitmore, Lieut.-General, in\\nFlorida, 347.\\nWhitmore, Rachel, married\\nEbenezer Francis, 211.\\nWigglesworth commanded the\\nTrumbull, 163.\\nWight, Captain, killed, 347\\nmentioned, 266, 290.\\nWilkes, John, or Lord Ger-\\nmaine, 239.\\nWilkinson, Gen. James, adju-\\ntant for Yates, 38, 306,\\n310; sent by Yates to\\nCongress with the news of\\nBurgoyne s surrender, 50;\\ndefended Gates, 50 saved\\nthe life of Maj. Acland,\\n112; a letter of his pub-\\nlished, 280-281 met Major\\nKingston, 306; his Mem-\\noirs of My Own Times,\\ncited, 35, 38, 42, 44-45,\\n55, 112, 130, 138, 160, 171,\\n225, 237, 274, 275, 299,\\n306, 312, 342-343-\\nWilliams, Major Griffith, ob-\\njected to the removal of his\\nartillery, 286; taken pris-\\noner, 326; biographical no-\\ntice of, 286-287.\\nWilson, D., his Life of Jane\\nMcCrea, cited, 235-237.\\nWilson, Captain James Arm-\\nstrong, taken prisoner, 126;\\nbiographical notice of, 126;\\nmentioned, 137.\\nWilson, Jean, mother of Capt.\\nJames, 126.\\nWilson, Thomas, father of\\nCapt. James, 126.\\nWindsor Castle, Phillips lieu-\\ntenant governor of, 174.\\nWinnebagoes, The, under de\\nLanglade, 254-255.\\nWinter Hill, Boston, the quar-\\nters of the German troops\\nat, 49-50-", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0447.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "412\\nIndex.\\nWisconsin Historical Society,\\nThe Collections of the,\\ncited, 255.\\nWolfe, General James, L Es-\\ntrange with, 182; St. Clair\\nwith, 218; St. Leger with,\\n257; mentioned, 84, 155.\\nWolterton, the Baron of, 168.\\nWolves devour the dead, 246.\\nWoodcock, The, 83.\\nWoolwich Royal Military\\nAcademy, Phillips educated\\nat the, 174 Carter at, 205\\nWalker at, 207 Williams\\nin command at, 287 Jones\\nat, 324; Blomfield at, 325\\nSmith at, 328 York at, 329.\\nWright, Louis James, killed,\\n327 biographical notice of,\\n329-\\nWright, Captain John, bio-\\ngraphical notice of, 245.\\nWyandot Panther, The, 235,\\n236.\\nWyoming, the massacre of,\\n166.\\nYale College, 193.\\nYork, Lieut. John H., taken\\nprisoner, 326 biographical\\nnotice of, 329.\\nYork, Pa., Hartley s death at,\\n166.\\nYork, the Duke of. Fort\\nGeorge named for, 228.\\nYorktown, Cornwallis surren-\\nder at, 39; St. Clair at the\\nsiege of, 219.\\nYoung, Ensign Henry, killed,\\n336 biographical notice\\nof, 346.\\nZebra, The, Longcraft com-\\nmander of, 151.\\nI am indebted to Mr. Edward Denham, of New Bedford,\\nan expert in all matters relating to indexing, for his valuable\\nservices in compiling this index.", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0448.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0449.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0450.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0451.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0452.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0453.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0454.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0455.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0456.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3236", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0457.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3193", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "britishinvasionf00digb_0458.jp2"}}