{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2870", "width": "1612", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "f\u00c2\u00ab+.\\nvL v\\nv*o x\\no\\nSfe-\\nA\\n(TV\\n^0*", "height": "2620", "width": "1638", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "L\\nV\\n.0\\n.Cr\\n4 V\\nt*\\nC C\\nW\\nV\\n.0* ^O J\\nv^\\nV\\n4", "height": "2620", "width": "1638", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2600", "width": "1654", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2580", "width": "1472", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2589", "width": "1628", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "THE\\nIMPENDING CRISIS\\nTHE SOUTH:\\nHOW TO MEET IT\\nBY\\nHINTON BOW AN HELPEK,\\nOF NORTH CAROLINA.\\nCountrymen I sue for simple justice at your hands,\\nNaught else I ask, nor less will have\\nAct right, therefore, and yield my claim,\\nOr, by the great God that made all things,\\nI ll fight, till from my hones my flesh be hack d l\u00e2\u0080\u0094Shakspeare.\\nThe liberal deviseth liberal things,\\nAnd by liberal things shall he stand.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Isaiah.\\nNE W-YOEK:\\nBURDICK BROTHERS, 8 SPRUCE STREET.\\n1857.", "height": "2626", "width": "1539", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1857, by\\nHINTON ROWAN HELPER,\\nIn tho Clerk s Office of the District Court of the United States for the\\nSouthern District of New York.\\nJ. J. REED,\\nPRISTEIt AND STEREOTYPES,\\nIS Bpruoo-Bt, N. T.", "height": "2616", "width": "1487", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "Jli\\n0\\nHENRY M, WILLIS,\\nOF CALIFORNIA,\\nFORMERLY OF MARYLAND.\\nWOODFORD C. HOLM AN,\\nOF OREGON,\\nFORMERLY OF KENTUCKY,\\nMATTHEW K. SMITH,\\nOF WASHINGTON TERRITORY,\\nFORMERLY OF VIRGINIA,\\nAND TO TFIE\\nNON-SLAVEIIOLDING WHITES OF THE SOUTH\\nGENERALLY,\\nWHETHER AT HOME OR ABROAD,\\nTHIS WORK IS MOST CORDIALLY\\nDEDICATED\\nBY THEIR\\nSINCERE FRIEND AND FELLOW-CITIZEN,\\nTHE AUTHOR.", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nIf my countrymen, particularly my countrymen of the South,\\nstill more particularly those of them who are non-slaveholders,\\nshall peruse this work, they will learn that no narrow and partial\\ndoctrines of political or social economy, no prejudices of early\\neducation have induced me to write it. If, in any part of it,. I\\nhave actually deflected from the tone of true patriotism and na-\\ntionality, I am unable to perceive the fault. What I have com-\\nmitted to paper is but a fair reflex of the honest and long-settled\\nconvictions of my heart.\\nIn writing this book, it has been no part of my purpose to cast\\nunmerited opprobrium upon slaveholders, or to display any special\\nfriendliness or sympathy for the blacks. I have considered my sub-\\nject more particularly with reference to its economic aspects as re-\\ngards the whites\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not with reference, except in a very slight de-\\ngree, to its humanitarian or religious aspects. To the latter side\\nof the question, Northern writers have already done full and\\ntimely justice. The genius of the North has also most ably and\\neloquently discussed the subject in the form of novels. Yankee\\nwives have written the most popular anti-slavery literature of", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "vi PREFACE.\\nthe day. Against this I have nothing to say it is all well\\nenough for women to give the fictions of slavery men should\\ngive the facts.\\nI trust that my friends and fellow-citizens of the South will\\nread this book nay, proud as any Southerner though I am, I\\nentreat, I beg of them to do so. And as the work, considered\\nwith reference to its author s nativity, is a novelty the South\\nbeing my birth-place and my home, and my ancestry having resi-\\nded there for more than a century so I indulge the hope that\\nits reception by my fellow-Southrons will also be novel that is\\nto say, that they will receive it, as it is offered, in a reasonable\\nand friendly spirit, and that they will read it and reflect upon it\\nas an honest and faithful endeavor to treat a subject of enormous\\nimport, without rancor or prejudice, by one who naturally comes\\nwithin the pale of their own sympathies.\\nAn irrepressibly active desire to do something to elevate the\\nSouth to an honorable and powerful position among the enlight-\\nened quarters of the globe, has been the great leading principle\\nthat has actuated me in the preparation of the present volume\\nand so well convinced am I that the plan which I have proposed\\nis the only really practical one for achieving the desired end, that\\nI earnestly hope to see it prosecuted with energy and zeal, until\\nthe Flag of Freedom shall wave triumphantly alike over the val-\\nleys of Virginia and the mounds of Mississippi.\\nH. R. H.\\nJune, 1857.", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nPAQB.\\nCOMPARISON BETWEEN THE FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.. 11\\nProgress and Prosperity of the North Inertness and Imbe-\\ncility of the South The True Cause and the Remedy\\nQuantity and Value of the Agricultural Products of the\\ntwo Sections Important Statistics Wealth, Revenue,\\nand Exdenditure of the several States Sterling Extracts\\nand General Remarks on Free and Slave Labor The Im-\\nmediate Abolition of Slavery the True Policy of the South.\\nCHAPTER II.\\nHOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED 123\\nValue of Lands in the Free and in the Slave States A few\\nPlain Words addressed to Slaveholders The Old Home-\\nstead Area and Population of the several States, of the\\nTerritories, and of the District of Columbia Number of\\nSlaveholders in the United States Abstract of the Au-\\nthor s Plan for the Abolition of Slavery Official Power\\nand Despotism of the Oligarchy Mal-treatment of the\\nNon-slaveholding Whites Liberal Slaveholders, and what\\nmay be expected of them\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Slave-driving Democrats\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Class-\\nification of Votes Polled at the Five Points Precinct in\\n1856\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Parts played by the Republicans, Whigs, Democrats,\\nand Know-Nothings during the last Presidential Cam-\\npaign How and why Slavery should be Abolished with-\\nout direct Compensation to the Masters The American\\nColonization Society Emigration to Liberia Ultimatum\\nof the Non-slaveholding Whites.\\nCHAPTER III.\\nSOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY 188\\nWhat the Fathers of the Republic thought of Slavery\\nOpinions of Washington Jefferson Madison Monroe\\nHenry Randolph Clay Benton Mason McDowell\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nIredell Pinkney Leigh Marshall Boiling Chandler\\nSummers Preston Fremont Blair Maury Birney.\\nDelaware McLane. Maryland Martin. Virginia Bill of", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "Vlll CONTENTS.\\nPAGE\\nRights. North Carolina Mecklenhurg Declaration of In-\\ndependence\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Judge Ruffin. South Carolina\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Extracts from\\nthe Writings of some of her more Sensible Sons. Georgia\\nGen. Oglethorpe Darien Resolutions.\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nNORTHERN TESTIMONY 235\\nOpinions of Franklin Hamilton Jay Adams Webster\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Clinton\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Warren Complimentary Allusions to Garrison,\\nGreeley, Seward, Sumner, and others.\\nCHAPTER V.\\nTESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS 245\\nThe Voice of England Opinions of Mansfield Locke\\nPitt Fox Shakspeare Cowper Milton Johnson\\nPrice Blacks tone Coke Hampden Harrington For-\\ntescue Brougham The Voice of Ireland Opinions of\\nBurke Curran Extract from the Dublin University Mag-\\nazine for December, 1856 The Voice of Scotland Opin-\\nions of Beattie\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Miller Macknight The Voice of France\\nOpinions of Lafayette Montesquieu Louis X Buffon\\nRousseau Brissot The Voice of Germany Opinions\\nof Grotius Goethe Luther Extract from the Letter of\\na living German writer to his Friends in this Country\\nThe Voice of Italy Opinions of Cicero Lactantius Leo\\nX The Voice of Greece Opinions of Socrates Aristotle\\nPolybius Plato.\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nTESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES 258\\nIntroductory Remarks Presbyterian Testimony Albert\\nBarnes Thomas Scott General Assembly in 1818 Sy-\\nnod of Kentucky Episcopal Testimony Bishop Horsley\\nBishop Butler Bishop Porteus John Jay Anti-\\nslavery Churchman Baptist Testimony Rev. Mr. Bris-\\nbane, of South Carolina Francis Wayland Abraham\\nBooth\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Baptists of Virginia in 1789 Methodist Testi-\\nmony John Wesley Adam Clarke Extracts from the\\nDiscipline for L784, 85 and 97\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Catholic Testimony\\nPope Gregory XVI Pope Leo X The Abbe Raynal\\nHenry Kemp.", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. IX\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nPAQH.\\nBIBLE TESTIMONY 275\\nThe Bible an Anti-Slavery Text-book Selected Precepts\\nand Sayings of the Old Testament Selected Precepts and\\nSayings of the New Testament Irrefragability of the Ar-\\nguments here and elsewhere introduced against Slavery.\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE 281\\nOpening Remarks General Statistics of the Free and of\\nthe Slave States Tonnage, Exports, and Imports\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pro-\\nducts of Manufactures Miles of Canals and Railroads in\\nOperation Public Schools\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Libraries other than Private\\nNewspapers and Periodicals Illiterate White Adults\\nNational Political Power of the two Sections Popular\\nVote for President in 1856 Patents Issued on New In-\\nventions\u00e2\u0080\u0094Value of Church Property Acts of Benevo-\\nlence Contributions for the Bible Cause, Tract Cause,\\nMissionary Cause, and Colonization Cause Table of\\ndeaths in the several States in 1850- Number of Free\\nWhite Male Persons over fifteen years of age engaged in\\nAgriculture or other out-door Labor in the Slave States\\nFalsity of the Assertion that White Men cannot cultivate\\nSouthern Soil\u00e2\u0080\u0094 White Female Agriculturists in North\\nCarolina Number of Natives of the Slave States in the\\nFree States, and of Natives of the Free States in the Slave\\nStates\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Value of the Slaves at $400 per head\u00e2\u0080\u0094 List of\\nPresidents of the United States\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Judges of the Supreme\\nCourt\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Secretaries of State\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Presidents of the Senate\\nSpeakers of the House Postmasters General Secretaries\\nof the Interior Secretaries of the Treasury Secretaries\\nf War\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Secretaries of the Navy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Result of the Presiden-\\ntial Elections in the United States from 1796 to 1856\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Aid\\nfor Kansas\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Contributions for the Sufferers in Ports-\\nmouth, Va., during the Prevalence of the Yellow Fever in\\nthe Summer of 1855 Congressional Representation Cus-\\ntom House Receipts-When the Old States were Settled and\\nthe New Admitted into the Union\u00e2\u0080\u0094 First European Set-\\ntlements in America Freedom and Slavery at the Fair\\nWhat Freedom Did\u00e2\u0080\u0094 What Slavery Did\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Average Value\\nper Acre of Lands in the States of New York and North\\nCarolina.", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "x CONTEXTS.\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nPAGE\\nCOMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE 331\\nP ea for a great Southern Commercial City\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Importance of\\nCities in General\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Letters from the Mayors of sundry\\nAmerican Cities, North and South\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Wealth and Popula-\\ntion of New-York. Baltimore. Philadelphia, New-Orleans,\\nBoston St. Louis, Brooklyn, Charleston, Cincinnati, Louis-\\nville Chicago. Richmond, Providence, Norfolk, Buffalo,\\nSavannah, New-Bedford, Wilmington\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Wealth Concen-\\ntrated at Commercial Points\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Boston and its Business-\\nProgressive Growth of Cities\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A Fleet of Merchantmen-\\nCommerce of Norfolk\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Baltimore, Past, Present, and Fu-\\nture\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Insignificance of Southern Commerce Enslavement\\nof Slaveholders to the Products of Northern Industry\\nAlmost Utter Lack of Patrioitsm in Southern Merchants\\nand Slaveholders.\\nCHAPTER X.\\nFACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE 360\\nWhy this Work was not Published in Baltimore\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Legisla-\\ntive Acts Against Slavery\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Testimony of a West India\\nPlanter to the Advantages of Free over Slave Labor The\\nTrue Friends of the South\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Slavery Thoughtful\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Signs of\\nContrition Progress of Freedom in the South Anti-\\nslavery Extracts from Southern Journals A Right Feel-\\ning in the Right Quarter\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Illiterate Poor Whites of\\nthe South.\\nCHAPTER XL\\nSOUTHERN LITERATURE 383\\nInstances of Protracted Literary Labor Comparative In-\\nsignificance of Periodical and General Literature in the\\nSouthern States The New-York Tribune Southern Sys-\\ntem of Publishing Book-making in America The Busi-\\nness of the Messrs. Harper Southern Journals Struggling\\nfor Existenc* Paucity of Southern Authors Proportion\\nof White Adults, over Twenty Years of Age, in each State,\\nwho cannot Read and Write, to the Whole White Popu-\\nlation Southern Authors Compelled to S eek Northern\\nPublishers Conclusion.", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER I.\\nCOMPARISON BETWEEN THE FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\nIt is not our intention in this chapter to enter into an\\nelaborate ethnographical essay, to establish peculiarities\\nof difference, mental, moral, and physical, in the great\\nfamily of man. Neither is it our design to launch into a\\nphilosophical disquisition on the laws and principles of\\nlight and darkness, with a view of educing any additional\\nevidence of the fact, that as a general rule, the rays of\\nthe sun are more fructifying and congenial than the shades\\nof night. Nor yet is it our purpose, by writing a formal\\ntreatise on ethics, to draw a broad line of distinction be-\\ntween right and wrong, to point out the propriety of mor-\\nality and its advantages over immorality, nor to waste\\ntime in pressing a universally admitted truism that vir-\\ntue is preferable to vice. Self-evident truths require no\\nargumentative demonstration.\\nWhat we mean to do is simply this to take a survey\\nof the relative position and importance of the several\\nstates of this confederacy, from the adoption of the na-\\ntional compact and when, of two sections of the country\\nstarting under the same auspices, and with equal natural\\nadvantages, we find the one rising to a degree of almost\\nunexampled power and eminence, and the other sinking", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "12 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\ninto a state of comparative imbecility and obscurity, it is\\nour determination to trace out tbe causes which have led\\nto the elevation of the former, and the depression of the\\nlatter, and to use our most earnest and honest endeavors\\nto utterly extirpate whatever opposes the progress and\\nprosperity of any portion of the union.\\nThis survey we have already made we have also in-\\nstituted an impartial comparison between the cardinal\\nsections of the country, north, south, east, and west and\\nas a true hearted southerner, whose ancestors have resided\\nin North Carolina between one and two hundred years,\\nand as one who would rather have his native clime excel\\nthan be excelled, we feel constrained to confess that we\\nare deeply abashed and chagrined at the disclosures of\\nthe comparison thus instituted. At the time of the adop-\\ntion of the Constitution, in 1*189, we commenced an even\\nrace with the North. All things considered, if either the\\nNorth or the South had the advantage, it was the latter.\\nIn proof of this, let us introduce a few statistics, begin-\\nning with the states of\\nNEW YORK AND VIRGINIA.\\nIn 1190, when the first census was taken, New York\\ncontained 340,120 inhabitants at the same time the pop-\\nulation of Virginia was 148,308, being more than twice\\nthe number of New York. Just sixty years afterward, as\\nwe learn from the census of 1850, New York had a popu-\\nlation of 3,091,394 while that of Virginia was only\\n1,421,661, being less than half the number of New York", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 13\\nIn 1191, the exports of New York amounted to $2,505,-\\n465 the exports of Virginia amounted to $3,130,865. In\\n1852, the exports of New York amounted to $81,484,456\\nthe exports of Virginia, during the same year, amounted\\nto only $2,124,651. In 1190, the imports of New York\\nand Virginia were about equal in 1853, the imports of\\nNew York amounted to the enormous sum of $118,210,-\\n999 while those of Virginia, for the same period, amount-\\ned to the pitiful sum of only $399,004. In 1850, the pro-\\nducts of manufactures, mining and the mechanic arts in\\nNew York amounted to $231,591,249 those of Virginia\\namounted to only $29,105,381. At the taking of the last\\ncensus, the value of real and personal property in Vir-\\nginia, including negroes, was $391,640,438 that of New\\nYork, exclusive of any monetary valuation of human be-\\nings, was $1,080,309,216.\\nIn August, 1856, the real and personal estate assessed\\nin the City of New- York amounted in valuation to $511,-\\n140,491, showing that New- York City alone is worth far\\nmore than the whole State of Virginia.\\nWhat says one of Virginia s own sons He still lives\\nhear him speak. Says Gov. Wise\\nIt may be painful, but nevertheless, profitable, to re-\\ncur occasionally to the history of the past to listen to the\\nadmonitions of experience, and learn lessons of wisdom\\nfrom the efforts and actions of those who have preceded\\nus in the drama of human life. The records of former days\\nshow that at a period not very remote, Virginia stood pre-\\neminently the first commercial State in the Union when\\nher commerce exceeded in amount that of all the New", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "14 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nEngland States combined when the City of Norfolk\\nowned more than one hundred trading ships, and her di-\\nrect foreign trade exceeded that of the City of New-York,\\nnow the centre of trade and the great emporium of North\\nAmerica. At the period of the war of independence, the\\ncommerce of Virginia was four times larger than that of\\nNew-York\\nThe cash value of all the farms, farming implements\\nand machinery in Virginia, in 1850, was $223,423,315 the\\nvalue of the same in New-York, in the same year, was\\n1516,631,568. In about the same ratio does the value of\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ricultural products and live stock of New-York ex-\\nceed the value of the agricultural products and live stock\\nof Virginia, But we will pursue this humiliating compa-\\nrison no further. With feelings mingled with indignation\\nand disgust, we turn from the picture, and will now pay\\nour respects to\\nMASSACHUSETTS AND NORTH CAROLINA.\\nIn 1190, Massachusetts contained 318,111 inhabitants\\nin the Bame year North Carolina contained 393,151 in\\n1850, the population of Massachusetts was 991,514, all\\nfreemen while that of North Carolina was only 869,039,\\nof whom 288,548 were slaves. Massachusetts has an area\\nof only 1,800 square miles the area of North Carolina is\\n50,104 square miles, which, though less than Virginia, is\\nconsiderably largei than the State of New-York. Massa-\\nchusetts and North Carolina each have a harbor, Boston\\nand Beaufort, which harbors* with the States that back", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 15\\nthem, are, by nature, possessed of about equal capacities\\nand advantages for commercial and manufacturing enter-\\nprise. Boston has grown to be the second commercial\\ncity in the Union her ships, freighted with the useful and\\nunique inventions and manufactures of her ingenious arti-\\nsans and mechanics, and bearing upon their stalwart arms\\nthe majestic flag of our country, glide triumphantly through\\nthe winds and over the waves of every ocean. She has\\ndone, and is now doing, great honor to herself, her State\\nand the nation, and her name and fame are spoken with\\nreverence in the remotest regions of the earth.\\nHow is it with Beaufort, in North Carolina, whose har-\\nbor is said to be the safest and most commodious any-\\nwhere to be found on the Atlantic coast south of the har-\\nbor of New- York, and but little inferior to that? Has\\nanybody ever heard of her Do the masts of her ships\\never cast a shadow on foreign waters Upon what dis-\\ntant or benighted shore have her merchants and mariners\\never hoisted our national ensign, or spread the arts of\\ncivilization and peaceful industry What changes worthy\\nof note have taken place in the physical features of her\\nsuperficies since the evening and the morning were the\\nthird day But we will make no further attempt to\\ndraw a comparison between the populous, wealthy, and\\nrenowned city of Boston and the obscure, despicable little\\nvillage of Beaufort, which, notwithstanding the placid\\nbosom of its deep and well-protected harbor, has no place\\nIn the annals or records of the country, and has scarcely\\never been heard of fifty miles from home.\\nIn 1853, the exports of Massachusetts amounted to", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "16 COMPAEISON BETWEEN THE\\n\u00c2\u00a716,895,304, and her imports to $41,36*7,956 during the\\nsame time, and indeed during all the time, from the period\\nof the formation of the government up to the year 1853,\\ninclusive, the exports and imports of North Carolina were\\nso utterly insignificant that we are ashamed to record\\nthem. In 1850, the products of manufactures, mining and\\nthe mechanic arts in Massachusetts, amounted to $151,-\\n137,145 those of North Carolina, to only $9,111,245. In\\n1856, the products of these industrial pursuits in Massa-\\nchusetts had increased to something over $288,000,000, a\\nsum more than twice the value of the entire cotton crop\\nof all the Southern States 1 In 1850, the cash value of all\\nthe farms, farming implements and machinery in Massa-\\nchusetts, was $112,285,931 the value of the same in\\nNorth Carolina, in the same year, was only $71,823,298.\\nIn 1850, the value of all the real and personal estate in\\nMassachusetts, without recognizing property in man, or\\nBetting a monetary price on the head of a single citizen,\\nwhite or black, amounted to $573,342,286 the value of\\nthe same in North Carolina, including negroes, amounted\\nto only $226,800,472. In 1856, the real and personal\\nBtate assessed in the City of Boston amounted in valua-\\ntion to within a fraction of $250,000,000, showing conclu-\\nsively that so far as dollars and cents are concerned, that\\nsingle city could buy the whole State of North Carolina,\\nand by righl of purchase, if sanctioned by the Constitu-\\nthe United Stales, and by State Constitutions, hold\\nher as a province. In 1850, there were in Massachusetts\\nnative white and free colored persons over twenty\\ny.ars of age who could not read and write in the same", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 17\\nyear, the same class of persons in North Carolina num-\\nbered 80,083 while her 288,548 slaves were, by legisla-\\ntive enactments, kept in a state of absolute ignorance and\\nunconditional subordination.\\nHoping, however, and believing, that a large majority\\nof the most respectable and patriotic citizens of North\\nCarolina have resolved, or will soon resolve, with unyield-\\ning purpose, to cast aside the great obstacle that impedes\\ntheir progress, and bring into action a new policy which\\nwill lead them from poverty and ignorance to wealth and\\nintellectual greatness, and which will shield them not on-\\nly from the rebukes of their own consciences, but also from\\nthe just reproaches of the civilized world, we will, for the\\npresent, in deference to their feelings, forbear the further\\nenumeration of these degrading disparities, and turn our\\nattention to\\nPENNSYLVANIA AND SOUTH CAROLINA.\\nAn old gentleman, now residing in Charleston, told us,\\nbut a few months since, that he had a distinct recollection\\nof the time when Charleston imported foreign fabrics for\\nthe Philadelphia trade, and when, on a certain occasion,\\nhis mother went into a store on Market-street to select a\\nsilk dress for herself, the merchant, unable to please her\\nfancy, persuaded her to postpone the selection for a few\\ndays, or until the arrival of a new stock of superb styles\\nand fashions which he had recently purchased in the me-\\ntropolis of South Carolina. This was all very proper.\\nCharleston had a spacious harbor, a central position, and", "height": "2595", "width": "1493", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "18 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\na mild climate and from priority of settlement and busi-\\nness connections, to say nothing of other advantages, she\\nenjoyed greater facilities for commercial transactions than\\nPhiladelphia. She -had a right to get custom wherever\\nshe could find it, and in securing so valuable a customer\\nas the Quaker City, she exhibited no small degree of laud-\\nable enterprise. But why did she not maintain her supre-\\nmacy If the answer to this query is not already in the\\nreader s mind, it will suggest itself before he peruses the\\nof this work. For the present, suffice it to say,\\nthat the cause of her shameful insignificance and decline\\nis essentially the same that has thrown every other South-\\nern city and State in the rear of progress, and rendered\\nthem tributary, in a commercial and manufacturing point\\nof view, almost entirely tributary, to the more sagacious\\nand enterprising States and cities of the North.\\nA most unfortunate day was that for the Palmetto State,\\nand indeed for the whole South, when the course of trade\\nwas changed, and she found herself the retailer of foreign\\nand domestic goods, imported and vended by wholesale\\nmerchants at the North. Philadelphia ladies no longer\\nlook to the South for late fashions, aud fine silks and\\nsatins no Quaker dame now wears drab apparel of\\nCharleston importation. Like all other niggervilles in our\\ndisreputable part of the confederacy, the commercial em-\\nporhim of South Carolina is sick and impoverished her\\nsilver cool hits been loosed; her golden bowl has been\\nami her unhappy people, without proper or profit-\\nable employment, poor in pocket, and few in number, go\\nmourning or loafing about the streets. Her annual im-", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 19\\n.ations are actually less now than they were a century\\nago, when South Carolina was the second commercial\\nprovince on the continent, Virginia being the first.\\nIn 1760, as we learn from Mr. Benton s Thirty Years\\nView, the foreign imports into Charleston were $2,662,-\\n000 in 1855, they amounted to only $1,750,000 In\\n1854, the imports into Philadelphia, which, in foreign\\ntrade, ranks at present but fourth among the commercial\\ncities of the union, were $21,963,021. In 1850, the pro-\\nducts of manufactures, mining, and the mechanic arts, in\\nPennsylvania, amounted to $155,044,910 the products of\\nthe same in South Carolina, amounted to only $7,063,513.\\nAs shown by the census report of 1850, which was pre-\\npared under the superintendence of a native of South Car-\\nolina, who certainly will not be suspected of injustice to\\nhis own section of the country, the Southern states, the\\ncash value of all the farms, farming implements, and ma-\\nchinery in Pennsylvania, was $422,598,640 the value of\\nthe same in South Carolina, in the same year, was only\\n$86,518,038. From a compendium of the same census, we\\nlearn that the value of all the real and personal property\\nin Pennsylvania, actual pi operty, no slaves, amounted to\\n$729,144,998 the value of the same in South Carolina,\\nincluding the estimated we were about to say fictitious\\nvalue of 384,925 negroes, amounted to only $288,257,-\\n694. We have not been able to obtain the figures neces-\\nsary to show the exact value of the real and personal es-\\ntate in Philadelphia, but the amount is estimated to be not\\nless than $300,000,000 and as, in 1850, there were 408,-\\n762 free inhabitants in the single city of Philadelphia,", "height": "2605", "width": "1472", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "20 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nagainst 283,544 of the same class, in theVl)?]* gj2*\u00c2\u00a7fc$\\nSouth Carolina, it is quite evident that the former is more\\npowerful than the latter, and far ahead of her in all the\\nelements of genuine and permanent superiority. In Penn-\\nsylvania, in 1850, the annual income of public schools\\namounted to $1,348,249 the same in South Carolina, in\\nthe same years, amounted to only $200,600 in the former\\nstate there were 393 libraries other than private, in the\\nlatter only 26 in Pennsylvania 310 newspapers and pe-\\nriodicals were published, circulating 84,898,672 copies an-\\nnually in South Carolina only 46 newspapers and peri-\\nodicals were published, circulating but 1,145,930 copies\\nper annum.\\nThe incontrovertible facts we have thus far presented\\nare, we think, amply sufficient, both in number and mag-\\nnitude, to bring conviction to the mind of every candid\\nr, that there is something wrong, socially, politically\\nand morally wrong, in the policy under which the South\\nhas so long loitered and languished. Else, how is it that\\nthe North, under the operations of a policy directly the\\nopposite of ours, has sui passed us in almost everything\\ngreat and good, and left us standing before the world, an\\nobject of merited reprehension and derision\\nPot one, we arc heartily ashamed of the inexcusable\\naess, inertia and dilapidation everywhere so manifest\\ntEroughont our native section; but the blame properly\\nattaches itself to an usurping minority of the people, and\\nv are determined that it shall rest where it belongs.\\nMore ii this subject, however, after a brief but general\\nof the inequalities and disparities that exist between", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 21\\n~9sC w divisions of the country, which, without\\nreference to the situation that any part of their territory\\nbears to the cardinal points, are every day becoming more\\nfamiliarly known by the appropriate appellation of\\nTHE FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\nIt is a fact well known to every intelligent Southerner\\nthat we are compelled to go to the North for almost every\\narticle of utility and adornment, from matches, shoepegs\\nand paintings up to cotton-mills, steamships and statuary\\nthat we have no foreign trade, no princely merchants, nor\\nrespectable artists that, in comparison with the free\\nstates, we contribute nothing to the literature, polite arts\\nand inventions of the age that, for want of profitable\\nemployment at home, large numbers of our native popula-\\ntion find themselves necessitated to emigrate to the West,\\nwhilst the free states retain not only the larger proportion\\nof those born within their own limits, but induce, annually,\\nhundreds of thousands of foreigners to settle and remain\\namongst them that almost everything produced at the\\nNorth meets with ready sale, while, at the same time,\\nthere is no demand, even among our own citizens, for the\\nproductions of Southern industry that, owing to the\\nabsence of a proper system of business amongst us, the\\nNorth becomes, in one way or another, the proprietor and\\ndispenser of all our floating wealth, and that we are de-\\npendent on Northern capitalists for the means necessary\\nto build our railroads, canals and other public improve-\\nments that if we want to visit a foreign country, even", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "22 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nthough it may lie directly South of us, find no r-veuient\\nway of getting there except by taking passage through a\\nNorthern port and that nearly all the profits arising from\\nthe exchange of commodities, from insurances and shipping\\noffices, and from the thousand and one industrial pursuits\\nof the country, accrue to the North, and are there invested\\nin the erection of those magnificent cities and stupendous\\nworks of art which dazzle the eyes of the South, and attest\\nthe superiority of free institutions\\nThe North is the Mecca of our merchants, and to it they\\ni ,11 ist and do make two pilgrimages per annum one in the\\nspring and one in the fall. All our commercial, mechanical,\\nmanufactural, and literary supplies come from there. We\\nwant Bibles, brooms, buckets and books, and we go to the\\nNorth we want pens, ink, paper, wafers and envelopes,\\nand we go to the North we want shoes, hats, handker-\\nchiefs, umbrellas and pocket knives, and we go to the\\nNorth we want furniture, crockery, glassware and pianos,\\nand we go to the North we want toys, primers, school\\nbooks, fashionable apparel, machinery, medicines, tomb-\\nstones, and a thousand other things, and we go to the\\nNorth for them all. Instead of keeping our money in cir-\\nculation at home, by patronizing our own mechanics, man-\\nufacturers, and laborers, we send it all away to the North,\\nand there it remains it never falls into our hands again.\\nIn one way or another we are more or less subservient\\nto tin- North every day of our lives. In infancy we are\\nswaddled in Northern muslin; in childhood we are hu-\\nmored with Northern gewgaws in youth we are instruct-\\ned ut of Northern books at the age of maturity we sow", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 23\\nour wild oats on Northern soil in middle-life we ex-\\nhaust our wealth, energies and talents in the dishonorable\\nvocation of entailing our dependence on our children and\\non our children s children, and, to the neglect of our own\\ninterests and the interests of those around us, in giving\\naid and succor to every department of Northern power\\nin the decline of life we remedy our eye-sight with Nor-\\nthren spectacles, and support our infirmities with Northern\\ncanes in old age we are drugged with Northern physic\\nand, finally, when we die, our inanimate bodies, shrouded\\nin Northern cambric, are stretched upon the bier, borne to\\nthe grave in a Northern carriage, entombed with a Nor-\\nthern spade, and memorized with a Northern slab\\nBut it can hardly be necessary to say more in illustra-\\ntion of this unmanly and unnational dependence, which is\\nso glaring that it cannot fail to be appai ent to even the\\nmost careless and superficial observer. All the world\\nsees, or ought to see, that in a commercial, mechanical,\\nmanufactural, financial, and literary point of view, we are\\nas helpless as babies that, in comparison with the Free\\nStates, our agricultural resources have been greatly ex-\\naggerated, misunderstood and mismanaged and that, in-\\nstead of cultivating among ourselves a wise policy of mu-\\ntual assistance and co-operation with respect to individ-\\nuals, and of self-reliance with respect to the South at large,\\ninstead of giving countenance and encouragement to the\\nindustrial enterprise projected in our midst, and instead\\nof building up, aggrandizing and beautifying our own\\nStates, cities and towns, we have been spending our sub-\\nstance at the North, and are daily augmenting and", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J l COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nstrengthening the very power which now has us so com-\\npletely under its thumb.\\nIt thus appears, in view of the preceding statistical\\nfacts and arguments, that the South, at one time the su-\\nperior of the North in almost all the ennobling pursuits\\nand conditions of life, has fallen far behind her competitor,\\nand now ranks more as the dependency of a mother coun-\\ntry than as the equal confederate of free and independent\\nStates. Following the order of our task, the next duty\\nthat devolves upon us is to trace out the causes which\\nhave conspired to bring about this important change, and\\nto place on record the reasons, as we understand them,\\nWnY THE NORTH HAS SURPASSED THE SOUTH.\\nAnd now that we have come to the very heart and soul\\nof our subject, we feel no disposition to mince matters,\\nbut mean to speak plainly, and to the point, without any\\nequivocation, mental reservation, or secret evasion what-\\never. The son of a venerated parent, who, while he lived,\\nwas a considerate and merciful slaveholder, a native of\\nthe South, born and bred in North Carolina, of a family\\nwhose home has been in the valley of the Yadkin for near-\\nly a century and a half, a Southerner by instinct and by\\nall the influences of thought, habits, and kindred, and with\\nthe desire and fixed purpose to reside permanently within\\nthe limits of the South, and with the expectation of dying\\nthere also we feel that we have the right to express our\\nopinion, however humble or unimportant it maybe, on any\\nand every question that affects the public good and, so", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 25\\nhelp us God, sink or swim, live or die, survive or per-\\nish, we are determined to exercise that right with manly\\nfirmness, and without fear, favor or aifection.\\nAnd now to the point. In our opinion, an opinion which\\nhas been formed from data obtained by assiduous re-\\nsearches, and comparisons, from laborious investigation,\\nlogical reasoning, and earnest reflection, the causes which\\nhave impeded the progress and prosperity of the South,\\nwhich have dwindled our commerce, and other similar\\npursuits, into the most contemptible insignificance sunk\\na large majority of our people in galling poverty and ig-\\nnorance, rendered a small minority conceited and tyran-\\nnical, and driven the rest away from their homes entailed\\nupon us a humiliating dependence on the Free States dis-\\ngraced us in the recesses of our own souls, and brought\\nus under reproach in the eyes of all civilized and enlight-\\nened nations may all be traced to one common source,\\nand there find solution in the most hateful and horrible\\nword, that was ever incorporated into the vocabulary of\\nhuman economy Slavery\\nEeared amidst the institution of slavery, believing it to\\nbe wrong both in principle and in practice, and having\\nseen and felt its evil influences upon individuals, commu-\\nnities and states, we deem it a duty, no less than a privi-\\nlege, to enter our protest against it, and to use our most\\nstrenuous efforts to overturn and abolish it Then we\\nare an abolitionist Yes 1 not merely a freesoiler, but an\\nabolitionist, in the fullest sense of the term. We are not\\nonly in favor of keeping slavery out of the territories, but,\\ncarrying our opposition to the institution a step further,", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "26 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nwc here unhesitatingly declare ourself in favor of its im-\\nmediate and unconditional abolition, in every state in this\\nconfederacy, where it now exists Patriotism makes us\\na freesoiler state pride makes us an emancipationist a\\nprofound sense of duty to the South makes us an abolition-\\nist a reasonable degree of fellow feeling for the negro.\\nmakes us a colonizationist. With the free state men in\\nKanzas and Nebraska, we sympathize with all our heart.\\nWe love the whole country, the great family of states and\\nterritories, one and inseparable, and would have the word\\nLiberty engraved as an appropriate and truthful motto, on\\nthe escutcheon of every member of the confederacy. We\\nlove freedom, we hate slavery, and rather than give up\\nthe one or submit to the other, we will forfeit the pound\\nof flesh nearest our heart. Is this sufficiently explicit and\\ncategorical If not, we hold ourself in readiness at all\\ntimes, to return a prompt reply to any proper question\\nthat may be propounded.\\nOur repugnance to the institution of slavery, springs\\nfrom no one-sided idea, or sickly sentimentality. We have\\nnot been hasty in making up our mind on the subject we\\nhave jumped at no conclusions we have acted with per-\\nfect calmness and deliberation we have carefully consid-\\ntnined the reasons for and against the insti-\\ntution, and have also taken into account the propable con-\\nsequences of our decision. The more we investigate the\\nmatter, the deeper becomes the conviction that we are right;\\nand with this to impel and sustain us, we pursue our labor\\nwith love, with hope, and with constantly renewing vigor.\\nThat we shall encounter opposition we consider as cer-", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 2t\\ntain perhaps we may even be subjected to insult and\\nviolence. From the conceited and cruel oligarchy of the\\nSouth, we could look for nothing less. But we shall\\nshrink from no responsibility, and do nothing unbecoming\\na man we know how to repel indignity, and if assaulted,\\nshall not fail to make the blow recoil upon the aggres-\\nsor s head. The road we have to travel may be a rough\\none, but no impediment shall cause us to falter in our\\ncourse. The line of our duty is clearly defined, and it is\\nour intention to follow it faithfully, or die in the attempt.\\nBut, thanks to heaven, we have no ominous forebodings\\nof the result of the contest now pending between Liberty\\nand Slavery in this confederacy. Though neither a prophet\\nnor the son of a prophet, our vision is sufficiently pene-\\ntrative to divine the future so far as to be able to see that\\nthe peculiar institution has but a short, and, as hereto-\\nfore, inglorious existence before it. Time, the righter of\\nevery wrong, is ripening events for the desired consumma-\\ntion of our labors and the fulfillment of our cherished\\nhopes. Each revolving year brings nearer the inevitable\\ncrisis. The sooner it comes the better may heaven,\\nthrough our humble efforts, hasten its advent.\\nThe first and most sacred duty of every Southerner, who\\nhas the honor and the interest of his country at heart, is\\nto declare himself an unqualified and uncompromising abo-\\nlitionist. No conditional or half-way declaration will\\navail no mere threatening demonstration will succeed.\\nWith those who desire to be instrumental in bringing\\nabout the triumph of liberty over slavery, there should be\\nneither evasion, vacillation, nor equivocation. We should", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "28 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nlisten to no modifying terms or compromises that may be\\nproposed by the proprietors of the unprofitable and ungod-\\nly institution. Nothing short of the complete abolition of\\nslavery can save the South from falling into the vortex of\\nutter ruin. Too long have we yielded a submissive obe-\\ndience to the tyrannical domination of an inflated oligar-\\nchy too long have we tolerated their arrogance and self-\\nconceit too long have we submitted to their unjust and\\nsavage exactions. Let us now wrest from them the scep-\\ntre of power, establish liberty and equal rights through-\\nout the land, and henceforth and forever guard our legis-\\nlative halls from the pollutions and usurpations of pro-\\nslavery demagogues.\\nWe have stated, in a cursory manner, the reasons, as\\nwe understand them, why the North has surpassed the\\nSouth, and have endeavored to show, we think success-\\nfully, that the political salvation of the South depends up-\\non the speedy and unconditional abolition of slavery. We\\nwill not, however, rest the case exclusively on our own\\narguments, but will again appeal to incontrovertible facts\\nand statistics to sustain us in our conclusions. But be-\\nfore we do so, we desire to fortify ourself against a charge\\nthat is too frequently made by careless and superficial\\nreaders. We allude to the objections so often urged\\nagainst the use of tabular statements and statistical facts\\nIt is worthy of note, however, that those objections never\\ncome from thorough scholars or profound thinkers. Among\\nthe majority of mankind, the science of statistics is only\\nbeginning to be appreciated; when well understood, it\\nwill be recognized as one of the most important branches", "height": "2619", "width": "1466", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 29\\nof knowledge, and, as a matter of course, be introduced\\nand taught as an indispensable element of practical edu-\\ncation in all our principal institutions of learning. One\\nof the most vigorous and popular transatlantic writers of\\nthe day, Wm. C. Taylor, LL.D., of Dublin, says\\nThe cultivation of statistics must be the source of all\\nfuture improvement in the science of political economy,\\nbecause it is to the table of the statistician that the eco-\\nnomist must look for his facts and all speculations not\\nfounded upon facts, though they may be admired and ap-\\nplauded when first propounded, will, in the end, assuredly\\nbe forgotten. Statistical science may almost be regarded\\nas the creation of this age. The word statistics was in-\\nvented in the middle of the last century by a German pro-\\nfessor,* to express a summary view of the physical, moral,\\nand social conditions of States he justly remarked, that\\na numerical statement of the extent, density of population,\\nimports, exports, revenues, etc., of a country, more per-\\nfectly explained its social condition than general state-\\nments, however graphic or however accurate. When\\nsuch statements began to be collected, and exhibited in a\\npopular form, it was soon discovered that the political and\\neconomical sciences were likely to gain the position of\\nphysical sciences that is to say, they were about to ob-\\ntain records of observation, which would test the accu-\\nracy of recognized principles, and lead to the discovery of\\nnew modes of action. But the great object of this new\\nscience is to lead to the knowledge of human nature that\\nAchenwall, a native of Elbing, Prussia. Born 1719, died 1792.", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "30 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nis, to ascertain the general course of operation of man s\\nmental and moral faculties, and to furnish us with a cor-\\nrect standard of judgment, by enabling us to determine\\nthe average amount of the past as a guide to the average\\nprobabilities of the future. This science is yet in its in-\\nfancy, but has already produced the most beneficial effects.\\nThe accuracy of the tables of life have rendered the cal-\\nculations of rates of insurance a matter of much greater\\ncertainty than they were heretofore the system of keep-\\ning the public accounts has been simplified and improved;\\nand finally, the experimental sciences of medicine and po-\\nlitical economy, have been fixed on a firmer foundation\\nthan could be anticipated in the last century. Even in\\nprivate life this science is likely to prove of immense ad-\\nvantage, by directing attention to the collection and regis-\\ntration of facts, and thus preventing the formation of hasty\\njudgments and erroneous conclusions.\\nThe compiler, or rather the superintendent of the seventh\\nUnited States census, Prof. De Bow, a gentleman of more\\nthan ordinary industry and practical learning, who, in his\\nexcellent Eeview, has, from time to time, displayed much\\ncommendable zeal in his efforts to develop the industrial\\nresources of the Southern and South-western states, and\\nwho is, perhaps, the greatest statistician in the country,\\nsays\\nStatistics are far from being the barren array of figures\\ningeniously and laboriously combined into columns and\\ntables, which many persons are apt to suppose them.\\nThey constitute rather the ledger of a nation, in which,\\nlike the merchant in his books, the citizen can read, at ono", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 31\\nview, all of the results of a year or of a period of years, as\\ncompared with other periods, and deduce the profit or the\\nloss which has been made, in morals, education, wealth or\\npower.\\nImpressed with a sense of the propriety of introducing,\\nin this as well as in the succeeding chapters of our work,\\na number of tabular statements exhibiting the comparative\\ngrowth and prosperity of the free and slave states, we have\\ndeemed it eminently proper to adduce the testimony of\\nthese distinguished authors in support of the claims which\\nofficial facts and accurate statistics lay to our considera-\\ntion. And here we may remark that the statistics which\\nwe propose to offer, like those already given, have been\\nobtained from official sources, and may, therefore, be relied\\non as correct. The object we have in view in making a\\nfree use of facts and figures, if not already apparent, will\\nsoon be understood. It is not so much in its moral and\\nreligious aspects that we propose to discuss the question\\nof slavery, as in its social and political character and\\ninfluences. To say nothing of the sin and the shame of\\nslavery, we believe it is a most expensive and unprofitable\\ninstitution and if our brethren of the South will but\\nthrow aside their unfounded prejudices and preconceived\\nopinions, and give us a fair and patient hearing, we feel\\nconfident that we can bring them to the same conclusion.\\nIndeed, we believe we shall be enabled not alone by our\\nown contributions, but with the aid of incontestable facts\\nand arguments which we shall introduce from other sources\\nto convince all true-hearted, candid and intelligent\\nSoutherners, who may chance to read our book, (and we", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "32 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nhope their name may be legion) that slavery, and nothing\\nbut slavery, has retarded the progress and prosperity of\\nour portion of the Union depopulated and impoverished\\nour cities by forcing the more industrious and enterprising\\nnatives of the soil to emigrate to the free states brought\\nour domain under a sparse and inert population by pre-\\nventing foreign immigration made us tributary to the\\nNorth, and reduced us to the humiliating condition of mere\\nprovincial subjects in fact, though not in name. We\\nbelieve, moreover, that every patriotic Southerner thus\\nconvinced will feel it a duty he owes to himself, to his\\ncountry, and to his God, to become a thorough, inflexible,\\npractical abolitionist. So mote it be\\nNow to our figures. Few persons have an adequate\\nidea of the important part the cardinal numbers are now\\nplaying in the cause of Liberty. They are working won-\\nders in the South. Intelligent, business men, from the\\nChesapeake to the Rio Grande, are beginning to see that\\nslavery, even in a mercenary point of view, is impolitic,\\nbecause it is unprofitable. Those unique, mysterious little\\nArabic sentinels on the watch-towers of political economy,\\n1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, *I, 8, 9, 0, have joined forces, allied them-\\nselves to the powers of freedom, and are hemming in and\\ncombatting the institution with the most signal success.\\nIf lei alone, we have no doubt the digits themselves would\\nsoon terminate the existence of slavery but we do not\\nmean to let them alone they must not have all the honor\\nefa in iih Hating the monstrous iniquity. We want to become\\nan auxiliary in the good work, and facilitate it. The lib-\\neration of five millions of poor white trash from the", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 33\\nsecond degree of slavery, and of three millions of miserable\\nkidnapped negroes from the first degree, cannot be accom-\\nplished too soon. That it was not accomplished many\\nyears ago is our misfortune. It now behooves us to take\\na bold and determined stand in defence of the inalienable\\nrights of ourselves and of our fellow men, and to avenge\\nthe multiplicity of wrongs, social and political, which we\\nhave suffered at the hands of a villainous oligarchy. It is\\nmadness to delay. We cannot be too hasty in carrying\\nout our designs. Precipitance in this matter is an utter\\nimpossibility. If to-day we could emancipate all the slaves\\nin the Union, we would do it, and the country and every-\\nbody in it would be vastly better off to-morrow. Now is\\nthe time for action let us work.\\nBy taking a sort of inventory of the agricultural products\\nof the free and slave States in 1850, we now propose to\\ncorrect a most extraordinary and mischievous error into\\nwhich the people of the South have unconsciously fallen.\\nAgriculture, it is well known, is the sole boast of the\\nSouth and, strange to say, many pro-slavery Southerners,\\nwho, in our latitude, pass for intelligent men, are so puffed\\nup with the idea of our importance in this respect, that\\nthey speak of the North as a sterile region, unfit for culti-\\nvation, and quite dependent on the South for the necessa-\\nries of life Such rampant ignorance ought to be knocked\\nin the head We can prove that the North produces\\ngreater quantities of bread-stuffs than the South Figures\\nshall show the facts. Properly, the South has nothing left\\nto boast of the North has surpassed her in everything,\\nand is going farther and farther ahead of her every day.\\n2*", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0J4 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nWe ask the reader s careful attention to the following-\\ntables, which we have prepared at no little cost of time\\nand trouble, and which, when duly considered in connection\\nwith the foregoing- and subsequent portions of our work,\\nwill, we believe, carry conviction to the mind that the\\ndownward tendency of the South can be arrested only by\\nthe abolition of slavery.", "height": "2609", "width": "1461", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\n35\\nTABLE NO. I.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE FREE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts...\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire.\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania.\\nRhode Island\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nWheat,\\nOats,\\nIndian Corn,\\nbushels.\\nbushels.\\nbushels.\\n17,223\\n12,236\\n41,762\\n1,258,738\\n1,935,043\\n9,414,575\\n10,087,241\\n57,616,984\\n6,214,458\\n5,655,014\\n52,964,363\\n1,530,581\\n1,524,345\\n8,656,799\\n296,259\\n2,181,037\\n1,750,056\\n31,211\\n1,165,146\\n2,345,190\\n4,925,889\\n2,866,056\\n5,641,420\\n185,653\\n973,381\\n1,573,670\\n1,601,190\\n3,378,063\\n8,759,704\\n13,121,498\\n26,552,814\\n17,858,400\\n14,487,351\\n13,472,742\\n59,078,695\\n15,367,691\\n21,538,156\\n19,835,214\\n49\\n215,232\\n539,201\\n535,955\\n2,307,734\\n2,032,396\\n4,286,131\\n3,414,672\\n1,988,979\\n72,157,486\\n96,590,371\\n242,618,650\\nTABLE NO. II.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi.\\nMissouri..\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nWheat,\\nOats,\\nIndian Corn,\\nbushels.\\nbushels.\\nbushels.\\n294,044\\n2,965,696\\n28,754,048\\n199,639\\n656,183\\n8,893,939\\n482,511\\n604,518\\n3,145,542\\n1,027\\n66,586\\n1,996,809\\n1,088,534\\n3,820,044\\n30,080,099\\n2,142,822\\n8,201,311\\n58,672,591\\n417\\n89,637\\n10,266,373\\n4,494,680\\n2,242,151\\n10,749,858\\n137,990\\n1,503,288\\n22,446,552\\n2,981,652\\n5,278,079\\n36,214,537\\n2,130,102\\n4,052,078\\n27,941,051\\n1,066,277\\n2,322,155\\n16,271,454\\n1,619,386\\n7,703,086\\n52,276,223\\n41,729\\n199,017\\n6,028,876\\n11,212,616\\n10,179,144\\n35,254,319\\n27,904,476\\n49,882,979\\n348,992,282", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "3G\\nFREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\nTABLE NO. III.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE FREE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire.\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania..\\nRhode Island..\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nPotatoes, (I.\\nRye,\\nBarley,\\n8.) bush.\\nbushels.\\nbushels.\\n10,292\\n9,712\\n2,689,805\\n600,893\\n19,099\\n2,672,294\\n83,364\\n110,795\\n2,285,048\\n78,792\\n45,483\\n282,363\\n19,916\\n25,093\\n3,436,040\\n102,916\\n151,731\\n3,585,384\\n481,021\\n112,385\\n2,361,074\\n105,871\\n75,249\\n4,307,919\\n183,117\\n70,256\\n3,715,251\\n1,255,578\\n6,492\\n15,403,997\\n4,148,182\\n3,585,059\\n5,245,760\\n425,918\\n354,358\\n6,032,904\\n4,805,160\\n165,584\\n651,029\\n26,409\\n18,875\\n4,951,014\\n176,233\\n42,150\\n1,402,956\\n81,253\\n209,692\\n59,033,170\\n12,574,623\\n5,002,013\\nTABLE NO. IV.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina..\\nSouth Carolina..\\nTennessee\\ni cas\\nVirginia\\nPotatoes, (I.\\nS.) bush.\\n5,721,205\\n981,981\\n305,985\\n765,054\\n7,213,807\\n2,490,666\\n1,524,085\\n973,932\\n5,003,277\\n1,274,511\\n5,716,027\\n4,473,960\\n3,845,500\\n1,426,803\\n3,130,567\\n44,847,420\\nRye.\\nbus\\nye,\\nlitis\\n17,261\\n8,047\\n8,066\\n1,152\\n53,750\\n415,073\\n475\\n226,014\\n9,606\\n44,268\\n229,563\\n43,790\\n89,137\\n3,108\\n458,930\\n1,608,240\\nBarley,\\nbushels.\\n3,958\\n177\\n56\\n11,501\\n95.343\\n745\\n228\\n9,631\\n2,735\\n4,583\\n2.737\\n4,776\\n25,437\\n161,907", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "FRKE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\n37\\nTABLE NO. V.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE FREE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nBuckwheat,\\nbushels.\\nBeans Peas,\\nbushels.\\nClov. Grass\\nseeds, bush.\\n229,297\\n184,509\\n149,740\\n52,516\\n104,523\\n105,895\\n472,917\\n65,265\\n878,934\\n3,183,955\\n638,060\\n2,193,692\\n1,245\\n209,819\\n79,878\\n2,292\\n19,090\\n82,814\\n35,773\\n4,475\\n205,541\\n43,709\\n74,254\\n70,856\\n14,174\\n741,546\\n60,168\\n55,231\\n6,846\\n104,649\\n20,657\\n30,469\\n17,807\\n30,271\\n2,438\\n18,311\\n6.087\\n26,274\\n8,900\\n91,331\\n184.715\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania\\n140,501\\n178,943\\n5,036\\nVermont\\n15,696\\n5,486\\n8,550,245\\n1,542,295\\n762,265\\nTABLE NO. VI.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina..\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nBuckwheat,\\nbushels.\\n348\\n175\\n615\\n55\\n250\\n,097\\n3\\n,671\\n121\\n641\\n704\\n283\\n,427\\n59\\n16\\n103\\n1\\n23\\n16\\n19\\n214\\n405,357\\nBeans Peas,\\nbushels.\\n892,701\\n285,738\\n4,120\\n135,359\\n1,142,011\\n202,574\\n161,732\\n12,816\\n1,072,757\\n46,017\\n1,584,252\\n1,026,900\\n369,321\\n179,351\\n521,579\\n7,637,227\\nClov. Grass\\nseeds, bush.\\n685\\n526\\n3,928\\n2\\n560\\n24,711\\n99\\n17,778\\n617\\n4,965\\n1,851\\n406\\n14,214\\n10\\n53,155\\n123,517", "height": "2595", "width": "1503", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "38\\nCOMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nTABLE NO. VII.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE FREE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts...\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire.\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania.\\nRhode Island....\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nFlaxseed,\\nbushels.\\n703\\n10,787\\n36,888\\n1,959\\n680\\n72\\n519\\n189\\n16,525\\n57,963\\n188,880\\n41,728\\n939\\n1,191\\nVal. of Gar-\\nden products.\\n$76,276\\n196,874\\n127 494\\n72,864\\n8,848\\n122,387\\n600,020\\n14,738\\n56,810\\n475,242\\n912,047\\n214,004\\n688,714\\n98,298\\n18,853\\n32,142\\nVal. of Or-\\nchard prod ts.\\n$17,700\\n175,118\\n446,049\\n324,940\\n8,434\\n342,865\\n463,995\\n132,650\\n248,560\\n607,268\\n1,701,950\\n695,921\\n723,389\\n63,994\\n315,255\\n4,823\\nTABLE NO. VIII.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1850.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas n\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nMissouri..\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia.\\nFlaxseed,\\nbushels.\\n69\\n321\\n904\\n622\\n75,801\\n2,446\\n26\\n13,696\\n38,196\\n55\\n18,904\\n26\\n52,318\\nVal. of Gar-\\nden products.\\n203,484\\nVal. of Or-\\nchard prod ts.\\n$84,821\\n$15,408\\n17,150\\n40,141\\n12,714\\n46,574\\n8,721\\n1,280\\n76,500\\n92,776\\n303,120\\n106,230\\n148,329\\n22,259\\n200,869\\n164,051\\n46,250\\n50,405\\n99,454\\n514,711\\n39,462\\n34,348\\n47,286\\n35.108\\n97,183\\n52.894\\n12,354\\n12,505\\n183,047\\n177,137\\nL, 377 ,260 $1,355,82", "height": "2620", "width": "1444", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES, 39\\nRECAPITULATION FREE STATES.\\nWheat 72,157,486 bush. 1.50 $108,236 229\\nT at 96,590,371 40 38,63^148\\nIndian Corn 242,618,650 60 145 571190\\nPotatoes (I. S.). 59,033,170 38.... 22432604\\nR 7e 12,574,623 1.00 I2W4V3\\nBar]e y 5,002,013 90 4 501811\\nBuckwheat 8,550,245 50 4275122\\nBeans Peas 1,542,295 1.75....... 2|699015\\nClov. Grass seeds 762,265 3.00 2286795\\nFlaxseeds 358,923 1.26......] 448647\\nGarden Products..\\nOrchard Products.\\n3,714,605\\n6,332,914\\nTota1 499,190,041 bushels, valued as above, at $351,709,703\\nRECAPITULATION SLAVE STATES.\\nWhcat 27,904,476 bush. 1.50 $41,856 714\\na 49,882,799 40 19,963,191\\nIndian Corn 348,992,282 60 209 395 369\\nPotatoes (I. S.). 44,847,420 38 17W019\\nR J e 1,608,240 1.00 1008^40\\nBarle y 161,907 90 145 716\\nBuckwheat 405,357 50 202*678\\nBeans Peas 7,637,227 1.75.... 13 36s l47\\nClov. Grass seeds 123,517 3.00 370551\\nFlaxSeeds 203,484 1.25 254*355\\nGarden Products.. Q77 orn\\nn v j j M ,260\\nOrchard Products. 1 \u00c2\u00b055 8^7\\nTotal 481,766,889 bushels, valued as above, at $306,927,067\\nTOTAL DIFFERENCE\u00e2\u0080\u0094 BUSHEL-MEASURE PRODUCTS.\\nBushels. Value\\nJr* 8 8 499,190,041 $351,709,703\\nSlave States 481,766,889. 306,927,067\\nBalance in busbels. 17,423,152 Difference in value. $44,782,636", "height": "2605", "width": "1529", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "4 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nSo much for the boasted agricultural superiority of the\\nSouth Mark well the balance in bushels, and the differ-\\nence in value Is either in favor of the South No\\nAre both in favor of the North? Yes Here we have\\nunquestionable proof that of all the bushel-measure pro\\nducts of the nation, the free states produce far more than\\none-half; and it is worthy of particular mention, that the\\nexcess of Northern products is of the most valuable kind. The\\naccount shows abalance against the South, in favor of the\\nNorth of seventeen million four hundred and twenty-three thou-\\nsand one hundred and fifty-two bushels, and a difference m\\nvalue of forty-four million seven hundred and eighty-two thou-\\nsand six hundred and thirty-six dollars. Please bear these\\nfacts in mind, for, in order to show positively how the free\\nand slave States do stand upon the great and important\\nsubject of rural economy, we intend to take an account of\\nall the other products of the soil, of the live-stock upon\\nfarms, of the animals slaughtered, and, in fact, of every\\nitem of husbandry of the two sections and if, in bringing\\nour tabular exercises to a close, we find slavery gaining\\nupon freedom\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a thing it has never yet been known to do\\nwe shall, as a matter of course, see that the above\\namount is transferred to the credit of the side to which it\\nof right belongs.\\nIn making up these tables we have two objects in view\\nthe first is to open the eyes of the non-slaveholders of the\\nSouth, to the system of deception, that has so long been\\npracticed upon them, and the second is to show slave-\\nholders themselves\u00e2\u0080\u0094 we have reference only to those who\\nare not too perverse, or ignorant, to perceive naked truths", "height": "2604", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES 41\\nthat free labor is far more respectable, profitable, and\\nproductive, than slave labor. In the South, unfortunately,\\nno kind of labor is either free or respectable. Every white\\nman who is under the necessity of earning his bread, by\\nthe sweat of his brow, or by manual labor, in any capaci-\\nty, no matter how unassuming in deportment, or exem-\\nplary in morals, is treated as if he was a loathsome beast,\\nand shunned with the utmost disdain. His soul may be\\nthe very seat of honor and integrity, yet without slaves\\nhimself a slave he is accounted as nobody, and would\\nbe deemed intolerably presumptuous, if he dared to open\\nhis mouth, even so wide as to give faint utterance to a\\nthree-lettered monosyllable, like yea or nay, in the pres-\\nence of an august knight of the whip and the lash.\\nThere are few Southerners who will not be astonished\\nat the disclosures of these statistical comparisons, be-\\ntween the free and the slave States. That the astonish-\\nment of the more intelligent and patriotic non-slaveholders\\nwill be mingled with indignation, is no more than we an-\\nticipate. We confess our own surprise, and deep chagrin,\\nat the result of our investigations. Until we examined\\ninto the matter, we thought and hoped the South was\\nreally ahead of the North in one particular, that of agri-\\nculture but our thoughts have been changed, and our\\nhopes frustrated, for instead of finding ourselves the pos-\\nsessors of a single advantage, we behold our dear native\\nSouth stripped of every laurel, and sinking deeper and\\ndeeper in the depths of poverty and shame while, at the\\nsame time, we see the North, our successful rival, extract-\\ning and absorbing the few elements of wealth yet remain-", "height": "2533", "width": "1508", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "42 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\ning amongst us, and rising higher and higher in the scale\\nof fame, fortune, and invulnerable power. Thus our dis-\\nappointment gives way to a feeling of intense mortifica-\\ntion, and our soul involuntarily, hut justly, we believe,\\ncries out for retribution against the treacherous, slave-\\ndriving legislators, who have so basely and unpatriotically\\nneglected the interests of their poor white constituents and\\nbargained away the rights of posterity. Notwithstand-\\ning the fact that the white non-slaveholders of the South,\\nare in the majority, as five to one, they have never yet\\nhad any part or lot in framing the laws under which they\\nlive. There is no legislation except for the benefit of slave-\\nry, and slaveholders. As a general rule, poor white per-\\nsons are regarded with less esteem and attention than\\nnegroes, and though the condition of the latter is wretch-\\ned beyond description, vast numbers of the former are in-\\nfinitely worse off. A cunningly devised mockery of free-\\ndom is guarantied to them, and that is all. To all intents\\nand purposes they are disfranchised, and outlawed, and\\nthe only privilege extended to them, is a shallow and- cir-\\ncumscribed participation in the political movements that\\nusher slaveholders into office.\\nWe have not breathed away seven and twenty years in\\nthe South, without becoming acquainted with the dema-\\ngogical manceuverings of the oligarchy. Their intrigues\\nand tricks of legerdemain are as familiar to us as house-\\nhold words in vain might the world be ransacked for a\\nmore precious junto of flatterers and cajolers. It is amus-\\ning to ignorance, amazing to credulity, and insulting to\\nintelligence, to hear them in their blattering efforts to mys-", "height": "2599", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 43\\ntify and pervert the sacred principles of liberty, and turn\\nthe curse of slavery into a blessing. To the illiterate\\npoor whites made poor and ignorant by the system of\\nslavery they hold out the idea that slavery is the very\\nbulwark of our liberties, and the foundation of American\\nindependence For hours at a time, day after day, will\\nthey expatiate upon the inexpressible beauties and excel-\\nlencies of this great, free and independent nation and final-\\nly, with the most extravagant gesticulations and rhetori-\\ncal flourishes, conclude their nonsensical ravings, by at-\\ntributing all the glory and prosperity of the country, from\\nMaine to Texas, and from Georgia to California, to the\\ninvaluable institutions of the South With what pa-\\ntience we could command, we have frequently listened to\\nthe incoherent and truth-murdering declamations of these\\nchampions of slavery, and, in the absence of a more poli-\\ntic method of giving vent to our disgust and indignation,\\nhave involuntarily bit our lips into blisters.\\nThe lords of the lash are not only absolute masters of\\nthe blacks, who are bought and sold, and driven about\\nlike so many cattle, but they are also the oracles and ar-\\nbiters of all non-slaveholding whites, whose freedom is\\nmerely nominal, and whose unparalleled illiteracy and de-\\ngradation is purposely and fiendishly perpetuated. How\\nlittle the poor white trash, the great majority of the\\nSouthern people, know of the real condition of the country\\nis, indeed, sadly astonishing. The truth is, they know\\nnothing of public measures, and little of private affairs,\\nexcept what their imperious masters, the slave-drivers,\\ncondescend to tell, and that is but precious little, and", "height": "2580", "width": "1523", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "44 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\neven that little, always garbled and one-sided, is never\\ntold except in public harangues for tlie haughty cava-\\nliers of shackles and handcuifs will not degrade them-\\nselves by holding private converse with those who have\\nneither dimes nor hereditary rights in human flesh.\\nWhenever it pleases, and to the extent it pleases, a\\nslaveholder to become communicative, poor whites may\\nhear with fear and trembling, but not speak. They must\\nbe as mum as dumb brutes, and stand in awe of their au-\\ngust superiors, or be crushed with stern rebukes, cruel\\noppressions, or downright violence. If they dare to think\\nfor themselves, their thoughts must be forever concealed.\\nThe expression of any sentiment at all conflicting with\\nthe gospel of slavery, dooms them at once in the commu-\\nnity in which they live, and then, whether willing or un-\\nwilling, they are obliged to become heroes, martyrs, or\\nexiles. They may thirst for knowledge, but there is no\\nMoses among them to smite it out of the rocks of Horeb.\\nThe black veil, through whose almost impenetrable meshes\\nlight seldom gleams, has long been pendent over their\\neyes, and there, with fiendish jealousy, the slave-driving\\nruffians sedulously guard it. Non-slaveholders are not\\nonly kept in ignorance of what is transpiring at the North,\\nbut they are continually misinformed of what is going on\\neven in the South. Never were the poorer classes of\\na people, and those classes so largely in the majority, and\\nall Inhabiting the same country, so basely duped, so\\nadroitly swindled, or so damnably outraged.\\nIt is expected that the stupid and sequacious masses,\\nthe white victims of slavery, will believe, and, as a gen-", "height": "2604", "width": "1538", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 45\\neral thing, they do believe, whatever the slaveholders\\ntell them and thus it is that they are cajoled into the no-\\ntion that they are the freest, happiest and most intelligent\\npeople in the world, and are taught to look with prejudice\\nand disapprobation upon every new principle or progres-\\nsive movement. Thus it is that the South, woefully inert\\nand inventionless, has lagged behind the North, and is\\nnow weltering in the cesspool of ignorance and degra-\\ndation.\\nWe have already intimated that the opinion is preva-\\nlent throughout the South that the free States are quite\\nsterile and unproductive, and that they are mainly depen-\\ndent on us for breadstuffs and other provisions. So far\\nI as the cereals, fruits, garden vegetables and esculent\\nroots are concerned, we have, in the preceding tables,\\nshown the utter falsity of this opinion and we now pro-\\npose to show that it is equally erroneous in other parti-\\nculars, and very far from the truth in the general reckon-\\ning. We can prove, and we intend to prove, from facts\\nin our possession, that the hay crop of the free States is\\nworth considerably more in dollars and cents than all the\\ncotton, tobacco, rice, hay and hemp produced in the fifteen\\n[slave States. This statement may strike some of our\\n[readers with amazement, and others may, for the moment,\\nregard it as quite incredible but it is true, nevertheless,\\nand we shall soon proceed to confirm it. The single free\\nState of New- York produces more than three times the quan-\\ntity of hay that is produced in all the slave States. Ohio\\nproduces a larger number of tons than all the Southern and\\nSouthwestern States, and so does Pennsylvania. Vermont,", "height": "2580", "width": "1513", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "46 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nlittle and unpretending as she is, does the same thing,\\nwith the exception of Virginia. Look at the facts as pre-\\nsented in the tables, and let your own eves, physical and\\nintellectual, confirm you in the truth.\\nAnd yet, forsooth, the slave-driving oligarchy would\\nwhip us into the belief that agriculture is not one of the\\nleading and lucrative pursuits of the free States, that the\\nsoil there is an uninterrupted barren waste, and that our\\nNorthern brethren, having the advantage in nothing ex-\\ncept wealth, population, inland and foreign commerce,\\nmanufactures, mechanism, inventions, literature, the arts\\nand sciences, and their concomitant branches of profitable\\nindustry, miserable objects of charity\u00e2\u0080\u0094 are dependent on\\nus for the necessaries of life.\\nNext to Virginia, Maryland is the greatest Southern\\nhay-producing State and yet, it is the opinion of several\\nof the most extensive hay and grain dealers in Baltimore,\\nwith whom we have conversed on the subject, that the do-\\nmestic crop is scarcely equal to one-third the demand,\\nand that the balance required for home consumption, about\\ntwo-thirds, is chiefly brought from New-York, Pennsylva-\\nnia and Massachusetts. At this rate, Maryland receives\\nand consumes not less than three hundred and fifteen\\nthousand tons of Northern hay every year and this, as\\nwe are informed by the dealers above-mentioned, at an\\naverage cost to the last purchaser, by the time it is stow-\\ned in the mow, of at least twenty-five dollars per ton it\\nwould thus appear that this most popular and valuable\\nprovender, one of the staple commodities of the North,\\ncommands a market in a single slave State, to the amount", "height": "2630", "width": "1689", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 47\\nof seven million eight hundred and seventy-five thousand\\ndollars per annum.\\nIn this same State of Maryland, less than one million of\\ndollar s worth of cotton finds a market, the whole number\\nof bales sold here in 1850 amounting to only twenty-three\\nthousand three hundred and twentynfive, valued at seven\\nhundred and forty-six thousand four hundred dollars.\\nBriefly, then, and in round numbers, we may state the case\\nthus Maryland buys annually seven millions of dollars\\nworth of hay from the North, and one million of dollars\\nworth of cotton from the South. Let slaveholders and\\ntheir fawning defenders read, ponder and compare.\\nThe exact quantities of Northern hay, rye, and buck-\\nwheat flour, Irish potatoes, fruits, clover and grass seeds,\\nand other products of the soil, received and consumed in all\\nthe slaveholding States, we have no means of ascertaining;\\nbut for all practical purposes, we can arrive sufficiently\\nnear to the amount by inference from the above data, and\\nfrom what we see with our eyes and hear with our ears\\nwherever we go. Food from the North for man or for\\nbeast, or for both, is for sale in every market in the South.\\nEven in the most insignificant little villages in the inte-\\nrior of the slave States, where books, newspapers and\\nother mediums of intelligence are unknown, where the\\npoor whites and the negroes are alike bowed down in\\nheathenish ignorance and barbarism, and where the news\\nis received but once a week, and then only in a Northern-\\nbuilt stage-coach, drawn by horses in Northern harness,\\nin charge of a driver dressed cap-cirpie in Northern habili-\\nments, and with a Northern whip in his hand, the agri-", "height": "2585", "width": "1533", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "48 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\ncultural products of the North, either crude, prepared,\\npickled or preserved, are ever to be found.\\nMortifying as the acknowledgment of the fact is to us,\\nit is our unbiased opinion an opinion which will, we be-\\nlieve, be endorsed by every intelligent person who goes 3\\ninto a careful examination and comparison of all the facts i\\nin the case that the profits arising to the North from the\\nsale of provender and provisions to the South, are far\\ngreater than those arising to the South from the sale of f,\\ncotton, tobacco and breadstuffs to the North. It follows,\\nthen, that the agricultural interests of the North being\\nnot only equal but actually superior to those of the South,\\nthe hundreds of millions of dollars which the commerce\\nand manufactures of the former annually yield, is just so\\nmuch clear and independent gain over the latter. It fol-\\nlows, also, from a corresponding train or system of deduc-\\ntion, and with all the foregoing facts in view, that the dif-\\nference between freedom and slavery is simply the dif-\\nference between sense and nonsense, wisdom and folly,\\ngood and evil, right and wrong.\\nAny observant American, from whatever point of the\\ncompass he may hail, who will take the trouble to pass i\\nthrough the Southern markets, both great and small, as\\nwe have done, and inquire where this article, that and I\\nthe other came from, will be utterly astonished at the va-\\nriety and quantity of Northern agricultural productions\\nkept for sale. And this state of things is growing worse\\nand worse every year. Exclusively agricultural as the\\nSouth is in her industrial pursuits, she is barely able to\\nsupport her sparse and degenerate population. Her men", "height": "2619", "width": "1522", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 49\\nand her domestic animals, both dwarfed into shabby ob-\\njects of commiseration under the blighting effects of sla-\\nvery, are constantly feeding on the multifarious products\\nof Northern soil. And if the whole truth must be told, we\\nmay here add, that these products, like all other articles\\nof merchandize purchased at the North, are generally\\nbought on a credit, and, in a great number of instances,\\nby far too many, never paid for not, as a general rule,\\nbecause the purchasers are dishonest or unwilling to pay,\\nbut because they are impoverished and depressed by the\\nretrogressive and deadening operations of slavery, that\\nmost unprofitable and pernicious institution under which\\nthey live.\\nTo show how well we are sustained in our remarks up-\\non hay and other special products of the soil, as well as\\nto give circulation to other facts of equal significance,\\nwe quote a single passage from an address by Paul C.\\nCameron, before the Agricultural Society of Orange County,\\nNorth Carolina. This production is, in the main, so pow-\\nerfully conceived, so correct and plausible in its state-\\nments and conclusions, and so well calculated, though,\\nperhaps, not intended, to arouse the old North State to a\\nsense of her natural greatness and acquired shame, that\\nwe could wish to see it published in pamphlet form, and\\ncirculated throughout the length and breadth of that un-\\nfortunate and degraded heritage of slavery. Mr. Came-\\nron says\\nI know not when I have been more humiliated, as a\\nNorth Carolina farmer, than when, a few weeks ago, at a\\nrailroad depot at the very doors of our State capital, I saw\\n3", "height": "2580", "width": "1482", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "50 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nwagons drawn by Kentucky mules, loading with Northern\\nhay, for the supply not only of the town, but to be taken\\nto the country. Such a sight at the capital of a State\\nwhose population is almost exclusively devoted to agri-\\nculture, is a most humiliating exhibition. Let us cease to\\nuse every thing, as far as it is practicable, that is not the\\nproduct of our own soil and workshops\u00e2\u0080\u0094 nol an axe, or a\\nbroom, or bucket, from Connecticut, By every consider-\\nation of self-preservation, we are dalled to make better\\nefforts to expel the Northern grocer from the State with\\nhis butter, and the Ohio and Kentucky horse, mule and\\nhog driver, from our county at least. It is a reproach on\\nus as farmers, and no little deduction from our wealth,\\nthat we suffer the population of our towns and villa\\nto supply themselves with butter f ther Orange\\nCounty in New-York.\\nWe have promised to prove that the hay crop of thi\\nstates is worth considerably more than all the\\ntobacco, rice, hay and hemp produced in the fifteen slave\\nStates. The compilers of the la we learn\\nProf. De Bow, the able and courteous superintendent, in\\nmaking up the hay-tables, allowed two thousand two hun-\\ndred and forty pounds to the ton.^ The price per ton at\\nwhich we should estimate its value has puzzled us to some\\nextent. Dealers in the article in Baltimore think it will\\naverage twenty-five dollars, in their market. Four or five\\nmonths ago they sold it at thirty dollars per ton. At the\\nvery time we write, though there is less activity in the\\narticle than usual, we learn, from an examination of sundry\\nprices-current and commercial journals, that hay is selling", "height": "2619", "width": "1522", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "FREE AXD THE SLAVE STATES. 61\\nin Savannah at $33 per ton in Mobile and New Orleans\\nat $26 in Charleston at $25 in Louisville at $24 and\\nin Cincinnati at $23. The average of these prices is\\ntwenty-six dollars sixteen and tico-third cents and we suppose\\nit would be fair to employ the figures which would indicate\\nthis amount, the net value of a single ton, in calculating\\nthe total market value of the entire crop. Were we to do\\nthis and, with the foregoing facts in view, we submit to\\nintelligent men whether we would not be justifiable in\\ndoing it,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the hay crop of the free states, 12,090,982 tons,\\nin 1850, would amount in valuation to the enormous sum\\nof $331,081,695 more than four times the value of all the\\ncotton produced in the United States during the same\\nperiod\\nBut we shall not make the calculation at what we have\\nfound to be the average value per ton throughout the\\ncountry. What rate, then, shall be agreed upon as a basis\\nof comparison between the value of the hay crop of the\\nNorth and that of the South, and as a means of testing the\\ntruth of our declaration that the former exceeds the aggre-\\ngate values of all the cotton, tobacco, rice, hay and hemp\\nproduced in the fifteen slave States Suppose we take\\n$13,08|\u00e2\u0080\u0094 just half the average value\u00e2\u0080\u0094 as the multiplier in\\nthis arithmetical exercise. This we can well afford to do\\nindeed, we might reduce the amount per ton to much less\\nthan half the average value, and still have a large margin\\nleft for triumphant demonstration. It is not our purpose,\\nhowever, to make an overwhelming display of the incom-\\nparable greatness of the free States.\\nIn estimating the value of the various agricultural pro-", "height": "2580", "width": "1513", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "62 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nducts of the two great sections of the country, we have\\nbeen guided by prices emanating from the Bureau of Agri-\\nculture in Washington and in a catalogue of th me -rices\\nnow before us, we perceive that the average value of hay\\nthroughout the nation is supposed to be not more thau\\nhalf a cent per pound $11.20 per ton which, as we have\\nseen above, is considerably less than half the prea nl\\nmarket value and this, too, in the face of the fact that\\nprices generally rule higher than they do just now. It\\nwill be admitted on all sides, however, that the prices fixed\\nupon by the Bureau of Agriculture, taken as a whole, are\\nas fair for one section of the country as for the other, and\\nthat we cannot blamelessly deviate from them in one par-\\nticular without deviating from them in another. Eleven\\ndollars and twenty cents ($11.20) per ton shall therefore\\nbe the price and, notwithstanding these greatly reduced\\nfigures, we now renew, with an addendum, our declaration\\nand promise, that We can prove, and ice shall now proceed to\\nprove, that the annual hay crop of the free States is tcorth consid-\\nerably more in dollars and cents than all the cotton, tobacco, rice,\\nhay, hemp and cane sugar annually produced in the fifteen slave\\nStates.", "height": "2640", "width": "1471", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "FREE AND TIIE SLAVE STATES. 53\\nHAY CROP OF THE FREE STATES 1850.\\n12,690,982 tons a 11,20 $142,138,998\\nSUNDRY PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nCotton 2,445,779 bales a 32,00 $78,264,028\\nTobacco, 185,023,906 lbs. 10 18,502,390\\nRice (rough) 215,313 497 lbs. 4 8,612,539\\nHay 1,137,784 tons 11,20 12,743,180\\nHcmi 34,673 tons 112,00 3,883,376\\nCane Sugar 237,133,000 lbs. 7 16,599,310\\n$138,005,723\\nRECAPITULATION.\\nHay crop of the free States 8142,138,998\\nSundry products of the slave States 138,005,723\\nBalance in favor of the free States $8,633,275\\nThere is the account look at it, and let it stand in at-\\ntestation of the exalted virtues and surpassing powers of\\nfreedom. Scan it well, Messieuns lords of the lash, and learn\\nfrom it new lessons of the utter inefficiency, and despica-\\nble imhccility of slavery. Examine it minutely, liberty-\\nloving patriots of the North, and behold in it additional\\nevidences of the beauty, grandeur, and super-excellence\\nof free institutions. Treasure it up in your minds, out-\\nraged friends and non-slaveholders of the South, and let\\nthe recollection of it arouse you to an inflexible determina-\\ntion to extirpate the monstrous enemy that stalks abroad\\nin your land, and to recover the inalienable rights and\\nliberties, which have been filched from you by an unprin-\\ncipled oligarchy.\\nIn deference to truth, decency and good sense, it is to", "height": "2580", "width": "1513", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "54 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nbe hoped that negro-driving politicians will never more\\nhave the effrontery to open their mouths in extolling the\\nagricultural achiei jofslavelal Especially\\ndesirable, that, as a simple act of justice to a basely de-\\nceived populace, they may stale and\\nharangues on the importance of cotton. The value oi\\nton to the South, to the North, to the nati i the\\nworld, has been so grossly exaggerated,\\nhave been the evils-which have resulted in consequ\\nof the extraordinary misrepresent at: ruin-- it, that\\nwe should feel constrained to reproach ourself for ten\\nness of duty, if we failed t^ make an attempt to ex] I\\nthe popular error. The figures above show what it is, and\\nwhat it is not. Recur to them, and learn the facts.\\nSo hyperbolically has the importance of cotton been\\nmagnified by certain pro-slavery politicians of the South,\\nthat the person who would give credence to all their fus-\\ntian and bombast, would be under the necessity of believ-\\ning that the very existence of almost everything, in the\\nheaven above, in the earth beneath, and in the water un-\\nder the earth, depended on it. The truth is, however, that\\nthe cotton crop is of but little value to the South. N\\nEngland and Old England, by their superior enterprise\\nand sagacity, turn it chiefly to their own advantage. It\\nis carried in their ships, spun in their factories, woven in\\ntheir looms, insured in their offices, returned again in their\\nown vessels, and, with double freight and cost of manu-\\nfacturing added, purchased by the South at a high premi-\\num. Of all the parties engaged or interested in its trans-\\nports^ ail d manufacture, the South is th\u00c2\u00ab \u00e2\u0084\u00a2l\u00e2\u0080\u009e", "height": "2640", "width": "1440", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "FREE AXD THE SLAVE SKATES. 55\\ndoes not make a profit, Xor does she, as a general thing,\\nmake a profit by producing it.\\nWe are credibly informed that many of the farmers in\\nimmediate vicinity of Baltimore, where we now write,\\nhave turned their attention exclusively to hay, and that\\nfrom one acre they frequently gather two tons, for which\\nthey receive fifty dollars. Let us now inquire how many\\ndollars may be expected from an acre planted in cotton,\\nMr. Cameron, from whose able addri i./ul-\\ntural Society of Orange County, North Carolina, we have\\nalready gleaned some interesting particulars, informs us,\\nthat the cotton planters in his part of the country, have\\ntented themselves with a crop yielding on!..\\n(urlrc dollars per acre, and that the up of a L\\nsurface gives hut a living result. An intelligent resident\\nof the Palmetto De B ow s Review,\\nnot long since, advances the opinion that the cotton\\nplanters of South Carolina arc not realizing more than one\\nper cent, on the amount of capital they have invested.\\nWhile in Virginia, very recently, an elderly slaveholder,\\nwhose religious walk and conversation had recommended\\nand promoted him to an eldership in the Presbyterian\\nchurch, and who supports himself and family by raising\\nniggers and tobacco, told us that, for the last eight or ten\\nyears, aside from the increase of his human chattels, he\\nfelt quite confident he had not cleared as much even as\\none per cent, per annum on the amount of his investment.\\nThe real and personal property of this aged Christian con-\\nsists chiefly in a large tract of land and about thirty ne-\\ngroes, most of whom, according to his own confession, are", "height": "2640", "width": "1440", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "56 COMPARISON BETWEEN TUT.\\nmore expensive than profitable. The pit iceeda arising fr\u00c2\u00ab m\\nthe sale of the tobacco they produce, are aE d in\\nthe purchase of meat and bread for home consumption,\\nwhen the crop is stunted bj drought, frost, or other?\\ncut short, one of the negroes must be sold to raise fa\\nfor the support of the others. Such are the agricultural\\nachievements of slave labor Bucfa are the results of tin-\\nsum of all villainies. The diabolical institution subsi\\non its own flesh. At one time children are sold to pro-\\ncure food for the parents, at another, parents It\\nprocure food for the children Within its pestilential at-\\nmosphere, nothing succeeds i prospi rity are\\nunknown inanition and slothfulness ensue everytl\\nbecomes dull, dismal and unprofitable wretchedness and\\ndesolation run riot throughout the land; an aspect of i\\nmelancholy inactivity and dilapidation I\\ncity and town; ignori 1 prejudice sit enthroned\\nover the minds of the rarping despots wield the\\nsceptre of power everywhere, and in everything, between\\nDelaware Bay and the Gulf of Mexico, are the multitudin-\\nous evils of slavery apparent\\nThe soil itself soon sickens and dies beneath the unna-\\ntural tread of the slave. Hear what the Hon.0. lav, of\\nAlabama, has to say upon the subject His testimony is\\neminently suggestive, well-timed, and truthful; and we\\nheartily commend it to the careful consideration of every\\nspirited Southron who loves his country, and desires to\\nsee it rescued from the fatal grasp of the mother of har-\\nlots Says he\\nI can show you, with sorrow, in the olden porti", "height": "2604", "width": "1471", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 57\\nAlabama, and in my native county of Madison, the sad\\nmemorials of the artless and exhausting culture of cotton.\\nOur small planters, after taking the cream off their lands,\\nunable to restore them by rest, manures, or otherwise, are\\ngoing further AVest and South, in search of other virgin\\nlands, which they may and will despoil and impoverish in\\nlike manner. Our wealthier planters, with greater means\\nand do more skill, are buying out their poorer neighbors,\\nextending their plantations, and adding to their slave\\nThe wealthy few, who are able to live on smaller\\nprofits, and to give their blasted fields BOme lest, are thus\\npushing off the many who are merely independent H\\n$20,000,000 annually i from the sales of the cotton\\ncrop of Alabama, nearly all not expended in supporting\\nthe producers, is re-invested in land and negroes. Thus\\nthe white population has decreased and the slave inert\\ned almost pari pauu in several counties of our State. In\\n1825, Madison county casi about 8,000 rotes; now,\\nshe cannot cast exceeding 2,300. In traversing that\\ncounty, one will discover numerous farm-houses, once the\\nabode of industrious and intelligent freemen, now occu-\\npied by slaves, OT teiiuntless, deserted and dilapidated he\\nwill observe fields, once fertile, nowunfenoed, abandoned,\\nand covered with those evil harbingers, fox-tail and broom-\\ns he will see the moss growing on the mouldering\\nwalls of once thrifty Tillages, and will find one only mas-\\nter grasps the whole domain, that once furnished happy\\nhomes for a dozen white families. Indeed, a country\\nin its infancy, where fifty years urce a forest tree\\nhad been felled by the axe of the pioneer, is already exhi-", "height": "2579", "width": "1461", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "58 comparison m\\nbiting the painful\\nVirginia and the Carolii\\none has Baid th it an i.\\nfor the Bonl, and If I\\ndoubi it is, we think Mr. i i\\ni\\nabove, b i\\noperations and influent and\\nwe, as a aatn e of Carolio h Vu\\nginia, are n ady tob ar testimony to the fitness I* hi\\nmarks when he refern\\nsenility and decay. With equal lie\\nmight have stopped nearer hi compa-\\nrison; Either of ipon Alabama, or,\\nindeed, any other would h i ered his\\npurpose quite as well as Virginia ai\\nWherever slavery exists there be may find paralh\\ndestruction that is sweeping with wily influence\\nover his own unfortunal\\nAs for examples of and thrifty\\ncommunities, they can be found anywl the\\nUpas-shadow of slavery nowh fork and\\nMassachusetts, which, by nature, are confessedly far in-\\nferior to Virginia and the Oarolini by them\\nliberal and equitable policy which they have pursued, in\\nsubstituting liberty for slavery, attained a degree of emi-\\nnence and prosperity altogether unknown in the si:\\nStates.\\nAmidst all the hyperbole and cajolery of slave-driving pol-\\niticians, who, as we have already seen, are the books, the", "height": "2604", "width": "1471", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "FREE AXD THE SLAVE STATES. 59\\narts, the academies, that show, contain, and govern all the\\n;;h, we are rejoiced to see that Mr. Clay, Mr. Cameron,\\nand a few others, have had the boldness and honesty to\\np forward and proclaim the truth. All such frank\\nadm re to be hailed as good onu nth.\\nNothing good can come from any attempt to conceal\\nonooncealable evidenc\\nwhere trailing in the wake of slavery. truth be\\nt .Id i ,1 ruth,\\nand the\\nI i inquire\\ntnd t adopt the m\\nmannei\\nIn wilfully traducing and irthof\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0id Dixon s line, and in i tin\\ninij !i of it, tl shy have,\\nin ti f all liberal and intelligent men, lean\\nexhibit: aon folly and d For a\\nthe\\na huinbi of\\npoverty and ignorance, and in instilling into their ontu-\\ntored minds alated to\\nj. str. ad protect thi I institution of slavery\\nbut, thanks I their in Iraw-\\ne with irresistible brilliancy, and in spil\\nthe interdid of tyrants, light from the pure fountain of\\nknowledge is now streaming over the dark places of our\\nland, and, ere long mark our words then- will ascend\\nfrom Delaware, and from Texas, and from all the interme-\\ndiate States, a huzza for Freedom and for Equal Ri", "height": "2563", "width": "1409", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "gO COMPARISON BETWEEN TTIE\\nthat wffl utterly confound the friends of despotim, set at\\ndefiance the authority of osmperi\\nto the heart of every idaveiyiwopagaiidist.\\nTo undeceive the] Soath, to brag them 1\\na knowledge of the inferior and diareprtal n which\\nthey occupy as a componei t1 the Union\\nprominence and popularity I hieh, iff\\nwill elevate us to an equalitr y, morally, intellectu-\\nally, industrially, politically, and financially, with I\\nflourishing and refined nati m in1 te\\nto place us in the vai. this\\nwork. Slaveholders, eith- :lful\\ndisposition to propagate en\\nnothing to be ashamed of, that slavery\\ningtoher, and that 1. h iu an\\nagricultural\\na in other i\\nthat many years of continual blush\\nwould not suffice I\\nthat justly attaches 1 1 the rath in i\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094the direst evil that i I the land\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -f 3 rath\\nbears nothing like even a i\\nNorth in navigation, cominerc ^nd that,\\ncontrary to the opinion enter hun-\\ndredths of her peopl a behind the free S\\nthe only thing of which she has ever da:\\nculture. We submit the qui the arbitral*\\nfigures, which, it is said, do not lie. With i the\\nbushel-measure products of the soil, of which\\nalready taken an inventory, we have seen that t.", "height": "2604", "width": "1471", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "FREE AXD TIIE SLAVE STATES. 61\\nbalance against the South in favor of the Xorth of imrwfam\\nmillion four hundred and twenty-three thousand one hundred and\\nfift ij-t ico bushels, and a difference in the value of the same,\\nalso in favor of the Xorth, of fort y-J bur million seven hundred\\nand eighty-two thousand six hundred and thirty-six dollars. It\\nis certainly a most novel kind of agricultural superiority\\nthat the South claims on that score\\nOur attention shall now be directed to the twelve prin-\\ncipal pound-measure products of the free and of the slave\\ntea\u00e2\u0080\u0094 hay, cotton, butter and ch .eeo, cane, su-\\ngar, wool, rice, hemp, maple sugar, beeswax and h\\nilax, and hope and in taking an account of them, we\\nshall, in order to Bhow the exact quantity produced in\\neach State, and for the convenience of fatal\\npursue thi plan as that adopted in the preceding\\ntables. Whether slavery will appear to better advanl\\non the Bcalee than it did in the half-bushel, remains to be\\nseen. It is possible that the rickety monster may make a\\nl ett track if it makes a more ridiculous\\ndisplay, we shall not be surprised A careful examina-\\ntion of its precedents, has taught us the folly\\nanything good to issue from it in any manner whatever.\\nIt has no disposition to emulate the magnanimity of its\\n1 tters, and as for a laudable ambiti 1. thai i\\ncharacteristic alt reign to its nature. Langv\\nand inertia are the insalntary viands upon which it\\nlights to satiate its morbid appetite; and from bad to\\na the ill-omened motto under which, in all its\\nSorts and achievements, it ekes .ait a most miserable\\nand ag existei", "height": "2562", "width": "1481", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "62\\nCOMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nTABLE NO. IX.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OP THE FREE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire.\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania.\\nRhode Island\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nHay, tons.\\nHomp, tons.\\nHops, lbs.\\n2,038\\n516,131\\n554\\n601,952\\n3,551\\n403,230\\n92,796\\n89,055\\n8,242\\n755,889\\n40,120\\n651,807\\n121,595\\n404,934\\n10,063\\n598,854\\n257,174\\n435,950\\n2,133\\n3,728,797\\n4\\n2,536,299\\n1,443,142\\n150\\n63,731\\n1,842,970\\n44\\n22,088\\n74,418\\n277\\n866,153\\n288,023\\n275,662\\n15,930\\n12,690,982\\n198\\n3,463,176\\nTABLE NO. X.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OP THE SLAVE STATES 1850?\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nHay, tons.\\n32,\\n3.\\n30\\n2.\\n23,\\n113.\\n25!\\n157.\\n12.\\n116.\\n145.\\n20!\\n74\\n8,\\n369.\\n685\\n976\\n159\\n510\\n449\\n747\\n752\\n956\\n504\\n925\\n653\\n925\\n091\\n354\\n098\\n1,137,784\\nnemp, tons.\\n15\\n17,7S7\\n63\\n7\\n16,028\\n39\\n595\\n139\\n34,673\\nHops, lbs.\\n276\\n157\\n348\\n14\\n261\\n4,309\\n125\\n1,870\\n473\\n4,130\\n9,246\\n26\\n1,032\\n7\\n11,500\\n33,780", "height": "2629", "width": "1451", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\nTABLE NO. XI.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE FREE STATES 1850.\\n63\\nStates.\\nFlax,\\nlbs.\\nMaple Sugar,\\nlbs.\\nTobacco,\\nlbs.\\n17,928\\n160,063\\n584,469\\n62,660\\n17,081\\n1,162\\n7,152\\n7,652\\n182,965\\n940,577\\n446,932\\n530,307\\n85\\n20,852\\n68,393\\n50,796\\n248,904\\n2,921,192\\n78,407\\n93,542\\n795,525\\n2.439,794\\n1,298,863\\n2,197\\n10,357,484\\n4,588,209\\n2,326,525\\n28\\n6,349,357\\n610,976\\n1,000\\n1,267,624\\n841,394\\n1,044 620\\n6,041\\nMaine.\\nMichigan\\n138,246\\n1 245\\nNew Hampshire\\n50\\nNew York\\n310\\n83,189\\n10,454,449\\n912,651\\nOhio\\nRhode Island\\n1,268\\n3,048,278\\n32,161,799\\n14,752,087\\nTABLE NO. XII.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi..\\nMissouri..\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nFlax,\\nMaple Sugar,\\nTobacco,\\nlbs.\\nlbs.\\nlbs.\\n3,921\\n643\\n164,990\\n12,291\\n9,330\\n218,936\\n17,174\\ni\\n50\\n998,614\\n5,387\\n50\\n423,924\\n2,100,116\\n437,405\\n55,501,196\\n255\\n26,878\\n35,686\\n47,740\\n21,407,497\\n665\\n49,960\\n627,160\\n178,910\\n17,113,784\\n593,796\\n27,932\\n11,984,786\\n333\\n200\\n74,285\\n368,131\\n158,557\\n20,148,932\\n1,048\\n66,897\\n1,000,450\\n1,227,665\\n56,803,227\\n4,7,66,198\\n2,088,687\\n185,023,906", "height": "2629", "width": "1451", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "64\\nCOMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nTABLE NO. XIII.\\nANIMAL PRODUCTS OP THE FREE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire.\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania..\\nlihode Island..\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nWool,\\nButter and\\nBeeswax and i\\nlbs.\\nCheese, Jbs.\\nHoney, lbs.\\n5,520\\n855\\n497,454\\n11,861,396\\n93,304 1\\n2,150,113\\n13,804,768\\n869,444\\n2,610,287\\n13,506,099\\n935,329\\n373,898\\n2,381,028\\n321,711,1\\n1,364,034\\n11,678,265\\n189,618 i\\n585,136\\n15,159,512\\n59,508\\n2,043,283\\n8,077,390\\n359,232 I\\n1,108,476\\n10,173,619\\n117,140\\n375,396\\n9,852,966\\n156,694 1\\n10,071,301\\n129,507,507\\n1,755,830\\n10,196,371\\n55,208,921\\n804,275\\n4,481,570\\n42,383,452\\n839,509\\n129,692\\n1,312,178\\n6,347\\n3,400,717\\n20,858,814\\n249,422\\n253,963\\n4,034,033\\n349,860,783\\n131,005\\n39,647,211\\n6,8S8,368\\nTABLE NO. XVI.\\nANIMAL PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nWool,\\nlbs.\\nButter and\\nCheese, lbs.\\nBeeswax and\\nHoney, lbs.\\n657,118\\n182,595\\n57,768\\n23,247\\n990,019\\n2,297,433\\n109,897\\n477,438\\n559,619\\n1,627.164\\n970,738\\n487,233\\n1,364,378\\n131,917\\n2,860,765\\n4,040,223\\n1,884,327\\n1,058,495\\n389,513\\n4,687,535\\n10,161,477\\n685,026\\n3,810,135\\n4,367,425\\n8,037,931\\n4,242,211\\n2,986,820\\n8,317,266\\n2,440,199\\n11,525,051\\n68,634,224\\n897,021\\n192,338\\n41,248\\n18,971\\n732,514\\n1,158,019\\n96,701 1\\n74,802\\n397,460\\n1,328,972\\n512,289\\n216,281\\n1,030,572\\nTexas\\n380 825\\n880,767\\n12,797,329\\n7,964,760", "height": "2598", "width": "1430", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "FREE AND TIIE SLAVE STATES.\\n65\\nTABLE NO. XV.\\nAGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nCotton, bales\\nof 400 lbs.\\nCane Sugar,\\nhhds. 1000 lbs.\\nRough Rice,\\nlbs.\\n564,429\\n65,844\\n45,131\\n499,091\\n758\\n178,737\\n484,292\\n50,545\\n300,901\\n194,532\\n58,072\\n3,947\\n87\\n2,750\\n846\\n10\\n226,001\\n8\\n77\\n3\\n7,351\\n2,312,252\\n63,179\\nGeorgia\\n1,075,090\\n88 950 691\\nLouisiana\\n5,688\\n4 425,349\\nMissouri\\n2,719,856\\n700\\nNorth Carolina\\n5,465,868\\n159,930,613\\n258,854\\n88,203\\n17,154\\n2,445,779\\n237,133\\n215,313,497\\nRECAHTULATION FREE STATES.\\nHay 28,427,799,680 lbs.\\nHemp 443,520\\nHops 3,463,176\\nFlax 3,048,278\\nMaple Sugar 32,161,799\\nTobacco 14,752,087 I\\nWool 39,647,211\\nButter and Cheese... 349,860,783\\nBeeswax and Honey.. 6,888,368\\n3 1-2 c.\\n$142,138,998\\n5\\n22,176\\n15\\n519,476\\n10\\n304,827\\n8\\n2,572,943\\n10\\n1,475,208\\n35\\n13,876,523\\n15\\n52,479,117\\n15\\n1,033,255\\nTotal, 28,878,064,902 lbs, valued as above, 214,422,523", "height": "2598", "width": "1430", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "66 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nRECAPITULATION SLAVE STATES.\\nHay 2,548,636,160 lbs. (a)\\nHemp 77,667,520\\nHops 33,780\\nFlax 4,766,198\\nMaple Sugar 2,088,687\\nTobacco 185,023,906\\nWool 12,797,329\\nButter and Cheese 68,634,224\\nBeeswax and Houey 7,964,760\\nCotton 978,311,600\\nCane Sugar 237,133,000\\nRice (rough) 215,313,497\\n1-2 c.\\n..$12,743,180\\n5\\n3,883,376\\n15\\n5,067\\n10\\n476,619\\n8\\n167,094\\n10\\n....18,502,390\\n35\\n4,479,065\\n15\\n....10,295,133\\n15\\n1,194,714\\n8\\n78,264,928\\n7\\n....16,599,310\\n4\\n8,612,539\\nTotal 4,338,370,661 lbs. valued as above, at $155,223,415\\nTOTAL DIFFERENCE POUND-MEASURE PRODUCTS.\\nPounds. Value.\\nFree States 28,878,064,902 $214,422,523\\nSlave States 4,338,370,661 155,223,415\\nBalance in pounds, 24,539,694,241 Difference in value, $59,199,108\\nBoth quantity and value again in favor of the North\\nBehold also the enormousness of the difference In this\\ncomparison with the South, neither hundreds, thousands,\\nnor millions, according to the regular method of computa-\\ntion, are sufficient to exhibit the excess of the pound-\\nmeasure products of the North. Becourse must be had to\\nan almost inconceivable number billions must be called\\ninto play and there are the figures telling us, with un-\\nmistakable emphasis and distinctness, that, in this depart-\\nment of agriculture, as in every other, the North is vastly\\nthe superior of the South the figures showing a total\\nbalance in favor of the former of twmty-four billion five hun-", "height": "2521", "width": "1440", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 61\\ndred and thirty-nine million six hundred and ninety-four thousand\\ntwo hundred and forty-one pounds, valued at fifty-nine million\\none hundred and ninety-nine thousand one hundred and eight\\ndollars. And yet, the North is a poor, God-forsaken coun-\\ntry, bleak, inhospitable, and unproductive\\nWhat next Is it necessary to adduce other facts in\\norder to prove that the rural wealth of the free States is\\nfar greater than that of the slave States Shall we make\\na further demonstration of the fertility of northern soil, or\\nbring forward new evidences of the inefficient and desola-\\nting system of terra-culture in the South Will nothing\\nless than confirmations strong as proofs of holy writ,\\nsuffice to convince the South that she is standing in her\\nown light, and ruining both body and soul by the reten-\\ntion of slavery Whatever duty and expedience require\\nto be done, we are willing to do. Additional proofs are at\\nhand. Slaveholders and slave-breeders shall be convinced,\\nconfuted, convicted, and converted. They shall, in their\\nhearts and consciences, if not with their tongues and\\npens, bear testimony to the triumphant achievements of\\nfree labor. In the two tables which immediately follow\\nthese remarks, they shall see how much more vigorous\\nand fruitful the soil is when under the prudent manage-\\nment of free white husbandmen, than it is when under the\\nrude and nature-murdering tillage of enslaved negroes\\nand in two subsequent tables they shall find that the live\\nstock, slaughtered animals, farms, and farming implements\\nand machinery, in the free States, are worth at least one\\nthousand million of dollars more than the market value of\\nthe same in the slave States In the face, however, of all", "height": "2562", "width": "1481", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "68 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nthese most significant and incontrovertible facts, the oli-\\ngarchy have the unparalleled audacity to tell us that the\\nSouth is the greatest agricultural country in the world,\\nand that the North is a dreary waste, unfit for cultivation,\\nand quite dependent on us for the necessaries of life. How\\npreposterously false all such babble is, the following\\ntables will show", "height": "2572", "width": "1430", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\n69\\nTABLE NO: XVI.\\nACTUAL CEOrS PER ACRE ON THE AVERAGE IN THE FREE\\nSTATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nWheat,\\nOats,\\nRye.\\nInd. Corn,\\nIrish Pota-\\nbushels.\\nbushels.\\nbushels.\\nbushels.\\ntoes, bush.\\n21\\n40\\n85\\n11\\n12\\n29\\n20\\n14\\n18\\n33\\n33\\n115\\n100\\n14\\n10\\n16\\n36\\n26\\n13\\n32\\n27\\n31\\n100\\n120\\nMassachusetts.\\n170\\n10\\n26\\n32\\n140\\nNew Hampshire.\\n11\\n30\\n30\\n220\\n11\\n26\\n33\\n12\\n25\\n17\\n27\\n100\\nOhio\\n12\\n21\\n25\\n36\\n15\\n20\\n75\\n30\\n100\\n13\\n20\\n32\\n178\\n14\\n35\\n30\\n161\\n325\\n107\\n436\\n1,503\\nTABLE NO. XVII.\\nACTUAL CROPS PER ACRE ON THE AVERAGE IN THE SLAVE\\nSTATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi.\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nWheat,\\nOats,\\nRye,\\nInd. Corn,\\nIrish Pota-\\nbushels.\\nbushels.\\nbushels.\\nbushels.\\ntoes, bush.\\n5\\n12\\n18\\n15\\n22\\n60\\n11\\n20\\n20\\n15\\n175\\n5\\n18\\n7\\n16\\n125\\n8\\n18\\n11\\n24\\n16\\n130\\n13\\n21\\n18\\n23\\n75\\n9\\n12\\n18\\n105\\n11\\n26\\n34\\n110\\nT\\n10\\n15 17\\n65\\n8\\n12\\n11\\n70\\n7\\n19\\n7| 21\\n120\\n15\\n20\\n250\\n7\\n13\\n5 18\\n75\\n121\\n199\\n63\\n275\\n1,360", "height": "2562", "width": "1481", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "70\\nCOMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nRECAPITULATION OF ACTUAL CROPS PER ACRE ON THE\\nAVERAGE 1850.\\nFREE STATES.\\nWheat 12 bushels per acre.\\nOats 27\\nEye 18\\nIndian Corn 31\\nIrish Potatoes 125\\nSLAVE STATES.\\nWheat 9 bushels per acre.\\nOats 17\\nRye 11\\nIndian Corn. 20\\nIrish Potatoes 113\\nWhat an obvious contrast between the vigor of Liberty\\nand the impotence of Slavery! What an unanswerable\\nargument in favor of free labor 1 Add up the two columns\\nof figures above, and what is the result Two hundred\\nand thirteen bushels as the products .f five acres in the\\nNorth, and only one hundred and seventy bushels as the\\nproducts of five acres in the South. Look at each item\\nseparately, and you will find that the average crop per\\nacre of every article enumerated is greater in the free\\nStates than it is in the slave States. Examine the table\\nat large, and you will perceive that while Massachusetts\\nproduces sixteen bushels of wheat to the acre, Virginia\\nproduces only seven that Pennsylvania produces fifteen\\nand Georgia only five that while Iowa produces thirty-\\nsix bushels of oats to the acre, Mississippi produces only\\ntwelve that Rhode Island produces thirty, and North Ca-\\nrolina only ten that while Ohio produces twenty-five\\nbushels of rye to the acre, Kentucky produces only eleven;\\nthat Vermont produces twenty, and Tennessee only seven:\\nthat while Connecticut produces forty bushels of Indian\\ncorn to the acre, Texas produces only twenty that New\\nJersey produces thirty-three, and South Carolina only\\neleven that while New Hampshire produces two hundred\\nand twenty bushels of Irish potatoes to the acre, Maryland\\nproduces only seventy-five that Michigan produces one\\nhundred and forty, and Alabama only sixty. Now for\\nother beauties of slavery in another table.", "height": "2562", "width": "1481", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\nu\\nTABLE NO. XVIII.\\nVALUE OF FARMS AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS IN THE FREE STATES\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00941850.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nj! Illinois\\nIndiana\\ni; Iowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire.\\nI New Jersey\\n(New York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania\\nRhode Island..\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nValue of\\nVal. of Animals\\nLive Stock.\\nSlaughtered.\\n$3,351,058\\n$107,173\\n7,467,490\\n2,202,266\\n24,209,258\\n4,972,286\\n22,478,555\\n6,567,935\\n3,689,275\\n821.164\\n9,705,726\\n1,646,773\\n9,647,710\\n2,500,924\\n8,008,734\\n1,328,327\\n8,871,901\\n1,522,873\\n10,679,291\\n2,638,552\\n73,570,499\\n13,573,883\\n44,121,741\\n7,439,243\\n41,500,053\\n8,219,848\\n1,532,637\\n667,486\\n12,643,228\\n1,861,336\\n4,897,385\\n920,178\\n8286,376,541\\n$56,990,237\\nCash Val. of Farms,\\nFarm. Imp. Mac.\\n$3,977,524\\n74,618.963\\n102,538,851\\n143,089,617\\n17,830,436\\n57,146,305\\n112,285,931\\n54,703,817\\n57,560,122\\n124,663,014\\n576,631,568\\n371,509,188\\n422,598,640\\n17,568,003\\n66,106,509\\n30,170,131\\n$2,233,058,619\\nTABLE NO. XIX.\\nVALUE OF FARMS AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS IN THE SLAVE STATES\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00941850.", "height": "2521", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "72 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nRECAPITULATION FREE STATES.\\nValue of live Stock $286,376,541\\nValue of Animals slaughtered, 66,990,237\\nValue of Farms, Farming-Implements and Machinery, 2,233,058,619\\n$2,576,425,397\\nRECAPITULATION SLAVE STATES.\\nValue of Live Stock $253,723,687\\nValue of Animals slaughtered 54,388,377\\nValue of Farms, Farming Implements and Machinery, 1,183,995,274\\n$1,492,107,338\\nDIFFERENCE IN VALUE FARMS AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS.\\nFree States, $2,676,425,397\\nSlave States 1,492,107,338\\nBalance in favor of the Free States $1,084,318,059\\nBy adding to this last balance in favor of the free States\\nthe differences in value which we found in their favor in\\nour account of the bushel-and-pound-nieasure products, we\\nshall have a very correct idea of the extent to which the\\nundivided agricultural interests of the free States prepon-\\nderate over those of the slave States. Let us add the dif-\\nferences together, and see what will be the result.\\nBALANCE ALL IN FAVOR OF THE NORTH.\\nDifference in the value of hushel-measure products. $44,782,636\\nDifference in tho value of pound-measure products. 59,199,108\\nDifference in the value of farms and domestic animals 1,084,318,059\\nTotal $1,188,299,803\\nNo figures of rhetoric can add emphasis or significance\\nto these figures of arithmetic. They demonstrate conclu-", "height": "2577", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 73\\nsively the great moral triumph of Liberty over Slavery.\\nThey show unequivocally, in spite of all the blarney and\\nboasting of slave-driving politicians, that the entire value\\nof all the agricultural interests of the free States is very\\nnearly twice as great as the entire value of all the agricul-\\ntural interests of the slave States the value of those in-\\nterests in the former being twenty-five hundred million of\\ndollars, that of those in the latter only fourteen hundred\\nmillion, leaving a balance in favor of the free States of\\none billion one hundred and eighty-eight million two hundred and\\nninety-nine thousand eight hundred and three dollars That is\\nwhat we call a full, fair and complete vindication of Free\\nLabor. Would we not be correct iu calling it a total\\neclipse of the Black Orb Can it be possible that the\\nslavocracy will ever have the hardihood to open their\\nmouths again on the subject of terra-culture in the South\\nDare they ever think of cotton again Ought they not,\\nas a befitting confession of their crimes and misdemeanors,\\nand as a reasonable expiation for the countless evils which\\nthey have inflicted on society, to clothe themselves in\\nsackcloth, and, after a suitable season of contrition and\\nsevere penance, follow the example of one Judas Iscariot,\\nand go and hang themselves\\nIt will be observed that we have omitted the Territories\\nand the District of Columbia in all the preceding tables.\\nWe did this purposely. Our object was to draw an equi-\\ntable comparison between the value of free and slave labor\\nin the thirty-one sovereign States, where the two systems,\\ncomparatively unaffected by the wrangling of politicians,\\nand, as a matter of course, free from the interference of\\n4", "height": "2562", "width": "1481", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "14 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nthe general government, have had the fullest opportunities\\nto exert their influence, to exhibit their virtues, and to\\ncommend themselves to the sober judgments of enlightened\\nand discriminating minds. Had we counted the Territories\\non the side of the North, and the District of Columbia on\\nthe side of the South, the result would have been still\\ngreater in behalf of free labor. Though the sum of all\\nvillanies has but a mere nominal existence in Delaware\\nand Maryland, we have invariably counted those States on\\nthe side of the South and the consequence is, that, in\\nmany particulars, the hopeless fortunes of slavery have\\nbeen propped up and sustained by an imposing array of\\nfigures which of right ought to be regarded as the property\\nof freedom. But we like to be generous to an unfortunate\\nfoe, and would utterly disdain the use of any unfair means\\nof attack or defence.\\nWe shall take no undue advantage of slavery. It shall\\nhave a fair trial, and be judged according to its deserts.\\nAlready has it been weighed in the balance, and found\\nwanting it has been measured in the half-bushel, and\\nfound wanting it has been apprized in the field, and found\\nwanting. Whatever redeeming traits or qualities it may\\npossess, if any, shall be brought to light by subjecting it\\nto other tests.\\nIt was our desire and intention to furnish a correct table\\nof the gallon-measure products of the several States of the\\nUnion but we have not been successful in our attempt to\\nprocure the necessary statistics. Enough is known, how-\\never, to satisfy us that the value of the milk, wine, ardent\\nspirits, malt liquors, fluids, oils, and molasses, annually", "height": "2592", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "FKEE AND THE SLAVE STATES 15\\nproduced and sold in the free States, is at least fifty mil-\\nlions of dollars greater than the value of the same articles\\nannually produced and sold in the slave States. Of sweet\\nmilk alone, it is estimated that the monthly sales in three\\nNorthern cities, New York, Philadelphia and Boston,\\namount to a larger sum than the marketable value of all\\nthe rosin, tar, pitch, and turpentine, annually produced in\\nthe Southern States.\\nOur efforts to obtain reliable information respecting\\nanother very important branch of profitable industry, the\\nlumber business, have also proved unavailing and we are\\nleft to conjecture as to the amount of revenue annually\\nderived from it in the two grand divisions of our country.\\nThe person whose curiosity prompts him to take an\\naccount of the immense piles of Northern lumber now lying\\non the wharves and houseless lots in Baltimore, Richmond,\\nand other slaveholding cities, will not, we imagine, form\\na very flattering opinion of the products of Southern for-\\nests. Let it be remembered that nearly all the clippers,\\nsteamers, and small craft, are built at the North that\\nlarge cargoes of Eastern lumber are exported to foreign\\ncountries that nine-tenths of the wooden-ware used in the\\nSouthern States is manufactured in New England that,\\nin outrageous disregard of the natural rights and claims\\nof Southern mechanics, the markets of the South are for-\\never filled with Northern furniture, vehicles, ax helves,\\nwalking canes, yard-sticks, clothes-pins and pen-holders\\nthat the extraordinary number of factories, steam-engines,\\nforges and machine-shops in the free States, require an\\nextraordinary quantity of cord-wood that a large majority", "height": "2562", "width": "1481", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "76 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nof the magnificent edifices and other structures, both\\nprivate and public, in which timber, in its various forms,\\nis extensively used, are to be found in the free States\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nwe say, let all these things be remembered, and the truth\\nwill at once flash across the mind that the forests of the\\nNorth are a source of far greater income than those of the\\nSouth. The difference is simply this At the North every-\\nthing is turned to advantage. When a tree is cut down,\\nthe main body is sold or used for lumber, railing or paling,\\nthe stump for matches and shoepegs, the knees for ship-\\nbuilding, and the branches for fuel. At the South every-\\nthing is either neglected or mismanaged. Whole forests\\nare felled by the ruthless hand of slavery, the trees are\\ncut into logs, rolled into heaps, covered with the limbs\\nand brush, and then burned on the identical soil that gave\\nthem birth. The land itself next falls a prey to the fell\\ndestroyer, and that which was once a beautiful, fertile and\\nluxuriant woodland, is soon despoiled of all its treasures,\\nand converted into an eye-offending desert.\\nWere we to go beneath the soil and collect all the min-\\neral and lapidarious wealth of the free States, we should\\nfind it so much greater than the corresponding wealth of\\nthe slave States, that no ordinary combination of figures\\nwould suffice to express the difference. To say nothing\\nof the gold and quicksilver of California, the iron and coal\\nof Pennsylvania, the copper of Michigan, the lead of Illi-\\nnois, or the salt of New-York, the marble and free-stone quar-\\nries of New England are, incredible as it may seem to those unac-\\nquainted with the facts, far more important sources of revenue\\nthan all the subterranean deposits in the slave States. From the", "height": "2592", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 71\\nmost reliable statictics within our reach, we are led to the\\ninference that the total value of all the precious metals,\\nrocks, minerals, and medicinal waters, annually extracted\\nfrom the bowels of the free States, is not less than eighty-\\nfive million of dollars the whole value of the same sub-\\nstances annually brought up from beneath the surface of\\nthe slave States does not exceed twelve millions. In this\\nrespect to what is our poverty ascribable To the same\\ncause that has impoverished and dishonored us in all other\\n-respects the thriftless and degrading institution of\\nslavery.\\nNature has been kind to us in all things. The strata\\nand substrata of the South are profusely enriched with\\ngold and silver, and precious stones, and from the natural\\norifices and aqueducts in Virgina and North Carolina, flow\\nthe purest healing waters in the world. But of what avail\\nis all this latent wealth Of what avail will it ever be,\\nso long as slavery is permitted to play the dog in the\\nmanger To these queries there can be but one reply.\\nSlavery must be suppressed the South, so great and so\\nglorious by nature, must be reclaimed from her infamy\\nand degradation our cities, fields and forests, must be\\nkept intact from the unsparing monster the various\\nand ample resources of our vast domain, subterraneous as\\nwell as superficial, must be developed, and made to con-\\ntribute to our pleasures and to the necessities of the\\nworld.\\nA very significant chapter, and one particularly perti-\\nnent to many of the preceding pages, might be written\\non the Decline of Agriculture in the Slave States but as", "height": "2572", "width": "1486", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "ijg COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nthe press of other subjects admonishes us to be concise\\nupon this point, we shall present only a few of the more\\nstriking instances. In the first place, let us compare the\\ncr0 ps of wheat and rye in Kentucky, in 1850 wrth the\\ncorresponding crops in the same State m 1840-after\\nwhich, we will apply a similar rule of comparison to two\\nor three other slaveholding states.\\nKENTUCKY.\\nWheat, bus.\\na set 1^9 l,321,o7 d\\nCrop of 1840 4,0 152\\n1850 2,142,82- ^_J\\nDecrease 2^60,330 bus. Decrease 906,300 bus.\\nTENNESSEE.\\nWheat, bus. Tobacco, lbs.\\na tea aw 29,550,432\\nCropofl840 4,569f2\\n1850 l,619,o8b ^j j\\nDecrease 2,950,306 bus. Decrease 9,401,500 lbs.\\nVIRGINIA.\\nRye, bus. iaCC0 lba\\nC OP of 1840.-. 1,482,700 JJWg\\n1850 4oo, JoU\\nDecrease 1,023,869 bus. Decrease 18,543,879 lbs.\\nALABAMA.\\nWheat, bus. R3-e,bus.\\nLoq ov 61,000\\nCrop of 1840 8o8,0o2\\n1850 294,044 17 bl\\nDecrease 544,008 bus. Decrease 33,739 bus.\\nThe story of these figures is too intelligible to require\\nworfq of explanation we shall, therefore, dron ttri\u00c2\u00bb", "height": "2633", "width": "1455", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 19\\nof our subject, and proceed to compile a couple of tables\\nthat will exhibit on a single page the wealth, revenue and\\nexpenditure, of the several states of the confederacy. Let\\nit be distinctly understood, however, that, in the compila-\\ntion of these tables, three million two hundred and four\\nthousand three hundred and thirteen negroes are valued\\nas personal property, and credited to the Southern States\\nas if they were so many horses and asses, or bridles and\\nblankets and that no monetary valuation whatever is\\nplaced on any creature, of any age, color, sex or condi-\\ntion, that bears the upright form of man in the free States.", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "80\\nCOMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nTABLE NO. XX.\\nWEALTH, REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE OF THE FREE STATES\\n1850.\\nStates.\\nReal and Personal\\nproperty.\\nRevenue.\\nExpenditure.\\nMassachusetts...\\nNew Hampshire..\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania\\nRhode Island\\n$22,161,872\\n155,707,980\\n156,265,006\\n202,650,264\\n23,714,638\\n122,777,571\\n573,342,286\\n59,787,255\\n103,652,835\\n153,151,619\\n1,080,309,216\\n504,726,120\\n729,144,998\\n80,508,794\\n92,205,049\\n42,056,595\\n$366,825\\n150,189\\n736,030\\n1,283,064\\n139,681\\n744,879\\n598,170\\n548,326\\n141,686\\nI 1*9,166\\n1,698,310\\n3,016,403\\n7,716,552\\n124,944\\n185,830\\n135,155\\n$925,625\\n137,326\\n192,940\\n1,061,605\\n131,631\\n624,101\\n674,622\\n431,918\\n149,890\\n180,614\\n2,520,932\\n2.736.060\\n6,876,480\\n115,835\\n183,058\\n136,096\\n$4,102,172,108\\n$18,725,211\\n$17,076,733\\nTABLE NO. XXL\\nWEALTH, REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE OF THE SLAVE STATES\\n1850.\\nStates.\\nReal and Personal\\nproperty.\\nRevenue. W\\nExpenditure.\\nr~^4\\n$513,559\\nAlabama\\n$228,204,332\\n$658,976\\n39,841,025\\n68,412\\n74,076\\n18,855,863\\n23,198,734\\n60,619\\n55,234\\n33d;425,714\\n1,142,405\\ni 779,293\\n597,882\\n301,628,456\\n674,697\\n233,998,764\\n1,098,911\\nMaryland\\n219,217,364\\n1,279.953\\n221f200\\n1,360,458\\n228,951,130\\n223,637\\n137,247,707\\n326,579\\n207,656\\nNorth Carolina.\\n226.800,472\\n219,000\\n228,173\\nSouth Carolina...\\n288,257,694\\n532,152\\n463,021\\n207,454,704\\n502,126\\n623,625\\n55,362,340\\n140,688\\n156.622\\n391,646,438\\n$2,930,090,737\\n1,265,744\\n1,272,382\\n$8,343,715\\n$7,549,933", "height": "2633", "width": "1486", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 81\\nEntire Wealth of the Free States, $4,102,172,108\\nEntire Wealth of the Slave States, including Slaves, 2,936,090,737\\nBalance in favor of the Free States, $1,166,081,371\\nWhat a towering monument to the beauty and glory of\\nFree Labor What irrefragable evidence of the unequaled\\nefficacy and grandeur of free institutions These figures\\nare, indeed, too full of meaniug to be passed by without\\ncomment. The two tables from which they are borrowed\\nare at least a volume within themselves and, after all the\\npains we have taken to compile them, we shall, perhaps,\\nfeel somewhat disappointed if the reader fails to avail him-\\nself of the important information they impart.\\nHuman life, in all ages, has been made up of a series of\\nadventures and experiments, and even at this stage of the\\nworld s existence, we are almost as destitute of a perfect\\nrule of action, secular or religious, as were the erratic co-\\ntemporaries of Noah. It is true, however, that we have\\nmade some progress in the right direction and as it seems\\nto be the tendency of the world to correct itself, we may\\nsuppose that future generations will be enabled, by intui-\\ntion, to discriminate between the true and the false, the\\ngood and the bad, and that with the development of this fac-\\nulty of the mind, error and discord will begin to wane, and\\nfinally cease to exist. Of all the experiments that have\\nbeen tried by the people in America, slavery has proved\\nthe most fatal and the sooner it is abolished the better it\\nwill be for us, for posterity, and for the world. One of\\nthe evils resulting from it, and that not the least, is ap-\\nparent in the figures above. Indeed, the unprofitableness of\\n4*", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "82 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nslavery is a monstrous evil, when considered in all its\\nbearings it makes us poor poverty makes us ignorant\\nignorance makes us wretched wretchedness makes us\\nwicked, and wickedness leads to the devil\\nIgnorance is the curse of God,\\nKnowledge the wing wherewith we fly to heaven.\\nFacts truly astounding are disclosed in the two last\\ntables, and we could heartily wish that every intelligent\\nAmerican would commit them to memory. The total\\nvalue of all the real and personal property of the free\\nStates, with an area of only 612,591 square miles, is one\\nbillion one hundred and sixty-six million eighty-one thou-\\nsand three hundred and seventy-one dollars greater than\\nthe total value of all the real and personal property, in-\\ncluding the price of 3,204,313 negroes, of the slave States,\\nwhich have an area of 851,508 square miles But extra-\\nordinary as this difference is in favor of the North, it is\\nmuch less than the true amount. On the authority of South-\\nrons themselves, it is demonstrable beyond the possibility of refu-\\ntation that the intrinsic value of all the property in the free States\\nis more than three times greater than the intrinsic value of all the\\nproperty in the slave States.\\nJames Madison, a Southern man, fourth President of the\\nUnited States, a most correct thinker, and one of the\\ngreatest statesmen the country has produced, thought it\\nwrong to admit the idea that there could be property in\\nman, and we indorse, to the fullest extent, this opinion of\\nthe profound editor of the Federalist. We shall not recog-\\nnize property in man the slaves of the South are not", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 83\\nworth a groat in any civilized community no man of gen-\\nuine decency and refinement would hold them as property\\non any terms in the eyes of all enlightened nations and\\nindividuals, they are men, not merchandize. Southern\\npro-slavery politicians, some of whom have not hesitated\\nto buy and sell their own sons and daughters, boast that\\nthe slaves of the South are worth sixteen hundred million\\nof dollars, and we have seen the amount estimated as high\\nas two thousand million. Mr. De Bow, the Southern su-\\nperintendent of the seventh census, informs us that the\\nvalue of all the property in the slave States, real and per-\\nsonal, including slaves, was, in 1850, only $2,936,090,13?;\\nwhile, according to the same authority, the value of all\\nthe real and personal property in the free States, genuine\\nproperty, property that is everywhere recognized as pro-\\nperty, was, at the same time, $4,102,112,108. Now all\\nwe have to do in order to ascertain the real value of all\\nthe property of the South, independent of negroes, whose\\nvalue, if valuable at all, is of a local and precarious char-\\nacter, is to subtract from the sum total of Mr. De Bow s\\nreturn of the entire wealth of the slave States the estima-\\nted value of the slaves themselves and then, by deduct-\\ning tbe difference from the intrinsic value of all the pro-\\nperty in the free States, we shall have the exact amount\\nof the overplus of wealth in the glorious land of free soil,\\nfree labor, free speech, free presses, and free schools.\\nAnd now to the task.\\nEntire Wealth of the Slave States, including Slaves, $2,936,090,737\\nEstimated Value of the Slaves, 1^600^000^000\\nTrue Wealth of the Slave States, $1,336,090,737", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "84 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nTrue Wealth of the Free States, $4,102,172,108\\nTrue Wealth of the Slave States, 1,336,090,737\\nBalance in favor of the Free States, $2,766,081,371\\nThere, friends of the South and of the North, you have\\nthe conclusion of the, whole matter. Liberty and slavery\\nare before you choose which you will have as for us, in\\nthe memorable language of the immortal Henry, we say,\\ngive us liberty, or give us death 1 In the great struggle\\nfor wealth that has been going on between the two rival\\nsystems of free and slave labor, the balance above exhibits\\nthe net profits of the former. The struggle on the one side\\nhas been calm, laudable, and eminently successful on the\\nother, it has been attended by tumult, unutterable cruelties\\nand disgraceful failure. We have given the slave drivers\\nevery conceivable opportunity to vindicate their domestic\\npolicy, but for them to do it is a moral impossibility.\\nLess than three-quarters of a century ago say in 1189,\\nfor that was about the average time of the abolition of\\nslavery in the Northern States the South, with advan-\\ntages in soil, climate, rivers, harbors, minerals, forests,\\nand, indeed, almost every other natural resource, began an\\neven race with the North in all the important pursuits of\\nlife and now, in the brief space of scarce three score\\nyears and ten, we find her completely distanced, enervated,\\ndejected and dishonored. Slave-drivers are the sole authors\\nof her disgrace as they have sown so let them reap.\\nAs we have seen above, a careful and correct inventory\\nof all the real and personal property in the two grand divi-\\nsions of the country, discloses the astounding fact that, in\\n1850, the free States were worth precisely two thousand", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 85\\nseven hundred and sixty-six million eighty-one thousand three hun-\\ndred and seventy-one dollars more than the slave States\\nTwenty-seven hundred and sixty-six million of dollars\\nThink of it What a vast and desirable sum, and how\\nmuch better off the South would be with it than without\\nit Such is the enormous amount out of which slavery\\nhas defrauded us during the space of sixty-one years\\nfrom 1189 to 1850 being an average of about forty-five\\nmillion three hundred and fifty thousand dollars per annum.\\nDuring the last twenty-five or thirty years, however, our\\nannual losses have been far greater than they were form-\\nerly. There has been a gradual increase every year, and\\nnow the ratio of increase is almost incredible. No patri-\\notic Southerner can become conversant with the facts\\nwithout experiencing a feeling of alarm and indignation.\\nUntil the North abolished slavery, she had no advantage\\nof us whatever the South was more than her equal in\\nevery respect. But no sooner had she got rid of that\\nhampering and pernicious institution than she began to\\nabsorb our wealth, and now it is confidently believed that\\nthe merchant and negro-driving pleasure-seekers of the\\nSouth annually pour one hundred and twenty million of\\ndollars into her coffers Taking into account, then, the\\nprobable amount of money that has been drawn from the\\nSouth and invested in the North within the last six years,\\nand adding it to the grand balance above the net profits\\nof the North up to 1850 it may be safely assumed that,\\nin the present year of grace, 1857, the free States are worth\\nat least thirty-four hundred million of dollars more than the slave\\nStates! Let him who dares, gainsay these remarks and", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "86 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\ncalculations no truthful tongue will deny them no hon-\\norable pen can controvert them.\\nOne more word now as to the valuation of negroes.\\nWere our nature so degraded, or our conscience so elastic\\nas to permit us to set a price upon men, as we would set\\na price upon cattle and corn, we should be content to abide\\nby the appraisement of the slaves of the South, and would\\nthen enter into a calculation to ascertain the value of for-\\neigners to the North. Not long since, it was declared in\\nthe South that one free laborer is equal to five slaves,\\nand as there are two million five hundred thousand Euro-\\npeans in the free States, all of whom are free laborers, we\\nmight bring Southern authority to back us in estimating\\ntheir value at sixty-two hundred million of dollars a hand-\\nsome sum wherewithal to offset the account of sixteen hun-\\ndred million of dollars, brought forward as the value of\\nSouthern slaves! It is obvious, therefore, that if we were\\ndisposed to follow the barbarian example of the traffick-\\ners in human flesh, we could prove the North vastly\\nricher than the South in bone and sinew\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to say nothing\\nof mind and morals, which shall receive our attention\\nhereafter. The North has just as good aright to appraise\\nthe Irish immigrant, as the South has to set a price on\\nthe African slave. But as it would be wrong to do either,\\nwe shall do neither. It is not our business to think bf\\nman as a merchantable commodity and we will not, even\\nby implication, admit the wild and guilty fantasy,\\nthat the condition of chattelhood may rightfully attach to\\nsentient and immortal beings.\\nIn this connection, we would direct the special atten-", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 8?\\ntion of the reader to the following eloquent passage, ex-\\nhibiting* the philosophy of free and slave labor, from the\\nfacile pen of the editor of the North American and United\\nStates Gazette\\nIn the very nature of things, the freeman must pro-\\nduce more than the slave. There is no conclusion of\\nscience more certain. Under a system which gives to a\\nlaboring man the fruit of his toil, there is every motive to\\nrender him diligent and assiduous. If he relies on being\\nemployed- by others, his wages rise with his reputation for\\nindustry, skill, and faithfulness. And as owner of the\\nsoil, there is every assurance that he will do what he can\\nto cultivate it to the best advantage, and develope its la-\\ntent wealth. Self-interest will call forth what powers of\\nintellect and of invention he has to aid him in his work,\\nand employ his physical strength to the greatest possible\\nadvantage. Free labor receives an immediate reward,\\nwhich cheers and invigorates it and above all, it has\\nthat chief spring of exertion, hope, whose bow always\\nspans the heaven before it. It has an inviolate hearth\\nit has a home. But it looks forward to a still better con-\\ndition, to brighter prospects in the future, to which its\\nefforts all contribute. The children in such a household\\nare chief inducements to nerve the arm of labor, that they\\nmay be properly cared for, fed, clothed, educated, accom-\\nplished, instructed in some useful and honorable calling,\\nand provided for when they shall go out upon the world.\\nAll its sentiments, religious and otherwise, all its affec-\\ntions for parents and kindred, all its tastes are so many\\nimpelling and stimulating forces. It is disposed to read,", "height": "2536", "width": "1466", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "88 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nto ornament its home, to travel, to enjoy social intercourse,\\nand to attain these ends, it rises to higher exertions and\\na stricter economy of time it explores every path of em-\\nployment, and is, therefore, in the highest degree produc-\\ntive.\\nHow different is it with slave labor The slave toils\\nfor another, and not for himself. Whether he does little\\nor much, whether his work is well or ill performed, he has\\na subsistence, nothing less, nothing more and why should\\nhe toil beyond necessity He cannot accumulate any\\nproperty for the decline of his years, or to leave to his\\nchildren when he is departed. Nay, he cannot toil to bet-\\nter the present condition of his children. They belong to\\nanother, and not to him. He cannot supply his hut with\\ncomforts, or embellish it with the adornments of taste.\\nHe does not read. He does not journey for pleasure. In-\\nducements to exertion, he has none. That he may adapt\\nhimself to his condition, and enjoy the present hour, he\\ndeadens those aspirations that must always be baffled in\\nhis case, and sinks down into ease and sensuality. His\\nmind is unlighted and untutored dark with ignorance.\\nAmong those who value him most, he is proverbially in-\\ndolent, thievish, and neglectful of his master s interests.\\nIt is common for even the advocates of slavery to declare\\nthat one freeman is worth half a dozen slaves. With every\\ncord to exertion thus sundered, the mind benighted, the\\nman nearly lost in the animal, it requires no deep philoso-\\nphy to see why labor cannot be near as productive as it\\nwould be were these conditions all reversed. Though\\never so well directed by the superior skill, and urged for-", "height": "2479", "width": "1445", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 89\\nrd by the strong arm of the master, slave labor is\\naecessarily a blight to the soil sterility follows in its\\nsteps, and not afar off.\\nWhat a difference, plain and heaven-wide, between the\\noutward and interior life of a slave and of a free commu-\\nnity, resulting directly and palpably from this difference\\nin its labor. The cottage-home, amid trees and shrubbery,\\nits apartments well adorned and furnished, books on its\\nshelves, and the passing literature of the day scattered\\naround the few, perhaps, but well-tilled acres, belonging\\nto the man who tills them the happy children with sunny\\nprospects the frequent school the church arrayed with\\nbeauty the thriving, handsome village the flourishing\\ncities and prosperous marts of trade the busy factories\\nrailroads, traffic, travel where free labor tills the ground,\\nhow beautiful it all is in contrast to the forlorn and dreary\\naspect of a country tilled by slaves. The villages of such\\na country are mainly groups of miserable huts. Its com-\\nparatively few churches are too often dilapidated and un-\\nsightly. The common school-house, the poor man s col-\\nlege, is hardly known, showing how little interest is felt\\nin the chief treasures of the State, the immortal minds of\\nthe multitude who are not born to wealth. The signs of\\npremature old age are visibly impressed upon everything\\nthat meets the eye. The fields present a dread monotony.\\nEverywhere you see lands that are worn out, barren and\\ndeserted, in consecpience of slave tillage, left for more fer-\\ntile lands in newer regions, which are also, in their turn,\\nto be smitten with sterility and forsaken. The free com-\\nmunity may increase its population almost without limit.", "height": "2479", "width": "1445", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "90 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nThe capacity of slave countries to sustain a population is\\nsoon at an end, and then it diminishes. In all the elements\\nof essential prosperity, in all that elevates man, how strik-\\ning the contrast between the region that is tilled by slave,\\nand the region that is tilled by free labor.\\nFor the purpose of showing what Virginia, once the\\nrichest, most populous, and most powerful of the States,\\nhas become under the blight of slavery, we shall now in-\\ntroduce an extract from one of the speeches delivered by\\nHenry A. Wise, during the last gubernatorial campaign\\nin that degraded commonwealth. Addressing a Virginia\\naudience, in language as graphic as it is truthful, he\\nCommerce has long ago spread her sails, and sailed\\naway from you. You have not, as yet, dug more than\\ncoal enough to warm yourselves at your own hearths; you\\nhave set no tilt-hammer of Vulcan to strike blows worthy\\nof gods in your own iron-foundries you have not yet spun\\nmore than coarse cotton enough, in the way of manufac-\\nture, to clothe your own slaves. You have no commerce,\\nno mining, no manufactures. You have relied alone on\\nthe single power of agriculture, and \u00e2\u0080\u009esiicA agriculture! Your\\nsedge-patches outshine the sun. Your inattention to\\nyour only source of wealth, has seared the very bosom of\\nmother earth. Instead of having to feed cattle on a thou-\\nsand hills, you have had to chase the stump-tailed steer\\nthrough the sedge-p atches to procure a tough beef-steak.\\nThe present condition of things has existed too long in\\nVirginia. The landlord has skinned the tenant, and the", "height": "2552", "width": "1496", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 91\\ntenant has skinned the land, until all have grown poor\\ntogether.\\nWith tears in its eyes, and truth on its lips, for the first\\ntime after an interval of twenty years, the Richmond En-\\nquirer helps to paint the melancholy picture. In 1852, that\\njournal thus bewailed the condition of Virginia\\nWe have cause to feel deeply for our situation. Phil-\\nadelphia herself contains a population far greater than\\nthe whole free population of Eastern Virginia. The little\\nState of Massachusetts has an aggregate wealth exceed-\\ning that of Virginia by more than $126,000,000.\\nJust a score of years before these words were penned, the\\nsame paper, then edited by the elder Ritchie, made a most\\nearnest appeal to the intelligence and patriotism of Virgi-\\nnia, to adopt an effectual measure for the speedy over-\\nthrow of the damnable institution of human bondage.\\nHere is an extract from an article which appeared in its\\neditorial column under date of January 1th, 1832\\nSomething must be done, and it is the part of no\\nhonest man to deny it of no free press to affect to con-\\nceal it. When this dark population is growing upon us\\nwhen every new census is but gathering its appalling\\nnumbers upon us when, within a period equal to that in\\nwhich this Federal Constitution has been in existence,\\nthese numbers will increase to more than two millions\\nwithin Virginia when our sister States are closing their\\ndoors upon our blacks for sale, and when our whites are\\nmoving westwardly in greater numbers than we like to\\nhear of when this, the fairest land on all this continent,\\nfor soil, and climate, and situation, combined, might be-", "height": "2551", "width": "1486", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "92 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\ncome a sort of garden spot, if it were worked by the hands\\nof white men alone, can we, ought we, to sit quietly down,\\nfold our arms, and say to each other, Well, well this\\nthing will not come to the worst in our days we will\\nleave it to our children, and our grandchildren, and great-\\ngrandchildren, to take care of themselves, and to brave\\nthe storm Is this to act like wise men Means, sure\\nbut gradual, systematic but discreet, ought to be adopted,\\nfor reducing the mass of evil which is pressing upon the\\nSouth, and will still more press upon her, the longer it is\\nput off. We say now, in the utmost sincerity of our hearts,\\nthat our wisest men cannot give too much of their atten-\\ntion to this subject, nor can they give it too soon.\\nBetter abolition doctrine than this is seldom heard.\\nWhy did not the JEnquricr continue to preach it What\\npotent influence hushed its clarion voice, just as it began\\nto be lifted in behalf of a liberal policy and an enlightened\\nhumanity Had Mr. Eitchie continued to press the truth\\nhome to the hearts of the people, as he should have done,\\nVirginia, instead of being worth only $392,000,000 in 1850\\nnegroes and all would have been worth at least $800,-\\n000,000 in genuine property and if the State had eman-\\ncipated her slaves at the time of the adoption of the Con-\\nstitution, the last census would no doubt have reported her\\nwealth, and correctly, at a sum exceeding a thousand\\nmillions of dollars.\\nListen now to the statement of a momentous fact. The\\nvalue of all the property, real and personal, including\\nslaves, in seven slave States, Virginia, North Carolina,\\nTennessee, Missouri, Arkansas, Florida and Texas, is less", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 93\\nthan the real and personal estate, which is unquestionable\\nproperty, in the single State of New-York 1 Nay, worse\\nif eight entire slave States, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida,\\nMaryland, Missouri, Mississippi, Tennessee and Texas, and\\nthe District of Columbia with all their hordes of human\\nmerchandize were put up at auction, New- York could\\nbuy them all, and then have- one hundred and thirty- three\\nmillions of dollars left in her pocket 1 Such is the amaz-\\ning contrast between freedom and slavery, even in a pe-\\ncuniary point of view. When we come to compare the\\nNorth with the South in regard to literature, general in-\\ntelligence, inventive genius, moral and religious enterprises,\\nthe discoveries in medicine, and the progress in the arts\\nand sciences, we shall, in every instance, find the con-\\ntrast equally great on the side of Liberty.\\nIt gives, us no pleasure to say hard things of the Old\\nDominion, the mother of Washington, Jefferson, Henry,\\nand other illustrious patriots, who, as we shall prove here-\\nafter, were genuine abolitionists but the policy which she\\nhas pursued has been so utterly inexcusable, so unjust to\\nthe non-slaveholding whites, so cruel to the negroes, and\\nso disregardful of the rights of humanity at large, that it\\nbecomes the duty of every one who makes allusion to her\\nhistory, to expose her follies, her crimes, and her poverty,\\nand to publish every fact, of whatever nature, that would\\nbe instrumental in determining others to eschew her bad\\nexample. She has wilfully departed from the faith of the\\nfounders of this Republic. She has not only turned a deaf\\near to the counsel of wise men from other States in the\\nUnion, but she has, in like manner, ignored the teachings", "height": "2541", "width": "1486", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "94 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nof the great warriors and statesmen who have sprung from\\nher own soil. In a subsequent chapter, we expect to show\\nthat all, or nearly all, the distinguished Virginians, whose\\nbodies have been consigned to the grave, but whose names\\nhave been given to history, and whose memoirs have a\\nplace in the hearts of their countrymen, were the friends\\nand advocates of universal freedom that they were inflex-\\nibly opposed to the extension of slavery into the Territories,\\ndevised measures for its restriction, and, with hopeful\\nanxiety, looked forward to the time when it should be\\neradicated from the States themselves. With them, the\\nrescue of our country from British domination, and the\\nestablishment of the General Government upon a firm basis,\\nwere considerations of paramount importance they sup-\\nposed, and no doubt earnestly desired, that the States, in\\ntheir sovereign capacities, would soon abolish an institu-\\ntion which was so palpably in conflict with the principles\\nenunciated in the Declaration of Independence. Indeed, it\\nwould seem that, among the framers of that immortal\\ninstrument and its equally immortal Sequel, the Constitu-\\ntion of the United States, there was a tacit understanding\\nto this effect and the Northern States, true to their\\nimplied faith, abolished it within a short period after our\\nnational independence had been secured. Not so with the\\nSouth. She has pertinaciously refused to perform her duty.\\nShe has apostajized from the faith of her greatest men, and\\neven at thievery moment repudiates the sacred principle\\nthat all men are endowed by their Creator with certain\\nunalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and\\nthe pursuit of happiness It is evident, therefore, that", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 95\\nthe free States are the only members of this confederacy\\nthat have established republican forms of government\\nbased upon the theories of Washington, Jefferson, Madison,\\nHenry, and other eminent statesmen of Virginia.\\nThe great revolutionary movement which was set on foot\\nin Charlotte, Mecklenburg county, North Carolina, on the\\n20th day of May, 1115, has not yet been terminated, nor\\nwill it bo, until every slave in the United States is freed\\nfrom the tyranny of his master. Every victim of the vile\\ninstitution, whether white or black, must be reinvested\\nwith the sacred rights and privileges of which he has been\\ndeprived by an inhuman oligarchy. What our noble sires\\nof the revolution left unfinished it is our duty to complete.\\nThey did all that true valor and patriotism could accom-\\nplish. Not one iota did they swerve from their plighted\\nfaith the self-sacrificing spirit which they evinced will\\ncommand the applause of every succeeding age. Not in\\nvindication of their own personal rights merely, but of the\\nrights of humanity not for their own generation and age\\nsimply, but for all ages to the end of time, they gave their\\ntoil, their treasure and their blood, nor deemed them all\\ntoo great a price to pay for the establishment of so com-\\nprehensive and beneficent a principle. Let their posterity\\nemulate their courage, their disinterestedness, and their\\nzeal, and especially remember that it is the duty of every\\nexisting generation so to provide for its individual inter-\\nests, as to confer superior advantages on that which is to\\nfollow. To this principle the North has adhered with the\\nstrictest fidelity. How has it been with the South Has\\nshe imitated the praiseworthy example of our illustrious", "height": "2551", "width": "1486", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "96 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nancestors No She has treated it with the utmost\\ncontempt she has been extremely selfish so selfish,\\nindeed, that she has robbed posterity of its natural rights.\\nFrom the period of the formation of the government down\\nto the present moment, her policy has been downright sui-\\ncidal, and, as a matter of course, wholly indefensible. She\\nhas hugged a viper to her breast her whole system has\\nbeen paralyzed, her conscience is seared, and she is\\nbecoming callous to every principle of justice and magna-\\nnimity. Except among the non-slaveholders, who, besides\\nbeing kept in the grossest ignorance, are under the\\nrestraint of all manner of iniquitous laws, patriotism has\\nceased to exist within her borders. And here we desire\\nto be distinctly understood, for we shall have occasion to\\nrefer to this matter again. We repeat, therefore, the sub-\\nstance of our averment, that, at this day, there is not a\\ngrain of patriotism in the South, except among the non-\\nslaveholders. Subsequent pages shall testify to the truth\\nof this assertion. Here and there, it is true, a slaveholder,\\ndisgusted with the institution, becomes ashamed of him-\\nself, emancipates his negroes, and enters upon the walks\\nof honorable life but these cases are exceedingly rare, and\\ndo not, in any manner, disprove the general correctness of\\nour remark All persons who do voluntarily manumit\\ntheir slaves, as mentioned above, are undeniably actuated\\nby principles of pure patriotism, justice and humanity\\nand so believing, we delight to do them honor.\\nOnce more to the Old Dominion. At her door we lay\\nthe bulk of the evils of slavery. The first African sold in\\nAmerica was sold on James River, in that State, on the", "height": "2603", "width": "1502", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 97\\n20th of August, 1620 and although the institution was\\nfastened upon her and the other colonies by the mother\\ncountry, she was the first to perceive its blighting and\\ndegrading influences, her wise men were the first to de-\\nnounce it, and, after the British power was overthrown at\\nYork Town, she should have been the first to abolish it.\\nFifty-seven years ago she was the Empire State now,\\nwith half a dozen other slaveholding states thrown into\\nthe scale with her, she is far inferior to New- York, which,\\nat the time Cornwallis surrendered his sword to Washing-\\nton, was less than half her equal. Had she obeyed the\\ncounsels of the good, the great and the wise men of our\\nnation especially of her own incomparable sons, the ex-\\ntendible element of slavery would have been promptly\\narrested, and the virgin soil of nine Southern States, Ken-\\ntucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Mis-\\nsouri, Arkansas, Florida, and Texas, would have been\\nsaved from its horrid pollutions. Confined to the original\\nstates in which it existed, the institution would soon have\\nbeen disposed of by legislative enactments, and long be-\\nfore the present day, by a gradual process that could have\\nshocked no interest and alarmed no prejudice, we should\\nhave rid ourselves not only of African slavery, which is\\nan abomination and a curse, but also of the negroes them-\\nselves, who, in our judgment, whether viewed in relation\\nto their actual characteristics and condition, or through\\nthe strong antipathies of the whites, are, to say the least,\\nan undesirable population.\\nThis, then, is the ground of our expostulation with Vir-\\nginia that, in stubborn disregard of the advice and\\n5", "height": "2608", "width": "1512", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "98 COMPARISON BiZtfEEN THE\\nfriendly warnings of Washington, Jefferson, Madison,\\nHenry, and a host of other distinguished patriots who\\nsprang from her soil patriots whose voices shall be\\nheard before we finish our task and in utter violation\\nof every principle of justice and humanity, she still persists\\nin fostering an institution which is so manifestly detri-\\nmental to her vital interests. Every Virginian, whether\\nliving or dead, whose name is an honor to his country, has\\nplaced on record his abhorrence of slavery, and in doing\\nso, has borne testimony to the blight and degradation that\\neverywhere follow in its course. One of the best aboli-\\ntion speeches we have ever read was delivered in the Vir-\\nginia House of Delegates, January 20th, 1832, by Charles\\nJames Faulkner, who still lives, and who has, we under-\\nstand, generously emancipated several of his slaves, and\\nsent them to Liberia. Here follows an extract from his\\nspeech let Southern politicians read it attentively, and\\nimbibe a moiety of the spirit of patriotism which it\\nbreathes\\nSir, I am gratified to perceive that no gentleman has\\nyet risen in this Hall, the avowed advocate of slavery.\\nThe dan has gone by when such a voice could he listened to with\\npatience, or even with forbearance. I even regret, Sir, that\\nwe should find those amongst us who enter the lists of\\ndiscussion as its apologists, except alone upon the ground\\nof uncontrollable necessity. And yet, who could have\\nlistened to the very eloquent remarks of the gentleman\\nfrom Brunswick, without being forced to conclude that he\\nat least considered slavery, however not to he defended upon\\nprinciple, yet as being divested of much of its enormity, as\\nyou approach it in practice.", "height": "2593", "width": "1502", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "USEE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 99\\nSir, if there be one who concurs with that gentleman\\nin the harmless character of this institution, let me re-\\nquest him to compare the condition of the slaveholding\\nportion of this commonwealth barren, desolate, and seared\\nas it were by the avenging hand of Heaven -with the descrip-\\ntions which we have of this country from those who first\\nbroke its virgin soil. To what is this change ascribable\\nAlone to the withering and blasting effects of slavery. If this\\ndoes not satisfy him, let me request him to extend his\\ntravels to the Northern States of this Union, and beg him\\nto contrast the happiness and contentment which prevail\\nthroughout that country, the busy and cheerful sound of\\nindustry, the rapid and swelling growth of their popula-\\ntion, their means and institutions of education, their skill\\nand proficiency in the useful arts, their enterprise and\\npublic spirit, the monuments of their commercial and man-\\nufacturing industry and, above all, their devoted at-\\ntachment to the government from which they derive their\\nprotection, with the derision, discontent, indolence, and poverty\\nof the Southern country. To what, Sir, is all this ascrib-\\nable To thai vice in the organization of society, by which one-\\nhalf of its inhabitants are arrayed in interest and feeling against\\nthe other half to that unfortunate state of society in which\\nfreemen regard labor as disgraceful, and slaves shrink\\nfrom it as a burden tyrannically imposed upon them to\\nthat condition of things in which half a million of your\\npopulation can feel no sympathy with the society in the\\nprosperity of which they are forbidden to participate, and\\nno attachment to a government at whose hands they re-\\nceive nothing but injustice.", "height": "2608", "width": "1512", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "100 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nIf this should not be sufficient, and the curious and\\nincredulous inquirer should suggest that the contrast\\nwhich has been adverted to, and which is so manifest,\\nmight be traced to a difference of climate, or other causes\\ndistinct from slavery itself, permit me to refer him to the\\ntwo States of Kentucky and Ohio. No difference of soil,\\nno diversity of climate, no diversity in the original set-\\ntlement of those two States, can account for the remark-\\nable disproportion in their natural advancement. Sepa-\\nrated by a river alone, they seem to have been purposely and\\nprovidentially designed to exhibit in their future histories the dif-\\nference which necessarily results from a country free from, and a\\ncountry afflicted with, the curse of slavery.\\nVain and idle is every effort to strangle this inquiry.\\nAs well might you attempt to chain the ocean, or stay the\\navenging thunderbolts of Heaven, as to drive the people\\nfrom any inquiry which may result in their better condi-\\ntion. This is too deep, too engrossing a subject of consid-\\neration. It addresses itself too strongly to our interests,\\nto our passions, and to our feelings. I shall advocate no\\nscheme that does not respect the right of property, so far\\nas it is entitled to be respected, with a just regard to the safety\\nand resources of the State. I would approach the subject\\nas one of great magnitude and delicacy, as one whose va-\\nried and momentous consequences demand the calmest and\\nmost deliberate investigation. But still, Sir, I would ap-\\nproach it\u00e2\u0080\u0094 aye, delicate as it may be, encompassed as it\\nmay be with difficulties and hazards, I would still approach\\nit. The people demand it. Their security requires it.\\nIn the language of the wise and prophetic Jefferson, You", "height": "2577", "width": "1455", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 101\\nmust approach it you must bear it you must adopt\\nsome plan of emancipation, or worse will follow.\\nMr. Curtis, in a speech in the Virginia Legislature in\\n1832, said\\nThere is a malaria in the atmosphere of these regions,\\nwhich the new comer shuns, as being deleterious to his\\nviews and habits. See the wide-spreading ruin which the\\navarice of our ancestral government has produced in the\\nSouth, as witnessed in a sparse population of freemen,\\ndeserted habitations, and fields without culture Strange\\nto tell, even the wolf, driven back long since by the ap-\\nproach of man, now returns, after the lapse of a hundred\\nyears, to howl over the desolations of slavery.\\nMr. Moore, also a member of the Legislature of Virginia,\\nin speaking of the evils of slavery, said\\nThe first I shall mention is the irresistible tendency\\nwhich it has to undermine and destroy everything like vir-\\ntue and morality in the community. If we look back\\nthrough the long course of time which has elapsed since\\nthe creation to the present moment, we shall scarcely be\\nable to point out a people whose situation was not, in\\nmany respects, preferable to our own, and that of the other\\nStates, in which negro slavery exists.\\nIn that part of the State below tide-water, the whole\\nface of the country wears an appearance of almost utter\\ndesolation, distressing to the beholder. The very spot\\non which our ancestors landed, a little more than two\\nhundred years ago, appears to be on the eve of again be-\\ncoming the haunt of wild beasts.\\nMr. Rives, of Campbell county, said", "height": "2546", "width": "1507", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "102 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nOn the multiplied and desolating evils of slavery, he\\nwas not disposed to say much. The curse and deteriora-\\nting consequence were within the observation and expe-\\nrience of the members of the House and the people of Vir-\\nginia, and it did not seem to him that there could be two\\nopinions about it.\\nMr. Powell said\\nI can scarcely persuade myself that there is a solitary\\ngentleman in this House who will nbt readily admit that\\nslavery is an evil, and that its removal, if practicable, is\\na consummation most devoutly to be wished. I have not\\nheard, nor do I expect to hear, a voice raised in this Hall\\nto the contrary.\\nIn the language of another, we might multiply ex-\\ntracts almost indefinitely from Virginia authorities tes-\\ntifying to the blight and degradation that have overtaken\\nthe Old Dominion, in every department of her affairs.\\nHer commerce gone, her agriculture decaying, her land\\nfalling in value, her mining and manufactures nothing,\\nher schools dying out, she presents, according to the\\ntestimony of her own sons, the saddest of all pictures\\nthat of a sinking and dying State. Every year leaves\\nher in a worse condition than it found her and as it is\\nwith Virginia, so it is with the entire South. In the terse\\nlanguage of Governor Wise, all have grown poor to-\\ngether. The black god cf slavery, which the South has\\nworshipped for two bundled and thirty-seven years, is but\\na devil in disguise and if we would save ourselves from\\nbeing engulphed in utter ruin we must repudiate this foul\\ngod, for a purer deity, and abandon his altars for a holier", "height": "2489", "width": "1414", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "FREE AND TI1E SLAVE STATES. 103\\nshrine. No time is to be lost Lis fanatical adorers, the\\ndespotic adversaries of human liberty, are concocting\\nschemes for the enslavement of all the laboring classes\\nirrespective of race or color. The issue is before us we\\ncannot evade it we must meet it with firmness, and with\\nunflinching valor.\\nWhat it was that paralyzed the tongues of all those\\nmembers of the Virgina Legislature, who, at the session\\nof 1831-32, distinguished themselves by advocating a\\nsystem of emancipation, is a mystery that has never yet\\nbeen solved. Whether any 01 all of them shared a divi-\\nsion of spoils with a certain newspaper editor, we\\nhave no means of knowing but if all accounts be true,\\nthere was consummated in Richmond, in the latter part\\nof the year 1832, one of the blackest schemes of bribery\\nand corruption that was ever perpetrated in this or any\\nother country. We are assured, however, that one thing\\nis certain, and it is this that the negro population of\\nVirginia was very considerably and suddenly decreased\\nby forcible emigration that a large gang was driven\\nfurther South, sold, and the proceeds divided among cer-\\ntain renegades and traitors, who, Juclas-like, had agreed\\nto serve the devil for a price.\\nWe would fain avoid all personalities and uncompli-\\nmentary allusions to the dead, but when men, from love\\nof lucre, from mere selfish motives, or from sheer turpi-\\ntude of heart, inflict great injuries and outrages on the\\npublic, their villainy ought to be exposed, so that others\\nmay be deterred from following in their footsteps. A3 a\\ngeneral rule, man s moral nature is, we believe, so strong", "height": "2505", "width": "1487", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "104 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nthat it invariably prompts him to eschew vice and prac-\\ntice virtue in other words, to do right but this rule,\\nlike all others, has its exceptions, as might be most strik-\\ningly illustrated in the character of and\\nsome half-dozen or more of his pro-slavery coadjutors.\\nFrom whose hands did this man receive fifty thousand\\ndollars improperly, if not illegally, taken from the\\npublic funds in Washington When did he receive it\\nand for what purpose and who was the arch-dema-\\ngogue through whose agency the transfer was made\\nHe was an oligarchical member of the Cabinet under Mr.\\nPolk s administration in 1845, and the money was\\nused, and who can doubt intended for the express\\npurpose of establishing another negro-driving journal to\\nsupport the tottering fortunes of slavery. From the\\nsecond volume of a valuable political work, by a Sena-\\ntor of thirty years, we make the following pertinent\\nextract\\nThe Globe was sold, and was paid for, and how be-\\ncomes a question of public concern to answer for it was\\npaid for out of public money those same $50,000 which\\nwere removed to the village bank in the interior of Penn-\\nsylvania by a Treasury order on the fourth of November,\\n1844. Three annual installments made the payment, and\\nthe Treasury did not reclaim the money for these three\\nyears and, though traveling through tortuous channels,\\nthe sharpsighted Mr. Rives traced the money back to its\\nstarting point from that deposit. Besides, Mr. Cameron,\\nwho had control of the village lank, admitted before a\\ncommittee of Congress, that he had furnished money for", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "FREE AND TOTE SLAVE STATES. l05\\nthe payments an admission which the obliging Commit-\\ntee, on request, left out of their report. Mr. Robert J.\\nWalker was Secretary of the Treasury during these three\\nyears, and the conviction was absolute, among the close\\nobservers of the course of things, that he was the prime\\ncontriver and zealous manager of the arrangements which\\ndisplaced Mr. Blair and installed Mr. Ritchie.\\nThus, if we are to believe Mr. Benton, in his Thirty\\nYear s View, and we are disposed to regard him as good\\nauthority, the Washington Union was brought into exis-\\ntence under the peculiar auspices of the ostensible editor\\nof the Richmond Enquirer and the two papers, fathered\\nby the same individual, have gone hand in hand for the\\nlast dozen or thirteen years, the shameless advocates and\\ndefenders of human bondage. To suppose that either has\\nbeen sustained by fairer means than it was commenced\\nwith, would be wasting imagination on a great improba-\\nbility. Both have uniformly and pertinaciously opposed\\nevery laudable enterprise that the white non-slaveholder\\nhas projected indeed, so unmitigated has been their hos-\\ntility to all manual pursuits in which their stupid and vul-\\ngar slaves can not be employed to advantage and if\\nthere is any occupation under the sun in which they can be\\nemployed to good advantage, we knowjjj not what it is\\nthat it is an extremely difficult matter to find a respecta-\\nble merchant, mechanic, manufacturer, or business man\\nof any calling whatever, within the bounds of their circu\\nlation.\\nWe have been credibly informed by a gentleman from\\nPowhattan countv, in Virginia, that in the year 1836 or\\n5*", "height": "2505", "width": "1487", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "106 COMPAKISON BETWEEN 1HE\\n3T, or about that time, the Hon. Abbott Lawrence, of Bos-\\nton, backe d by his brother Amos and other millionaires of\\nNew England, went down to Richmond with the sole view\\nof reconnoitering the manufacturing facilities of that place\\nfully determined, if pleased with the water-power, to\\nerect a large number of cotton-mills and machine-shops.\\nHe had been in the capital of Virginia only a day or two\\nbefore he discovered, much to his gratification, that nature\\nhad shaped everything to his liking and as he was a\\nbusiness man who transacted business in a business-like\\nmanner, he lost no time in making preliminary arrange-\\nments for the consummation of his noble purpose. His\\nmission was one of peace and promise others were to\\nshare the benefits of his laudable and concerted scheme\\nthousands of poor boys and girls in Virginia, instead of\\ngrowing up in extreme poverty and ignorance, or of having\\nto emigrate to the free States of the West, were to have\\navenues of profitable employment opened to them at home\\nthus they would be enabled to earn an honest and reputa-\\nble living, to establish and sustain free schools, free libra-\\nries, free lectures, and free presses, to become useful and\\nexemplary members of society, and to die fit candidates\\nfor heaven. The magnanimous New Englander was in\\necstasies with the prospect that opened before him. Indi-\\nvidually, so far as mere money was concerned, he was per-\\nfectly independent his industry and economy in early\\nlife had secured to him the ownership and control of an\\nample fortune. With the aid of eleven other men, each\\nequal to himself, he could have bought the whole city of\\nRichmond negroes and all though it is not to be pre-", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 101\\nsuined that he would have disgraced his name by becoming\\na trader in human flesh. But he was not selfish unlike\\nthe arrogant and illiberal slaveholder, he did not regard\\nhimself as the centre around whom everybody else should\\nrevolve. On the contrary, he was a genuine philanthropist.\\nWhile, with a shrewdness that will command the admira-\\ntion of every practical business man, he engaged in nothing\\nthat did not swell the dimensions of his own purse, he was\\nyet always solicitous to invest his capital in a manner cal-\\nculated to promote the interest of those around him. Nor\\nwas he satisfied with simply furnishing the means whereby\\nhis less fortunate neighbors were to become prosperous,\\nintelligent and contented. With his generous heart and\\nsagacious mind, he delighted to aid them in making a\\njudicious application of his wealth to their own use.\\nMoreover, as a member of society, he felt that the commu-\\nnity had some reasonable claims upon him, and he made\\nit obligatory on himself constantly to devise plans and\\nexert his personal efforts for the public good. Such was\\nthe character of the distinguished manufacturer who hon-\\nored Richmond with his presence nineteen or twenty years\\nago such was the character of the men whom he repre-\\nsented, and such were the grand designs which they\\nsought to accomplish.\\nTo the enterprising and moneyed descendant of the Pil-\\ngrim Fathers it was a matter of no little astonishment,\\nthat the immense water-power of Richmond had been so\\nlong neglected. He expressed his surprise to a number\\nof Virginians, and was at a loss to know why they had\\nnot, long prior to the period of his visit amongst them,", "height": "2505", "width": "1487", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "108 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\navailed themselves of the powerful elemen t that is eter-\\nnally gushing and foaming over the falls of James Eiver.\\nInnocent man He was utterly unconscious of the fact\\nthat he was interfering with the beloved institutions of\\nthe South, and little was he prepared to withstand the\\nterrible denunciations that were immediately showered on\\nhis head through the columns of the Richmond Eiiquirer.\\nFew words will suffice to tell the sequel. That negro-\\nworshipping sheet, whose hireling policy, for the last four\\nand twenty years, has been to support the worthless black\\nslave and his tyrannical master at the expense of the free\\nwhite laborer, wrote down the enterprise and the noble\\nson of New England, abused, insulted and disgusted,\\nquietly returned to Massachusetts, and there employed\\nhis capital in building up the cities of Lowell and Law-\\nrence, either of which, in all those elements of material\\nand social prosperity that make up the greatness of States,\\nis already far in advance of the most important of all the\\nseedy and squalid niggervilles in the Old Dominion. Such\\nis an inkling of the infamous means that have been resort-\\ned to, from time to time, for the purpose of upholding and\\nperpetuating in America the accursed institution of\\nslavery.\\nHaving in view all the foregoing facts, we were not in\\nthe least surprised when, while walking through Holly-\\nwood Cemetery, in the western suburbs of Richmond, not\\nlong since, our companion, a Virginian of the true school,\\ndirected our attention to a monument of some pretentions,\\nand exclaimed, There lie the remains of a man upon\\nwhose monument should be inscribed in everlasting prom-", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE SPATES. 109\\ninence the finger of scorn pointing downward. The reader\\nscarcely needs to be told that we were standing at the\\ntomb of who in the opinion of onr friend,\\nhad, by concentrating within himself the views and pur-\\nposes of all the evil spirits in Virginia, greatly retarded\\nthe abolition of slavery so greatly, indeed, as, thereby,\\nto throw the State at least fifty years behind her free\\ncompetitors of the North, of the East, and of the West.\\nIt is to be hoped that Virginia may never give birth to\\nanother man whose evil influence will so justly entitle him\\nto the reprobation of posterity.\\nHow any rational man in this or any other country,\\nwith the astounding contrast between Freedom and Sla-\\nvery ever looming in his view, can offer an apology for\\nthe existing statism of the South, is to us a most inexpli-\\ncable mystery. Indeed, we cannot conceive it possible\\nthat the conscience of any man, who is really sane, would\\npermit him to become the victim of such an egregious\\nand diabolical absurdity. Therefore, at this period of our\\nhistory, with the light of the past, the reality of the pre-\\nsent, and the prospect of the future, all so prominent\\nand so palpable, we infer that every person who sets up\\nan unequivocal defence of the institution of slavery, must,\\nof necessity, be either a fool, a knave, or a madman.\\nIt is much to be regretted that the slavocrats look at\\nbut one side of the question. Of all the fanatics in the\\ncountry, they have, of late, become the most unreasonable\\nand ridiculous. Let them deliberately view the subject\\nof slavery in all its aspects and bearings, and if they are\\npossessed of honest hearts and convincible minds, they", "height": "2505", "width": "1487", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "110 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nwill readily perceive the grossness of their past errors,\\nrenounce their allegiance to a cause so unjust and dis-\\ngraceful, and at once enroll themselves among the hosts\\nof Freedom and the friends of universal Liberty. There\\nare thirty-one States in the Union let them drop Califor-\\nnia, or any other new free State, and then institute fifteen\\ncomparisons, first comparing New-York with Virginia,\\nPennsylvania with Carolina, Massachusetts with Georgia,\\nand so on, until they have exhausted the catalogue.\\nThen, for once, let them be bold enough to listen to the\\nadmonitions of their own souls, and if they do not soon\\nstart to their feet demanding the abolition of slavery, it\\nwill only be because they have reasons for suppressing\\ntheir inmost sentiments. Whether we compare the old\\nfree States with the old slave States, or the new free\\nStates with the new slave States, the difference, unmis-\\ntakable and astounding, is substantially the same. All\\nthe free States are alike, and all the slave States are alike.\\nIn the former, wealth, intelligence, power, progress, and\\nprosperity, are the prominent characteristics in the latter,\\npoverty, ignorance, embecility, inertia, and extravagance,\\narc the distinguishing features. To be convinced, it is\\nonly necessary for us to open our eyes and look at facts\\nto examine the statistics of the country, to free ourselves\\nfrom obstinacy and prejudice, and to unbar our minds to\\nconvictions of truth. Let figures be the umpire. Close\\nattention to the preceding and subsequent tables is all we\\nask so soon as they shall be duly considered and under-\\nstood, the primary object of this work will have been\\naccomplished.", "height": "2505", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES, 111\\nNot content with eating out the vitals of the South,\\nslavery, true to the character which it has acquired for\\ninsatiety and rapine, is beginning to make rapid encroach-\\nments on new territory and as a basis for a few remarks\\non the blasting influence which it is shedding over the\\nbroad and fertile domains of the West, which in accord-\\nance with the views and resolutions offered by the immor-\\ntal Jefferson, should have been irrevocably dedicated to\\nfreedom, we beg leave to call the attention of the reader\\nto another presentation of the philosophy of free and slave\\nlabor. Says the North American and United States Gazette\\nWe have but to compare the States, possessing equal\\nnatural advantages, in which the two kinds of labor are em-\\nployed, in order to decide with entire confidence as to which\\nkind is the more profitable. At the origin of the govern-\\nment, Virginia, with a much larger extent of territory than\\nNew- York, contained a population of seven hundred and\\nfifty thousand, and sent ten representatives to Congress\\nwhile New-York contained a population of three hundred\\nand forty thousand, and sent six representatives to Con-\\ngress. Behold how the figures are reversed. The popu-\\nlation of New-York is three and a half millions, represent-\\ned by thirty-three members in Congress while the popu-\\nlation of Virginia is but little more than one and a half\\nmillions, represented by thirteen members in Congress. It\\nis the vital sap of free labor that makes the one tree so\\nthrifty and vigorous, so capable of bearing with all ease\\nthe fruit of such a population. And it is slave labor which\\nstrikes a decadence through the other, drying up many of\\nits branches with a fearful sterility, and rendering the", "height": "2505", "width": "1487", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "112 COMI IKISON BETWEEN THE\\nrest but scantily fruitful really incapable of sustaining\\nmore. Look at Ohio, teeming with inhabitants, its soil\\nloaded with every kind of agricultural wealth, its people\\nengaged in every kind of freedom s diversified employ-\\nments, abounding with numberless happy homes, and with\\nall the trophies of civilization, and it exhibits the magic\\neffect of free labor, waking a wilderness into life and\\nbeauty while Kentucky, with equal or superior natural\\nadvantages, nature s very garden in this Western world,\\nwhich commenced its career at a much earlier date, and\\nwas in a measure populous when Ohio was but a slumber-\\ning forest, but which in all the elements of progress, is\\nnow left far, very far, behind its young rival, shows how\\nslave labor hinders the development of wealth among a\\npeople, and brings a blight on their prosperity. The one\\nis a grand and beautiful poem in honor of free labor. The\\nother is an humble confession to the world of the inferiority\\nof slave labor.\\nEqually significant is the testimony of Daniel R. Goodloe,\\nof North Carolina, who says\\nThe history of the United States shows, that while the\\nslave States increase in population less rapidly than the\\nfree, there is a tendency in slave society to diffusion,\\ngreater than is exhibited by free society. In fact, diffusion,\\nor extension of area, is one of the necessities of slavery\\nthe prevention of which is regarded as directly and imme-\\ndiately menacing to the existence of the institution. This\\narises from the almost exclusive application of slave labor\\nto the one occupation of agriculture, and the difficulty, if\\nnot impossibility, of diversifying employments. Free soci-", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAV! STATES. 113\\nety, on the contrary, has indefinite resources of develop-\\nment within a restricted area. It will far excel slave\\nsociety in the cultivation of the ground first, on account\\nof the superior intelligence of the laborers and secondly,\\nin consequence of the greater and more various demands\\nupon the earth s products, where commerce, manufactures,\\nand the arts, abound. Then, these arts of life, by bringing\\nmen together in cities and towns, and employing them in\\nthe manufacture or transportation of the raw materials of\\nthe farmer, give rise to an indefinite increase of wealth\\nand population. The confinement of a free people within\\nnarrow limits seems only to develop new resources of\\nwealth, comfort and happiness while slave society, pent\\nup, withers and dies. It must continually be fed by new\\nfields and forests, to be wasted and wilted under the pois-\\nonous tread of the slave.\\nWere we simply a freesoiler, or anything else less than\\na thorough and uncompromising abolitionist, we should\\ncertainly tax our ability to the utmost to get up a cogent\\nargument against the extension of slavery over any part\\nof our domain where it does not now exist but as our\\nprinciples are hostile to the institution even where it does\\nexist, and, therefore, by implication and in fact, more hos-\\ntile still to its introduction into new territory, we forbear\\nthe preparation of any special remarks on this particular\\nsubject.\\nWith regard to the unnational and demoralizing institu-\\ntion of slavery, we believe the majority of Northern people\\nare too scrupulous. They seem to think that it is enough\\nfor them to be mere freesoilers, to keep in check the diffu-", "height": "2505", "width": "1487", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "114 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nisivc element of slavery, and to prevent it from crossing\\nover the bounds within which it is now regulated by muni-\\ncipal law. Eemiss in their national duties, as we contend,\\nthey make no positive attack upon the institution in the\\nSouthern States. Only a short while since, one of their\\nablest journals the North American and United States Ga~\\nzette, published in Philadelphia made use of the following\\nlanguage\\nWith slavery in the States, we make no pretence of\\nhaving anything politically to do. For better or for worse,\\nthe system belongs solely to the people of those States\\nand is separated by an impassable gulf of State sovereignty\\nfrom any legal intervention of ours. We cannot vote it\\ndown any more than we can vote down the institution of\\ncaste in Hindostan, or abolish polygamy in the Sultan s,\\ndominions. Thus, precluded from all political action in\\nreference to it, prevented from touching one stone of the\\nedifice, not the slightest responsibility attaches to us as\\ncitizens for its continued existence. But on the question of\\nextending slavery over the free Territories of the United\\nStates, it is our right, it is our imperative duty to think,\\nto feel, to speak and to vote. We cannot interfere to cover\\nthe shadows of slavery with the sunshine of freedom, but\\nwe can interfere to prevent the sunshine of freedom from\\nbeing eclipsed by the shadows of slavery. We can inter-\\npose to stay the progress of that institution, which aims\\nto drive free labor from its own heritage Kansas should\\nbe divided up into countless homes for the ownership of\\nmen who have a right to the fruit of their own labors\\nFree labor would make it bud and blosfeom like the rose", "height": "2598", "width": "1476", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 115\\nwould cover it with beauty, and draw from it boundless\\nwealth would throng it with population would make\\nStates, nations, empires out of it, prosperous, powerful,\\nintelligent and free, illustrating on a wide theatre the\\nbeneficent ends of Providence in the formation of our gov-\\nernment, to advance and elevate the millions of our race,\\nand, like the heart in the body, from its central position,\\nsending out on every side, far and near, the vital influences\\nof freedom and civilization. May that region, therefore,\\nbe secured to free labor.\\nNow we fully and heartily indorse every line of the lat-\\nter part of this extract but, with all due deference to\\nour sage cotemporary, we do most emphatically dissent\\nfrom the sentiments embodied in the first part. Pray,\\npermit us to ask have the people of the North no inter-\\nest in the United States as a nation, and do they not see\\nthat slavery is a great injury and disgrace to the whoh\\ncountry? Did they not, in the days that tried men s\\nsouls, strike as hard blows to secure the independence of\\nGeorgia as they did in defending the liberties of Massa-\\nchusetts, and is it not notoriously true that the Toryism\\nof South Carolina prolonged the war two years at least\\nIs it not, moreover, equally true that the oligarchs of\\nSouth Carolina have been unmitigated pests and bores to\\nthe General Government ever since it was organized, and\\nthat the free and conscientious people of the North are\\nvirtually excluded from her soil, in consequence of slavery\\nIt is a well-known and incontestlble fact, that the North-\\nern States furnished about two-thirds of all the Ameri-\\ncan troops engaged in the Eevolutionary War and,", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "116 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nthough they were neither more nor less brave or patri-\\notic than their fellow-soldiers of the South, yet, inasmuch\\nas the independence of our country was mainly secured by\\nvirtue of their numerical strength, we think they ought\\nto consider it not only their right but their duty to make\\na firm and decisive effort to save the States which they\\nfought to free, from falling under the yoke of a worse ty-\\nranny than that which overshadowed them under the reign\\nof King George the Third. Freemen of the North we\\nearnestly entreat you to think of these things. Hitherto,\\nas mere freesoilers, you have approached but half-way to\\nthe line of your duty now, for your own sakes and for\\nours, and for the purpose of perpetuating this glorious\\nRepublic, which your fathers and our fathers founded in\\nseptennial streams of blood, we ask you, in all serious-\\nness, to organize yourselves as one man under the banners\\nof Liberty, and to aid us in exterminating slavery, which is\\nthe only thing that militates against our complete aggran-\\ndizement as a nation.\\nIn this extraordinary crisis of affairs, no man can be a\\ntrue patriot without first becoming an abolitionist. (A\\nfreesoiler is only a tadpole in an advanced state of trans-\\nformation an abolitionist is the full and perfectly devel-\\noped frog.) And here, perhaps, we may be pardoned for\\nthe digression necessary to show the exact definition of\\nthe terms abolish, abolition and abolitionist. We have looked\\nin vain for an explanation of the signification of these\\nwords in any Southern publication for no dictionary has\\never yet been published in the South, nor is there the least\\nprobability that one ever will be published within her bor-", "height": "2603", "width": "1512", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 117\\nders, until slavery is abolished; but, thanks to Heaven, a\\nportion of this continent is what our Revolutionary Fath-\\ners and the Fathers of the Constitution fought and labored\\nand prayed to make it\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a land of freedom, of power, of\\nprogress, of prosperity, of intelligence, of religion, of liter-\\nature, of commerce, of science, of arts, of agriculture, of\\nmanufactures, of ingenuity, of enterprise, of wealth, of\\nrenown, of goodness, and of grandeur. From that glori-\\nous part of our confederacy\u00e2\u0080\u0094 from the North, whence, on\\naccount of slavery in the South, we are under the humili-\\nating necessity of procuring almost everything that is\\nuseful or ornamental, from primers to Bibles, from wafers\\nto printing-presses, from ladles to locomotives, and from\\nportfolios to portraits and pianos comes to us a huge\\nvolume bearing the honored name of Webster Noah\\nWebster, who, after thirty-five years of unremitting toil,\\ncompleted a work which is, we believe, throughout Great\\nBritain and the United States, justly regarded as the stan-\\ndard vocabulary of the English language -and in it the\\nterms abolish, abolition, and abolitionist, are defined as fol-\\nlows\\nAbolish, v. t. To make void to annul to abrogate ap-\\nplied chiefly and appropriately to establish laws, contracts, rites,\\ncustoms and institutions as to abolish laws by a repeal, actual\\ner ritual, To destroy or put an end to as to abolish idols.\\nAbolition, n. The act of abolishing or the state of being\\nabolished an annulling abrogation utter destruction as the\\nabolition of laws, decrees, or ordinances, rites, customs, c. The\\nputting an end to slavery emancipation.\\nAbolitionist, n. A person who favors abolition, 01 the im-\\nmediate emancipation of slaves.", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "US COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nThere, gentlemen of the South, you have the definitions\\nof the transitive verb abolish and its two derivative nouns,\\nabolition and abolitionist can you, with the keenest possi-\\nble penetration of vision, detect in either of these words\\neven a tittle of the opprobrium which the oligarchs, in their\\nwily and inhuman efforts to enslave all working classes\\nirrespective of race or color, have endeavored to attach to\\nthem 1 We know you cannot abolition is but another\\nname for patriotism, and its other special synonyms are\\ngenerosity, magnanimity, reason, prudence, wisdom, reli-\\ngion, progress, justice, and humanity.\\nAnd here, by the way, we may as well explain whom\\nwe refer to when we speak of gentlemen of the South.\\nWe say, therefore, that, deeply impressed with the convic-\\ntion that slavery is a great social and political evil, a sin\\nand a crime, in the fullest sense, whenever we speak of gen-\\ntlemen of the South, or of gentlemen anywhere, or at what-\\never time, or in whatever connection we may speak of\\ngentlemen, we seldom allude to slaveholders, for the sim-\\nple reason that, with few exceptions, we cannot conscien-\\ntiously recognize them as gentlemen. It is only in those\\nrare instances where the crime is mitigated by circum-\\nstances over which the slaveholder has had no control, or\\nwhere he himself, convinced of the impropriety, the folly\\nand the wickedness of the institution, is anxious to abolish\\nit, that we can sincerely apply to him the sacred appella-\\ntion in question an appellation which we would no sooner\\nthink of applying to a pro-slavery slaveholder, or any other\\npro-slavery man, than we would think of applying it to a\\nborder-ruflian, a thief, or a murderer. Let it be under-", "height": "2603", "width": "1512", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES. 119\\nstood, however, that the rare instances of which we speak\\nare less rare than many persons may suppose. We\\nare personally acquainted with several slaveholders in\\nNorth Carolina, South Carolina, Maryland and Virginia,\\nwho have unreservedly assured us that they were dis-\\ngusted with the institution, and some of them went so far\\nas to say they woul 5 V -lad to acquiesce in the provision\\nof a statute whicn trould make it obligatory on them all\\nto manumit their slaves, without the smallest shadow or\\nsubstance of compensation. These, we believe, are the\\nsentiments of all the respectable and patriotic slavehold-\\ners, who have eyes to see, and see ears to hear, and\\nhear who, perceiving the impoverishing and degrading\\neffects of slavery, are unwilling to entail it on their chil-\\ndren, and who, on account of their undeviating adherence\\nto truth and justice, are, like the more intelligent non-\\nslaveholders, worthy of being regarded as gentlemen in\\nevery sense of the term. Such slaveholders were Wash-\\nington, Jefferson, Madison, and other illustrious Virgin-\\nians, who, in the language of the great chief himself, de-\\nclared it among their first wishes to see some plan adopted\\nby which slavery, in this country, may be abolished by\\nlaw. The words embraced within this quotation were\\nused by Washington, in a letter to John F. Mercer, dated\\nSeptember 9th, IT 8 6\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a letter from which we shall quote\\nmore freely hereafter and we think his emphatic use of\\nthe participle abolish, at that early day, is proof positive\\nthat the glorious Father of his Country is entitled to\\nthe first place in the calendar of primitive American abo-\\nlitionists.", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "120 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE\\nIt is against slavery on the whole, and against slave-\\nholders as a body, that we wage an exterminating war.\\nThose persons who, under the infamous slave-laws of the\\nSouth laws which have been correctly spoken of as a\\ndisgrace to civilization, and which must be annulled\\nsimultaneously with the abolition of slavery\u00e2\u0080\u0094 have had\\nthe vile institution entailed on them contrary to their\\nwills, are virtually on our side we may, therefore, very\\nproperly strike them off from the black list of three hun-\\ndred and forty-seven thousand slaveholders, who, as a\\nbody, have shocked the civilized world with their barba-\\nrous conduct, and from whose conceited and presumptu-\\nous ranks are selected the officers who do all the legisla-\\ntion, town, county, state and national, for (against) five\\nmillions of poor outraged whites, and three millions of\\nenslaved negroes.\\nNon-slaveholders of the South farmers, mechanics and\\nworkingmcn, we take this occasion to assure you that the\\nslaveholders, the arrogant demagogues whom you have\\nelected to offices of honor and profit, have hoodwinked\\nyou, trifled with you, and used you as mere tools for the\\nconsummation of their wicked designs. They have pur-\\nposely kept you in ignorance, and have, by moulding your\\npassions and prejudices to suit themselves, induced you to\\nact in direct opposition to your dearest rights and inter-\\nests. By a system of the grossest subterfuge and misre-\\npresentation, and in order to avert, for a season, the ven-\\ngeance that will most assuredly overtake them ere loDg,\\nthey have taught you to hate the abolitionists, who are\\nyour best and only true friends. Now, as one of your", "height": "2629", "width": "1445", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES.\\n121\\nown number, we appeal to you to join us in our patriotic\\nendeavors to rescue the generous soil of the South from the\\nusurped and desolating control of these political vampires.\\nOnce and forever, at least so far as this country is con-\\ncerned, the infernal question of slavery must be disposed\\nof a speedy and perfect abolishment of the whole insti-\\ntution is the true policy of the South\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and this is the\\npolicy which we propose to pursue. Will you aid us, will\\nyou assist us, will you be freemen, or will you be slaves\\nThese are questions of vital importance weigh them well\\nin your minds come to a prudent and firm decision, and\\nhold yourselves in readiness to act in accordance there-\\nwith. You. must either be for us or against us\u00e2\u0080\u0094 anti-\\nslavery or pro-slavery it is impossible for you to occupy\\na neutral ground it is as certain as fate itself, that if you\\ndo not voluntarily oppose the usurpations and outrages\\nof the slavocrats, they will force you into involuntary\\ncompliance with their infamous measures. Consider well\\nthe aggressive, fraudulent and despotic power which they\\nhave exercised in the affairs of Kanzas and remember\\nthat, if, by adhering to erroneous principles of neutrality\\nor non-resistance, you allow them to force the curse of\\nslavery on that vast and fertile field, the broad area of all\\nthe surrounding States and Territories\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the whole nation,\\nin fact\u00e2\u0080\u0094 will soon fall a prey to their diabolical intrigues\\nand machinations. Thus, if you are not vigilant, will\\nthey take advantage of your neutrality, and make you\\nand others the victims of their inhuman despotism. Do\\nnot reserve the strength of your arms until you shall have\\nbeen rendered powerless to strike the present is the", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "122 COMPARISON BETWEEN THE STATES.\\nproper time for action under all the circumstances, apa-\\nthy or indifference is a crime. First ascertain, as nearly\\nas you can, the precise nature and extent of your duty,\\nand then, without a moment s delay, perform it in good\\nfaith. To facilitate you in determining what considera-\\ntions of right, justice and humanity require at your hands,\\nis one of the primary objects of this work and we shall\\ncertainly fail in our desire if we do not accomplish our\\ntask in a manner acceptable to God and advantageous to\\nman.\\nBut we are carrying this chapter beyond all ordinary\\nbounds and yet, there are many important particulars in\\nwhich we have drawn no comparison between the free and\\nthe slave States. The more weighty remarks which we\\nintended to offer in relation to the new States of the West\\nand Southwest, free and slave, shall appear in the suc-\\nceeding chapter. With regard to agriculture, and all the\\nmultifarious interests of husbandry, we deem it quite un-\\nnecessary to say more. Cotton has been shorn of its\\nmagic power, and is no longer King dried grass, common-\\nly called hay, is, it seems, the rightful heir to the throne.\\nCommerce, Manufactures, Literature, and other important\\nsubjects, shall be considered as we progress.", "height": "2613", "width": "1466", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 123\\nCHAPTER II.\\nHOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nPreliminary to our elucidation of what we conceive to\\nbe the most discreet, fair and feasible plan for the abolition\\nof slavery, we propose to offer a few additional reasons\\nwhy it should be abolished. Among the thousand and one\\narguments that present themselves in support of our posi-\\ntion which, before we part with the reader, we shall en-\\ndeavor to define so clearly, that it shall be regarded as\\nultra only by those who imperfectly understand it is the\\ninfluence which slavery invariably exercises in depressing\\nthe value of real estate and as this is a matter in which\\nthe non-slaveholders of the South, of the West, and of the\\nSouthwest, are most deeply interested, we shall discuss it\\nin a sort of preamble of some length.\\nThe oligarchs say we cannot abolish slavery without\\ninfringing on the right of property. Again we tell them\\nwe do not recognize property in man but even if we did,\\nand if we were to inventory the negroes at quadruple, the\\nvalue of their last assessment, still, impelled by a sense\\nof duty to others, and as a matter of simple justice to our-\\nselves, we, the non-slaveholders of the South, would be\\nfully warranted in emancipating all the slaves at once,\\nand that, too, without any compensation whatever to", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "124 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED,\\nthose who claim to be their absolute masters and owners.\\nWe will explain. In 1850, the average value per acre, of\\nland in the Northern States was $28,01 in the North-\\nwestern $11,39 in the Southern $5,34 and in the South-\\nwestern $6,26. Now, in consequence of numerous natural\\nadvantages, among which may be enumerated the greater\\nmildness of climate, richness of soil, deposits of precious\\nmetals, abundance and spaciousness of harbors, and super-\\nexcellence of water-power, we contend that, had it not\\nbeen for slavery, the average value of land in all the\\nSouthern and Southwestern States, would have been at\\nleast equal to the average value of the same in the North-\\nern States. We conclude, therefore, and we think the\\nconclusion is founded on principles of equity, that you,\\nthe slaveholders, are indebted to us, the non-slaveholders,\\nin the sum of $22,13, which is the difference between\\n$28,01 and $5,34, on every acre of Southern soil in our\\npossession. This claim we bring against you, because\\nslavery, which has inured exclusively to your own benefit,\\nif, indeed, it has been beneficial at all, has shed a blight-\\ning influence over our lands, thereby keeping them out of\\nmarket, and damaging every acre to the amount specified.\\nSirs are you ready to settle the account Let us see\\nhow much it is. There are in the fifteen slave States,\\n346,048 slaveholders, and 544,926,120 acres of land. Now\\nthe object is to ascertain how many acres are owned by\\nslaveholders, and now many by non-slaveholders. Sup-\\npose we estimate five hundred acres as the average landed\\nproperty of each slaveholder will that be fair We\\nthink it will, taking into consideration the fact that 114,503", "height": "2603", "width": "1471", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 125\\nof the whole number of slaveholders hold less than five\\nslaves each 68,820 holding only one each. According\\nto this hypothesis, the slaveholders own 113,024,000 acres,\\nand the non-slaveholders the balance, with the exception\\nof about 40,000,000 of acres, which belong to the General\\nGovernment. The case may be stated thus\\nArea of the Slave States 544,926,720 acres.\\nc Acres owned by slaveholders. 173,024,000\\nEstimates] Acres owned by the government 40,000,000\u00e2\u0080\u0094 213,021,000\\n(Acres owned by non-slaveholders 331,902,720\\nNow, chevaliers of the lash, and worshippers of slavery,\\nthe total value of three hundred and thirty-one million nine\\nhundred and two thousand seven hundred and twenty\\nacres, at twenty-two dollars and seventy-three cents per\\nacre, is seven billion Jive hundred and forty-four million one\\nhundred and forty-eight thousand eight hundred and twenty-five\\ndollars and this is our account against you on a single\\nscore. Considering how your villainous institution has\\nretarded the development of our commercial and manufac-\\nturing interests, how it has stifled the aspirations of in-\\nventive genius and, above all, how it has barred from us\\nthe heaveh-born sweets of literature and religion con-\\ncernments too sacred to be estimated in a pecuniary point\\nof view might we not, with perfect justice and propriety,\\nduplicate the amount, and still be accounted modest in\\nour demands Fully advised, however, of your indi-\\ngent circumstances, we feel it would be utterly useless\\nto call on you for the whole amount that is due us we\\nshall, therefore, in your behalf, make another draft on the\\nfund of non-slaveholding generosity, and let the account,\\nmeagre as it is, stand as above. Though we have given", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "126 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nyou all the offices, and you have given us none of the\\nbenefits of legislation though we have fought the battles\\nof the South, while you were either lolling in your piazzas,\\nor playing the tory, and endeavoring to filch from us our\\nbirthright of freedom though you have absorbed the\\nwealth of our communities in sending your own children\\nto Northern seminaries and colleges, or in employing Yan-\\nkee teachers to officiate exclusively in your own families,\\nand have refused to us the limited privilege of common\\nschools though you have scorned to patronize our mecha-\\nnics and industrial enterprises, and have passed to the\\nNorth for every article of apparel, utility, and adornment\\nand though you have maltreated, outraged and defrauded\\nus in every relation of life, civil, social, and political, yet\\nwe are willing to forgive and forget you, if you will but do\\nus justice on a single count. Of you, the introducers,\\naiders and abettors of slavery, we demand indemnification\\nfor the damage our lands have sustained on account there-\\nof the amount of that damage is $7,544,148,825 and\\nnow, Sirs, we are ready to receive the money, and if it is\\nperfectly convenient to you, we would be glad to have you\\npay it in specie It will not avail you, Sirs, to parley or\\nprevaricate. We must have a settlement. Our claim is\\njust and overdue. We have already indulged you too\\nlong. Your criminal extravagance has almost ruined us.\\nWe are determined that you shall no longer play the pro-\\nfligate, and fair sumptuously every day at our expense.\\nHow do you propose to settle Do you offer us your ne-\\ngroes in part payment We do not want your negroes.\\nWe would not have all of them, nor any number of them,", "height": "2603", "width": "1471", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 121\\neven as a gift. We hold ourselves above the disreputa-\\nble and iniquitous practices of buying, selling, and own-\\ning slaves. What we demand is damages in money, or\\nother absolute property, as an equivalent for the pecuniary\\nlosses we have suffered at your hands. You value your\\nnegroes at sixteen hundred millions of dollars, and propose\\nto sell them to us for that sum we should consider our-\\nselves badly cheated, and disgraced for all time, here and\\nhereafter, if we were to take them off your hands at six-\\nteen farthiugs We tell you emphatically, we are firmly\\nresolved never to degrade ourselves by becoming the\\nmercenary purchasers or proprietors of human beings. Ex-\\ncept for the purpose of liberating them, we would not\\ngive a handkerchief or a tooth-pick for all the slaves in\\nthe world. But, in order to show how brazenly absurd\\nare the howls and groans which you invariably set up\\nfor compensation, whenever we speak of the abolition of\\nslavery, we will suppose your negroes are worth all you\\nask for them,.and that we arc bound to secure to you every\\ncent of the sum before they can become free in which\\ncase, our accounts would stand thus\\nNon-slaveholder s account against Slaveholders $-7,544,148,825\\nSlaveholder s account against Non-slaveholders 1,600,000,000\\nBalance due Non-slaveholders $5,944,148,825\\nNow, Sirs, we ask you in all seriousness, Is it not\\ntrue that you have filched from us nearly five times the\\namount of the assessed value of your slaves Why, then,\\ndo you still clamor for more Is it your purpose to make\\nthe game perpetual Think you that we will ever con-\\ntinue to bow at the wave of your wand, that we will bring", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "128 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nhumanity into everlasting disgrace by licking the hand\\nthat smites us, and that with us there is no point beyond\\nwhich forbearance ceases to be a virtue Sirs, if these be\\nyour thoughts, you are laboring under a most fatal delu-\\nsion. You can goad us no further you shall oppress us\\nno longer heretofore, earnestly but submissively, we\\nhave asked you to redress the more atrocious outrages\\nwhich you have perpetrated against us but what has\\nbeen the invariable fate of our petitions With scarcely\\na perusal, with a degree of contempt that added insult to\\ninjury, you have laid them on the table, and from* thence\\nthey have been swept into the furnance of oblivion. Hence-\\nforth, Sirs, we are demandants, not suppliants. We de-\\nmand our rights, nothing more, nothing less. It is for you\\nto decide whether we are to have justice peaceably or by\\nviolence, for whatever consequences may follow, we are\\ndetermined to have it one way or the other. Do you as-\\npire to become the victims of white non-slaveholding ven-\\ngeance by day, and of barbarous massacre by the negroes\\nat night Would you be instrumental in bringing upon\\nyourselves, your wives, and your children, a fate too hor-\\nrible to contemplate shall history cease to cite, as an\\ninstance of unexampled cruelty, the Massacre of St. Bar-\\ntholomew, because the world the South shall have furn-\\nished a more direful scene of atrocity and carnage Sirs,\\nwe would not wantonly pluck a single hair from your\\nheads but we have endured long, we have endured\\nmuch slaves only of the most despicable class would\\nendure more. An enumeration or classification of all the\\nabuses, insults, wrongs, injuries, usurpations, and oppres-", "height": "2603", "width": "1471", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 129\\nsions, to which you have subjected us, would fill a larger\\nvolume than this it is our purpose, therefore, to speak\\nonly of those that affect us most deeply. Out of our effects\\nyour have long since overpaid yourselves for your negroes\\nand now, Sirs, you must emancipate them speedily eman-\\ncipate them, or we will emancipate them for you Every\\nnon-slaveholder in the South is, or ought to be, and will\\nbe, against you. You yourselves ought to join us at once\\nin our laudable crusade against the mother of harlots.\\nSlavery has polluted and impoverished your lands free-\\ndom will restore them to their virgin purity, and add from\\ntwenty to thirty dollars to the value of every acre. Cor-\\nrectly speaking, emancipation will cost you nothing the\\nmoment you abolish slavery, that very moment will the\\nputative value of the slave become actual value in the\\nsoil. Though there are ten millions of people in the South,\\nand though you, the slaveholders, are only three hundred\\nand forty-seven thousand in number, you have within a\\nfraction of one-third of all the territory belonging to the\\nfifteen slave States. You have a landed estate of lt3,-\\n024,000 acres, the present average market value of which\\nis only $5,34 per acre emancipate your slaves on Wednes-\\nday morning, and on the Thursday following the value of\\nyour lands, and ours too, will have increased to an aver-\\nage of at least $28,01 per acre. Let us see, therefore,\\neven in this one particular, whether the abolition of\\nslavery will not be a real pecuniary advantage to you.\\nThe present total market value of all your landed property,\\nat $5,34 per acre, is only $923,248,160 With the beauty\\nand sunlight of freedom beaming on the same estate, it", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "130 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nwould be worth, at $28,07 per acre, $4,856,873,680 The\\nformer sum, deducted from the latter, leaves a balance of\\n$3,933,535,520, and to the full extent of this amount will\\nyour lands be increased in value whenever you abolish\\nslavery that is, provided you abolish it before it com-\\npletely dries up all the organs of increase. Here is a\\nmore manifest and distinct statement of the case\\nEstimated value of slaveholders lands after slavery ore -oo CO n\\nJ i 84,856,/ 83,680\\nshall have been abolished\\nPresent value of slaveholders lands 923,248,160\\nProbable aggregate enhancement of value 83,933,535,520\\nNow, Sirs, this last sum is considerably more than twice\\nas great as the estimate value of your negroes and those\\nof you, if any there be, who are yet heirs to sane minds\\nand honest hearts, must, it seems to us, admit that the\\nbright prospect which freedom presents for a wonderful\\nincrease in the value of real estate, ours as well as yours,\\nto say nothing of the thousand other kindred considerations,\\nought to be quite sufficient to induce all the Southern\\nStates, in their sovereign capacity, to abolish slavery at\\nthe earliest practical period. You yourselves, instead of\\nlosing anything by the emancipation of your negroes\\neven though we suppose them to be worth every dime of\\n$1,600,000,000 would, in this one particular, the increased\\nvalue of land, realize a net profit of over twenty three hundred\\nmillions of dollars Here are the exact figures\\nNet increment of value which it is estimated wilK\\naccrue to slaveholders lands in consequence 8-3,933,535,520\\nof the abolition of slavery\\nPutative value of the slaves 1,600,000,000\\nSlaveholders estimated net landed profits of eman. 82,333,535.520", "height": "2603", "width": "1471", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 131\\nWhat is the import of these figures They are full of\\nmeaning. They proclaim themselves the financial inter-\\ncessor* for freedom, and, with that open-hearted liberality\\nwhich is so characteristic of the sacred cause in wlio.se\\nbehalf they plead, they propose to pay you upward of three\\nthousand nine hundred millions of dollars for the very\\nproperty which you, in all the reckless extravagance\\nof your inhuman avarice, could not find a heart to price at\\nmore than one thousand six hundred millions. In other\\nwords, your own lands, groaning and languishing under\\nthe monstrous burden of slavery, announce their willing-\\nness to pay you all you ask for the negroes, and offer you,\\nbesides, a bonus of more than twenty-three hundred\\nmillions of dollars, if you will but convert those lands into\\nfree soil Our lands, also, cry aloud to be spared from\\nthe further pollutions and desolations of slavery and now,\\nSirs, we want to know explicitly whether, or not, it is your\\nintention to heed these lamentations of the ground We\\nwant to know whether you are men or devils whether\\nyou are entirely selfish and cruelly dishonest, or whether\\nyou have any respect for the rights of others. We, the\\nnon-slaveholders of the South, have many very important\\ninterests at stake interests which, heretofore, you have\\nsteadily despised and trampled under foot, but which,\\nhenceforth, we shall foster and defend in utter defiance of.\\nall the unhallowed influences which it is possible for you,\\nor any other class of slaveholders or slavebreeders to bring\\nagainst us? Not the least among these interests is our\\nlanded property, which, to command a decent price, only\\nneeds to be disencumbered of slavery.", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "132 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nIn his present condition, we believe man exercises one\\nof the noblest virtues with which heaven has endowed him,\\nwhen, without taking any undue advantage of his fellow-\\nmen, and with a firm, unwavering purpose to confine his\\nexpenditures to the legitimate pursuits and pleasures of\\nlife, he covets money and strives to accumulate it. Enter-\\ntaining this view, and having no disposition to make an\\nimproper use of money, we are free to confess that we have\\na greater penchant for twenty-eight dollars than for five\\nfor ninety than for fifteen for a thousand than for one\\nhundred. South of Mason and Dixon s line we, the non-\\nslaveholders, have 331,902,120 acres of land, the present\\naverage market value of which, as previously stated, is\\nonly $5,34 per acre by abolishing slavery we expect to\\nenhance the value to an average of at least $28,01 per acre,\\nand thus realize an average net increase of wealth of more\\nthan seventy-five hundred millions of dollars. The hope of\\nrealizing smaller sums has frequently induced men to per-\\npetrate acts of injustice we can see no reason why the\\ncertainty of becoming immensely rich in real estate, or\\nother property, should make us falter in the performance\\nof a sacred duly.\\nAs illustrative of our theme, a bit of personal history\\nmay not be out of place in this connection. Only a few\\nmonths have elapsed since we sold to an elder brother an\\ninterest we held in an old homestead which was willed to\\nus many years ago by our dear departed father. The tract\\nof land, containing two hundred acres, or thereabouts, is\\nsituated two and a half miles west of Mocksville, the cap-\\nital of Davie county, North Carolina, and is very nearly", "height": "2603", "width": "1471", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 133\\nequally divided by Bear Creek, a small tributary of the\\nSouth Yadkin. More than one-third of this tract on which\\nwe have plowed, and hoed, and harrowed, many a long-\\nsummer without ever suffering from the effects of coup de\\nsoldi is under cultivation the remaining portion is a well-\\ntimbered forest, in which, without being very particular,\\nwe counted, while hunting through it not long since, sixty-\\nthree different kinds of indigenous trees to say nothing\\nof either coppice, shrubs or plants among which the\\nhickory, oak, ash, beech, birch, and black walnut, were\\nmost abundant. No turpentine or rosin is produced in our\\npart of the State but there are, on the place of which we\\nspeak, several species of the genus Pinus, by the light of\\nwhose flammable knots, as radiated on the contents of\\nsome half-dozen old books, which, by hook or by crook, had\\nfound their way into the neighborhood, we have been ena-\\nbled to turn the long winter evenings to our advantage,\\nand have thus partially escaped from the prison-grounds of\\nthose loathsome dungeons of illiteracy in which it has been\\nthe constant policy of the oligarchy to keep the masses,\\nthe non-slaveholding whites and the negroes, forever con-\\nfined. The fertility of the soil may be inferred from the\\nquality and variety of its natural productions the meadow\\nand the bottom, comprising, perhaps, an area of forty\\nacres, are hardly surpassed by the best lands in the valley\\nof the Yadkin. A thorough examination of the orchard\\nwill disclose the fact that considerable attention has been\\npaid to the selection of fruits the buildings are tolerable\\nthe water is good. Altogether, to be frank, and nothing\\nmore, it is, for its size, one of the most desirable farms in", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "134 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nthe county, and will, at any time, command the maximum\\nprice of land in Western Carolina. Our brother, anxious\\nto become the sole proprietor, readily agreed to give us\\nthe highest market price, which we shall publish by-and-\\nbye. While reading the Baltimore Sun, the morning after\\nwe had made the sale, our attention was allured to a para-\\ngraph headed Sales of Real Estate, from which, among\\nother significant items, we learned that a tract of land\\ncontaining exactly two hundred acres, and occupying a\\nportion of one of the rural districts in the southeastern\\npart of Pennsylvania, near the Maryland line, had been\\nsold the week before, at one hundred and five dollars and fifty\\ncents per acre. Judging from the succinct account given\\nin the Sun, we are of the opinion that, with regard to fer-\\ntility of soil, the Pennsylvania tract always has been, is\\nnow, and perhaps always will be, rather inferior to the one\\nunder special consideration. One is of the same size as the\\nother both are used for agricultural purposes in all\\nprobability the only essential difference between them is\\nthis one is blessed with the pure air of freedom, the other\\nis cursed with the malaria of slavery. For our interest in\\nthe old homestead we received a nominal sum, amounting\\nto an average of precisely five dollars and sixty cents per acre.\\nNo one but our brother, who was keen for the purchase,\\nwould have given us quite so much.\\nAnd, now, pray let us ask, what does this narrative\\nteach We shall use few words in explanation there is\\nan extensive void, but it can be better filled with reflection.\\nThe aggregate value of the one tract is $21,100 that of\\nthe other is only $1,120 the difference is $19,980. We", "height": "2603", "width": "1471", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAM BE ABOLISHED. 135\\ncontend, therefore, in view of all the circumstances de-\\ntailed, that the advocates and retainers of slavery, have,\\nto all intents and purposes, defrauded our family out of\\nthis last-mentioned sum. In like manner, and on the same\\nbasis of deduction, we contend that almost every non-\\nslaveholder, who either is or has been the owner of real\\nestate in the South, would, in a court of strict justice, be\\nentitled to damages the amount in all cases to be de-\\ntermined with reference to the quality of the land in ques-\\ntion. We say this because, in violation of every principle\\nof expediency, justice, and humanity, and in direct oppo-\\nsition to our solemn protests, slavery was foisted upon us,\\nand has been thus far perpetuated, by and through the\\ndiabolical intrigues of the oligarchs, and by them alone\\nand furthermore, because the very best agricultural lands\\nin the Northern States being worth from one hundred to\\none hundred and seventy-five dollars per acre, there is no\\npossible reason, except slavery, why the more fertile and\\ncongenial soil of the South should not be worth at least\\nas much. If, on this principle, we could ascertain, in the\\nmatter of real estate, the total indebtedness of the slave-\\nholders to the non-slaveholders, we should doubtless find\\nthe sum quite equivalent to the amount estimated on a\\npreceding page $1,544,148,825.\\nWe have recently conversed with two gentlemen who,\\nto save themselves from the poverty and disgrace of\\nslavery, left North Carolina six or seven years ago, and\\nwho are now residing in the territory of Minnesota, where\\nthey have accumulated handsome fortunes. One of them\\nhad traveled extensively in Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio,", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "136 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nIndiana, and other adjoining States and, according to\\nhis account, and we know him to be a man of veracity, it\\nis almost impossible for persons at a distance, to form a\\nproper conception of the magnitude of the difference be-\\ntween the current value of lands in the Free and the Slave\\nStates of the West. On one occasion, embarking at\\nWheeling, he sailed down the Ohio Virgina and Ken-\\ntucky on the one side, Ohio and Indiana on the other. He\\nstopped at several places along the river, first on the right\\nbank, then on the left, and so on, until he arrived at Evans-\\nville continuing his trip, he sailed down to Cairo, thence\\nup the Mississippi to the mouth of the Des Moines having\\ntarried at different points along the route, sometimes in\\nMissouri, sometimes in Illinois. Wherever he landed on\\nfree soil, he found it from one to two hundred per cent,\\nmore valuable than the slave soil on the opposite bank.\\nIf, for instance, the maximum price of land was eight dol-\\nlars in Kentucky, the minimum price was sixteen in Ohio\\nif it was seven dollars in Missouri, it was fourteen in Illi-\\nnois. Furthermore, he assured us, that, so far as he could\\nlearn, two years ago, when he traveled through the States\\nof which we speak, the range of prices of agricultural\\nlands, in Kentucky, was from three to eight dollars per\\nacre in Ohio, from sixteen to forty in Missouri, from\\ntwo to seven in Illinois, from fourteen to thirty in Ar-\\nkansas, from one to four in Iowa, from six to fifteen.\\nIn all the old slave States, as is well known, there are\\nvast bodies of land that can be bought for the merest\\ntrifle. We know an enterprising capitalist in Philadel-\\nphia, who owns in his individual name, in the State of", "height": "2608", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "nOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 137\\nVirginia, one hundred and thirty thousand acres, for which he\\npaid only thirty-seven and a half cents per acre Some years\\nago, in certain parts of North Carolina, several large\\ntracts were purchased at the rate of twenty-five cents per\\nacre\\nHiram Berdan, the distinguished inventor, who has fre-\\nquently seen freedom and slavery side by side, and who\\nis, therefore, well qualified to form an opinion of their re-\\nlative influence upon society, says\\nMany comparisons might be drawn between the free and the\\nslave States, either of which should be sufficient to satisfy any\\nman that slavery is not only ruinous to free labor and enterprise,\\nbut injurious to morals, and blighting to the soil where it exists.\\nThe comparison between the States of Michigan and Arkansas,\\nwhich were admitted into the Union at the same time, will fairly\\nillustrate the difference and value of free and slave labor, as well\\nas the difference of moral and intellectual progress in a free and\\nin a slave State.\\nIn 183G these young Stars were admitted into the constella-\\ntion of the Union. Michigan, with one-half the extent of terri-\\ntory of Arkansas, challenged her sister State for a twenty years\\nrace, and named as her rider, Neither slavery, nor involuntary\\nservitude, unless for the punishment of crime, shall ever be tole-\\nrated in this State. Arkansas accepted the challenge, and\\nnamed as her rider, The General Assembly shall have no power\\nto pass laws for the emancipation of slaves without the consent\\nof the owners. Thus mounted, these two States, the one free\\nand the other slave, started together twenty years ago, and now,\\nhaving arrived at the end of the proposed race, let us review and\\nmark the progress of each. Michigan comes out in 1856 with\\nthree times the population of slave Arkansas, with five times\\nthe assessed value of farms, farming implements and machinery,\\nand with eight times the number of public schools.\\nIn the foregoing part of our work, we have drawn com-", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "138 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nparisons between the old free States and the old slave\\nStates, and between the new free States and the new slave\\nStates had we sufficient time and space, we might\\nwith the most significant results, change this method of\\ncomparison, by contrasting the new free States with the\\nold slave States. Can the slavocrats compare Ohio with\\nVirginia, Illinois with Georgia, or Indiana with South Car-\\nolina, without experiencing the agony of inexpressible\\nshame If they can, then indeed has slavery debased\\nthem to a lower deep than we care to contemplate. Here-\\nwith we present a brief contrast, as drawn by a Maryland\\nabolitionist, between the most important old slave State\\nand the most important new free State\\nVirginia was a State, wealthy and prosperous, when Ohio was\\na wilderness belonging to her. She gave that territory away,\\nand what is the result 1 Ohio supports a population of two mil-\\nlion souls, and the mother contains but one and a half millions\\nyet Virginia is one-third larger than the Buckeye State. Virginia\\ncontains 61.000 square miles, Ohio but 40,000. The latter sus-\\ntains 50 persons to the square mile, while Virginia gives employ-\\nment to but 25 to the square mile. Notwithstanding Virginia s\\nsuperiority in years and in soil for she grows tobacco, as well\\nas corn and wheat notwithstanding her immense coal-fields, and\\nher splendid Atlantic ports, Ohio, the infant State, had 21 repre-\\nsentatives in Congress in 1850, while Virginia had but 13 the\\nlatter having commenced in the Union with 10 Congressmen.\\nCompare the progress of these States, and then say, what is it but\\nFree Labor that has advanced Ohio and to what, except slavery,\\ncan we attribute the non-progression of the Old Dominion\\nAs a striking illustration of the selfish and debasing\\ninfluences which slavery exercises over the hearts and\\nminds of slaveholders themselves, we will here state the", "height": "2608", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 139\\nJ*\\nfact that, when we, the non-slaveholders, remonstrate\\nagainst the continuance of such a manifest wrong and in-\\nhumanity a system of usurpation and outrage so obvi-\\nously detrimental to our interests they fly into a terrible\\npassion, exclaiming, among all sorts of horrible threats,\\nwhich are not unfrequently executed, It s none of your\\nbusiness meaning to say thereby that their slaves do\\nnot annoy us, that slavery affects no one except the mas-\\nters and their chattels personal, and that we should give\\nourselves no concern about it, whatever To every man of\\ncommon sense and honesty of purpose the preposterous-\\nness of this assumption is so evident, that any studied\\nattempt to refute it would be a positive insult. Would it\\nbe none of our business, if they were to bring the small-pox\\ninto the neighborhood, and, with premeditated design, let\\nfoul contagion spread Or, if they were to throw a\\npound of strychnine into a public spring, would that be\\nnone of our business Were they to turn a pack of mad\\ndogs loose on the community, would we be performing the\\npart of good citizens by closing ourselves within doors\\nfor the space of nine days, saying nothing to anybody\\nSmall-pox is a nuisance strychnine is a nuisance mad\\ndogs are a nuisance slavery is a nuisance slaveholders\\nare a nuisance, and so are slave-breeders it is our\\nbusiness, nay, it is our imperative duty, to abate nui-\\nsances we propose, therefore, with the exception of\\nstrychnine, which is the least of all these nuisances, to\\nexterminate this catalogue from beginning to end.\\nWe mean precisely what our words express, when we\\nsay we believe thieves are, as a general rule, less amena-", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "140 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nble to the moral law than slaveholders and here is the\\nbasis of our opinion Ordinarily, thieves wait until we\\nacquire a considerable amount of property, and then they\\nsteal a dispensable part of it but they deprive no one of\\nphysical liberty, nor do they fetter the mind slaveholders,\\non the contrary, by clinging to the most barbarous relic\\nof the most barbarous age, bring disgrace on themselves,\\ntheir neighbors, and their country, depreciate the value\\nof their own and others lands, degrade labor, discourage\\nenergy and progress, prevent non-slaveholders from accu-\\nmulating wealth, curtail their natural rights and privi-\\nleges, doom their children to ignorance, and all its atten-\\ndant evils, rob the negroes of their freedom, throw a\\ndamper on every species of manual and intellectual enter-\\nprise, that is not projected under their own roofs and for\\ntheir own advantage, and, by other means equally at\\nvariance with the principles of justice, though but an in-\\nsignificant fractional part of the population, they consti-\\ntute themselves the sole arbiters and legislators for the\\nentire South. Not merely so the thief rarely steals from\\nmore than one man out of an hundred the slaveholder de-\\nfrauds ninety and nine, and the hundredth does not escape\\nhim. Again, thieves steal trifles from rich men slave-\\nholders oppress poor men, and enact laws for the perpetu-\\nation of their poverty. Thieves practice deceit on the\\nwise slaveholders take advantage of the ignorant.\\nWe contend, moreover, that slaveholders are more crim-\\ninal than common murderers. We know all slaveholders\\nwould not wilfully imbue their hands in the blood of their\\nfellow-men but it is a fact, nevertheless, that all slave-", "height": "2608", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 141\\nholders are under the shield of a perpetual license to mur-\\nder. This license they have issued to themselves. Ac-\\ncording to their own infamous statutes, if the slave raises\\nhis hand to ward off an unmerited blow, they are permit-\\nted to take his life with impunity. We are personally\\nacquainted with three ruffians who have become actual\\nmurderers under circumstances of this nature. One of\\nthem killed two negroes on one occasion the other two\\nhave murdered but one each. Neither of them has ever\\nbeen subjected to even the preliminaries of a trial not\\none of them has ever been arrested their own private\\nexplanations of the homicides exculpated them from all\\nmanner of blame in the premises. They had done noth-\\ning wrong in the eyes of the community. The negroes\\nmade an effort to shield themselves from the tortures of a\\nmerciless flagellation, and were shot dead on the spot*\\nTheir murderers still live, and are treated as honorable\\nmembers of society No matter how many slaves or free\\nnegroes may witness the perpetration of these atrocious\\nhomicides, not one of them is ever allowed to lift up his\\nvoice in behalf of his murdered brother. In the South,\\nnegroes, whether bond or free, are never, under any cir-\\ncumstances, permitted to utter a syllable under oath, ex-\\ncept for or against persons of their own color their tes-\\ntimony against white persons is of no more consequence\\nthan the idle zephyr of the summer.\\nWe shall now introduce four tables of valuable and in-\\nteresting statistics, to which philosophic and discrimina-\\nting readers will doubtless have frequent occasions to\\nrefer. Tables 22 and 23 will show the area of the several", "height": "2551", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "142 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nStates, in square miles and in acres, and the number of\\ninhabitants to the square mile in each State also the\\ngrand total, or the average, of every statistical column\\ntables 24 and 25 will exhibit the total number of inhabi-\\ntants residing in each State, according to the census of\\n1850, the number of whites, the number of free colored,\\nand the number of slaves. The recapitulations of these\\ntables will be followed by a complete list of the number\\nof slaveholders in the United States, showing the exact\\nnumber in each Southern State, and in the District of\\nColumbia. Most warmly do we commend all these statis-\\ntics to the studious attention of the reader. Their lan-\\nguage is more eloquent than any possible combination of\\nEoman vowels and consonants. We have spared no pains\\nin arranging them so as to express at a single glance the\\ngreat truths of which they are composed and we doubt\\nnot that the plan we have adopted will meet with general\\napprobation. Numerically considered, it will be perceived\\nthat the slaveholders are, in reality, a very insignificant\\nclass. Of them, however, we shall have more to say here-\\nafter.", "height": "2608", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\n143\\nTABLE NO. XXII.\\nAREA OF THE FREE STATES.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire.\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania...\\nRhode Island\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nSquare Miles-\\n155\\n4\\n55\\n33\\n50\\n31\\n7\\n56.\\n9\\n8,\\n47,\\n39,\\n46,\\n1,\\n10,\\n53,\\n980\\n,674\\n405\\n,809\\n914\\n,766\\n,800\\n,243\\n280\\n320\\n000\\n964\\n000\\n306\\n212\\n924\\n99,827,200\\n2,991.360\\n35,359,200\\n21,637,760\\n32,584,960\\n20,330,240\\n4,992,000\\n35,995,520\\n5,939,200\\n5,324,800\\n30,080,000\\n26,576,960\\n29,440,000\\n835,840\\n6,535,680\\n34,511,360\\n612,597 I 392,062,082\\nInhabitants to\\nsquare mile.\\n.59\\n79.33\\n15.37\\n29.24\\n3.78\\n18.36\\n127.50\\n7.07\\n34.20\\n58.84\\n65.90\\n49.55\\n50.26\\n112.97\\n30.76\\n5.66\\n21,91\\nTABLE NO. XXIII.\\nAREA OF THE SLAVE STATES.\\nStatus.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi.\\nMissouri..\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nSquare Miles.\\nAcres.\\nInhabit nts to\\nsquare mile.\\n50,722\\n32,027,490\\n15.21\\n52,198\\n33,406,720\\n4.02\\n2,120\\n1,356,800\\n43.18\\n59,268\\n37.931,520\\n1.48\\n58,000\\n37,120,000\\n15.62\\n37,680\\n24,115,200\\n26.07\\n41,255\\n26,403,2(10\\n12.55\\n11,124\\n7,119.360\\n52.41\\n47,156\\n30.179,840\\n12.86\\n67,380\\n43,123,200\\n10.12\\n60,704\\n32,450,560\\n17.14\\n29,3*5\\n18,806,400\\n22.75\\n45,600\\n29,184,000\\n21.99\\n237,504\\n152,002,560\\n.89\\n01\\n39,165,280\\n23.17\\n851,448\\n544,926,720\\n11.29", "height": "2520", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "144\\nHOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nTABLE NO. XXIV.\\nPOPULATION OF THE FREE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire.\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania...\\nRhode Island\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nWhites.\\nFree Colored.\\n91,635\\n962\\n363,099\\n7,693\\n846,034\\n5,436\\n977,154\\n11,262\\n191,881\\n333\\n581,813\\n1,356\\n985,450\\n9,064\\n395,071\\n2,583\\n317,456\\n520\\n465,509\\n23,810\\n3,048,325\\n49,069\\n1,955,050\\n25,279\\n2,258,160\\n53.626\\n143,875\\n3,670\\n313,402\\n718\\n304,756\\n635\\n13,233.670\\n196,116\\nTotal.\\nTABLE NO. XXV.\\nPOPULATION OF THE SLAVE STATES-\\n-1850.\\nStates.\\nWhites.\\nFree\\nColored.\\nSlaves.\\nTotal.\\n426,514,\\n2,265\\n342,844\\n771,623\\n162,189\\n608\\n47,100\\n209,897\\n71,169\\n18,073\\n2,290\\n91,532\\nFlorida\\n47.203\\n521,572\\n932\\n2,931\\n39,310\\n381,622\\n87,445\\n906,185\\n761,413\\n10,011\\n210,981\\n982 405\\n255,491\\n17,462\\n244,809\\n517,762\\n417,943\\n74,723\\n90,368\\n583,034\\n295,718\\n930\\n309,878\\n606,326\\n592,004\\n2,618\\n87,422\\n682,044\\nNorth Carolina..\\n553,028\\n27,463\\n288,548\\n869,039\\n-South Carolina..\\n274,563\\n8,960\\n384,984\\n668,507\\n756,836\\n6,422\\n239,459\\n1,002,717\\nTexas\\n154,034\\n894,800\\n397\\n54,333\\n58,161\\n472,528\\n3,200,364\\n212,592\\n1,421,661\\n6,184,477\\n228,138\\n9,612,979", "height": "2608", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\n145\\nRECAPITULATION AREA.\\nSquare Miles.\\nArea of the Slave States 851,448\\nArea of the Free States 612,597\\nBalances in favor of Slave States.. .238,851\\nRECAPITULATION POPULATION 1850.\\nWhites.\\nPopulation of the Free States 13,233,670\\nPopulation of the Slave States 6,184,477\\nAcres.\\n544,926,720\\n392,062,082\\n152,864,638\\nTotal.\\n13,434,922\\n9,612,976\\nBalances in favor of the Free States 7,049,193 3,821,946\\nFREE COLORED AND SLAVE 1850.\\nFree Negroes in the Slave States 228,138\\nFree Negroes in the Free States 196,116\\nExcess of Free Negroes in the Slave States 32,022\\nSlaves in the Slave States 3,200,364\\nFree Negroes in the Slave States 228,138\\nAggregate Negro Population of the Slave States in 1850. 3,428,502\\nTHE TERRITORIES AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.\\nIndian Territory.\\nKansas\\nMinnesota\\nNebraska\\nN. Mexico\\nOregon\\nUtah\\nWashington\\nColumbia, Dist. of.\\nArea in Square Miles.\\n71,127\\n114,798\\n166,025\\n335,882\\n207,007\\n185,030\\n269,170\\n123,022\\n60\\nPopulation.\\n6,077\\n61,547\\n13,294\\n11,380\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a651,687\\n143,985\\nOf the 51,687 inhabitants in the District of Columbia, in 1850, 10,057 were Free\\nColored, and 3,687 were slaves.\\n7\\nAggregate of Area and Population, 1,472,121", "height": "2520", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "146 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nNUMBER OF SLAVEHOLDERS IN THE UNITED STATES 1850.\\nAlabama 29,295\\nArkansas 5 999\\nColumbia, District of, 1,477\\nDelaware 809\\nFlorida 3,520\\nGeorgia 38,456\\nKentucky 38,385\\nLouisiana 20,670\\nMaryland 16,040\\nMississippi 23,116\\nMissouri 19,185\\nNorth Carolina 28,303\\nSouth Carolina 25,596\\nTennessee 33,864\\nTexas 7,747\\nVirginia 55,063\\nTotal Number of Slaveholders in the United States 347,525\\nCLASSIFICATION OF THE SLAVEHOLDERS 1850.\\nHolders of 1 slave 6^,820\\nHolders of 1 and under 5 105,683\\nHolders of 5 and under 10 80,765\\nHolders of 10 and under 20 54,595\\nHolders of 20 and under 50 29,733\\nHolders of 50 and under 100 6,196\\nHolders of 100 and under 200 1,479\\nHolders of 200 and under 300.... 187\\nHolders of 300 and under 500 56\\nHolders of 600 and under 1,000 9\\nHolders of 1,000 and over 2\\nAggregate Number of Slaveholders in the United States 347,525", "height": "2572", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 147\\nIt thus appears that there are in the United States, three\\nhundred and forty-seven thousand five hundred and twen-\\nty-five slaveholders. But this appearance is deceptive.\\nThe actual number is certainly less than two hundred\\nthousand. Professor De Bow, the Superintendent of the\\nCensus, informs us that the number includes slave-\\nhirers, and furthermore, that where the party owns\\nslaves in different counties, or in different States, he will\\nbe entered more than once. Now every Southerner, who\\nhas any practical knowledge of affairs, must know, and\\ndoes knowj that every New Year s day, like almost every\\nother day, is desecrated in the South, by publicly hiring\\nout slaves to large numbers of non-slaveholders. The\\nslave-owners, who are the exclusive manufacturers of pub-\\nlic sentiment, have popularized the dictum that white ser-\\nvants, decency, virtue, and justice, are unfashionable and\\nthere are, we are sorry to say, nearly one hundred and\\nsixty thousand non-slaveholding sycophants, who have\\nsubscribed to this false philosophy, and who are giving\\nconstant encouragement to the infamous practices of\\nslaveholding and slave-breeding, by hiring at least one\\nslave every year.\\nIn the Southern States, as in all other slave countries,\\nthere are three odious classes of mankind the slaves\\nthemselves, who are cowards the slaveholders, who are\\ntyrants and the non-slaveholding slave-hirers, who are\\nlickspittles. Whether either class is really entitled to the\\nregards of a gentleman is a matter of grave doubt. The\\nslaves are pitiable the slaveholders are detestable the\\nslave-hirers are contemptible.", "height": "2520", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "148 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nWith the statistics at our command, it is impossible for\\nus to ascertain the exact numbers of slaveholders and non-\\nslaveholding slave-hirers in the slave States but we have\\ndata which will enable us to approach very near to the\\nfacts. The town from which we hail, Salisbury, the capi-\\ntal of Rowan county, North Carolina, contains about twen-\\nty-three hundred inhabitants, including* three hundred and\\nseventy-two slaves, fifty-one slaveholders, and forty-three\\nnon-slaveholding slave-hirers. Taking* it for granted that\\nthis town furnishes a fair relative proportion of all the\\nslaveholders, and non-slaveholding slave-hirers in the\\nslave States, the whole number of the former, including\\nthose who have bee%i entered more than once, is one\\nhundred and eighty-eight thousand five hundred and fifty-\\none of the latter, one hundred and fifty-eight thousand\\nnine hundred and seventy-four and, now, estimating that\\nthere are in Maryland, Virginia, and other grain-growing\\nStates, an aggregate of two thousand slave-owners, who\\nhave cotton plantations slocked with negroes in the far\\nSouth, and who have been entered more than once, we\\nfind, as the result of our calculations, that the total num-\\nber of actual slaveholders in the Union, is precisely one\\nhundred and eighty-six thousand five hundred and fifty-\\none as follows\\nNumber of actual slaveholders in the United States 186,551\\nNumber entered more than once 2,000\\nNumber of non-slaveholding slave-hirers 158,974\\nAggregate number, according to De Bow 347,525\\nThe greater number of non-slaveholding slave-hirers, are", "height": "2572", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 149\\na kind of third-rate aristocrats persons who formerly\\nowned slaves, but whom slavery, as is its custom, has\\ndragged down to poverty, leaving them, in their false and\\nshiftless pride, to eke out a miserable existence over the\\nhapless chattels personal of other men.\\nSo it seems that the total number of actual slave-own-\\ners, including their entire crew of cringing lickspittles,\\nagainst whom we have to contend, is but three hundred\\nand forty-five thousand five hundred and twenty-five.\\nAgainst this army for the defense and propagation of sla-\\nvery, we think it will be an easy matter independent of\\nthe negroes, who, in nine cases out of ten, would be de-\\nlighted with an opportunity to cut their masters throats,\\nand without accepting of a single recruit from either of\\nthe free States, England, France or Germany to muster\\none at least three times as large, and far more respectable\\nfor its utter extinction. We hope, however, and believe,\\nthat the matter in dispute may be adjusted without array-\\ning these armies against each other in hostile attitude.\\nWe desire peace, not war justice, not blood. Give us\\nfair-play, secure to us the right of discussion, the freedom\\nof speech, and we will settle the difficulty at the ballot-\\nbox, not on the battle-ground\u00e2\u0080\u0094 by force of reason, not by\\nforce of arms. But we are wedded to one purpose from\\nwhich no earthly power can ever divorce us. We are de-\\ntermined to abolish slavery at all hazards in defiance of\\nall the opposition, of whatever nature, which it is possible\\nfor the slavocrats to bring against us. Of this they may\\ntake due notice, and govern themselves accordingly.\\nBefore we proceed further, it may be necessary to call", "height": "2520", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "150 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nattention to the fact that, though the ostensible proprie-\\ntorship of the slaves is vested in fewer individuals than\\nwe have usually counted in our calculations concerning\\nthem, the force and drift of our statistics remain unim-\\npaired. In the main, all our figures are correct. The\\ntables which we have prepared, especially, and the reca-\\npitulations of those tables, may be relied on with all the\\nconfidence that is due to American official integrity for,\\nas we have substantially remarked on a previous occasion,\\nthe particulars of which they are composed have been\\nobtained from the returns of competent census agents,\\nwho, with Prof. De Bow as principal, were expressly em-\\nployed to collect them. As for our minor labors in the\\nscience of numbers, we cheerfully submit them to the can-\\ndid scrutiny of the impartial critic.\\nA majority of the slaveholders with whom we are ac-\\nquainted and we happen to know a few dozen more than\\nwe care to know own, or pretend to own, at least fifteen\\nnegroes each some of them are the masters of more than\\nfifty each and we have had the honor of an introduc-\\ntion to one man who is represented as the owner of six-\\nteen hundred It is said that if all the lands of this lat-\\nter worthy were in one tract, they might be formed into\\ntwo counties of more than ordinary size he owns plan-\\ntations and woodlands in three cotton-growing States.\\nThe quantity of land owned by the slaveholder is gene-\\nrally in proportion to the number of negroes at his quar-\\nter the master of only one or two slaves, if engaged in\\nagriculture, seldom owns less than three hundred acres\\nthe holder of eight or ten slaves usually owns from a thou-", "height": "2572", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 151\\nsand to fifteen hundred acres five thousand acres are not\\nunfrequently found in the possession of the master of fifty\\nslaves while in Columbia, South Carolina, about twelve\\nmonths ago, a certain noted slaveholder was pointed out\\nto us, and reported as the owner of nearly two hundred\\nthousand acres in the State of Mississippi. How the great\\nmass of illiterate poor whites, a majority of whom are the\\nindescribably wretched tenants of these slavocratic land-\\nsharks, are specially imposed upon and socially outlawed,\\nwe shall, if we have time and space, take occasion to ex-\\nplain in a subsequent chapter.\\nThus far, in giving expression to our sincere and settled\\nopinions, we have endeavored to show, in the first place,\\nthat slavery is a great moral, social, civil, and political\\nev il a dire enemy to true wealth and national greatness,\\nand an atrocious crime against both God and man and,\\nin the second place, that it is a paramount \u00c2\u00a9sly which we\\nowe to heaven, to the earth, to America, to humanity, to\\nour posterity, to our consciences, and to our pockets, to\\nadopt effectual and judicious measures for its immediate\\nabolition. The questions now arise, How can the evil be\\naverted What are the most prudent and practical means\\nthat can be devised for the abolition of slavery In the\\nsolution of these problems it becomes necessary to deal\\nwith a multiplicity of stubborn realities. And yet, we can\\nsee no reason why North Carolina, in her sovereign capa-\\ncity, may not, with equal ease and success, do what forty-\\nfive other States of the world have done within the last\\nforty-five years. Nor do we believe any good reason exists\\nwhy Virginia should not perform as great a deed in 1859", "height": "2520", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "152 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nas did New-York in 1199. Massachusetts abolished slav-\\nery in 1180 would it not be a masterly stroke of policy\\nin Tennessee, and every other slave State, to abolish it in\\nor before 1860\\nNot, long since, a slavocrat, writing on this subject, said,\\napologetically, we frankly admit that slavery is a mon-\\nstrous evil but what are we to do with an institution\\nwhich has baffled the wisdom of our greatest statesmen\\nUnfortunately for the South, since the days of Washington,\\nJefferson, Madison, and their illustrious compatriots, she\\nhas never had more than half a dozen statesmen, all told\\nof mere politicians, wire-pullers, and slave-driving dema-\\ngogues, she has had enough, and to spare but of states-\\nmen, in the true sense of the term, she has had, and now\\nhas, but precious few fewer just at this time, perhaps,\\nthan ever before. It is far from a matter of surprise to us\\nthat slavery has, for such a long period, baffled the wis-\\ndom of the oligarchy but our surprise is destined to cul-\\nminate in amazement, if the wisdom of the non-slaveholders\\ndoes not soon baffle slavery.\\nFrom the eleventh year previous to the close of the\\neighteenth century down to the present moment, slavehold-\\ners and slave-breeders, who, to speak naked truth, are, as\\na general thing, unfit to occupy any honorable station in\\nlife, have, by chicanery and usurpation, wielded all the\\nofficial power of the South and, excepting the patriotic\\nservices of the noble abolitionists above-mentioned, the sole\\naim and drift of their legislation has been to aggrandize\\nthemselves, to strengthen slavery, and to keep the poor\\nwhites, the constitutional majority, bowed down in the", "height": "2572", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. xo 3\\ndeepest depths of degradation. We propose to subvert\\nthis entire system of oligarchal despotism. We think there\\nshould be some legislation for decent white men, not alorie\\nfor negroes and slaveholders. Slavery lies at the root of\\nall the shame, poverty, ignorance, tyranny and imbecility\\nof the South slavery must be thoroughly eradicated let\\nthis be done, and a glorious future will await us.\\nThe statesmen who are to abolish slavery in Kentucky,\\nmust be mainly and independently constituted by the non-\\nslaveholders of Kentucky so in every other slave State.\\nPast experience has taught us the sheer folly of ever ex-\\npecting voluntary justice from the slaveholders. Their\\nillicit intercourse with the mother of harlots has been\\nkept up so long, and their whole natures have, in conse-\\nquence, become so depraved, that there is scarcely a\\nspark of honor or magnanimity to be found amongst them.\\nAs well might one expect to hear highwaymen clamoring\\nfor a universal interdict against traveling, as to expect\\nslaveholders to pass laws for the abolition of slavery.\\nUnder all the circumstances, it is the duty of the non-\\nslaveholders to mark out an independent course for them-\\nselves, to steer entirely clear of the oligarchy, and to\\nutterly contemn and ignore the many vile instruments of\\npower, animate and inanimate, which have been so freely\\nand so effectually used for their enslavement. Now is the\\ntime for them to assert their rights and liberties never\\nbefore was there such an appropriate period to strike for\\nFreedom in the South.\\nHad it not been for the better sense, the purer patriot-\\nism, and the more practical justice of the non-slavehokders,\\n7*", "height": "2520", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "154 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nthe Middle States and New England would still be groan-\\ning and groveling under the ponderous burden of slavery\\nNew- York would never have risen above the dishonorable\\nlevel of Virginia Pennsylvania, trampled beneath the\\niron-heel of the black code, would have remained the un-\\nprogressive parallel of Georgia Massachusetts would\\nhave continued till the present time, and Heaven only\\nknows how much longer, the contemptible coequal of\\nSouth Carolina.\\nSucceeded by the happiest moral effects and the grand-\\nest physical results, we have seen slavery crushed be-\\nneath the wisdon of the non-slaveholding statesmen of\\nthe North followed by corresponding influences and\\nachievements, many of us who have not yet passed the\\nmeridian of life, are destined to see it equally crushed\\nbeneath the wisdom of the non-slaveholding Statesmen of\\nthe South. With righteous indignation, we enter our dis-\\nclaimer against the base yet baseless admission that\\nLouisiana and Texas are incapable of producing as great\\nstatesmen as Rhode Island and Connecticut. What has\\nbeen done for New Jersey by the statesmen of New Jer-\\nsey, can be done for North Carolina by the statesmen of\\nNorth Carolina the wisdom of the former State has abol-\\nished slavery as sure as the earth revolves on its axis,\\nthe wisdom of the latter will not do less.\\nThat our plan for the abolition of slavery, is the best\\nthat can be devised, we have not the vanity to contend\\nbut that it is a good one, and will do to act upon until a\\nbetter shall have been suggested, we do firmly and con-\\nscientiously believe. Though but little skilled in the deli-", "height": "2572", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "HOTT SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 155\\ncate art of surgerj we have pretty thoroughly probed\\nslavery, the frightful tumor ou the body politic, and have,\\nwe think, ascertained the precise remedies requisite for a\\nspeedy and perfect cure. Possibly the less ardent friends\\nof freedom may object to our prescription, on the ground\\nthat some of its ingredients are too griping, and that it\\nwill cost the patient a deal of most excruciating pain.\\nBut let them remember that the patient is exceedingly\\nrefractory, that the case is a desperate one, and that dras-\\ntic remedies are indispensably necessary. When they\\nshall have invented milder yet equally efficacious ones,\\nit will be time enough to discontinue the use of ours\\nthen no one will be readier than we to discard the infalli-\\nble strong recipe for the infallible mild. Not at the per-\\nsecution of a few thousand slaveholders, but at the resti-\\ntution of natural rights and prerogatives to several mil-\\nlions of non-slaveholders, do we aim.\\nInscribed on the banner, which we herewith unfurl to\\nthe world, with the full and fixed determination to stand\\nby it or die by it, unless one of more virtuous efficacy shall\\nbe presented, are the mottoes which, in substance, embody\\nthe principles, as we conceive, that should govern us in\\nour patriotic warfare against the most subtle and insidi-\\nous foe that ever menaced the inalienable rights and liber-\\nties and dearest interests of America\\n1st. Thorough Organization and Independent Political\\nAction on the part of the Non-Slaveholding whites of\\nthe South.\\n2nd. Ineligibility of Slaveholders Never another vote to\\nthe Trafficker in Human Flesh.", "height": "2520", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "156 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\n3rd. No Co-operation with Slaveholders in Politics No\\nFellowship with them in Religion No Affiliation with\\nthem in Society.\\n4th. No Patronage to Slaveholding Merchants No Guest-\\nship in Slave-waiting Hotels No Fees to Slaveholding\\nLawyers No Employment of Slaveholding Physicians\\nNo Audience to Slaveholding Parsons.\\n5th. No Recognition of Pro-slavery Men, except as Ruf-\\nfians, Outlaws, and Criminals.\\n6th. Abrupt Discontinuance of Subscription to Pro-slavery\\nNewspapers.\\n7th. The Greatest Possible Encouragement to Free White\\nLabor.\\n8. No more Hiring of Slaves by Non-slaveholders.\\n9th. Immediate Death to Slavery, or if not immediate,\\nunqualified Proscription of its Advocates during the Pe-\\nriod of its Existence.\\n10th. A Tax of Sixty Dollars on every Slaveholder for each\\nand every Negro in his Possession at the present time,\\nor at any intermediate time between now and the 4 th\\nof July, 1863 said Money to be Applied to the trans-\\nportation of the Blacks to Liberia, to their Colonization\\nin Central or South America, or to their Comfortable\\nSettlement within the Boundaries of the United States.\\n11 th. An additional Tax of Forty Dollars per annum to be\\nlevied annually, on every Slaveholder for each and every\\nNegro found in his possession after the 4th of July,\\n1863 said Money to be paid into the hands of the Ne-\\ngroes so held in Slavery, or, in cases of death, to their\\nnext of kin, and to be used by them at their own option.", "height": "2572", "width": "1491", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 151\\nThis, then, is the outline of our scheme for the abolition\\nof slavery in the Southern States. Let it be acted upon\\nwith due promptitude, and, as certain as truth is mightier\\nthan error, fifteen years will not elapse before every foot\\nof territory, from the mouth of the Delaware to the embog-\\nuing of the Rio Grande, will glitter with the jewels of\\nfreedom. Some time during this year, next, or the year\\nfollowing, let there be a general convention of non-slave-\\nholders from every slave State in the Union, to deliberate\\non the momentous issues now pending. First, let them\\nadopt measures for holding in restraint the diabolical ex-\\ncesses of the oligarchy secondly, in order to cast off the\\nthraldom which the infamous slave-power has fastened\\nupon them, and, as the first step necessary to be taken to\\n.regain the inalienable rights and liberties with which they\\nwere invested by Nature, but of which they have been\\ndivested by the accursed dealers in human flesh, let them\\ndevise ways and means for the complete annihilation of\\nslavery thirdly, let them put forth an equitable and com-\\nprehensive platform, fully defining their position, and in-\\nviting the active sympathy and co-operation of the mil-\\nlions of down-trodden non-slaveholders throughout the\\nSouthern and Southwestern States. Let all these things\\nbe done, not too hastily, but with calmness, deliberation,\\nprudence, and circumspection if need be, let the dele-\\ngates to the convention continue in session one or two\\nweeks only let their labors be wisely and thoroughly per-\\nformed let them, on Wednesday morning, present to the\\npoor whites of the South, a well-digested scheme for the\\nreclamation of their ancient rights and prerogatives, and,", "height": "2520", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "158 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\non the Thursday following, slavery in the United States will\\nhe worth absolutely less than nothing for then, besides be-\\ning so vile and precarious that nobody will want it, it will\\nbe a lasting reproach to those in whose hands it is lodged.\\nWere it not that other phases of the subject admonish\\nus to be economical of space, we could suggest more than\\na dozen different plans, either of which, if scrupulously\\ncarried out, would lead to a wholesome, speedy, and per-\\nfect termination of slavery. Under all the circumstances,\\nhowever, it might be diffei^nt for us perhaps it would\\nnot be the easiest thing in the world for any body else\\nto suggest a better plan than the one above. Let it, or\\none embodying its principal features, be adopted forth-\\nwith, and the last wail of slavery will soon be heard,\\ngrowing fainter and fainter, till it dies utterly away, to be\\nsucceeded by the jubilant shouts of emancipated millions.\\nHenceforth, let it be distinctly understood that ownership\\nin slaves constitutes ineligibility that it is a crime, as\\nwe verily believe it is, to vote for a slavocrat for any office\\nwhatever. Indeed, it is our honest conviction that all the\\npro-slavery slaveholders, who are alone responsible for the\\ncontinuance of the baneful institution among us, deserve\\nto be at once reduced to a parallel with the basest criminals\\nthat lie fettered within the cells of our public prisons.\\nBeyond the power of computation is the extent of the moral,\\nsocial, civil, and political evils which they have brought,\\nand are still bringing, on the country. Were it possible\\nthat the whole number could be gathered together and\\ntransformed into four equal gangs of licensed robbers, ruf-\\nfians, thieves, and murderers, society, we feel assured,", "height": "2608", "width": "1563", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 159\\nwould suffer less from their atrocities then than it does\\nnow. Let the wholesome public sentiment of the non-\\nslaveholders be vigilant and persevering in bringing them\\ndown to their proper level. Long since, and in the most\\nunjust and cruel manner, have they socially outlawed the\\nnon-slaveholders now security against further oppression,\\nand indemnity for past grievances, make it incumbent on\\nthe non-slaveholders to cast them into the identical pit\\nthat they dug for their betters thus teaching them how to\\ncatch a Tartar 1\\nAt the very moment we write, as has been the case ever\\nsince the United States have had a distinct national exist-\\nence, and as will always continue to be the case, unless\\nright triumphs over wrong, all the civil, political, and other\\noffices, within the gift of the South, are filled with negro-\\nnursed incumbents from the ranks of that execrable band\\nof misanthropes three hundred and forty-seven thousand\\nin number who, for the most part, obtain their living by\\nbreeding, buying and selling slaves. The magistrates in\\nthe villages, the constables in the districts, the commis-\\nsioners of the towns, the mayors of the cities, the sheriffs\\nof the counties, the judges of the various courts, the mem-\\nbers of the legislatures, the governors of the States, the\\nrepresentatives and senators in Congress are all slave-\\nholders. Nor does the catalogue of their usurpations end\\nhere. Through the most heart-sickening arrogance and\\nbribery, they have obtained control of the General Govern-\\nment, and all the consuls, ambassadors, envoys extraordi-\\nnary and ministers plenipotentiary, who are chosen from\\nthe South, and commissioned to foreign countries, are", "height": "2577", "width": "1548", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "160 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nselected with special reference to the purity of their pro-\\nslavery antecedents. If credentials have ever been issued\\nto a single non-slaveholder of the South, we are ignorant\\nof both the fact and the hearsay indeed, it would be very\\nstrange if this much abused class of persons were permit-\\nted to hold important offices abroad, when they are not\\nallowed to hold unimportant ones at home.\\nAnd, then, there is the Presidency of the United States,\\nwhich office has been held forty-right years by slaveholders\\nfrom the South, and only twenty years by non-slaveholders\\nfrom the North. Nor is this the full record of oligarchal\\nobtrusion. On an average, the offices of Secretary of\\nState, Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary of the Interior,\\nSecretary of the Navy, Secretary of War, Postmaster-Gen-\\neral and Attorney-General, have been under the control of\\nslave-drivers nearly two-thirds of the time. The Chief Jus-\\ntices and the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of\\nthe United States, the Presidents pro tern, of the Senate,\\nand the Speakers of the House of Representatives, have,\\nin a large majority of instances, been slave-breeders from\\nthe Southern side of the Potomac. Five slaveholding Pres-\\nidents have been reelected to the chief magistracy of the\\nRepublic, while no non-slaveholder has ever held the office\\nmore than a single term. Thus we see plainly that even\\nthe non-slaveholders of the North, to whose freedom, en-\\nergy, enterprise, intelligence, wealth, population, power,\\nprogress, and prosperity, our country is almost exclusively\\nindebted for its high position among the nations of the\\nearth, have been arrogantly denied a due participation in\\nthe honors of federal office. When the sum of all villain-", "height": "2608", "width": "1563", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 161\\nies shall have ceased to exist, then the rights of the non-\\nslaveholders of the North, of the South, of the East, and of\\nthe West, will be duly recognized and respected not before.\\nWith all our heart, we hope and believe it is the full\\nand fixed determination of a majority of the more intelli-\\ngent and patriotic citizens of this Republic, that the Pres-\\nidential chair shall never again be filled by a slavocrat.\\nSafely may we conclude that the doom of the oligarchy is\\nalready sealed with respect to that important and dignified\\nstation it now behooves us to resolve, with equal firm-\\nness and effect, that, after a certain period during the next\\ndecade of years, no slaveholder shall occupy any position\\nin the Cabinet, that no slave-breeder shall be sent as a di-\\nplomatist to any foreign country, that no slave-driver shall\\nbe permitted to bring further disgrace on either the Senate\\nor the House of Representatives, that the chief justices,\\nassociate justices, and judges of the several courts, the\\ngovernors of the States, the members of the legislatures,\\nand all the minor functionaries of the land, shall be free\\nfrom the heinous crime of ownership in man.\\nFor the last sixty-eight years, slaveholders have been\\nthe sole and constant representatives of the South, and\\nwhat have they accomplished It requires but little time\\nand few words, to tell the story of their indiscreet and\\nunhallowed performances. In fact, with what we have\\nalready said, gestures alone would suffice to answer the\\ninquiry. We can make neither a more truthful nor em-\\nphatic reply than to point to our thinly inhabited States,\\nto our fields despoiled of their virgin soil, to the despicable\\nprice of lands, to our unvisited cities and towns, to our", "height": "2520", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "1G2 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nvacant harbors and idle water-power, to the dreary ab-\\nsence of shipping and manufactories, to our unpensioned\\nsoldiers of the revolution, to the millions of living monu-\\nments of ignorance, to the poverty of the whites, and to\\nthe wretchedness of the blacks.\\nEither directly or indirectly, are slave-driving dema-\\ngogues, who have ostentatiously set up pretensions to\\nstatesmanship, responsible for every dishonorable weak-\\nness and inequality that exists between the North and the\\nSouth. Let them shirk the responsibility if they can but\\nit is morally impossible for them to do so. We know\\nhow ready they have always been to cite the numerical\\nstrength of the North, as a valid excuse for their inability\\nto procure appropriations from the General Government,\\nfor purposes of internal improvement, for the establish-\\nment of lines of ocean steamers to South American and\\nEuropean ports, and for the accomplishment of othe; ob-\\njects. Before that apology ever escapes from their lips\\nagain, let them remember that the numerical weakness of\\nthe South is wholly attributable to their own villainous\\nstatism. Had the Southern States, in accordance with\\nthe principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independ-\\nence, abolished slavery at the same time the Northern\\nStates abolished it, there would have been, long since,\\nand most assuredly at this moment, a larger, wealthier,\\nwiser, and more powerful population, south of Mason and\\nDixon s line, than there now is north of it. This fact be-\\ning so well established that no reasonable man denies it,\\nit is evident that the oligarchy will have to devise an-\\nother subterfuge for even temporary relief.", "height": "2649", "width": "1532", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 163\\nUntil slavery and slaveholders cease to be the only\\nfavored objects of legislation in the South, the North will\\ncontinue to maintain the ascendency in every important\\nparticular. With those loathsome objects out of the way,\\nit would not take the non-slaveholders of the South more\\nthan a quarter of a century to bring her up, in all re-\\nspects, to a glorious equality with the North nor would\\nit take them much longer to surpass the latter, which is\\nthe most vigorous and honorable rival that they have in\\nthe world. Three quarters of a century hence, if slavery\\nis abolished within the next ten years, as it ought to be,\\nthe South will, we believe, be as much greater than the\\nNorth, as the North is now greater than the South. Three\\nquarters of a century hence, if the South retains slavery,\\nwhich God forbid she will be to the North much the\\nsame that Poland is to Russia, that Cuba is to Spain, or\\nthat Ireland is to England.\\nWhat we want and must have, as the only sure means\\nof attaining to a position worthy of Sovereign States in\\nthis eminently progressive and utilitarian age, is an ener-\\ngetic, intelligent, enterprising, virtuous, and unshackled\\npopulation an untrammeled press, and the Freedom of\\nSpeech. For ourselves, as white people, and for the ne-\\ngroes and other persons of whatever color or condition,\\nwe demand all the rights, interests and prerogatives, that\\nare guarantied to corresponding classes of mankind in the\\nNorth, in England, in France, in Germany, or in any other\\ncivilized and enlightened country. Any proposition that\\nmay be offered conceding less than this demand, will be\\npromptly and disdainfully rejected.", "height": "2608", "width": "1585", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "164 HOW SLAVERY CAN EE ABOLISHED.\\nSpeaking of the non-slaveholders of the South, George\\nM. Weston, a zealous co-laborer in the cause of Freedom,\\nsays\\nThe non-slaveholding whites of the South, being not less\\nthan seven-tenths of the whole number of whites, would seem\\nto be entitled to some enquiry into their actual condition and\\nespecially, as they have no real political weight or consideration\\nin the country, and little opportunity to speak for themselves.\\nI have been for twenty years a reader of Southern newspapers,\\nand a reader and hearer of Congressional debates but, in all\\nthat time, I do not recollect ever to have seen or heard these\\nnon-slaveholding whites referred to by Southern gentlemen, as\\nconstituting any part of what they call the South. When the\\nrights of the South, or its wrongs, or its policy, or its interests,\\nor its institutions, are spoken of, reference is always intended to\\nthe rights, wrongs, policy, interests, and institutions of the three\\nhundred and forty-seven thousand slaveholders. Nobody gets\\ninto Congress from the South but by their direction nobody\\nspeaks at Washington for any Southern interest except theirs.\\nYet there is, at the South, quite another interest than theirs\\nembracing from two to three times as many white people and,\\nas we shall presently see, entitled to the deepest sympathy and\\ncommiseration, in view of the material, intellectual, and moral\\nprivations to which it has been subjected, the degradation to\\nwhich it has already been reduced, and the still more fearful\\ndegradation with which it is threatened by the inevitable opera-\\ntion of existing causes and influences.\\nThe following extract, from a paper on Domestic\\nManufactures in the South and West, published by M.\\nTarver, of Missouri, may be appropriately introduced in\\nthis connection\\nThe non-slaveholders possess, generally, but very small means,\\nand the land which they possess is almost universally poor, and\\nso sterile that a scanty subsistence is all that can be derived from", "height": "2608", "width": "1563", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 165\\nits cultivation and the more fertile soil, being in the possession\\nof the slaveholders, must ever remain out of the power of those\\nwho have none. This state of things is a great drawback, and\\nbears heavily upon and depresses the moral energies of the\\npoorer classes. The acquisition of a respectable position in the\\nscale of wealth appears so difficult, that they decline the hopeless\\npursuit, and many of them settle down into habits of idleness, and\\nbecome the almost passive subjects of all its consequences. And\\nI lament to say that I have observed of late years, that an evi-\\ndent deterioration is taking place iu this part of the population,\\nthe younger portion of it being less educated, less industrious,\\nand in every point of view less respectable than their ancestors.\\nEqually worthy of attention is the testimony of Gov,\\nHammond, of South Carolina, who says\\nAccording to the best calculation, which, in the absence of\\nstatistic facts, can be made, it is believed, that of the three hun-\\ndred thousand white inhabitants of South Carolina, there are not\\nless than fifty thousand whose industry, such as it is, and com-\\npensated as it is, is not, in the present condition of things, and\\ndoes not promise to be hereafter, adequate to procure them,\\nhonestly, such a support as every white person is, and feels him-\\nself entitled to. And this, next to emigration, is, perhaps, the\\nheaviest of the weights that press upon the springs of our pros-\\nperity. Most of these now follow agricultural pursuits, in fee-\\nble, yet injurious competition with slave labor. Some, perhaps,\\nnot more from inclination, than from the w T ant of due encourage-\\nment, can scarcely be said to work at all. They obtain a preca-\\nrious subsistence, by occasional jobs, by hunting, by fishing,\\nsometimes by plundering fields or folds, and too often by what is,\\nin its effects, far worse trading with slaves, and seducing them\\nto plunder for their benefit.\\nConjoined with the sundry plain straightforward facts\\nwhich have issued from our own pen, these extracts show\\nconclusively that immediate and independent political", "height": "2530", "width": "1559", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "166 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\naction on the part of the non-slaveholding whites of the\\nSouth, is, with them, a matter, not only of positive duty,\\nbut also of the utmost importance. As yet, it is in their\\npower to rescue the South from the gulf of shame and\\nguilt, into which slavery has plunged her but if they do\\nnot soon arouse themselves from their apathy, this power\\nwill be wrenched from them, and then, unable to resist the\\nstrong arm of the oppressor, they will be completely de-\\ngraded to a social and political level with the negroes,\\nwhose condition of servitude will, in the meantime, be-\\ncome far more abject and forlorn than it is now.\\nIn addition to the reasons which we have already as-\\nsigned why no slavocrat should, in the future, be elected\\nto any office whatever, there are others that deserve to be\\ncarefully considered. Among these may be mentioned the\\nillbreeding and the ruffianism of slaveholding officials.\\nTedious indeed would be the task to enumerate all the\\nhomicides, duels, assaults and batteries, and other crimes,\\nof which they are the authors in the course of a single\\nyear. To the general reader their career at the seat of\\ngovernment is well known there, on frequent occasions,\\nchoking with rage at seeing their wretched sophistries\\nscattered to the winds by the sound, logical reasoning of\\nthe champions of Freedom, they have overstepped the\\nbounds of common decency, vacated the chair of honora-\\nble controversy, and, in the most brutal and cowardly\\nmanner, assailed their unarmed opponents with bludgeons,\\nbowie knives and pistols. Compared with some of their\\nbarbarisms at home, however, their frenzied onslaughts aj\\nthe national Capital have been but the simplest brei", "height": "2618", "width": "1594", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 161\\nof civil deportment and it is only for the purpose of\\navoiding personalities that we now refrain from divulging\\na few instances of the unparalleled atrocities which they\\nhave perpetrated in legislative halls South of the Poto-\\nmac. Nor is it alone in the national and State legisla-\\ntures that they substitute brute force for genteel behavior\\nand acuteness of intellect. Neither court-houses nor pub-\\nlic streets, hotels nor private dwellings, rum-holes nor\\nlaw-offices, are held sacred from their murderous conflicts.\\nAbout certain silly abstractions that no practical business\\nman ever allows to occupy his time or attention, they are\\neternally wrangling and thus it is that rencounters,\\nduels, homicides, and other demonstrations of personal\\nviolence, have become so popular in all slaveholding com-\\nmunities. A few years of entire freedom from the cares\\nand perplexities of public life, would, we have no doubt,\\ngreatly improve both their manners and their morals and\\nwe suggest that it is a Christian duty, which devolves on\\nthe non-slaveholders of the South, to disrobe them of the\\nmantle of office, which they have so long worn with dis-\\ngrace to themselves, injustice to their constituents, and\\nruin to their country.\\nBut what shall we say of such men as Botts, Stuart, and\\nMacfarland of Virginia of Raynor, Morehead, Miller,\\nStanly, Graves, and Graham of North Carolina of Davis\\nand Hoffman of Maryland of Blair and Benton of Mis-\\nsouri of the Marshalls of Kentucky and of Etheridge of\\nTennessee All these gentlemen, and many others of the\\nsame school, entertain, we believe, sentiments similar to\\nthose that were entertained by the immortal Fathers of the", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "168 HOW SLAVEBY CAN BE ABOLISHED,\\nRepublic that slavery is a great moral, social, civil, and\\npolitical evil, to be got rid of at the earliest practical pe-\\nriod and if they do, in order to secure our votes, it is only\\nnecessary for them to have the courage of their opinions,\\nto renounce slavery, and to come out frankly, fairly and\\nsquarely, in favor of freedom. To neither of these patri-\\notic sons of the South, nor to any one of the class to which\\nthey belong, would we give any offence whatever. In our\\nstrictures on the criminality of pro-slavery demagogues\\nwe have had heretofore, and shall have hereafter, no sort\\nof reference to any respectable slaveholder by which we\\nmean, any slaveholder who admits the injustice and inhu-\\nmanity of slavery, and who is not averse to the discussion\\nof measures for its speedy and total extinction. Such\\nslaveholders are virtually on our side, that is, on the side\\nof the non-slaveholding whites, with whom they may very\\nproperly be classified. On this point, once for all, we desire\\nto be distinctly understood for it would be manifestly un-\\njust not to discriminate between the anti-slavery proprie-\\ntor who owns slaves by the law of entailment, and the pro-\\nslavery proprietor who engages in the traffic and becomes\\nan aider and abettor of the institution from sheer turpitude\\nof heart hence the propriety of this special disclaimer.\\nIf we have a correct understanding of the positions\\nwhich they assumed, some of the gentlemen whose names\\nare written above, gave, during the last presidential cam-\\npaign, ample evidence of their unswerving devotion to the\\ninterests of the great majority of the people, the non-slave-\\nholding whites and it is our unbiassed opinion that a\\nmore positive truth is no where recorded in Holy Writ,", "height": "2613", "width": "1573", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 169\\nthan Kenneth Raynor uttered, when he said, in substance,\\nthat the greatest good that could happen to this country\\nwould be the complete overthrow of slave-driving democ-\\nracy, alias the nigger party, which has for its head and\\nfront the Ritchies and Wises of Virginia, and for its caudal\\ntermination the Butlers and Quatlebums of South Carolina.\\nAnd this, by the way, is a fit occasion to call attention\\nto the fact, that slave-driving Democrats have been the\\nperpetrators of almost every brutal outrage that ever dis-\\ngraced our halls of legislation. Of countless instances of\\nassault and battery, affrays, and fatal rencounters, that\\nhave occurred in the court-houses, capitols, and other pub-\\nlic buildings in the Southern States, we feel safe in say-\\ning that the aggressor, in at least nine cases out of ten,\\nhas been a negro-nursed adherent of modern, miscalled\\ndemocracy. So, too, the challenger to almost every duel\\nhas been an abandoned wretch, who, on many occasions\\nduring infancy, sucked in the corrupt milk of slavery from\\nthe breasts of his father s sable concubines, and who has\\nnever been known to become weary of boasting of a fact\\nthat invariably impressed itself on the minds of his audi-\\ntors or observers, the very first moment they laid their\\neyes upon him, namely, that he was a member of the Dem-\\nocratic party. Brute violence, however, can hardly be\\nsaid to be the worst characteristic of the slave-driving\\nDemocrat his ignorance and squalidity are proverbial\\nhis senseless enthusiasm is disgusting.\\nPeculiarly illustrative of the material of which sham dem-\\nocracy is composed was the vote polled at the Five Points\\nprecinct, in the city of New-York, on the 4th of November,", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "ltO nOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\n1856, when James Buchanan was chosen President by a\\nminority of the people. We will produce the figures\\nFive Points Precinct, New-York City, 1856.\\nVotes cast for James Buchanan 574\\nJohn C. Fremont 16\\nMillard Fillmore 9\\nIt will be recollected that Col. Fremont s majority over\\nBuchanan, in the State of New-York, was between seven-\\nty-eight and seventy-nine thousand, and that he ran ahead\\nof the Fillmore ticket to the number of nearly one hundred\\nand fifty-one thousand. We have not the shadow of a\\ndoubt that he is perfectly satisfied with Mr. Buchanan s\\ntriumph at the Five Points, which, with the exception of\\nthe slave-pens in Southern cities, is, perhaps, the most vile\\nand heart-sickening locality in the United States.\\nOne of the most noticeable and commendable features\\nof the last general election is this almost every State,\\nwhose inhabitants have enjoyed the advantages of free\\nsoil, free labor, free speech, free presses, and free schools,\\nand who have, in consequence, become great in numbers,\\nin virtue, in wealth, and in wisdom, voted for Fremont,\\nthe Republican candidate, who was pledged to use his\\ninfluence for the extension of like advantages to other\\nparts of the country. On the other hand, with a single\\nhonorable exception, all the States which have got to\\nhating everything with the prefix Free, from free negroes\\ndown and up through the whole catalogue free farms,\\nfree labor, free society, free will, free thinking, free chil-\\ndren, and free schools, and which have exposed their cit-\\nizens to all the perils of numerical weakness, absolute ig-", "height": "2608", "width": "1548", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. Ill\\nnorance, and hopeless poverty, voted for Buchanan, the\\nDemocratic candidate, who, in reply to the overtures of\\nhis slave-driving partisans, had signified his willingness\\nto pursue a policy that would perpetuate and disseminate,\\nwithout limit, the multitudinous evils of human bondage.\\nLed on by a huckstering politician, whose chief voca-\\ntion, at all times, is the rallying of ragamuffins, shoulder-\\nstrikers, and liquor-house vagabonds, into the ranks of his\\nparty, and who, it is well known, receives from the agents\\nof the slave power, regular installments of money for this\\ninfamous purpose, a Democratic procession, exceedingly\\nmotley and unrefined, marched through the streets of one\\nof the great cities of the North, little less than a fortnight\\nprevious to the election of Mr. Buchanan to the Presi-\\ndency and the occasion gave rise, on the following day,\\nto a communication in one of the morning papers, from\\nwhich we make the following pertinent extract\\nWhile the Democratic procession was passing through the\\nstreets of this city, a few daj s since, I could not but think how\\nsignificant the exultation of that ignorant multitude was of the\\nferocious triumphs which would he displayed if ever false Dem-\\nocracy should succeed in throwing the whole power of the coun-\\ntry into the hands of the Slave Oligarch} It is melancholy to\\nthink that every individual in that multitude, ignorant and de-\\npraved thougli he may he, foreign perhaps in his birth, and utterly\\nunacquainted with the principles upon which the welfare of the\\ncountry depends, and hostile it may be to those principles, if he\\ndoes understand them, is equal in the power which he may exer-\\ncise by his vote to the most intelligent and upright man in tne\\ncommunity.\\nOf this, indeed, it is useless to complain. We enjoy our\\nfreedom with the contingency of its loss by the acts of a numeri-\\ncal majority. Tt behooves all men, therefore, who have a regard", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "172 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nto the common good, to look carefully at the influences which\\nmay pervert the popular mind and this, I think, can only be\\ndone by guarding against the corruption of individual character.\\nA man who has nothing but political business to attend to I\\nmean the management of elections ought to be shunned by all\\nhonest men. If it were possible, he should have the mark of Cain\\nput upon him, that he might be known as a plotter against the\\nwelfare of his country.\\nThat less than three per cent, of those who voted for Col.\\nFremont, that only about five per cent, of those who gave\\ntheir suffrages to Mr. Fillmore, and that more than eighteen\\nper cent, of those who supported Mr. Buchanan, were per-\\nsons over one and twenty years of age who could not read\\nand write, are estimates which we have no doubt are not\\nfar from the truth, and which, in the absence of reliable\\nstatistics, we venture to give, hoping, by their publicity,\\nto draw closer attention to the fact, that the illiterate for-\\neigners of the North, and the unlettered natives of the\\nSouth, were cordially united in their suicidal adherence to I\\nthe Nigger party. With few exceptions, all the intelligent\\nnon-slaveholders of the South, in concert with the more\\nrespectable slaveholders, voted for Mr. Fillmore certain\\nrigidly patriotic persons of the former class, whose hearts\\nwere so entirely with the gallant Fremont that they refused\\nto vote at all simply because they did not dare to express\\ntheir preference for him form the exceptions to which we\\nallude.\\nThough the Whig, Democratic, and Know-Nothing news-\\npapers, in all the States, free and slave, denounced Col.\\nFremont as an intolerant Catholic, it is now generally con- j\\nceded that he was n where supported by the peculiar J", "height": "2608", "width": "1594", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 113\\nfriends of Pope Pius IX. The votes polled at the Five\\nPoints precinct, which is almost exclusively inhabited by-\\nlow Irish Catholics, show how powerfully the Jesuitical\\ninfluence was brought to bear against him. At that de-\\nlectable locality, as we have already shown, the timid\\nSage of Wheatland received five hundred and seventy- four\\nvotes whereas the dauntless Finder of Empire received\\nonly sixteen.\\nTrue to their instincts for Freedom, the Germans, gene-\\nrally, voted the right ticket, and they will do it again, and\\ncontinue to do it. With the intelligent Protestant element\\nof the Fatherland on our side, we can well afford to dis-\\npense with the ignorant Catholic element of the Emerald\\nIsle. In the influences which they exert on society, there\\nis so little difference between Slavery, Popery, and Negro-\\ndriving Democracy, that we are not at all surprised to see\\nthem going hand in hand in their diabolical works of inhu-\\nmanity and desolation.\\nThere is, indeed, no lack of evidence to show that the\\nDemocratic party of to-day is simply and unreservedly a\\nsectional Nigger party. On the 15th of December, 1856,\\nbut a few weeks subsequent to the appearance of a scan-\\ndalous message from an infamous governor of South Caro-\\nlina, recommending the reopening of the African slave\\ntrade, Emerson Etheridge of Tennessee honor to his\\nname submitted, in the House of Representatives, the\\nfollowing timely resolution\\nResolved, That this House regard all suggestions or proposi-\\ntions of every kind, by whomsoever made, for a revival of the\\n6lave trade, as shocking to the moral sentiments of the enlightened", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "174 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nportion of mankind, and that any act on the part of Congress,\\nlegislating for, conniving at, or legalizing that horrid and inhuman\\ntraffic, would justly subject the United States to the reproach and\\nexecration of all civilized and Christian people throughout the\\nworld.\\nWho voted for this resolution and who voted against\\nit Let the yeas and nays answer they are on record,\\nand he who takes the trouble to examine them will find\\nthat the resolution encountered no opposition worth men-\\ntioning, except from members of the Democratic party.\\nScrutinize the yeas and nays on any other motion or reso-\\nlution affecting the question of slavery, and the fact that\\na majority of the members of this party have uniformly\\nvoted for the retention and extension of the sum of all\\nvillanies, will at once be apparent.\\nFor many years the slave-driving Democrats of the South\\nhave labored most strenuously, both by day and by night\\nwe regret to say how unsuccessfully to point out abo-\\nlition proclivities in the Whig and Know-Nothing parties,\\nthe latter of which is now buried, and deservedly, so deep\\nin the depths of the dead, that it is quite preposterous to\\nsuppose it will ever see the light of resurrection.\\nFor its truckling concessions to the slave power, the\\nWhig party merited defeat, and defeated it was, and that,\\ntoo, in the most decisive and overwhelming manner. But\\nthere is yet in this party much vitality, and if its friends\\nwill reorganize, detach themselves from the burden of\\nslavery, espouse the cause of the white man, and hoist the\\nfair flag of freedom, the time may come, at a day by no\\nmeans remote, when their hearts will exult in triumph\\nover the ruins of miscalled Democracy.", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 115\\nIt is not too late, however, for the Democratic party to\\nsecure to itself a pure renown and an almost certain per-\\npetuation of its power. Let it at once discard the worship\\nof slavery, and do earnest battle for the principles of free-\\ndom, and it will live victoriously to a period far in the\\nfuture. On the other hand, if it does not soon repudiate\\nthe fatal heresies which it has incorporated into its creed,\\nits doom will be inevitable. Until the black flag- entirely\\ndisappears from its array, we warn the non-slaveholders\\nof the South to repulse and keep it at a distance, as they\\nwould the emblazoned skull and cross-bones that float\\nthem from the flag 1 of the pirate.\\nWith regard to the sophistical reasoning which teaches\\nthat abolitionists, before abolishing slavery, should com-\\npensate the slaveholders for all or any number of the ne-\\ngroes in their possession, we have, perhaps, said quite\\nenough but wishing to brace our arguments, in every im-\\nportant particular, with unetpaivocal testimony from men\\nwhom we are accustomed to regard as models of political\\nsagacity and integrity from Southern men as far as pos-\\nsible we herewith present an extract from a speech de-\\nlivered in the Virginia House of Delegates, January 20,\\n1832, by Charles James Faulkner, whose sentiments, as\\nthen and there expressed, can hardly fail to find a re-\\nsponse in the heart of every intelligent, upright man\\nli But. Sir, it is said that society having conferred this property\\non the slaveholder, it cannot now take it from him without an\\nadequate compensation, by which is meant full value. I may be\\nsingular in the opinion, but I defy the legal research of the House\\nto point me to a principle recognized by the law. even in the or-\\ndinary course of its adjudications, where the community pays", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "176 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nfor property which is removed or destroyed because it is a nui-\\nsance, and found injurious to that society. There is, I humbly\\napprehend, no such principle. There is no obligation upon\\nsociety to continue your right one moment after it becomes in-\\njurious to the best interests of society nor to compensate you\\nfor the loss of that, the deprivation of which is demanded by\\nthe safety of the State, and in which general benefit you partici-\\npate as members of the community. Sir, there is to my mind a\\nmanifest distinction between condemning private property to be\\napplied to some beneficial public purpose, and condemning or re-\\nmoving private property which is ascertained to be a positive\\nwrong to society. It is a distinction which pervades the whole\\ngenius of the law and is founded upon the idea, that any man\\nwho holds property injurious to the peace of that society of\\nwhich he is a member, thereby violates the condition upon the\\nobservance of which his right to the property is alone guaran-\\ntied. For property of the first class condemned, there ought to\\nbe compensation but for property of the latter class, none can\\nbe demanded upon principle, none accorded as matter of right.\\nIt is conceded that, at this precise moment of our legislation,\\nslaves are injurious to the interests and threaten the subversion\\nand ruin of this Commonwealth. Their present number, their\\nincreasing number, all admonish us of this. In different terms,\\nand in more measured language, the same fact has been conceded\\nby all who have yet addressed this House. Something must be\\ndone? emphatically exclaimed the gentleman from Dinwiddie\\nand I thought I could perceive a response to that declaration, in\\nthe countenance of a large majority of this body. And why must\\nsomething be done 1 Because if not, says the gentleman from\\nCampbell, the throats of all the white people of Virginia will be\\ncut. No, says the gentleman from Dinwiddie The whites can-\\nnot be couquered\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the throats of the blacks will be cut. It is a\\ntrifling difference, to be sure, Sir, and matters not to the argu-\\nment. For the fact is conceded, that one race or the other must\\nbe exterminated.\\nSir, such being the actual condition of this Commonwealth,\\nI ask if we would not be justified now, supposing all considera-\\ntions of policy and humanity concurred, without even a moment s", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. lit\\ndelay, in staving off this appalling and overwhelming calamity\\nSir, if this immense negro population were now in arms, gather-\\ning into black and formidable masses of attack, would that man\\nbe listened to, who spoke about property, who prayed you not\\nto direct your artillery to such or such a point, for you would de-\\nstroy some of his property 1 Sir, to the eye of the Statesman,\\nas to the eye of Omniscience, dangers pressing, and dangers that\\nmust necessarily press, are alike present. With a single glance\\nhe embraces Virginia now, with the elements of destruction re-\\nposing quietly upon her bosom, and Virginia is lighted from one\\nextremity to the other with the torch of servile insurrection and\\nmassacre. It is not sufficient for him that the match is not yet\\napplied. It is enough that the magazine is open, and the match\\nwill shortly be applied.\\nSir, it is true in national as it is in private contracts, that loss\\nand injury to one party may constitute as fair a consideration as\\ngain to the other. Does the slaveholder, while he is enjoying\\nhis slaves, reflect upon the deep injury and incalculable loss\\nwhich the possession of that property inflicts upon the true in-\\nterests of the country 1 Slavery, it is admitted, is an evil it is\\nan institution which presses heavily against the best interests of\\nthe State. It banishes free white labor, it exterminates the me-\\nchanic, the artisan, the manufacturer. It deprives them of occu-\\npation. It deprives them of bread. It converts the energy of a\\ncommunity into indolence, its power into imbecility, its efficiency\\ninto weakness. Sir, being thus injurious, have we not a right to\\ndemand its extermination 1 shall society suffer, that the slave-\\nholder may continue to gather his crop of human flesh What\\nis his mere pecuniary claim, compared with the great interests of\\nthe common weal Must the country languish, droop, die, that\\nthe slaveholder may flourish? Shall all interests be subservient\\nto one all rights subordinate to those of the slaveholder 1 Has\\nnot the mechanic, have not the middle classes their rights rights\\nincompatible with the existence of slavery\\nSir, so great and overshadowing arc the evils of slavery so\\nsensibly arc they felt by those who have traced the causes of our\\nnational decline so perceptible is the poisonous operation of its\\nprinciples in the varied and diversified interests of this Common-\\n8*", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "178 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nwealth, that all, whose minds are not warped by prejudice or in-\\nterest, must admit that the disease has now assumed that mortal\\ntendency, as to justify the application of any remedy which, un-\\nder the great law of State necessity, we might consider advisa-\\nble.\\nFrom the abstract of our plan for the abolition of sla-\\nvery, it will be perceived that, so far from allowing slave-\\nholders any compensation for their slaves, we are, and\\nwe think justly, in favor of imposing on them a tax of\\nsixty dollars for each and every negro now in their pos-\\nsession, as also for each and every one that shall be born\\nto them between now and the 4th of July, 1863 after\\nwhich time, we propose that they shall be taxed forty dol-\\nlars per annum, annually, for every person by them held\\nin slavery, without regard to age, sex, color, or condition\\nthe money, in both instances, to be used for the sole\\nadvantage of the slaves. As an addendum to this propo-\\nsition, we would say that, in our opinion, if slavery is not\\ntotally abolished by the year 1869, the annual tax ought\\nto be increased from forty to one hundred dollars and\\nfurthermore, that if the institution does not then almost\\nimmediately disappear under the onus of this increased\\ntaxation, the tax ought in the course of one or two years\\nthereafter, to be augmented to such a degree as will, in\\nharmony with other measures, prove an infallible death-\\nblow to slavery on or before the 4th of July, 1876.\\nAt once let the good and true men of this country, the\\npatriot sons of the patriot fathers, determine that the sun\\nwhich rises to celebrate the centennial anniversary of our\\nnational independence, shall not set on the head of any\\nslave within the limits of our Republic. Will not the", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 119\\nnon-slaveholders of the North, of the South, of the East,\\nand of the AVest, heartily, unanimously sanction this pro-\\nposition Will it not be cheerfully indorsed by many of\\nthe slaveholders themselves? Will any respectable man\\nenter a protest against it? On the 4th of July, 181G\\nsooner, if we can let us make good, at least so far as we\\nare concerned, the Declaration of Independence, which\\nwas proclaimed in Philadelphia on the 4th of July, 11 7G\\nthat all men are endowed by their Creator with cer-\\ntain inalienable rights that among these, are life, liberty,\\nand the pursuit of happiness that to secure these rights,\\ngovernments are instituted among men, deriving their\\njust powers from the consent of the governed that\\nwhenever any form of government becomes destructive\\nof these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to\\nabolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its\\nfoundation on such principles, and organizing its powers\\nin such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect\\ntheir safety and happiness. In purging our land of the\\niniquity of negro slavery, we will only be carrying on the\\ngreat work that was so successfully commenced by our\\nnoble sires of the Revolution some future generation\\nmay possibly complete the work by annulling the last and\\nleast form of oppression.\\nTo turn the slaves away from their present homes\\naway from all the property and means of support which\\ntheir labor has mainly produced, would be unpardonably\\ncruel exceedingly unjust. Still more cruel and unjust\\nwould it be, however, to the non-slaveholding whites no\\nless than to the negroes, to grant further toleration to the", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "180 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nexistence of slavery. In any event, come what will,\\ntranspire what may, the institution must be abolished.\\nThe evils, if any, which are to result from its abolition,\\ncannot, by any manner of means, be half as great as the\\nevils which are certain to overtake us in case of its con-\\ntinuance. The perpetuation of slavery is the climax of\\niniquity.\\nTwo hundred and thirty-seven years have the negroes\\nin America been held in inhuman bondage. During the\\nwhole of this long period they have toiled unceasingly\\nfrom the gray of dawn till the dusk of eve, for their\\ncruel task-masters, who have rewarded them with scanty\\nallowances of the most inferior qualities of victuals and\\nclothes, with heartless separations of the tenderest ties of\\nkindred, with epithets, with scoldings, with execrations,\\nand with the lash and, not unfrequently, with the fatal\\nbludgeon or the more deadly weapon. From the labor of\\ntheir hands, and from the fruit of their loins, the human-\\nmongers of the South have become wealthy, insolent, cor-\\nrupt, and tyrannical. In reason and in conscience the\\nslaves might claim from their masters a much larger sum\\nthan we have proposed to allow them. If they were to\\ndemand an equal share of all the property, real and per-\\nsonal, which has been accumulated or produced through\\ntheir efforts, Heaven, we believe, would recognize them as\\nhonest claimants.\\nElsewhere we have shown, by just and liberal estimates,\\nthat, on the single score of damages to lands, the slave-\\nholders are, at this moment, indebted to the non-slavehold-\\ning whites in the extraordinary sum of $^,544,148,825.", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 181\\nConsidered in connection with the righteous claim of wages\\nfor services which the negroes might bring against their\\nmasters, these figures are the heralds of the significant fact\\nthat, if strict justice could be meted out to all parties in\\nthe South, the slaveholders would not only be stripped of\\nevery dollar, but they would become in law as they are in\\nreality, the hopeless debtors of the myriads of unfortunate\\nslaves, white and black, who are now cringing, and fawn-\\ning, and festering around them. In this matter, however,\\nso far has wrong triumphed over right, that the slavehold-\\ners a mere handful of tyrants, whose manual exercises\\nare wholly comprised in the use they make of instruments\\nof torture, such as whips, clubs, bowie-knives and pistols\\nhave, as the result of a series of acts of their own vil-\\nlainous legislation, become the sole and niggardly propri-\\netors of almost every important item of Southern wealth\\nnot only do they own all the slaves none of whom any\\nreally respectable person cares to own but they are also\\nin possession of the more valuable tracts of land and the\\nappurtenances thereto belonging while the non-slavehold-\\ning whites and the negroes, who compose at least nine-\\ntenths of the entire population, and who are the actual\\nproducers of every article of merchandize, animal, vegeta-\\nble, and mineral, that is sold from the South, are most\\nwickedly despoiled of the fruits of their labors, and cast\\ninto the dismal abodes of extreme ignorance, destitution\\nand misery.\\nFor the services of the blacks from the 20th of August,\\n1620, up to the 4th of July, 1863 an interval of precisely\\ntwo hundred and forty-two years ten months and fourteen", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "182 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\ndays their masters, if unwilling-, ought, in our judgment,\\nto be compelled to grant them their freedom, and to pay\\neach and every one of them at least sixty dollars cash in\\nhand. The aggregate sum thus raised would amount to\\nabout two hundred and forty-five millions of dollars, which\\nis less than the total market value of two entire crops of\\ncotton one-half of which sum would be amply sufficient\\nto land every negro in this country on the coast of Liberia,\\nwhither, if we had the power, we would ship them all\\nwithin the next six months. As a means of protection\\nagainst the exigencies which might arise from a sudden\\ntransition from their present homes in America to their\\nfuture homes in Africa, and for the purpose of enabling\\nthem there to take the initiatory step in the walks of civ-\\nilized life, the remainder of the sum say about one hun-\\ndred and twenty-two millions of dollars might, very\\nproperly, be equally distributed amongst them after their\\narrival in the land of their fathers.\\nDr. James Hall, the Secretary of the Maryland Coloniza-\\ntion Society, informs us that the average cost of sending\\nnegroes to Liberia does not exceed thirty dollars each\\nand it is his opinion that arrangements might be made on\\nan extensive plan for conveying them thither at an average\\nexpense of not more than twenty-five dollars each.\\nThe American colonization movement, as now systema-\\ntized and conducted, is simply an American humane farce.\\nAt present the slaves are increasing in this country at the\\nrate of nearly one hundred thousand per annum withiu\\nthe last ten years, as will appear below, the American\\nColonization Society has sent to Liberia less than five\\nthousand negroes.", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\n183\\nEmigrants sent to Liberia by the American Colonization\\nSociety, during the ten years ending January 1st, 185?.\\nIn 1847 39\\nIn 1848 213\\nIn 1849 474\\nIn 1850.... 590\\nIn 1851.. 279\\nIn 1852 568\\nIn 1853 583\\nIn 1854 783\\nIn 1855 207\\nIn 1856 544\\nTotal 4280 J\\nr Emigrants.\\nThe average of this total is precisely four hundred and\\ntwenty-eight, which may be said to be the number of ne-\\ngroes annually colonized by the society while the yearly\\nincrease of slaves, as previously stated, is little less than\\none hundred thousand Fiddlesticks for such coloniza-\\ntion Once for all, within a reasonably short period, let\\nus make the slaveholders do something like justice to\\ntheir negroes by giving each and every one of them his\\nfreedom, and sixty dollars in current money then let us\\ncharter all the ocean steamers, packets and clipper ships\\nthat can be had on liberal terms, and keep them con-\\nstantly plying between the ports of America and Africa,\\nuntil all slaves shall enjoy freedom in the land of their\\nfathers. Under a well-devised and properly conducted\\nsystem of operations, but a few years would be required\\nto redeem the United States from the monstrous curse of\\nnegro slavery.", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "184 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nSome few years ago, when certain ethnographical oli-\\ngarchs proved to their own satisfaction that the negro was\\nan inferior type of mankind, they chuckled wonder-\\nfully, and avowed, in substance, that it was right for the\\nstronger race to kidnap and enslave the weaker that be-\\ncause Nature had been pleased to do a trifle more for the\\nCaucasian race than for the African, the former, by virtue\\nof its superiority, was perfectly justifiable in holding the\\nlatter in absolute and perpetual bondage No system of\\nlogic could be more antagonistic to the spirit of true\\ndemocracy. It is probable that the world does not con-\\ntain two persons who are exactly alike in all respects\\nyet all men are endowed by their Creator with certain\\ninalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the\\npursuit of happiness. All mankind may or may not be\\nthe descendants of Adam and Eve. In our own humble\\nway of thinking, we are frank to confess, we do not be-\\nlieve in the unity of the races. This is a matter, however,\\nwhich has little or nothing to do with the great question\\nat issue. Aside from any theory concerning the original\\nparentage of the different races of men, facts, material\\nand immaterial, palpable and impalpable facts of the\\neyes and facts of the conscience crowd around us on\\nevery hand, heaping proof upon proof, that slavery is a\\nshame, a crime, and a curse a great moral, social, civil,\\nand political evil an oppressive burden to the blacks,\\nand an incalculable injury to the whites a stumbling-\\nblock to the nation, an impediment to progress, a damper\\non all the nobler instincts, principles, aspirations and en-\\nterprises of man, and a dire enemy to every true interest.", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 185\\nWaiving all other counts, we have, we think, shown\\nto the satisfaction of every impartial reader, that, as else-\\nwhere stated, on the single score of damages to lands, the\\nslaveholders are, at this moment, indebted to us, the non-\\nslaveholding whites, in the enormous sum of nearly seven-\\nty-six hundred millions of dollars. What shall be done\\nwith this amount It is just shall payment be de-\\nmanded No all the slaveholders in the country could\\nnot pay it nor shall we ever ask them for even a moiety\\nof the amount no, not even for a clime, nor yet for a\\ncent we are willing to forfeit every farthing for the sake\\nof freedom for ourselves we ask no indemnification for\\nthe past we only demand justice for the future.\\nBut, Sirs, knights of bludgeons, chevaliers of bowie-\\nknives and pistols, and lords of the lash, we are unwill-\\ning to allow you to swindle the slaves out of all the rights\\nand claims to which, as human beings, they are most\\nsacredly entitled. Not alone for ourself as an individual,\\nbut for others also particularly for five or six millions\\nof Southern non-slaveholding whites, whom your iniqui-\\ntous statism has debarred from almost all the mental and\\nmaterial comforts of life do we speak, when we say, you\\nmust emancipate your slaves, and pay each and every one\\nof them at least sixty dollars cash in hand. By doing this,\\nyou will be restoring to them their natural rights, and\\nremunerating them at the rate of less than twenty-six\\ncents per annum for the long and cheerless period of their\\nservitude, from the 20th of August, 1620, when, on James\\nEiver, in Virginia, they became the unhappy slaves of\\nheartless masters. Moreover, by doing this you will be", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "186 HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED.\\nperforming but a simple act of justice to the non-slave-\\nholding whites, upon whom the institution of slavery has\\nweighed scarcely less heavily than upon the negroes\\nthemselves. You will also be applying a saving balm to\\nyour own outraged hearts and consciences, and your chil-\\ndren yourselves in fact freed from the accursed stain\\nof slavery, will become respectable, useful, and honorable\\nmembers of society.\\nAnd now, Sirs, we have thus laid down our ultimatum.\\nWhat are you going to do about it Something dread-\\nful, as a matter of course Perhaps you will dissolve\\nthe Union again. Do it, if you dare Our motto, and we\\nwould have you to understand it, is the abolition of slavery,\\nand the perpetuation of the American Union. If, by any means,\\nyou do succeed in your treasonable attempts to take the\\nSouth out of the Union to-day, we will bring her back to-\\nmorrow if she goes away with you, she will return with-\\nout you.\\nDo not mistake the meaning of the last clause of the\\nlast sentence we could elucidate it so thoroughly that no\\nintelligent person could fail to comprehend it but, for\\nreasons which may hereafter appear, we forego the task.\\nHenceforth there are other interests to be consulted in\\nthe South, aside from the interests of negroes and slave-\\nholders. A profound sense of duty incites us to make the\\ngreatest possible efforts for the abolition of slavery an\\necpually profound sense of duty calls for a continuation of\\nthose efforts until the very last foe to freedom shall have\\nbeen utterly vanquished. To the summons of the righte-\\nous monitor within, we shall endeavor to prove faithful", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "HOW SLAVERY CAN BE ABOLISHED. 18?\\nno opportunity for inflicting a mortal wound in the side\\nof slavery shall be permitted to pass us unimproved.\\nThus, terror-engenderers of the South, have we fully and\\nfrankly defined our position we have no modifications\\nto propose, no compromises to offer, nothing to retract.\\nFrown, Sirs, fret, foam, prepare your weapons, threat,\\nstrike, shoot, stab, bring on civil war, dissolve the Union,\\nnay, annihilate the solar system if you will do all this,\\nmore, less, better, worse, anything do what you will,\\nSirs, you can neither foil nor intimidate us our purpose is\\nas firmly fixed as the eternal pillars of Heaven we have\\ndetermined to abolish slavery, and, so help us God, abo-\\nlish it we will Take this to bed with you to-night, Sirs,\\nand think about it, dream over it, and let us know how\\nyou feel to-morrow morning.", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "188 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nCHAPTER III.\\nSOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nIf it please the reader, let him forget all that we have\\nwritten on the subject of slavery if it accord with his\\ninclination, let him ignore all that we may write hereaf-\\nter. We seek not to give currency to our peculiar opin-\\nions our greatest ambition, in these pages, is to popular-\\nize the sayings and admonitions of wiser and better men.\\nMiracles, we believe, are no longer wrought in this bedev-\\niled world but if, by any conceivable or possible super-\\nnatural event, the great Founders of the Eepublic, Wash-\\nington, Jefferson, Henry, and others, could be reinvested\\nwith corporeal life, and returned to the South, there is\\nscarcely a slaveholder between the Potomac and the\\nmouth of the Mississippi, that would not burn to pounce\\nupon them with bludgeons, bowie-knives and pistols\\nYes, without adding another word, Washington would be\\nmoiled for what he has already said. Were Jefferson now\\nemployed as a professor in a Southern college, he would\\nbe dismissed and driven from the State, perhaps murdered\\nbefore he reached the border. If Patrick Henry were a\\nbookseller in Alabama, though it might be demonstrated\\nbeyond the shadow of a doubt that he had never bought,", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TEStffltONT AGAINST SLAVERY. 189\\nsold, received, or presented, any kind of literature except\\nBibles and Testaments, he would first be subjected to the\\nignominy of a coat of tar and feathers, and then limited\\nto the option of unceremonious expatriation or death.\\nHow seemingly impossible are these statements, and yet\\nhow true Where do we stand What is our faith\\nAre we a flock without a shepherd a people without a\\nprophet a nation without a government\\nHas the past, with all its glittering monuments of\\ngenius and patriotism, furnished no beacon by which we\\nmay direct our footsteps in the future If we but prove\\ntrue to ourselves, and worthy of our ancestry, we have\\nnothing to fear our Revolutionary sires have devised and\\nbequeathed to us an almost perfect national policy. Let\\nus cherish, and defend, and build upon, the fundamental\\nprinciples of that polity, and we shall most assuredly\\nreap the golden fruits of unparalleled power, virtue and\\nprosperity. Heaven forbid that a desperate faction of\\nslaveholding criminals should succeed in their infamous\\nendeavors to quench the spirit of liberty, which our fore-\\nfathers infused into those two sacred charts of our politi-\\ncal faith, the Declaration of Independence, and the Consti-\\ntution of the United States. Oligarchal politicians are\\nalone responsible for the continuance of African slavery in\\nthe South. For purposes of self-aggrandizement, they\\nhave kept learning and civilization from the people they\\nhave wilfully misinterpreted the national compacts, and\\nhave outraged their own consciences by declaring to their\\nilliterate constituents, that the Founders of the Republic\\nwere not abolitionists. When the dark clouds of slavery,", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "190 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nerror and ignorance shall have passed away, and we be-\\nlieve the time is near at hand when they are to be dissi-\\npated, the freemen of the South, like those of other sec-\\ntions, will learn the glorious truth, that inflexible opposi-\\ntion to Human Bondage has formed one of the distin-\\nguishing characteristics of every really good or great\\nman that our country has produced.\\nThe principles, aims and objects that actuated the\\nframcrs of the Constitution, arc most graphicallly and\\neloquently set forth, in the following extract from a\\nspeech recently delivered by the Hon. A. H. Cragin, of\\nNew Hampshire, in the House of ^Representatives\\nWhen our forefathers reared the magnificent structure of a\\nfree Republic in this Western land, they laid its foundations\\nbroad and deep in the eternal principles of right. Its materials\\nwere all quarried from the mountain of truth and, as it rose\\nmajestically before an astonished world, it rejoiced the hearts and\\nhopes of mankind. Tyrants only cursed the workmen and their\\nworkmanship. Its architecture was new. It had no model in\\nGrecian or Roman history. It seemed a paragon, let down from\\nHeaven to inspire the hopes of men, and to demonstrate the favor\\nof God to the people of a new world. The builders recognized\\nthe rights of human nature as universal. Liberty, the great first\\nright of man, they claimed for all men, and claiiuecT it from\\nGod himself. Upon this foundation they ejected the temple,\\nand dedicated it to Liberty, Humanity, Justice, and Equality.\\nWashington was crowned its patron saint.\\nThe work completed was the noblest effort of human wisdom.\\nCut it was not perfect. It had one blemish\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a little spot\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the\\nblack stain of slavery. The workmen\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the friends of freedom\\neve iy where\u00e2\u0080\u0094 deplored this. They labored long and prayerfully\\nto remove this deformity. They applied all the skill of their\\nart but they labored in vain. Self-interest was too strong for\\npatriotism and love of liberty. The work stood still, and for a", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 101\\ntime it was doubtful whether the experiment would succeed. The\\nblot must remain, or the whole must fail. The workmen revar-\\nnished their work, to conceal and cover up the stain. Slavery\\nwas recognized, but not sanctioned. The word skive or slavery\\nmust not mar the Constitution. So great an inconsistency must\\nnot be proclaimed to the world.\\nAll agreed, at that time, that the anomaly should not increase,\\nand all concurred in the hope and belief that the blemish would\\ngradually disappear. Those noble men looked forward to the\\ntime when slavery would be abolished in this land of ours. They\\nbelieved that the principles of liberty were so dear to the people,\\nthat they would not long deny to others what they claimed for\\nthemselves. They never dreamed that slavery would be extended,\\nbut firmly believed it would be wholly blotted out. I challenge\\nany man to show me a single patriot of the Revolution wlw was in\\nfavor of slavery, or who advocated its extension. So universal\\nwas the sentiment of liberty then, that no man, North or South,\\ncould be found to justify it. Some palliated the evil, and desired\\nthat it might be gradually extinguished but more contemplated\\nit as a permanent institution.\\nLiberty was then the national goddess, worshiped by all the\\npeople. They sang of liberty, they harangued for liberty, they\\nprayed for liberty, and they sacrificed for liberty. Slavery was\\nthen hateful. It was denounced by all. The British king was\\ncondemned for foisting it upon the Colonies. Southern men were\\nforemost in entering their protest against it. It was then every-\\nwhere regarded as an evil, and a crime against humanity.\\nThe fact is too palpable to be disguised, that slavery\\nand slaveholders have always been a clog and a dead-weight\\nupon the government a disgrace and a curse to humanity.\\nThe slaveholding Tories of the South, particularly of South\\nCarolina, in their atrocious hostility to freedom, prolonged\\nthe arduous war of the Eevolution from two to three years\\nand since the termination of that momentous struggle, in\\nwhich, thank LTeaven, they were most signally defeated,", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "192 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nit lias been their constant aim and effort to subvert the\\ndear-bought liberties which were achieved by the non-\\nslaveholding patriots.\\nNon-slaveholders of the South up to the present period,\\nneither as a body, nor as individuals, have you ever had\\nan independent existence but, if true to yourselves and\\nto the memory of your fathers, you, in equal copartnership\\nwith the non-slaveholders of the North, will soon become\\nthe honored rulers and proprietors of the most powerful,\\nprosperous, virtuous, free, and peaceful nation, on which\\nthe sun has ever shone. Already has the time arrived for\\nyou to decide upon what basis you will erect your political\\nsuperstructure. Upon whom will you depend for an equi-\\ntable and judicious form of constitutional government?\\nWhom will 3 r ou designate as models for your future states-\\nmen Your choice lies between the dead and the living\\nbetween the Washingtons, the Jeffersons and the Madisons\\nof the past, and the Quattlebums, the Quitmans and the\\nButlers of the present. We have chosen choose ye,\\nremembering that freedom or slavery is to be the issue of\\nyour option.\\nAs the result of much reading and research, and at the\\nexpenditure of no inconsiderable amount of time, labor and\\nmoney, we now proceed to make known the anti-slavery\\nsentiments of those noble abolitionists, the Fathers of the\\nRepublic, whose liberal measures of public policy have\\nbeen so criminally perverted by the treacherous advocates\\nof slavery.\\nLet us listen, in the first place, to the voice of him who", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 193\\nwas first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of\\nhis countrymen, to\\nTHE VOICE OF WASHINGTON.\\nIn a letter to John F. Mercer, dated September 9th,\\n1186, General Washington says\\nI never mean, unless some particular circumstances should\\ncompel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being\\namong mjjirst wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery,\\nin this country, may be abolished by law.\\nIn a letter to Robert Morris, dated Mount Vernon, April\\n12, 1786, he says\\nI can only say that there is not a man living who wishes more\\nsincerely than I do to see a plau adopted for the abolition of it.\\nBut there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can\\nbe accomplished, and that is by legislative authority and this,\\nas far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting.\\nHe says, in a letter\\ni: To the Marquis de Lafayette April 5th, 1783\\nThe scheme, my dear Marquis, which you propose as a prece-\\ndent, to encourage the emancipation of the black people in this\\ncountry from the state of bondage in which they are held, is a\\nstriking evidence of the benevolence of your heart. I shall be\\nhappy to join you in so laudable a work but will defer going\\ninto a detail of the business till I have the pleasure of seeing you.\\nIn another letter to Lafayette, he says\\nThe benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so con-\\nspicuous on all occasions, that I never wonder at any fresh proofs\\nof it but your late purchase of an estate in the Colony of Cay-\\nenne, with the view of emancipating the slaves on it, is a generous\\n9", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "194 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nand noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit\\nmight diffuse itself generally into the minds of the people of this\\ncountry.\\nIn a letter to Sir John Sinclair, he further said\\nThere are in Pennsylvania laws for the gradual abolition of\\nslavery, which neither Virginia nor Maryland have at present, but\\nwhich nothing is more certain than they must have, and at a\\nperiod not remote\\nFrom his last will and testament we make the following\\nextract\\nif Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all\\nthe slaves which I hold in my own right shall receive their free-\\ndom. To emancipate them during her life would, though earn-\\nestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties,\\non account of their intermixture by marriage with the dower ne-\\ngroes, as to excite the most painful sensation, if not disagreeable\\nconsequences, from the latter, while both descriptions are in the\\noccupancy of the same proprietor, it not being in my power, un-\\nder the tenure by which the dower negroes are held, to manumit\\nthem.\\nIt is said that, when Mrs. Washington learned, from\\nthe will of her deceased husband, that the only obstacle to\\nthe immediate perfection of this provision was her right\\nof dower, she at once gave it up, and the slaves were\\nmade free. A man might possibly concentrate within\\nhimself more real virtue and influence than ever Wash-\\nington possessed, and yet he would not be too good for\\nsuch a wife.\\nFrom the Father of his Country, we now turn to the au-\\nthor of the Declaration of Independence. We will listen to", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 195\\nTHE VOICE OF JEFFERSON.\\nOn the 39th and 40th pages of his Notes on Virginia,\\nJefferson says\\nThere must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the man-\\nners of our people, produced by the existence of slavery among\\nus. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpet-\\nual exercise of the most boisterous passions\u00e2\u0080\u0094 th\u00c2\u00ab most unremit-\\nting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on\\nthe other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it for\\nman is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all edu-\\ncation in him. From his cradle to his grave, he is learning to\\ndo what he sees others do. If a parent could find no motive,\\neither in his philanthropy or his self-love, for restraining the in-\\ntemperance of passion towards his slave, it should always be a\\nsufficient one that his child is present. But generally it is not\\nsufficient. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the\\nlineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller\\nslaves, gives a loose rein to the worst of passions and, thus\\nnursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be\\nstamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a\\nprodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by\\nsuch circumstances. And with what execration should the\\nStatesman be loaded, who, permitting one half the citizens thus\\nto trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into des-\\npots and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part,\\nand the amor patriae of the other for if a slave can have a\\ncountry in this world, it must be any other in preference to that\\nin which he is born to live and labor for another in which he\\nmust look up the faculties of his nature, contribute, as far as de-\\npends on his individual endeavors, to the evanishment of the hu-\\nman race, or entail his own miserable condition on the endless\\ngenerations proceeding from him. With the morals of the peo-\\nple, their industry also is destroyed for, in a warm climate, no\\nman will labor for himself who can make another labor for him.\\nThis is so true, that of the proprietors of slaves a very small pro-\\nportion, indeed, are ever seen to labor. And can the liberties", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "196 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nof a nation be thought secure, when we have removed their only\\nfirm basis a conviction in the minds of the people that these\\nliberties are of the gift of God that they are not to be violated\\nbut with his wrath 1 Indeed, T tremble for my country when I\\nreflect that God is just that his justice cannot sleep forever\\nthat considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revo-\\nlution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation is among\\npossible events that it may become probable by supernatural\\ninterference The Almighty has no attribute which can take\\nside with us in such a contest.\\nWhile Virginia was yet a Colony, in 1114, she held a\\nConvention to appoint delegates to attend the first general\\nCongress, which was to assemble, and did assemble, in\\nPhiladelphia, in September of the same year. Before that\\nConvention, Mr. Jefferson made an exposition of the rights\\nof British America, in which he said\\nThe abolition of domestic slavery is the greatest object of\\ndesire in these Colonies, where it was unhappily introduced in\\ntheir infant State. But previous to the enfranchisement of the\\nslaves, it is necessary to exclude further importations from Africa.\\nYet our repeated attempts to effect this by prohibitions, and by\\nimposing duties which might amount to prohibition, have been\\nhitherto defeated by his Majesty s negative thus preferring the\\nimmediate advantage of a few African corsairs to the lasting in-\\nterests of the American States, and the rights of human nature,\\ndeeply wounded by this infamous practice.\\nIn the original draft of the Declaration of Independence,\\nof which it is well known he was the author, we find this\\ncharge against the King of Great Britain\\nHe has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating\\nits most sacred rights of life and liberty, in the persons of a dis-\\ntant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying\\nthem into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 19 1\\ndeath in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the\\nopprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian\\nKing of Great Britain. Determined to keep a market where men\\nshould be bought and sold, he has at length prostituted his nega-\\ntive for suppressing any legislative attempt to prohibit and re-\\nstrain this execrable commerce.\\nHear him further he says\\nWe hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are cre-\\nated equal that they are endowed by their Creator with certain\\nunalienable rights that among these are life, liberty, and the\\npursuit of happiness that to secure these rights, governments\\nare instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the\\nconsent of the governed.\\nUnder date of August 1th, 1185, in a letter to Dr. Price\\nof London, he says\\nNorthward of the Chesapeake you may find, here and there,\\nan opponent of your doctrine, as you may find, here and there, a\\nrobber and murderer but in no great number. Emancipation\\nis put into such a train, that in a few years there will be no\\nslaves northward of Maryland. In Maryland I do not find such\\na disposition to begin the redress of this enormity, as in Virginia.\\nThis is the next State to which we may turn our eyes for the\\ninteresting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and op-\\npression a conflict wherein the sacred side is gaining daily\\nrecruits from the influx into office of young men grown up, and\\ngrowing up. These have sucked in the principles of liberty, as\\nit were, with their mother s milk and it is to them I look with\\nanxiety to turn the fate of the question.\\nIn another letter, written to a friend iu 1814, he made\\nuse of the following 1 emphatic language\\nYour favor of July 31st was duly received, and read with pe-\\nculiar pleasure. The sentiments do honor to the head and heart", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "198 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nof the writer. Mine on the subject of the slavery of negroes\\nhave long since been in the possession of the public, and time has\\nonly served to give them stronger root. The love of justice and\\nthe love of country plead equally the cause of these people, and\\nit is a reproach to us that they should have pleaded it so long in\\nvain.\\nAgain, he says\\nWhat an incomprehensible machine is man who can endure\\ntoil, famine, stripes, imprisonment, and death itself, in vindication\\nof his own liberty and the next moment be deaf to all those\\nmotives whose power supported him through his trial, and in-\\nflict on his fellow man a bondage, one hour of which is fraught\\nwith more misery than ages of that which he rose in rebellion to\\noppose.\\nThroughout the South, at the present day, especially\\namong slaveholders, negroes are almost invariably spoken\\nof as goods and chattels, property. human cattle.\\nIn our first quotation from Jefferson s works, we have\\nseen that he spoke of the blacks as citizens. We shall\\nnow hear him speak of them as brethren. He says\\nWe must wait with patience the workings of an overruling\\nProvidence, and hope that that is preparing the deliverance of\\nthese our brethren. When the measure of their tears shall be\\nfull, when their groans shall have involved Heaven itself in dark-\\nness, doubtless a God of justice will awaken to their distress.\\nNothing is more certainly written in the Book of Fate, than that\\nthis people shall be free.\\nIn a letter to James Heaton, on this same subject,\\ndated May 20, 1826, only six weeks before his death, he\\nsays\\nil My sentiments have been forty years before the public. Had", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 199\\nI repeated them forty times, they would have only hecome the\\nmore stale and threadbare. Although I shall not live to see them\\nconsummated, they will not die with me.\\nFrom the Father of the Declaration of Independence, we\\nnow turn to the Father of the Constitution. We will\\nlisten to\\nTHE VOICE OF MADISON.\\nAdvocating the abolition of the slave-trade, Mr. Madison\\nsaid\\nThe dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the\\nnational safety and happiness, and prudent policy, require it of\\nus. It is to be hoped, that by expressing a national disapproba-\\ntion of the trade, we may destroy it, and save our country from\\nreproaches, and our posterity from the imbecility ever attendant\\non a country filled with slaves.\\nAgain, he says\\nIt is wrong to admit into the Constitution the idea that there\\ncan be property in man.\\nIn the 39th No. of The Federalist, he says\\nThe first question that offers itself is, whether the general\\nform and aspect of the government be strictly Republican. It is\\nevident that no other form would be reconcilable with the genius\\nof the people of America, and with the fundamental principles of\\nthe Revolution, or with that honorable determination which ani-\\nmates every votary of freedom, to rest all our political experi-\\nments on the capacity of mankind for self-government.\\nIn the Federal Convention, he said\\nAnd in the third place, where slavery exists, the Republican\\ntheory becomes still more fallacious.", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "200 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nOn another occasion, he says\\nWe have seen the mere distinction of color made, in the\\nmost enlightened period of time, a ground of the most oppressive\\ndominion ever exercised by man over man.\\nTHE VOICE OF MONROE.\\nIn a speech in the Virginia Convention, Mr. Monroe\\nsaid\\nWe have found that this evil has preyed upon the very vitals\\nof the Union, and has been prejudicial to all the States, in which\\nit has existed.\\nTHE VOICE OF HENRY.\\nThe eloquent Patrick Henry says, in a letter dated Jan-\\nuary 18, 1773\\nIs it not a little surprising that the professors of Christianity,\\nwhose chief excellence consists in softening the human heart, in\\ncherishing and improving its finer feelings, should encourage a\\npractice so totally repugnant to the first impressions of right and\\nwrong 1 What adds to the wonder is, that this abominable prac-\\ntice has been introduced in the most enlightened ages. Times\\nthat seem to have pretensions to boast of high improvements in\\nthe arts and sciences, and refined morality, have brought into\\ngeneral use, and guarded by many laws, a species of violence and\\ntyranny which our more rude and barbarous, but more honest\\nancestors detested. Is it not amazing that at a time when the\\nrights of humanity are defined and understood with precision, in\\na country above all others fond of liberty that in such an age\\nand in such a country, we find men professing a religion the most\\nmild, humane, gentle, and generous, adopting such a principle, as\\nrepugnant to humanity as it is inconsistent with the Bible, and\\ndestructive to liberty? Every thinking, honest man rejects it in\\nspeculation. How free in practice from conscientious motives\\nWould any one believe that I am master of slaves of my own", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 201\\npurchase? I am drawn along by the general inconvenience of\\nliving here without them. I will not, I cannot justify it. How-\\never culpable my conduct, I will so far pay my devoir to virtue\\nas to own the excellence and rectitude of her precepts, and la-\\nment my want of conformity to them. I believe a time will\\ncome when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lament-\\nable evil. Everything we can do is to improve it, if it happens\\nin our day if not, let us transmit to our descendants, together\\nwith our slaves, a pity for their unhappy lot, and an abhorrence\\nfor slavery. If we cannot reduce this wished-for reformation\\nto practice, let us treat the unhappy victims with lenity. It is\\nthe furthest advance we can make towards justice. It is a debt\\nwe owe to the purity of our religion, to show that it is at vari-\\nance with that law which warrants slavery.\\nAgain, this great orator says\\nIt would rejoice my very soul, that every one of my fellow-\\nbeings was emancipated. We ought to lament and deplore the\\nnecessity of holding our fellow-men in bondage. Believe me\\nI shall honor the Quakers for their noble efforts to abolish\\nslavery.\\nTH,E VOICE OF RANDOLPH.\\nThe excentric genius, John Randolph, of Roanoke, in a\\nletter to William Gibbons, in 1820, says\\nWith unfeigned respect and regard, and as sincere a depreca-\\ntion on the extension of slavery and its horrors, as any other\\nman, be him whom he may, I am your friend, in the literal sense\\nof that much abused word. I say much abused, because it is ap-\\nplied to the leagues of vice and avarice and ambition, instead\\nof good will toward man from love of him who is the Prince of\\nPeace.\\nWhile in Congress, he said\\nSir, I envy neither the heart nor the head of that man from\\nthe North who rises here to defend slavery on principle.\\n9*", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "202 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nIt is well known that he emancipated all his negroes.\\nThe following lines from his will are well worth perusing\\nand preserving\\nI give to my slaves their freedom, to which my conscience\\ntelis me they are justly entitled. It has a long time been a mat-\\nter of the deepest regret to me that the circumstances under\\nwhich I inherited them, and the obstacles thrown in the way by\\nthe laws of the land, have prevented my emancipating them in\\nmy life-time, which it is my full intention to do in case I can\\naccomplish it.\\nTHOMAS M. RANDOLPH.\\nIn an address to the Virginia Legislature, in 1820, Gov.\\nRandolph said\\nWe have been far outstripped by States to whom nature has\\nbeen far less bountiful. It is painful to consider what might\\nhave been, under other circumstances, the amount of general\\nwealth in Virginia.\\nTHOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH.\\nIn 1832, Mr. Randolph, of Albemarle, in the Legislature\\nof Virginia, used the following most graphic and emphatic\\nlanguage\\nI agree with gentlemen in the necessity of arming the State\\nfor internal defence. I will unite with them in any effort to re-\\nstore confidence to the public mind, and to conduce to the sense\\nof the safety of our wives and our children. Yet, Sir. I must\\nask upon whom is to fall the burden of this defence 1 Not upon\\nthe lordly masters of their hundred slaves, who will never turn\\nout except to retire with their families when danger threatens.\\nNo, Sir it is to fall upon the less wealthy class of our citizens.", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 203\\nchiefly upon the non-slaveholder. I have known patrols turned\\nout when there was not a slaveholder among them and this is\\nthe practice of the country. I have slept in times of alarm quiet\\nin bed, without having a thought of care, while these individuals,\\nowning none of this property themselves, were patrolling under\\na compulsory process, for a pittance of seventy-five cents per\\ntwelve hours, the very curtilage of my house, and guarding that\\nproperty which was alike dangerous to them and myself. After\\nall, this is but an expedient. As this population becomes more\\nnumerous, it becomes less productive. Your guard must be in-\\ncreased, until finally its profits will not pay for the expense of\\nits subjection. Slavery has the effect of lessening the free popu-\\nlation of a country.\\nThe gentleman has spoken of the increase of the female slaves\\nbeing a part of the profit. It is admitted but no great evil can\\nbe averted, no good attained, without some inconvenience. It\\nmay be questioned how far it is desirable to foster and encour-\\nage this branch of profit. It is a practice, and an increasing\\npractice, in parts of Virginia, to rear slaves for market. How\\ncan an honorable mind, a patriot, and a lover of his country, bear\\nto see this Ancient Dominion, rendered illustrious by the noble\\ndevotion and patriotism of her sons in the cause of liberty, con-\\nverted into one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for\\nthe market, like oxen for the shambles 1 Is it better, is it not\\nworse, than the slave trade\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that trade which enlisted the labor\\nof the good and wise of every creed, and every clime, to abolish\\nit The trader receives the slave, a stranger in language, aspect,\\nand manners, from the merchant who has brought him from the\\ninterior. The ties of father, mother, husband, and child, have all\\nbeen rent in twain before he receives him, his soul has become\\ncallous. But here, Sir, individuals whom the master has known\\nfrom infancy, whom he has seen sporting in the innocent gam-\\nbols of childhood, who have been accustomed to look to him for\\nprotection, he tears from the mother s arms and sells into a\\nstrange country among strange people, subject to cruel taskmas-\\nters.\\nHe has attempted to justify slavery here, because it exists in\\nAfrica, and has stated that it exists all over the world. Upon", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "204 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nthe same principle, he could justify Mahometanism, with its plu-\\nrality of wives, petty wars for plunder, robbery, and murder, or\\nany other of the abominations and enormities of savage tribes.\\nDoes slavery exist in any part of civilized Europe No, Sir, in\\nno part of it.\\nPEYTON RANDOLPH.\\nOn the 20th of October, 1774, while Congress was in\\nsession in Philadelphia, Peyton Eandolph, President, the\\nfollowing resolution, among others, was unanimously\\nadopted\\nThat we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported\\nafter the first day of December next after which time we will\\nwholly discontinue the slave-trade, and will neither be concerned\\nin it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commo-\\ndities or manufactures, to those who are concerned in it.\\nEDMUND RANDOLPH.\\nThe Constitution of the United States contains the fol-\\nlowing provision\\nNo person held to service or labor in another State, under the\\nlaws thereof, escaping to another, shall, in consequence of any\\nlaw or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or\\nlabor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom\\nsuch service or labor may be due.\\nTo the studious attention of those vandals who contend\\nthat the above provision requires the rendition of fugitive\\nslaves, we respectfully commend the following resolution,\\nwhich, it will be observed, was unanimously adopted\\nOn motion of Mr. Randolph, the word \u00e2\u0096\u00a0servitude was struck", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 205\\nout; and service unanimously inserted the former being\\nthought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the ob\\nligation of free persons. Madison Papers, vol. III., p. 15G9.\\nWell done for the Randolphs\\nTHE VOICE OF CLAY.\\nHenry Clay, whom everybody loved, and at the mention\\nof whose name the American heart always throbs with\\nemotions of grateful remembrance, said, in an address be-\\nfore the Kentucky Colonization Society, in 1829\\nIt is believed that nowhere in the farming portion of the\\nUnited States would slave-labor be generally employed, if the\\nproprietor were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of\\nthe Southern market, which keeps it up in his own.\\nIn the United States Senate, in 1850, he used the follow-\\ning memorable words\\nI am extremely sorry to hear the Senator from Mississippi\\nsay that he requires, first the extension of the Missouri Compro-\\nmise line to the Pacific, and also that he is not satisfied with\\nthat, but requires, if I understand him correctb,-, a positive pro-\\nvision for the admission of slavery South of that line. And now,\\nSir, coming from a slave State, as I do, I owe it to myself, I owe\\nit to truth, I owe it to the subject to say that no earthly power\\ncould induce me to vote for a specific measure for the introduc-\\ntion of slavery where it had not before existed, either South or\\nNorth of that line. Coming as I do from a slave State, it is my\\nsolemn, deliberate and well-matured determination that no\\npower, no earthly power, shall compel me to vote for the posi-\\ntive introduction of slavery either South or North of that line.\\nSir, while you reproach, and justly too, our British ancestors for\\nthe introduction of this institution upon the continent of Ame-\\nrica, I am, for one, unwilling that the posterity of the present in-", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "206 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nhabitants of California and of New Mexico, shall reproach us for\\ndoing just what we reproach Great Britain for doing to us. If\\nthe citizens of those territories choose to establish slavery, and\\nif they come here with Constitutions establishing slavery, I am\\nfor admitting them with such provisions in their Constitutions\\nbut then it will be their own work, and not ours, and their pos-\\nterity will have to reproach them, and not us, for forming Con-\\nstitutions allowing the institution of slavery to exist among\\nthem. These are my views, Sir, and I choose to express them\\nand I care not how extensively or universally they are known.\\nHear him further he says\\nSo long as God allows the vital current to flow through my\\nveins, I will never, never, never, by word, or thought, by mind\\nor will, aid in admitting one rood of free territory to the ever-\\nlasting curse of human bondage.\\nA bumper to the memory of noble Harry of the West\\nCASSIUS M. CLAY.\\nOf the great number of good speeches made by members\\nof the Republican party during the late Presidential cam-\\npaign, it is, we believe, pretty generally admitted that the\\nbest one was made by Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, at\\nthe Tabernacle, in New-York City, on the 24th of October,\\n1856. From the speech of that noble champion of freedom,\\nthen and there delivered, we make the following graphic\\nextract\\nt; If there are no manufactures, there is no commerce. In vain\\ndo the slaveholders go to Knoxville, to Nashville, to Memphis\\nand to Charleston, and resolve that tb will have nothing to do\\nwith these abolition eighteen millions of Northern people that\\nthey will build their own vessels, manufacture their own goods,\\nship their own products to foreign countries, and break down", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 201\\nNew-York, Philadelphia and Boston Again they resolve and\\nreresolve, and yet there is not a single ton more shipped and not\\na single article added to the wealth of the South. But, gentle-\\nmen, they never invite such men as I am to attend their Conven-\\ntions. They know that I would tell them that slavery is the cause\\nof their poverty, and that I will tell them that what they are aim-\\ning at is the dissolution of the Union that they may be prepared\\nto strike for that whenever the nation rises. They well know that\\nby slave labor the very propositions which they make can never\\nbe realized yet when we show these things, they cry out, Oh,\\nCotton is King But when we look at the statistics, we find\\nthat so far from Cotton being King, Grass is King. There are\\nnine articles of staple productions which are larger than that of\\ncotton in this country.\\nI suppose it does not follow because slavery is endeavoring\\nto modify the great dicta of our fathers, that cotton and free\\nlabor are incompatible. In the extreme South, at New Orleans,\\nthe laboring men\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the stevedores and hackmen on the levee,\\nwhere the heat is intensified by the proximity of the red brick\\nbuildings, are all white men, and they are in the full enjoyment\\nof health. But how about cotton I am informed by a friend\\nof mine\u00e2\u0080\u0094 himself a slaveholder, and therefore good authority\\nthat in Northwestern Texas, among the German settlements, who,\\ntrue to their national instincts, will not employ the labor of a\\nslave\u00e2\u0080\u0094 they produce more cotton to the acre, and of a better\\nquality, and selling at prices from a cent to a cent and a half a\\npound higher than that produced by slave labor. This is an ex-\\nperiment that illustrates what I have always held, that whatever\\nis right is expedient.\\nTHE VOICE OF BENTON.\\nIn his Thirty Years View, Thomas H. Benton says\\nMy opposition to the extension of slavery dates further back\\nthan 1844\u00e2\u0080\u0094 forty years further back and as this is a suitable\\ntime for a general declaration, and a sort of general conscience\\ndelivery, I will say that my opposition to it dates from 1804, when", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "208 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AOAINST SLAVERY.\\nI was a student at law in the State of Tennessee, and studied the\\nsubject of African slavery in an American book a Virginia book\\nTucker s edition of Blackstone s Commentaries.\\nAgain, in a speech delivered in St. Louis, on the 3rd of\\nNovember, 1856, he says\\nI look at white people, and not at black ones I look to the\\npeace and reputation of the race to which I belong. I look to\\nthe peace of this land the world s last hope for a free govern-\\nment on the earth. One of the occasions in which I saw Henry\\nClay rise higher than I thought I ever saw him before, was when\\nin the debate on the admission of California, a dissolution was\\napprehended if slavery was not carried into this Territory, where\\nit never was. Then Mr. Clay, rising, loomed colossally in the\\nSenate of the United States, as he rose declaring that for no\\nearthly purpose, no earthly object, could he carry slavery into\\nplaces where it did not exist before. It was a great and proud\\nday for Mr. Clay, towards the latter days of his life, and if an art-\\nist could have been there to catch his expression as he uttered\\nthat sentiment, with its reflex on his face, and his countenance\\nbeaming with firmness of purpose, it would have been a glorious\\nmoment in which to transmit him to posterity his countenance\\nall alive and luminous with the ideas that beat in his bosom.\\nThat was a proud day. I could have wished that I had spoken\\nthe same words. I speak them now, telling you they were his,\\nand adopting them as my own.\\nTHE VOICE OF MASON.\\nColonel Mason, a leading and distinguished member of\\nthe Convention that formed the Constitution, from Virginia,\\nwhen the provision for prohibiting the importation of\\nslaves was under consideration, said\\nThe present question concerns not the importing States alone,", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 209\\nbut the whole Union. Slavery discourages arts and manufactures.\\nThe poor despise labor when performed by slaves. They prevent\\nthe emigration of whites who really enrich and strengthen a\\ncountry. They produce the most pernicious effect on manners.\\nEvery master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the\\njudgment of Heaven on a country. As nations cannot be re-\\nwarded or punished in the next world, they must be in this. By\\nan inevitable chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes na-\\ntional sins by national calamities. He lamented that some of our\\nEastern brethren had, from a lust of gain, embarked in this nefa-\\nrious traffic. As to the States being in possession of the right\\nto import, this was the case with many other rights, now to be\\nproperly given up. He held it essential, in every point of view,\\nthat the General Government should have power to prevent the\\nincrease of slavery.\\nTHE VOICE OF MCDOWELL.\\nIu 1832, Gov. McDowell used this language in the Vir-\\nginia Legislature\\nWho that looks to this unhappy bondage of an unhappy peo-\\nple, in the midst of our society, and thinks of its incidents or is-\\nsues, but weeps over it as a curse as great upon him who inflicts\\nas upon him who suffers it 1 Sir, you may place the slave where\\nyou please you may dry up, to your uttermost, the fountains of\\nhis feelings, the springs of his thought you may close upon his\\nmind every avenue of knowledge, and cloud it over with artificial\\nnight you may yoke him to your labors, as the ox, which liveth\\nonly to work and worketh only to live you may put him under\\nany process which, without destroying his value as a slave, will\\ndebase and crush him as a rational being you may do this, and\\nthe idea that he was born to be free will survive it all. It is\\nallied to his hope of immortality it is the etherial part of his\\nnature which oppression cannot rend. It is a torch lit up in his\\nsoul by the hand of Deity, and never meant to be extinguished\\nby the hand of man.", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "210 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nTHE VOICE OF IREDELL.\\nIn the debates of the North Carolina Convention, Mr.\\nIredell, afterwards a Judge of the United States Supreme\\nCourt, said\\nWhen the entire abolition of slavery takes place, it will be\\nan event which must be pleasing to every generous mind, and\\nevery friend of human nature.\\nTHE VOICE OF PINKNEY.\\nWilliam Pinkncy, of Maryland, in the House of Dele-\\ngates in that State, in 1189, made several powerful argu-\\nments in favor of the abolition of slavery. Here follows\\na brief extract from one of his speeches\\nIniquitous and most dishonorable to Maryland, is that dreary\\nsystem of partial bondage which her laws have hitherto sup-\\nported with a solicitude worthy of a better object, and her citi-\\nzens by their practice, countenanced. Founded in a disgraceful\\ntraffic, to which the parent country lent its fostering aid, from\\nmotives of interest, but which even she would have disdained to\\nencourage, had England been the destined mart of such inhuman\\nmerchandize, its continuance is as shameful as its origin.\\nI have no hope that the stream of general liberty will forever\\nflow unpolluted through the mire of partial bondage, or that they\\nwho have been habituated to lord it over others, will not, in time,\\nbecome base enough to let others lord it over them. If they re-\\nsist, it will be the struggle of pride aud selfishness, not of princi-\\nple.\\nTHE VOICE OF LEIGH.\\nIn the Legislature of Virginia, in 1832, Mr. Leigh\\nsaid\\ntl I thought, till very lately, that it was known to every body", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 211\\nthat, during the Revolution, and for many years after, the aboli-\\ntion of slavery was a favorite to topic with many of our ablest\\nStatesmen, who entertained with respect all the schemes which\\nwisdom or ingenuity could suggest for its accomplishment.\\nTHE VOICE OF MARSHALL.\\nThomas Marshall, of Fauquier, said, in the Virginia\\nLegislature, in 1832\\nK Wherefore, then, object to slavery Because it is ruinous to\\nthe whites retards improvements, roots out an industrious popu-\\nlation, banishes the yeomanry of the country deprives the spin-\\nner, the weaver, the smith, the shoemaker, the carpenter, of em-\\nployment and support.\\nTHE VOICE OF BOLLING.\\nPhilip A. Boiling, of Buckingham, a member of the Leg-\\nislature of Virginia in 1832, said\\nThe time will come and it may be sooner than many are\\nwilling to believe when this oppressed and degraded race can-\\nnot be held as they now are when a change will be effected,\\nabhorrent, Mr. Speaker, to you, and to the feelings of every good\\nman.\\nThe wounded adder will recoil, and sting the foot that tram-\\nples upon it. The day is fast approaching, when those who op-\\npose all action upon this subject, and, instead of aiding in devis-\\ning some feasible plan for freeing their country from an acknow-\\nledged curse, cry impossible^ to every plan suggested, will curse\\ntheir perverseness, and lament their folly.\\nTHE VOICE OF CHANDLER.\\nMr. Chandler, of Norfolk, member of the Virginia Legis-\\nlature, in 1832, took occasion to say\\nIt is admitted, by all who have addressed this Ilouse, that", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "212 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nslavery is a curse, and an increasing one. That it has been de-\\nstructive to the lives of our citizens, history, with unerring truth,\\nwill record. That its future increase will create commotion, can-\\nnot be doubted.\\nTHE VOICE OF SUMMERS.\\nMr. Summers, of Kanawha, member of the Legislature\\nof Virginia, in 1832, said\\nThe evils of this system cannot be enumerated. It were un-\\nnecessary to attempt it. They glare upon us at every step.\\nWhen the owner looks to his wasted estate, he knows and feels\\nthem.\\nTHE VOICE OF PRESTON.\\nIn the Legislature of Virginia, in 1832, Mr. Preston\\nsaid\\nSir, Mr. Jefferson, whose hand drew the preamble to the\\nBill of Rights, has eloquently remarked that we had invoked for\\nourselves the benefit of a principle which we had denied to\\nothers. He saw and felt that slaves, as men, were embraced\\nwithin this principle.\\nTHE VOICE OF FREMONT.\\nJohn Charles Fremont, one of the noblest sons of the\\nSouth, says\\nI heartily concur in all movements which have for their ob-\\nject to repair the mischiefs arising from the violation of good\\nfaith in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. I am opposed to\\nslavery in the abstract, and upon principles sustained and made\\nhabitual by long settled convictions. I am inflexibly opposed\\nto its extension on this continent beyond its present limits.\\nThe great body of non-slaveholding Freemen, including those\\nof the South, upon whose welfare slavery is an oppression, will", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 213\\ndiscover that the power of the General Government over the\\nPublic Lands may be beneficially exerted to advance their inter-\\nests, and secure their independence knowing this, their suffra-\\nges will not be wanting to maintain that authority in the Union,\\nwhich is absolutely essential to the maintenance of their own\\nliberties, and which has more than once indicated the purpose of\\ndisposing of the Public Lands in such a way as would make every\\nsettler upon them a freeholder.\\nTIIE VOICE OF BLAIR.\\nIn an Address to the Republicans of Maryland, in 1856,\\nFrancis P. Blair says\\nIn every aspect in which slavery among us can be considered,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2t is pregnant with difficulty. Its continuance in the States in\\nwhich it has taken root has resulted in the monopoly of the soil,\\nto a great extent, in the hands of the slaveholders, and the entire\\ncontrol of all departments of the State Government and yet a\\nmajority of people in the slave States are not slave-owners. This\\nproduces an anomaly in the principle of our free institutions,\\nwhich threatens in time to bring into subjugation to slave-own-\\ners the great body of the free white population.\\nTHE VOICE OF MAURY.\\nLieut. Maury, to whom has been awarded so much well-\\nmerited praise in the world of science, says\\nThe fact must be obvious to the far-reaching minds of our\\nStatesmen, that unless some means of relief be devised, some\\nchannel afforded, by which the South can. when the time comes,\\nget rid of the excess of her slave population, she will be ulti-\\nmately found with regard to this institution, in the predicament\\nof the man with the wolf by the ears too dangerous to hold on any\\nlonger, and equally dangerous to let go. To our mind, the event\\nis as certain to happen as any event which depends on the con-\\ntingencies of the future, viz. that unless means be devised for rra-", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "214 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\ndually relieving the slave States from the undue pressure of this\\nclass upon them unless some way be opened by which they may\\nbe rid of their surplus black population the time will come it\\nmay not be in the next nor in the succeeding generation but,\\nsooner or later, come it will, and come it must when the two\\nraces will join in the death struggle for the mastery.\\nTHE VOICE OF BIRNEY.\\nJames G. Birney, of Kentucky, under whom the Aboli-\\ntionists first became a National Party, and for whom tlicy\\nvoted for President in 1S44, giving him 66,304 votes,says\\nWe have so long practiced injustice, adding to it hypocrisy,\\nin the treatment of the colored race, both negroes and Indians,\\nthat we begin to regard injustice as an element a chief element\\nthe chief element of our government. But no government\\nwhich admits injustice as an element can be a harmonious one or\\na permanent one. Harmony is the antagonist of injustice, ever\\nhas been, and ever will be that is, so long as injustice lasts,\\nwhich cannot always be, for it is a lie. a semblance, therefore,\\nperishable. True, from the imperfection of man, his ambition\\nand selfishness, injustice often finds its way incidentally into the\\nadministration of public affairs, and maintains its footing a long\\ntime before it is cast out by the legitimate elements of govern-\\nment.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Our slave States, especially the more southern of them, in\\nwhich the number of slaves is greater, and in which, of course\\nthe sentiment of injustice is stronger than in the more northern\\nones, are to be placed on the list of decaying communities. To a\\nphilosophic observer, they seem to be falling back on the scale\\nof civilization. Even at the present point of retrogression, the\\ncause of civilization and human improvement would lose nothing\\nby their annihilation.\\nTHE VOICE OF DELAWARE.\\nStrong anti-slavery sentiment had become popular in", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 215\\nDelaware as early as 1785. With Maryland and Missouri,\\nit may now be ranked as a semi-slave State. Mr. McLane,\\na member of Congress from this State in 1825, said\\nI shall not imitate the example of other gentlemen by mak-\\ning professions of my love of liberty and abhorrence of slavery,\\nnot, however, because I do not entertain them. I am an enemy\\nto slavery.\\nTHE VOICE OF MARYLAND.\\nSlavery has little vitality in Maryland. Baltimore, the\\ngreatest city of the South greatest because freest has a\\npopulation of more than two hundred thousand souls, and\\nyet less than three thousand of these are slaves. In spite\\nof all the unjust and oppressive statutes enacted by the\\noligarchy, the non-slaveholders, who with the exception\\nof a small number of slaveholding emancipationists, may\\nin truth be said to be the only class of respectable and\\npatriotic citizens in the South, have wisely determined\\nthat their noble State shall be freed from the sin and the\\nshame, the crime and the curse of slavery and in accor-\\ndance with this determination, long since formed, they are\\ngiving every possible encouragement to free white labor,\\nthereby, very properly, rendering the labor of slaves both\\nunprofitable and disgraceful. The formation of an Aboli-\\ntion Society in this State, in 1789, was the result of the\\ninfluence of the masterly speeches delivered in the House\\nof Delegates, by the Hon. William Pinkney, whose undy-\\ning testimony we have already placed on record. Nearly\\nseventy years ago, this eminent lawyer and Statesman\\ndeclared to the people of America, that if they did not", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "216 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nmark out the bounds of slavery, and adopt measures for\\nits total extinction, it would finally work a decay of the\\nspirit of liberty in the free States. Further, he said that,\\nby the eternal principles of natural justice, no master in\\nthe State has a right to hold his slave in bondage a single\\nhour. In 1181, Luther Martin, of this State, said\\nSlavey is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and\\nhas a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is sup-\\nported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind,\\nand habituates us to tyranny and oppression.\\nTHE VOICE OF VIRGINIA.\\nAfter introducing the unreserved and immortal testi-\\nmony of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Henry, and the\\nother great men of the Old Dominion, against the institu-\\ntion of slavery, it may to some, seem quite superfluous to\\nback the cause of Freedom by arguments from other Vir-\\nginia abolitionists but this State, notwithstanding all\\nher more modern manners and inhumanity, has been so\\nprolific of just views and noble sentiments, that we deem\\nit eminently fit and proper to blazon many of them to the\\nworld as the redeeming features of her history. An Abo-\\nlition Society was formed in this State in 1191. In a me-\\nmorial which the members of this Society presented to\\nCongress, they pronounced slavery not only an odious\\ndegradation, but an outrageous violation of one of the most\\nessential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant\\nto the precepts of the Gospel. A Bill of Rights, unan-\\nimously agreed upon by the Virginia Convention of June\\n12, 1716, holds\u00e2\u0080\u0094", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 217\\nThat all men are, by nature, equally free and independent\\nThat Government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common\\nbenefit, protection, and security, of the People, Nation, or Com-\\nmunity\\nThat elections of members to serve as representatives of the\\npeople in assembly ought to be free\\nThat all men having sufficient evidence of permanent common\\ninterest with, and attachment to, the community, have the right\\nof suffrage, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property,\\nfor public uses, without their own consent or that of their repre-\\nsentatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have\\nnot in like manner assented, for the public good\\nThat the freedom of the Press is one of the greatest bulwarks\\nof Liberty, and can never be restrained but by despotic Govern-\\nments\\nThat no free Government or the blessing of Liberty can be\\npreserved to any people, but by a firm adherence to justice, mod-\\neration, temperance, frugality, and virtue, and by a frequent re-\\ncurrence to fundamental principles.\\nThe Virginia Society for the Abolition of Slavery,\\norganized in 1791, addressed Congress in these words\\nYour memorialists, fully aware that righteousness exalteth a\\nnation, and that slavery is not only an odious degradation, but\\nan outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of hu-\\nman nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the gospel,\\nwhich breathes peace on earth and good will to men, lament\\nthat a practice so inconsistent with true policy and the inaliena-\\nble rights of men, should subsist in so enlightened an age, and\\namong a people professing that all mankind are, by nature,\\nequally entitled to freedom.\\nTELE VOICE OF NORTH CAROLINA.\\nIf the question, slavery or no slavery, could be fairly pre-\\nsented for the decision of the legal voters of North Caro-\\nlina at the next popular election, we believe at least two-\\n10", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "218 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nthirds of them would deposite the no slavery ticket. Perhaps\\none-fourth of the slaveholders themselves would vote it,\\nfor the slaveholders in this State are more moderate, de-\\ncent, sensible, and honorable, than the slaveholders in\\neither of the adjoining States, or the States further South\\nand we know that many of them are heartily ashamed of\\nthe vile occupations of slaveholding and slave-breediug in\\nwhich they are engaged, for we have the assurance from\\ntheir own lips. As a matter of course, all the non-slave-\\nholders, who are so greatly in the majority, would vote to\\nsuppress the degrading institution which has kept them so\\nlong in poverty and ignorance, with the exception of those\\nwho are complete automatons to the beck and call of their\\nimperious lords and masters, the major-generals of the\\noligarchy.\\nHow long shall it be before the citizens of North Caro-\\nlina shall have the privilege of expressing, at the ballot-\\nbox, their true sentiments with regard to this vexed ques-\\ntion Why not decide it at the next general election\\nSooner or later, it must and will be decided decided cor-\\nrectly, too and the sooner the better. The first Southern\\nState that abolishes slavery will do herself an immortal\\nhonor. God grant that North Carolina may be that State,\\nand soon There is at least one plausible reason why\\nthis good old State should be the first to move in this im-\\nportant matter, and we will state it. On the 20th of May,\\n1715, just one year one month and fourteen days prior to\\nthe adoption of the Jeffcrsonian Declaration of Indepen-\\ndence, by the Continental Congress in Philadelphia, July\\n4, 1116, the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, the", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 219\\nauthorship of which is generally attributed to Ephraim\\nBrevard, was proclaimed in Charlotte, Mecklenburg county,\\nNorth Carolina, and fully ratified in a second Convention\\nof the people of said county, held on the 31st of the same\\nmonth. And here, by the way, we may remark, that it is\\nsupposed Mr. Jefferson made use of this last-mentioned\\ndocument as the basis of his draft of the indestructible\\ntitle-deed of our liberties. There is certainly an identical-\\nuess of language between the two papers that is well cal-\\nculated to strengthen this hypothesis. This, however, is\\na controversy about which we are but little concerned.\\nFor present purposes, it is, perhaps, enough for us to\\nknow, that on the 20th of May, 1115, when transatlantic\\ntyranny and oppression could no longer be endured, North\\nCarolina set her sister colonics a most valorous and praise-\\nworthy example, and that they followed it. To her infa-\\nmous slaveholding sisters of the South, it is now meet that\\nshe should set another noble example of decency, virtue,\\nand independence. Let her at once inaugurate a policy\\nof common justice and humanity enact a system of\\nequitable laws, having due regard to the rights and inter-\\nests of all classes of persons, poor whites, negroes, and\\nnabobs, and the surrounding States will ere long applaud\\nher measures, and adopt similar ones for the governance\\nof themselves.\\nAnother reason, and a cogent one, why North Carolina\\nshould aspire to become the first free State of the South is\\nthis The first slave State that makes herself respectable\\nby casting out the mother of harlots, and by rendering\\nenterprise and industry honorable, will immediately receive", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "220 SOUTHERN TE3TIM0NY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\na large accession of most worthy citizens from other States\\nin the Union, and thus lay a broad foundation of permanent\\npolitical power and prosperity. Intelligent white farmers\\nfrom the Middle and New England States will flock to our\\nmore congenial clime, eager to give thirty dollars per acre\\nfor the same lands that are now a drug in the market be-\\ncause nobody wants them at the rate of five dollars per\\nacre an immediate and powerful impetus will be given\\nto commerce, manufactures, and all the industrial arts\\nscience and literature will be revived, and every part of\\nthe State will reverberate with the triumphs of manual\\nand intellectual labor.\\nAt this present time, we of North Carolina are worth\\nless than either of the four adjoining States let us abolish\\nslavery at the beginning of the next regular decade of\\nyears, and if our example is not speedily followed, we shall,\\non or before the first day of January, 1810, be enabled to\\npurchase the whole of Virginia and South Carolina, inclu-\\nding, perhaps, the greater part of Georgia. An exclusive\\nlease of liberty for ten years would unquestionably make\\nus the Empire State of the South. But we have no dispo-\\nsition to debar others from the enjoyment of liberty or any\\nother inalienable right we ask no special favors what\\nwe demand for ourselves we are willing to concede to our\\nneighbors. Hereby we make application for a lease of\\nfreedom for ten years shall we have it May God ena-\\nble us to secure it, as we believe He will. We give, fair\\nnotice, however, that if we get it for ten years, we shall,\\nwith the approbation of Heaven, keep it twenty forty\\na thousand forever", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 221\\nWe transcribe the Mecklenburg Resolutions, which, it\\nwill be observed, acknowledge the inherent and inalien-\\nable rights of man, and declare ourselves a free and\\nindependent people, are, and of right ought to be, a sove-\\nreign and self-governing association, under the control of\\nno power other than that of our God, and the general go-\\nvernment of the Congress.\\nMECKLENBURG DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,\\nAs proclaimed in the town of Charlotte, North Carolina,\\nMay 20th, 1115, and ratified by the County of Mecklen-\\nburg, in Convention, May 31st, 1115.\\nI. Resolved\u00e2\u0080\u0094 That whosoever, directly or indirectly, abetted,\\nor in any way, form or manner, countenanced the unchartered\\nand dangerous invasion of our rights as claimed by Great Britain,\\nis an enemy to this country, to America, and to the inherent and\\ninalienable rights of man.\\nII. Resolved\u00e2\u0080\u0094 That we the citizens of Mecklenburg County,\\ndo hereby dissolve the political bands which have connected us\\nto the mother country, and hereby absolve ourselves from all\\nallegiance to the British Crown, and abjure all political connec-\\ntion, contract or association with that nation, who have wantonly\\ntrampled on our rights and liberties, and inhumanly shed the\\nblood of American patriots at Lexington.\\nIII. Resolved\u00e2\u0080\u0094 That we do hereby declare ourselves a free\\nand independent people, are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign\\nand self-governing association, under the control of no power other\\nthan that of our God, and the general government of the Con-\\npress to the maintenance of which independence, we solemnly\\npledge to each other our mutual co-operation, our lives, our for-\\ntunes, and our most sacred honor.\\nIV. Resolved\u00e2\u0080\u0094 That as we now acknowledge the existence and\\ncontrol of no law or legal officer, civil or military, within this\\ncounty, we do hereby ordain and adopt, as a rule of life, all, each,", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "222 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nand every of our former laws wherein, nevertheless, the crown\\nof Great Britain never can be considered as holding rights, privi-\\nleges, immunities or authority therein.\\nHad it not been for slavery, which, with all its other\\nblighting and degrading Influences, stifles and subdues\\nevery noble impulse of the heart, this consecrated spot\\nwould long since have been marked by an enduring\\nmonument, whose grand proportions should bear witness\\nthat the virtues of a noble ancestry are gratefully remem-\\nbered by an emulous and appreciative posterity. Yet,\\neven as things are, we are not without genuine consola-\\ntion. The star of hope and promise is beginning to beam\\nbrightly over the long-obscured horizon of the South and\\nwe are firm in the belief, that freedom, wealth, and mag-\\nnanimity, will soon do justice to the memory of those fear-\\nless patriots, whose fair fame has been suffered to moul-\\nder amidst the multifarious abominations of slavery, pov-\\nerty, ignorance and grovelling selfishness.\\nJudge Iredell s testimony, which will be found on a\\npreceding page, and to which we request the reader to\\nrecur, might have been appropriately introduced under\\nour present heading.\\nIn the Provincial Convention held in North Carolina, in\\nAugust, 11 14, in which there were sixty-nine delegates,\\nrepresenting nearly every county in the province, it was\\nResolved That we will not import any slave or slaves, or\\npurchase any slave or slaves imported or brought into the Pro-\\nvince by others, from any part of the world, after the first day\\nof November next.\\nIn Iredell s Statutes, revised by Martin, it is stated that,", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 223\\nIn North Carolina, no general law at all was passed, prior to\\nthe revolution, declaring who might be slaves.\\nThat there is no legal slavery in the Southern States, and\\nthat slavery no where can be legalized, any more than\\ntheft, arson or murder can be legalized, has been virtually\\nadmitted by some of the most profound Southern jurists\\nthemselves and we will here digress so far as to furnish\\nthe testimony of one or two eminent lawyers, not of North\\nCarolina, upon this point.\\nIn the debate in the United States Senate, in 1850, on\\nthe Fugitive Slave Bill, Mr. Mason, of Virginia, objected\\nto Mr. Dayton s amendment, providing for a trial by jury,\\nbecause, said he\\nA trial by jury necessarily carries with it a trial of the whole\\nright, and a trial of the right to service will be gone into, ac-\\ncording to all the forms of the Court, in determining upon any\\nother fact. Then, again, it is proposed, as a part of the proof to\\nbe adduced at the hearing, after the fugitive has been re-captured,\\nthat evidence shall be brought by the claimant to show that slavery\\nis established in the State from which the fugitive has abscond-\\ned. Now this very thing, in a recent case in the city of New-\\nYork, was required by one of the judges of that State, which case\\nattracted the attention of the authorities of Maryland, and against\\nwhich they protested. In that case the State judge went so far as\\nto say that the only mode of proving it was by reference to the Sta-\\ntute book. Such proof is required in the Senator s amendment j\\nand if he means by this that proof shall be brought that slavery\\nis established by existing laws, it is impossible to comply with\\nthe requisition, for no such law can be produced, I apprehend, in\\nany of the slave States. I am not aware that there is a single\\nState in which the institution is established by positive law.\\nJudge Clarke, of Mississippi, says", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "224 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nIn this State the legislature have considered slaves as reason-\\nable and accountable beings and it would be a stigma upon the\\ncharacter of the State, and a reproach to the administration of\\njustice, if the life of a slave could be taken with impunity, or if\\nhe could be murdered in cold blood, without subjecting the offen-\\nder to the highest penalty known to the criminal jurisprudence\\nof the country. Has the slave no rights, because he is deprived\\nof his freedom? He is still a human being, and possesses all\\nthose rights of which he is not deprived by the positive provi-\\nsions of the law. The right of the master exists not by force of\\nthe law of nature or nations, but by virtue only of the positive\\nlaw of the State.\\nThe Hon. Judije Ruffin, of North Carolina, says\\nArguments drawn from the well-established principles, which\\nconfer and restrain the authority of the parent over the child,\\nthe tutor over the pupil, the master over the apprentice, have\\nbeen pressed on us. The Court does not recognize their applica-\\ntion there is no likeness between the cases they are in opposi-\\ntion to each other, and there is an impassable gulf between them.\\nThe difference is that which exists between freedom and slavery,\\nand a greater cannot be imagined. In the one, the end in view\\nis the happiness of the youth, born to equal rights with that gov-\\nernor on whom the duty devolves of training the young to use-\\nfulness, in a station which he is afterwards to assume among free-\\nmen. To such an end, and with such a subject, moral and intel-\\nlectual instruction seem the natural means, and, for the most\\npart, they are found to suffice. Moderate force is superadded\\nonly to make the others effectual. If that fail, it is better to\\nleave the party to his own headstrong passions, and the ultimate\\ncorrection of the law, than to allow it to be immoderately in-\\nflicted by a private person. With slavery it is far otherwise.\\nThe end is the profit of the master, his security, and the public\\nsafety the subject, one doomed, in his own person and his pos-\\nterity, to live without knowledge, and without the capacity to\\nind j anything his own, and to toil that another may reap the\\nfruits. What moral considerations shall be addressed to such a", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 225\\nbeing to convince him, what it is impossible but that the most\\nstupid must feel and know can never be true, that he is thu to\\nlabor upon a principle of natural duty, or fur the sake of his own\\npersonal happiness Such services can only be expected from\\none who has no will of his own who surrenders his will in im-\\nplicit obedience to that of another. Such obedience is the con-\\nsequence only of uncontrolled authority over the body. There\\nis nothing else which can operate to produce the effect. The\\npower of the master must be absolute to render the submission\\nof the slave perfect. I most freely confess my sense of the\\nharshness of this proposition. I feel it as deeply as any man\\ncan and as a principle of moral right, every person in his re-\\ntirement must repudiate it.\\nAn esteemed friend, a physician, who was born and\\nbred in Eowan county, North Carolina, and who now re-\\nsides there, informs us that Judge Gaston, who was one\\nof the half dozen Statesmen whom the South has produced\\nsince the days of the venerable fathers of the Republic,\\nwas an avowed abolitionist, and that he published an ad-\\ndress to the people of North Carolina, delineating, in a\\nmasterly manner, the material, moral, and social disad-\\nvantages of slavery. Where is that address? Has it\\nbeen suppressed by the oligarchy The fact that slave-\\nholders have, from time to time, made strenuous efforts to\\nexpunge the sentiments of freedom which now adorn the\\nworks of nobler men than the noble Gaston, may, perhaps,\\nfully account for the oblivious state into which his patrio-\\ntic address seems to have fallen.\\nTHE VOICE OF SOUTH CAROLINA.\\nPoor South Carolina Folly is her nightcap fanati-\\ncism is her day-dream fire-eating is her pastime. She has\\n10*", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "226 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nlost her better judgment the dictates of reason and phi-\\nlosophy have no influence upon her actions. Like the wife\\nwho is pitiably infatuated with a drunken, worthless hus-\\nband, she still clings, with unabated love, to the cause of\\nher shame, her misery, and her degradation.\\nA Kentuckian has recently expressed his opinion of this\\nState in the following language\\nSouth Carolina is bringing herself irrecoverably in the public\\ncontempt. It is impossible for any impartial lover of his coun-\\ntry, for any just thinking man, to witness her senseless and\\nquenchless malignancy against the Union without the most im-\\nmeasurable disgust and scorn. She is one vast hot-bed of dis-\\nunion. Her people think and talk of nothing else. She is a fes-\\ntering mass of treason.\\nIn 1854, there were assessed for taxation in\\nSOUTH CAROLINA,\\nAcres of Land 17,289,359\\nValued at $22,836,374\\nAverage value per acre $1,32\\nAt the same time there were in\\nNEW JERSEY,\\nAcres of Land 5,324,800\\nValued at $153,161,619\\nAverage value per acre $28,76\\nWe hope the Slavocrats will look, first on that picture,\\nand then on this from one or the other, or both, they may\\nglean a ray or two of wisdom, which, if duly applied, will\\nbe of incalculable advantage to them and their posterity.\\nWe trust, also, that the non-slaveholding whites will view,", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST .SLAVERY. 221\\nwith discriminating minds, the different lights and shades\\nof these two pictures they are the parties most deeply\\ninterested and it is to them we look for the glorious revo-\\nlution that is to substitute Freedom for Slavery. They\\nhave the power to retrieve the fallen fortunes of South\\nCarolina, to raise her up from the loathsome sink of iniquity\\ninto which slavery has plunged her, and to make her one\\nof the most brilliant stars in the great constellation of\\nStates. While their minds are occupied with other con-\\nsiderations, let them not forget the difference between\\ntwenty-eight dollars and seventy-six cents, the value of land per\\nacre in New Jersey, which is a second-rate free State, and\\none dollar and thirty-two cents, the value of land per acre in\\nSouth Carolina, which is, par excellence, the model slave\\nState. The difference between the two sums is twenty-\\nseven dollars and forty-four cents, which would amount to\\nprecisely two thousand seven hundred and forty-four dol-\\nlars on every hundred acres. To present the subject in\\nanother form, the South Carolina tract of land, containing\\ntwo hundred acres, is worth now only two hundred and\\nsixty-four dollars, and is depreciating every day. Let\\nslavery be abolished, and in the course of a few years,\\nthe same tract will be worth five thousand seven hundred\\nand fifty-two dollars, with an upward tendency. At this\\nrate, the increment of value on the total area of the\\nState will amount to more than three times as much as the\\npresent estimated value of the slaves I\\nSouth Carolina has not always been, nor will she always\\ncontinue to be, on the wrong side. From Kamsay s His-\\ntory of the State, we learn that, in 1114, she", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "228 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY\\nResolved That His Majesty s subjects in North America\\n(without respect to color or other accidents) are entitled to all\\nthe inherent rights and liberties of his natural born subjects\\nwithin the Kingdom of Great Britain that it is their fundamen-\\ntal right, that no man should suffer in his person or property\\nwithout a fair trial, and judgment given by his peers, or by the\\nlaw of the land.\\nOne of her early writers, under the non de plume of Phi-\\nlodemus, in a political pamphlet published in Charleston\\nin 1784, declares that\\nSuch is the fatal influence of slavery on the human mind,\\nthat it almost wholly effaces from it even the boasted character-\\nistic of rationality.\\nThis same writer, speaking of the particular interests\\nof South Carolina, says\\nIt has been too common with us to search the records of\\nother nations, to find precedents that may give sanction to our\\nown errors, and lead us unwarily into confusion and ruin. It is\\nour business to consult their histories, not with a view to tread\\nright or wrong in their steps, but in order to investigate the real\\nsources of the mischiefs that have befallen them, and to endeavor\\nto escape the rocks which they have all unfortunately split upon.\\nIt is paying ourselves but a poor compliment, to say that we are\\nincapable of profiting by others, and that, with all the informa-\\ntion which is to be derived from their fatal experience, it is in\\nvain for us to attempt to excel them. If, with all the peculiar\\nadvantages of our present situation, we are incapable of surpass-\\ning our predecessors, we must be a degenerate race indeed, and\\nquite unworthy of those singular bounties of Heaven, which we\\nare so unskilled or undesirous to turn to our benefit.\\nA recent number of Frazer s Magazine contains a well-\\ntimed and well-written article from the pen of Win. Henry", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 220\\nHurlbut, of this State and from it wc make the following\\nextract\\nAs all sagacious observers of the operation of the system of\\nslavery have demonstrated, the profitable employment of slave-\\nlabor is inconsistent with the development of agricultural sci-\\nence, and demands a continual supply of new and unexhausted\\nsoil. The slaveholder, investing his capital in the purchase of\\nthe laborers themselves, and not merely in soil and machines,\\npaying his free laborers out of the profit, must depend for his\\ncontinued and progressive prosperity upon the cheapness and\\nfacility with which he can transfer his slaves to fresh and fertile\\nlands. An enormous additional item, namely, the price of slaves,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2being added to the cost of production, all other elements of that\\ncost require to be proportionably smaller, or profits fail.\\nIn an address delivered before the South Carolina Insti-\\ntute, in Charleston, Nov. 20th, 1856, Mr. B. F. Perry, of\\nGreenville, truthfully says\\nIt has been South Carolina s misfortune, in this utilitarian\\nage, to have her greatest talents and most powerful energies di-\\nrected to pursuits, which avail her nothing, in the way of wealth\\nand prosperity. In the first settlement of a new country, agri-\\ncultural industry necessarily absorbs all the time and occupation\\nof its inhabitants. They must clear the forests and cultivate the\\nearth, in order to make their bread. This is their first consider-\\nation. Then the mechanical arts, and manufactures, and com-\\nmerce, must follow in the footsteps of agriculture, to insure either\\nindividual or national prosperity. No people can be highly pros-\\nperous without them. No people ever have been. Agriculture,\\nalone, will not make or sustain a great people. The true policy\\nof every people is to cultivate the earth, manufacture its pro-\\nducts, and send them abroad, in exchange for those comforts and\\nluxuries, and necessaries, which their own country and their own\\nindustry cannot give or make. The dependence of South Car-\\nolina on Europe, and the Northern States for all the necessaries.", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "230 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\ncomforts and luxuries, which the mechanic arts afford, has, in\\nfact, drained her of her wealth, and made her positively poor,\\nwhen compared with her sister States of the Confederacy. It is\\nat once mortifying and alarming, to see and reflect on our own\\ndependence in the mechanic arts and manufactures, on strangers\\nand foreigners. In the Northern States their highest talents\\nand energy have been diversified, and more profitably employed\\nin developing the resources of the country, in making new inven-\\ntions in the mechanic arts, and enriching the community with\\nscience and literature, commerce and manufactures.\\nTHE VOICE OF GEORGIA.\\nOf the States strictly Southern, Georgia is, perhaps, the\\nmost thrifty. This prosperous condition of the State is\\nmainly ascribable to her hundred thousand free whito\\nlaborers more than eighty-three thousand of whom arc\\nengaged in agricultural pursuits. In few other slave\\nStates are the non-slaveholders so little under the domina-\\ntion of the oligarchy. At best, however, even in the most\\nliberal slave States, the social position of the non-slave-\\nholding whites is but one short step in advance of that\\nof the negroes and as there is, on the part of the oligar-\\nchy, a constantly increasing desire and effort to usm-p\\ngreater power, the more we investigate the subject the\\nmore fully are we convinced that nothing but the speedy\\nand utter annihilation of slavery from the entire nation,\\ncan save the masses of white people in the Southern States\\nfrom ultimately falling to a political level with the blacks\\nboth occupying the most abject and galling condition\\nof servitude of which it is possible for the human mind\\nto conceive.\\nGen. Oglethorpe, under whose management the Colony", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 231\\nof Georgia was settled, in 1133, was bitterly opposed to\\nthe institution of slavery. In a letter to Granville Sharp,\\ndated Oct. 13th, It 7 6, lie says\\nMy friends and I settled the Colony of Georgia, and by char-\\nter were established trustees, to make laws, c. We determined\\nnot to suffer slavery there. But the slave merchants and their\\nadherents occasioned us not only much trouble, but at last got\\nthe then government to favor them. We would not suffer slav-\\nery, (which is against the Gospel, as well as the fundamental law\\nof England,) to be authorized under our authority we refused,\\nas trustees, to make a law permitting such a horrid crime. The\\ngovernment, finding the trustees resolved firmly not to concur\\nwith what they believed unjust, took away the charter by which\\nno law could be passed without our consent.\\nOn the 12th of January, 1115, in indorsing the proceed-\\nings of the first American Congi-ess, among other resolu-\\ntions, the Representatives of the extensive District of\\nDarien, in the Colony of Georgia adopted the following\\n5. To show the world that we are not influenced by any con-\\ntracted or interested motives, but a general philanthropy for all\\nmankind, of whatever climate, language, or complexion, we hereby\\ndeclare our disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural prac-\\ntice of slavery in America, (however the uncultivated state of our\\ncountry or other specious arguments may plead for it.) a practice\\nfounded in injustice and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our lib-\\nerties, (as well as lives,) debasing part of our fellow creatures be-\\nlow men, and corrupting the virtue and morals of the rest and\\nis laying the basis of that liberty we contend for, (and which we\\npray the Almighty to continue to the latest posterity upon a\\nvery wrong foundation. We therefore resolve, at all times, to\\nuse our utmost endeavors for the manumission of our slaves in\\nthis Colony, upon the most safe and equitable footing for the\\nmasters and themselves.", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "232 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nThe Hon. Mr. Reid, of this State, in a speech delivered\\nin Congress, Feb. 1, 1820, says\\nI am not the panegyrist of slavery. It is an unnatural state,\\na dark cloud, which obscures half the lustre of our free institu-\\ntions. For my own part, though surrounded by slavery from my\\ncradle to the present moment, yet\\nI hate the touch of servile hands,\\nI loathe the slaves who cringe around.\\nAs an accompaniment to those lines, he might have\\nlittered these\\nc: I would not have a slave to till my ground\\nTo carry me, to fan me while I sleep\\nAnd tremble when I wake, for all the wealth\\nThat sinews bought and sold have ever earned.\\nThus have we presented a comprehensive summary of\\nthe most unequivocal and irrefragable testimony of the\\nSouth against the iniquitous institution of human slavery.\\nWhat more can we say What more can we do We\\nmight fill a folio volume with similar extracts but we\\nmust forego the task the remainder of our space must be\\noccupied with other arguments. In the foregoing excerpts\\nis revealed to us, in language too plain to be misunderstood,\\nthe important fact that every truly great and good man\\nthe South has ever produced, has, with hopeful confidence,\\nlooked forward to the time when this entire continent shall\\nbe redeemed from the crime and the curse of slavery. Our\\nnoble self-sacrificing forefathers have performed their part,\\nand performed it well. They have laid us a foundation as\\nenduring as the earth itself in their dying moments they", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY. 233\\nadmonished us to carry out their designs in the upbuilding\\nand completion of the superstructure. Let us obey their\\npatriotic injunctions.\\nFrom each of the six original Southern States we have\\nintroduced the most ardent aspirations for liberty\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the\\nmost positive condemnations of slavery. From each of\\nthe nine slave States which have been admitted into the\\nUnion since the organization of the General Government,\\nwe could introduce, from several of their wisest and best\\ncitizens, anti-slavery sentiments equally as strong and con-\\nvincing as those that emanated from the great founders\\nof our movement\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Patrick\\nHenry and the Randolphs. As we have already remarked,\\nhowever, the limits of this chapter will not admit of the\\nintroduction of additional testimony from either of the old\\nor of the new slave States.\\nThe reader will not fail to observe that, in presenting\\nthese solid abolition doctrines of the South, we have been\\ncareful to make such quotations as triumphantly refute, in\\nevery particular, the more specious sophistries of the\\noligarchy.\\nThe mention of the illustrious names above, reminds us\\nof the fact, that the party newspapers, whose venal columns\\nare eternally teeming with vituperation and slander, have\\nlung assured us that the Whig ship was to be steered by\\nthe Washington rudder, that the Democratic barque was\\nto sail with the Jefferson compass, and that the Know-\\nNothing brig was to carry the Madison chart. Imposed\\nupon by these monstrous falsehoods, we have, from time\\nto time, been induced to engage passage on each of these", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "234 SOUTHERN TESTIMONY AGAINST SLAVERY.\\ncorrupt and rickety old hulks but, in every instance, we\\nhave been basely swamped in the sea of slavery, and are\\nalone indebted for our lives to the kindness of Heaven and\\nthe art of swimming. Washington the founder of the\\nWhig party Jefferson the founder of the Democratic\\nparty Voltaire the founder of Christianity God forbid\\nthat man s heart should always continue to be the citadel\\nof deception that he should ever be to others the antipode\\nof what he is to himself.\\nThere is now in this country but one party that promises,\\nin good faith, to put in practice the principles of Washing-\\ntun, Jefferson, Madison, and the other venerable Fathers\\nof the Eepublic the Republican party. To this party we\\npledge unswerving allegiance, so long as it shall continue\\nto pursue the statism advocated by the great political\\nprototypes above-mentioned, but no longer. We believe\\nit is, as it ought to be, the desire, the determination, and\\nthe destiny of this party, to give the death-blow to slavery\\nshould future developments prove the party at variance\\nwith this belief a belief, by the bye, which it has recently\\ninspired in the breasts of little less than one and a half\\nmillions of the most intelligent and patriotic voters in\\nAmerica we shall shake off the dust of our feet against\\nit, and join one that will, in a summary manner, extirpate\\nthe intolerable irrievance.", "height": "2556", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "NORTHERN TESTIMONY. 235\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nNORTHERN TESTIMONY.\\nThe best evidence that can be given of the enlightened\\npatriotism and love of liberty in the Free States, is the\\n:fact that, at the Presidential election in 1856, they polled\\nthirteen hundred thousand votes for the Republican can-\\ndidate, John C. Fremont. This fact of itself seems to\\npreclude the necessity of strengthening our cause with the\\nindividual testimony of even their greatest men. Having,\\nhowever, adduced the most cogent and conclusive anti-\\nslavery arguments from the Washingtons, the Jeffersons,\\nthe Madisons, the Randolphs, and the Clays of the South,\\nwe shall now proceed to enrich our pages with gems of\\nLiberty from the Franklins, the Hamiltons, the Jays, the\\nAdamses, and the Websters of the North. Too close at-\\ntention cannot be paid to the words of wisdom which we\\nhave extracted from the works of these truly eminent and\\nphilosophic Statesmen. We will first listen to\\nthe voice of franklin.\\nDr. Franklin was the first president of The Pennsyl-\\nvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "236 NORTHERN 1 TESTIMONY.\\nand it is now generally conceded that this was the first\\nregularly organized American abolition Society\u00e2\u0080\u0094 it having\\nbeen formed as early as 1774, while we were yet subjects\\nof the British government. In 1790, in the name and on\\nbehalf of this Society, Dr. Franklin, who was then within\\na few months of the close of his life, drafted a memorial\\nto the Senate and House of Representatives of tho\\nUnited States, in which he said\\nYour memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the\\ndistresses arising from slavery, believe it to be their indispensa-\\nble duty to present this subject to your notice. They have ob-\\nserved, with real satisfaction, that many important and salutary\\npowers are vested in you, for promoting the welfare and secur-\\ning the blessings of liberty to the people of the United States;\\nand as they conceive that these blessings ought rightfully to be\\nadministered, without distinction of color, to all descriptions of\\npeople, so they indulge themselves in the pleasing expectation\\nthat nothing which can be done for the relief of the unhappy ob-\\njects of their care, will be either omitted or delayed.\\nFrom a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the por-\\ntion, and is still the birthright of all men, and influenced by the\\nstrong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution,\\nyour memorialists conceive themselves bound to use all justifia-\\nble endeavors to loosen the bonds of slavery, and promote a gen-\\neral enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. Under these im-\\npressions, they earnestly entreat your attention to the subject\\nof slavery that you will be pleased to countenance the restora-\\ntion to liberty of those unhappy men, who, alone, in this land of\\nfreedom, are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who, amid the\\ngeneral joy of surrounding freemen, are groaning in servile sub-\\njection that you will devise means for removing this inconsis-\\ntency of character from the American people; that you will pro-\\nmote mercy and justice towards this distressed race; and that\\nyou will step to the very verge of the power vested in you for", "height": "2556", "width": "1568", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "NORTHERN TESTIMONY. 237\\ndiscouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow-\\npen,\\nOn another occasion, he says Slavery is an atrocious de-\\nbasement of human nature.\\nTHE VOICE OF HAMILTON.\\nAlexander Hamilton, the brilliant Statesman and finan-\\ncier, tells us that\\nc: The sacred rights of mankind are not to be rummaged for\\namong old parchments or musty records. They are written as\\nrwith a sunbeam, in the whole volume of human nature, by the\\n[hand of the Divinity itself, and can never be erased or obscured\\nby mortal power.\\nAgain, in H14, addressing himself to an American Tory,\\nhe says\\nThe fundamental source of all your errors, sophisms, and\\nfalse reasonings, is a total ignorance of the natural rights of man-\\nkind. Were you once to become acquainted with these, you\\ncould never entertain a thought, that all men are not, by nature,\\nentitled to equal privileges. You would be convinced that natu-\\nral liberty is the gift of the beneficent Creator to the whole hu-\\nman race and that civil liberty is founded on that.\\nTHE VOICE OF JAY.\\nJohn Jay, first Chief Justice of the United States under\\nthe Constitution of 1*789, in a letter to the Hon. Elias Bou-\\ndinot, dated Nov. 17, 1819, says\\nLittle can be added to what has been said and written on the\\nsubject of slavery. I concur in the opinion that it ought not to\\nbe introduced nor permitted in any of the new States, and that\\nit ought to be gradually diminished and finally abolished in all\\nof them.", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "238 NORTHERN TESTIMONY\\nTo me, the constitutional authority of the Congress to prohi-\\nLit the migration and importation of slaves into any of the States,\\ndoes not appear questionable.\\nThe first article of the Constitution specifies the legislative\\npowers committed to the Congress. The 9th section of that article\\nhas these words The migration or importation of such persons\\nas any of the now-existing States shall think proper to admit,\\nshall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808,\\nbut a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not ex-\\nceeding ten dollars for each person.\\nI understand the sense and meaning of this clause to be. that\\nthe power of the congress, although competent to prohibit such\\nmigration and importation, was to be exercised with respect to\\nthe then existing States, and them only, until the year 1808, but!\\nthe Congress were at liberty to make such prohibitions as to any\\nnew State, which might in the mean time be established. And\\nfurther, that from and after thai period, they were authorized to\\nmake such prohibitions as to all the States, whether new or old.\\nIt will. I presume.be admitted, that slaves were the persons\\nintended. The word slaves was avoided, probably on account\\nof the existing toleration of slavery, and its discordancy with the\\nprinciples of the Revolution, and from a consciousness of its be-\\ning repugnant to the following positions in the Declaration of In-\\ndependence We hold these truths to be self-evident that all\\nmen are created equal that they are endowed by their Creator,\\nwith certain inalienable rights that among these are life,\\nliberty, and the pursuit of happiness/\\nIn a previous letter, written from Spain, whither he had\\nbeen appointed as minister plenipotentiary, he\\nspeaking of the abolition of slavery\\nTill America comes into this measure, her prayers to Heaven\\nwill be impious. This is a strong expression, but it is just. I\\nbelieve that God governs the world, and I believe it to be a\\nmaxim in His, as in our Courts, that those who ask for equity\\nto do it.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "NORTHERN TESTIMONY. 239\\nWILLIAM JAY.\\nThe Hon. Wm. Jay, a noble son of Chief Justice John\\nj Jay, says\\nK A crisis has arrived in which we must maintain our rights, or\\nsurrender them for ever. I speak not to abolitionists alone, but\\nto all who value the liberty our fathers achieved. Do you ask\\niwhat we have to do with slavery 1 Let our muzzled presses an-\\nswer let the mobs excited against us by the merchants and\\nians answer let the gag laws threatened by our governors\\nand legislatures answer, let the conduct of the National Govern-\\nment answer.\\nTHE VOICE OF ADAMS.\\nFrom the Diary of John Quincy Adams, the old man\\neloquent, we make the following extract\\nIt is among the evils of slavery, that it taints the very sources\\nof moral principle. It establishes false estimates of virtue and\\nvice for what can be more false and more heartless than this\\ndoctrine, which makes the first and holiest rights of humanity to\\ndepend upon the color of the skin? It perverts human reason,\\nand Induces men endowed with logical powers to maintain that\\nslavery is sanctioned by the Christian religion that slaves are\\nhappy and contented in their condition that between master\\nand slave there are ties of mutual attachment and affection that\\nthe virtues of the master are refined and exalted by the degrada-\\ntion of the slave, while at the same time they vent execrations\\nupon the slave-trade, curse Britain for having given them slaves.\\nburn at the stake negroes convicted of crimes, for the terror\\nof the example, and writhe in agonies of fear at the ver}- men-\\ntion of human rights as applicable to men of color.\\nTHE VOICE OF WEBSTER.\\nIn a speech which he delivered at Niblo s Garden, in", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "240 NORTHERN TESTIMONY.\\nthe city of New- York, on the 15th of March, 1847, Daniel\\nWebster, the great Expounder of the Constitution, said\\nOn the general question of slavery, a great part of the com-\\nmunity is already strongly excited. The subject has not only\\nattracted attention as a question of politics, but it has struck a\\nfar deeper one ahead. It has arrested the religious feeling of\\nthe country, it has taken strong hold on the consciences of men.\\nlie is a rash man, indeed, and little conversant with human na-\\nture, and especially has he an erroneous estimate of the charac-\\nter of the people of this country, who supposes that a feeling of\\nthis kind is to be trifled with or despised. It will assuredly\\ncause itself to be respected. But to endeavor to coin it into sil-\\nver, or retain its free expression, to seek to compress and con-\\nfine it, warm as it is, and more heated as such endeavors would\\ninevitably render it should this be attempted, I know nothing,\\neven in the Constitution or Union itself, which might not be en-\\ndangered by the explosion which might follow.\\nWhen discussing the Oregon Bill in 1848, he said\\nli I have made up my mind, for one, that under no circumstan-\\nces will I consent to the further extension of the area of slavery\\nin the United States, or to the further increase of slave repre-\\nss tation in the House of E,epresentatives.\\nUnder date of February 15th, 1850, in a letter to the\\nRev. Mr. Furness, he says\\nFrom my earliest youth I have regarded slavery as a great\\nmoral and political evil. I think it unjust, repugnant to the nat-\\nural equality of mankind, founded only in superior power a\\nstanding and permanent conquest by the stronger over the\\nweaker. All pretense of defending it on the ground of different\\nraces, I have ever condemned. I have even said that if the black\\nrace is weaker, that is a reason against, not for, its subjection\\nand oppression. In a religious point of view I have ever regard-\\ned it, and even spoken of it, not as subject to any express denun-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "NORTHERN TESTIMONY. 241\\nciation, either in the Old Testament or the New, but as opposed\\nto the whole spirit of the Gospel and to the teachings of Jesus\\nChrist. The religion of Jesus Christ is a religion of kindness,\\njustice, and brotherly love. But slavery is not kindly affection-\\nate it does not seek anothers, and not its own it does not let\\nthe oppressed go free. It is, as I have said, but a continual act\\nof oppression. But then, such is the influence of a habit of\\nthinking among men, and such is the influence of what has been\\nlong established, that even minds, religious and tenderly con-\\nscientious, such as would be shocked by any single act of oppres-\\nsion, in any single exercise of violence and unjust power, are not\\nalways moved by the reflection that slavery is a continual and\\npermanent violation of human rights.\\nWhile delivering a speech at Buffalo, in the State of\\nNew York, in the summer of 1851, only about twelve\\nmonths prior to his decease, he made use of the following-\\nemphatic words\\nI never would consent, and never have consented, that there\\nshould be one foot of slave territory beyond what the old thir-\\nteen States had at the formation of the Union. Never, never\\nNOAH WEBSTER.\\nNoah Webster, the great American vocabulist, says\\nThat freedom is the sacred right of every man, whatever be\\nhis color, who has not forfeited it by some violation of muni-\\ncipal law, is a truth established by God himself, in the very crea-\\ntion of human beings. No time, no circumstance, no human\\npower or policy can change the nature of this truth, nor repeal\\nthe fundamental laws of society, by which every man s right to\\nliberty is guarantied. The act of enslaving men is always a vio-\\nlation of those great primary laws of society, by which alone\\nthe master himself holds every particle of his own freedom.\\n11", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "242 NORTHERN TESTIMONY,\\nTHE VOICE OF CLINTON.\\nDeWitt Clinton, the father of the great system of inter-\\nnal improvements in the State of New York, speaking of\\ndespotism in Europe, and of slavery in America, asks\\nt: Have net prescription and precedent patriarchal dominion\\ndivine right of kings and masters, been alternately called in to\\nsanction the slavery of nations And would not all the despot-\\nisms of the ancient and modern world have vanished into air, if\\nthe natural equality of mankind had been properly understood\\nand practiced This declares that the same measure of\\njustice ought to be measured out to all men, without regard to\\nadventitious inequalities, and the intellectual and physical dispari-\\nties which proceed from inexplicable causes.\\nTHE VOICE OF WARREN.\\nMajor General Joseph Warren, one of the truest pat-\\nriots of the Revolution, and the first American officer of\\nrank that fell in our contest with Great Britain, says\\nThat personal freedom is the natural right of every man, and\\nthat property, or an exclusive right to dispose of what he has\\nhonestly acquired by his own labor, necessarily arises therefrom,\\nare truths that common sense has placed beyond the reach of\\ncontradiction. And no man, or body of men, can. without being\\nguilty of flagrant injustice, claim a right to dispose of the persons\\nor acquisitions of any other man or body of men. unless it can be\\nproved that such a right has arisen from some compact between\\nthe parties, in which it has been explicitly and freely granted.\\nOtis, Hancock, Ames, and others, should be heard, but\\nfor the want of space. Volumes upon volumes might be\\nfilled with extracts similar to the above, from the works\\nof the deceased Statesmen and sages of the North, who,", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "NORTHERN TESTIMONY. 243\\nwhile living-, proved themselves equal to the task of ex-\\nterminating from their own States the matchless curse of\\nhuman slavery. Such are the men who, though no longer\\nwith us in the flesh, still live. A living principle an\\nimmortal interest have they, invested in every great and\\ngood work that distinguishes the free States. The rail-\\nroads, the canals, the telegraphs, the factories, the fleets\\nof merchant vessels, the magnificent cities, the scientific\\nmodes of agriculture, the unrivaled institutions of learning,\\nand other striking evidences of progress and improvement\\nat the North, are, either directly or indirectly, the off-\\nspring of their gigantic intellects. When, if ever, com-\\nmerce, and manufactures, and agriculture, and great en-\\nterprises, and truth, and liberty, and justice, and magnan-\\nimity, shall have become obsolete terms, then their names\\nmay possibly be forgotten, but not tell then.\\nAn army of brave and worthy successors champions\\nof Freedom now living, have the illustrious forefathers of\\nthe North, in the persons of Garrison, Greeley, Giddings,\\nGoodell, Grow, and Gen-it Smith in Seward, Sumner,\\nStowe, Raymond, Parker, and Phillips in Beecher, Banks,\\nBurlingame, Bryant, Hale, and Hildreth in Emerson,\\nDayton, Thompson, Tappan, King and Cheevcr in Whit-\\ntier, Wilson, Wade, Wayland, Weed, and Burleigh. These\\nare the men whom, in connection with their learned and\\neloquent compatriots, the Everetts, the Bancrofts, the\\nPrescotts, the Chapins, the Longfellows, and the Danas,\\nfuture historians, if faithful to their calling, will place on\\nrecord as America s true statesmen, literati, preachers,\\nphilosopheis, and philanthropists, of the present age.", "height": "2556", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "244 NORTHERN TESTIMONY.\\nIn this connection, however, it may not be amiss to re-\\nmark that the Homers, the Platos, the Bacons, the New-\\ntons, the Shakspeares, the Miltons, the Blackstones, the\\nCuviers, the Humboldts, and the Macaulays of Amercia,\\nhave not yet been produced nor, in our humble judgment,\\nwill they be, until slavery shall have been overthrown and\\nfreedom established in the States of Virginia, Kentucky,\\nand Tennessee. Upon the soil of those States, when free,\\nor on other free soil crossed by about the same degrees\\nof latitude, and not distant from the Appalachian chain of\\nmountains, will, we believe, be nurtured into manhood, in\\nthe course of one or two centuries, perhaps, as great men\\nas those mentioned above greater, possibly, than any\\nthat have ever yet lived. Whence their ancestors may\\ncome, whether from Europe, from Asia, from Africa, from\\nOceanica, from North or South America, or from the\\nislands of the sea, or whatever honorable vocation they\\nmay now be engaged in, matters nothing at all. For\\nought we know, their great-grandfathers are now humble\\nartisans in Maine, or moneyed merchants in Massachu\\nsetts illiterate poor whites in Mississippi, or slave-driv-\\ning lordlings in South Carolina frugal farmers in Michi-\\ngan, or millionaires in Illinois daring hunters in the\\nRocky Mountains, or metal-diggers in California peasants\\nin France, or princes in Germany no matter where, or\\nwhat, the scope of country above-mentioned is, in our\\nopinion, destined tobo the birth-place of their illustrious\\noffspring the great savans of the New World, concern-\\ning whom we should console ourselves with the hope that\\nthey are not buried deeply in the matrix of the future.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 245\\nCHAPTEE V.\\nTESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nTo the true friends of freedom throughout the world, it\\nis a pleasing- thought, and one which, by being communi-\\ncated to others, is well calculated to universalize the prin-\\nciples of liberty, that the great heroes, statesmen, and\\nsages, of all ages and nations, ancient and modern, who\\nhave ever had occasion to speak of the institution of hu-\\nman slavery, have entered their most unequivocal and\\npositive protests against it. To say that they disapproved\\nof the system would not be sufficiently expressive of the\\nutter detestation with which they uniformly regarded it.\\nThat they abhorred it as the vilest invention that the Evil-\\nOne has ever assisted bad men to concoct, is quite evi-\\ndent from the very tone and construction of their lan-\\nguage.\\nHaving, with much pleasure and profit, heard the testi-\\nmony of America, through her representative men, we\\nwill now hear that of other nations, through their repre-\\nsentative men doubting not that we shall be more than\\nremunerated for our time and trouble. We will first\\nlisten to", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "246 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nTHE VOICE OF ENGLAND.\\nIn the case of James Somerset, a negro who had been\\nkidnapped in Africa, transported to Virginia, there sold\\ninto slavery, thence carried to England, as a waiting-boy,\\nand there induced to institute proceedings against his\\nmaster for the recovery of his freedom,\\nmansfield says\\nThe state of slavery is of such a nature that it is incapable\\nof being introduced on any reasons, moral or political, but only\\nby positive law, which preserves its force long after the reasons,\\noccasion, and time itself whence it was created, is erased from the\\nmemory. It is so odious that nothing can be sufficient to sup-\\nport it but positive law. Whatever inconveniences, therefore,\\nmay follow from the decision, I cannot say this case is allowed\\nor approved by the law of England, and therefore the black must\\nbe discharged.\\nlocke says\\nSlavery is so vile, so miserable a state of man, and so directly\\nopposite to the generous temper and courage of our nation, tnat\\nit is hard to be convinced that an Englishman, much less a gen-\\ntleman, should plead for it.\\nAgain, he says\\nThough the earth, and all inferior creatures be common to\\nall men, yet every man has a property in his own person this\\nnobody has any right to but himself.\\npitt says\\nIt is injustice to permit slavery to remain for a single hour.\\nfox says\\nWith regard to a regulation of slavery, my detestation of its", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF TIIE NATIONS. 24 1\\nexistence induces me to know no such thing as a regulation of\\nrobbery, and a restriction of murder. Personal freedom is a\\nright of which he who deprives a fellow-creature is criminal in\\nso depriving him, and be who withholds is no less criminal in\\nwithholding.\\nshakspeare says\\nA man is master of his liberty.\\nAgain, he says\\nIt is the curse of Kings, to be attended\\nB} r slaves, that take their humors for a warrant\\nTo break within the bloody house of life,\\nAnd, on the winkling of authority,\\nTo understand a law to know the meaning\\nOf dangerous majesty, when, perchance, it frowns\\nMore upon humor than advised respect.\\nAgain\\nHeaven will one day free us from this slavery.\\nAgain\\nLiberty Freedom Tyranny is dead\\nRun hence, proclaim, cry it about the streets\\nSome to the common pulpits, and cry out,\\nLiberty, freedom, and enfranchisement\\ncowper says\\nSlaves cannot breathe in England if their lungs\\nReceive our air, that moment they are free.\\nThey touch our country and their shackles fall.\\nThat s noble, and bespeaks a nation proud\\nAnd jealous of the blessing. Spread it then,\\nAnd let it circulate through e\\\\evj vein\\nOf all your Empire, that where Britain s power\\nIs felt, mankind may feel her mercy too", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "248 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nmilton asks\\nWhere is the beauty to see,\\nLike the sun-brilliant brow of a nation when free V\\nAgain, he says\\nIf our fathers promised for themselves, to make themselves\\nslaves, they could make no such promise for us.\\nAgain\\nSince, therefore, the law is chiefly right reason, if we are\\nbound to obey a magistrate as a minister of God, by the \\\\evy same\\nreason and the very same law, we ought to resist a tyrant, and\\nminister of the devil.\\ndr. johnson says\\nNo man is by nature the property of another. The rights of\\nnature must be some way forfeited before they can justly be taken\\naway.\\ndr. price says\\nIf you have a right to make another man a slave, he has a\\nright to make you a slave.\\nblackstone says\\nIf neither captivity nor contract can, by the plain law of na-\\nture and reason, reduce the parent to a state of slavery, much\\nless can they reduce the offspring.\\nAgain, he says\\nThe primary aim of society is to protect individuals in the\\nenjoyment of those absolute rights which were vested in them by\\nthe immutable laws of nature. Hence it follows that the first\\nand primary end of human laws is to maintain those absolute\\nrights of individuals.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 249\\nAgain\\nIf any human law shall allow or require us to commit crime,\\nwe are bound to transgress that human law, or else we must\\noffend both the natural and divine.\\ncoke says\\nWhat the Parliament doth, shall be holden for naught, when-\\never it shall enact that which is contrary to the rights of nature.\\nhampden says\\nThe essence of all law is justice. What is not justice is not\\nlaw and what is not law, ought not to be obeyed.\\nHarrington says\\nAll men naturally, are equal for though nature with a noble\\nvariety has made different features and lineaments of men, yet as\\nto freedom, she has made every one alike, and given them the\\nsame desires.\\nfortescue says\\nThose rights which God and nature have established, and\\nwhich are therefore called natural rights, such as life and liberty,\\nneed not the aid of human laws to be more effectually invested in\\nevery man than they are neither do they receive any additional\\nstrength when declared by the municipal laws to be inviolable.\\nOn the contrary, no human power has any authority to abridge\\nor destroy them, unless the owner himself shall commit some act\\nthat amounts to a forfeiture.\\nAgain, he says\\nThe law, therefore, which supports slavery and opposes lib-\\nerty, must necessarily be condemned as cruel, for every feeling\\nof human nature advocates liberty. Slavery is introduced by hu-\\nman wickedness, but God advocates liberty, by the nature which\\nhe has given to man.\\n11*", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "250 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS\\nbrougham says\\nTell me not of rights talk not of the property of the planter\\nin his slaves. I deny the right I acknowledge not the property.\\nIn vain you tell me of laws that sanction such a claim. There is\\na law above all the enactments of human codes, the same through-\\nout the world, the same in all times it is the law written by the\\nfinger of God on the hearts of men and by that law. unchangeable\\nand eternal, while men despise fraud, and loathe rapine, and ab-\\nhor blood, they shall reject with indignation the wild and guilty\\nphantasy that man can hold property in man.\\nTHE VOICE OF IRELAND.\\nburke says\\nSlavery is a state so improper, so degrading, and so ruinous\\nto the feelings and capacities of human nature, that it ought not\\nto be suffered to exist.\\ncurran says\\nI speak in the spirit of British law, which makes liberty\\ncommensurate with and inseparable from British soil which\\nproclaims even to the stranger and the sojourner, the moment he\\nsets his foot upon British earth, that the ground on which he\\ntreads is holy and consecrated by the genius of Universal Eman-\\ncipation. No matter in what language his doom may have been\\npronounced no matter what complexion, incompatible with free-\\ndom, an Indian or African sun may have burnt upon him no\\nmatter in what disastrous battle his liberty may have been cloven\\ndown no matter with what solemnities he may have been de-\\nvoted upon the altar of slavery, the moment he touch the sacred\\nsoil of Britain, the altar and the god sink together in the dust\\nhis soul walks abroad in her own majesty and he stands re-\\ndeemed, regenerated and disenthralled by the irresistible genius\\nof Universal Emancipation.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 251\\nThe Dublin University Magazine for December, 1856,\\nsays\\nThe United States must learn, from the example of Rome,\\nthat Christianity and the pagan institution of slavery cannot co-\\nexist together. The Republic must take her side and choose her\\nfavorite child for if she love the one, she must hate the other.\\nTHE VOICE OF SCOTLAND.\\nbeattie says\\nu Slavery is inconsistent with the dearest and most essential\\nrights of man s nature it is detrimental to virtue and industry\\nit hardens the heart to those tender sympathies which form the\\nmost lovely part of human character it involves the inno-\\ncent in hopeless misery, in order to procure wealth and pleasure\\nfor the authors of that misery it seeks to degrade into brutes\\nbeings whom the Lord of Heaven and Earth endowed with ra-\\ntional souls, and created for immortality in short, it is utterly\\nrepugnant to every principle of reason, religion, humanity, and\\nconscience. It is impossible for a considerate and unprejudiced\\nmind, to think of slavery without horror.\\nmiller says\\nThe human mind revolts at a serious discussion of the sub-\\nject of slavery. Every individual, whatever be his country or\\ncomplexion, is entitled to freedom.\\nmacknight says\\nMen-stealers are inserted among the daring criminals against\\nwhom the law of God directed its awful curses. These were\\npersons who kidnapped men to sell them for slaves and this\\npractice seems inseparable from the other iniquities and oppres-\\nsions of slavery nor can a slave dealer easily keep free from\\nthis criminality, if indeed the receiver is as bad as- the thief.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "252 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nTHE VOICE OP FRANCE.\\nLAFAYETTE says\\nI would never have drawn my sword in the cause of America,\\nif I could have conceived that thereby I was founding a land of\\nslavery.\\nAgain, while in the prison of Magdeburg, he says\\nI know not what disposition has been made of my plantation\\nat Cayenne but I hope Madame de Lafayette will take care that\\nthe negroes who cultivate it shall preserve their liberty.\\n0. Lafayette, grandson of General Lafayette, in a let-\\nter under date of April 26th, 1851, says\\nThis great question of the Abolition of Negro Slavery, which\\nhas my entire sympathy, appears to me to have established its\\nimportance throughout the world. At the present time, the\\nStates of the Peninsula, if I do not deceive myself, are the only\\nEuropean powers who still continue to possess slaves and\\nAmerica, while continuing to uphold slavery, feels daily, more and\\nmore how heavily it weighs upon her destinies.\\nmoxtesquien asks\\nWhat civil law can restrain a slave from running away, since\\nhe is not a member of society V\\nAgain, he says\\nSlavery is contrary to the fundamental principles of all socie-\\nties.\\nAgain\\nIn democracies, where they are all upon an equality, slavery\\nis contrary to the principles of the Constitution.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATION S. 253\\nAgain\\nNothing puts one nearer the condition of a brute than always\\nto see freemen and not be free.\\nAgain\\nEven the earth itself, which teems with profusion under the\\ncultivating hand of the free born laborer, shrinks into barrenness\\nfrom the contaminating sweat of a slave.\\nlouis x. issued the following edict\\nAs all men are by nature free born, and as this Kingdom is\\ncalled the Kingdom of Franks, (freemen) it shall be so in reality.\\nIt is therefore decreed that enfranchisement shall be granted\\nthroughout the whole Kingdom upon just and reasonable terms.\\nbuffon says\\nIt is apparent that the unfortunate negroes are endowed with\\nexcellent hearts, and possess the seeds of every human virtue. I\\ncannot write their history without lamenting their miserable\\ncondition. Humanity revolts at those odious oppressions that\\nresult from avarice.\\neousseau says\\nThe terms slavery and right, contradict and exclude each\\nother.\\nbkissot says\\nSlavery, in all its forms, in all its degrees, is a violation of\\ndivine law, and a degradation of human nature.\\nTHE VOICE OF GERMAN V.\\ngrotius says\\nThose are men-stealers who abduct, keep, sell or buy slaves\\nor free men. To steal a man is the highest kind of theft.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "254 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\ngoethe says\\nSuch busy multitudes I fain would see\\nStand upon free soil with a people free.\\nluther says\\nUnjust violence is, by no means, the ordinance of God, and\\ntherefore can bind no one in conscience and right, to obey, whe-\\nther the command comes from pope, emperor, king or master.\\nAn able German writer of the present day, says, in a\\nrecent letter to his friends in this country\\nConsider that the cause of American liberty is the cause of\\nuniversal liberty its failure, a triumph of despotism everywhere.\\nEemember that while American liberty is the great argument of\\nEuropean Democracy, American slavery is the greater argument\\nof its despotism. Eemember that all our actions should be gov-\\nerned by the golden rule, whether individual, social, or political;\\nand no government, and, above all, no republican government, is\\nsafe in the hands of men that practically deny that rule. Will\\nyou support by your vote a system that recognizes property of\\nman in man A system which sanctions the sale of the child by\\nits own father, regardless of the purpose of the buyer 1 What\\nneed is there to present to you the unmitigated wrong of slavery 1\\nIt is the shame of our age that argument is needed against\\nslavey.\\nLiberty is no exclusive property it is the property of man-\\nkind of all ages. She is immortal, though crushed, can never die\\nthough banished, she will return though fettered, she will yet\\nbe free.\\nTHE VOICE OF ITALY.\\ncicero says\\nBy the grand laws of nature, all men are born free, and this\\nlaw is universally binding upon all men.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 255\\nAgain, he says\\nEternal justice is the basis of all human laws.\\nAgain\\nLaw is not something wrought out by man s ingenuity, nor is\\nit a decree of the people, but it is something eternal, governing\\nthe world by the wisdom of its commands and prohibitions.\\nAgain\\nWhatever is just is also the true law. nor can this true law\\nbe abrogated by any written enactments.\\nAgain\\nIf there be such a power in the decrees and commands of\\nfools, that the nature of things is changed by their votes, why do\\nthey not decree that what is bad and pernicious shall be regarded\\nas good and wholesome, or why, if the law can make wrong right,\\ncan it not make bad good V\\nAgain\\nThose who have made pernicious and unjust decrees, have\\nmade anything rather than laws.\\nAgain\\nThe law of all nations forbids one man to pursue his advan-\\ntage at the expense of another.\\nlactantius says\\nJustice teaches men to know God and to love men, to love\\nand assist one another, being all equally the children of God.\\nleo x. says\\nNot only does the Christian religion, but nature herself cry\\nout against the state of slavery.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "256 TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS.\\nTHE VOICE OF GEEECE.\\nsocrates says\\nSlavery is a system of outrage and robbery.\\naristotle says\\nIt is neither for the good, nor is it just, seeing all men are by\\nnature alike, and equal, that one should be lord and master over\\nothers.\\npolybius says\\nNone but unprincipled and beastly men in society assume the\\nmastery over their fellows, as it is among bulls, bears, and cocks.\\nplato says\\nSlavery is a system of the most complete injustice.\\nFrom each of the above, and from other nations, addi-\\ntional testimony is at hand but, for reasons already\\nassigned, we forbear to introduce it. Corroborative of the\\ncorrectness of the position which we have assumed, even\\nPersia has a voice, which may be easily recognized in the\\ntones of her immortal Cyms, who says\\nTo fight, in order not to be made a slave, is noble.\\nThan Great Britain no nation has more heartily or hon-\\norably repented of the crime of slavery no nation, on the\\nperception of its error, has ever acted with more prompt\\nmagnanimity to its outraged and unhappy bondsmen.\\nEntered to her credit, many precious jewels of liberty re-\\nmain in our possession, ready to be delivered when called\\nfor of their value some idea may be formed, when we\\nstate that they are filigreed with such names as Wilber-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONS. 257\\nforce, Buxton, Granville, Grattan, Camden, Clarkson,\\nSharp, Sheridan, Sidney, Martin, and Macaulay.\\nVirginia, the Carolinas, and other Southern States,\\nwhich are provided with lepublican forms of govern-\\nment, and which have abolished freedom, should learn,\\nfrom the history of the monarchal governments of the Old\\nWorld, if not from the example of the more liberal and\\nenlightened portions of the New, how to abolish slavery.\\nThe lesson is before them in a variety of exceedingly in-\\nteresting forms, and, sooner or later, they must learn it,\\neither voluntarily or by compulsion. Virginia, in particu-\\nlar, is a spoilt child, having been the pet of the General\\nGovernment for the last sixty-eight years and like most\\nother spoilt children, she has become forward, peevish,\\nperverse, sulky and irreverent\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not caring to know her\\nduties, and failing to perform even those which she does\\nknow. Her superiors perceive that the abolition of sla-\\nvery would be a blessing to her she is, however, either\\ntoo ignorant to understand the truth, or else, as is the\\nmore probable, her false pride and obstinacy restrain her\\nfrom acknowledging it. What is to be done? Shall\\nignorance, or prejudice, or obduracy, or willful meanness,\\ntriumph over knowledge, and liberality, and guilelessness,\\nand laudable enterprise No, never 1 Assured that Vir-\\nginia and all the other slaveholding States are doing\\nwrong every day, it is our duty to make them do right, if\\nwe have the power and we believe we have the power\\nnow resident within their own borders. What are the\\nopinions,, generally, of the non-slaveholding whites Let\\nthem speak.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "258 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nTESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nRun hence, proclaim, cry it about the streets.\\nSome to the common pulpits, and cry out,\\nLiberty, freedom, and enfranchisement\\nIn quest of arguments against slavery, we have perused\\nthe works of several eminent Christian writers of different\\ndenominations, and we now proceed to lay before the reader\\nthe result of a portion of our labor. As it is the special\\nobject of this chapter to operate on, to correct and cleanse\\nthe consciences of slaveholding professors of religion, we\\nshall adduce testimony only from the five churches to\\nwhich they, in their satanic piety, mostly belong the\\nPresbyterian, the Episcopal, the Baptist, the Methodist,\\nand the Roman Catholic all of which, thank Heaven, are\\ndestined, at no distant day, to become thoroughly aboli-\\ntionized. With few exceptions, all the other Christian\\nsects are, as they should be, avowedly and inflexibly op-\\nposed to the inhuman institution of slavery. The Con-\\ngregational, the Quaker, the Lutheran, the Dutch and\\nGerman Reformed, the Unitarian, and the Universalist,\\nespecially, are all honorable, able, and eloquent defenders", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 259\\n)f the natural rights of man. We will begin by intro-\\niucing a mass of\\nPRESBYTERIAN TESTIMONY.\\n|i The Rev. Albert Barnes, of Philadelphia, one of the most\\nlearned Presbyterian preachers and commentators of the\\nlay, says\\n1 There is a deep and growing conviction in the minds of the mass\\nof mankind, that slavery violates the great laws of our nature\\nthat it is contrary to the dictates of humanity that it is essen-\\ntially unjust, oppressive, and cruel that it invades the rights of\\nliberty with which the Author of our being has endowed all hu-\\nman beings and that, in all the forms in which it has ever ex-\\nisted, it has been impossible to guard it from what its friends\\nand advocates would call abuses of the sj r stem. It is a viola-\\ntion of the first sentiments expressed in our Declaration of Inde-\\npendence, and on which our fathers founded the vindication of\\ntheir own conduct in an appeal to arms. It is at war with all\\nthat a man claims for himself and fur his own children and it is\\nopposed to all the struggles of mankind, in all ages, for freedom.\\nThe claims of humanity plead against it. The struggles for free-\\ndom everywhere in our world condemn it. The instinctive\\nfeeling in every man s own bosom in regard to himself is a con-\\ndemnation of it. The noblest deeds of valor, and of patriotism\\nin our own land, and in all lands where men have struggled for\\nfreedom, are a condemnation of the system. All that is noble\\nin man is opposed to it all that is base, oppressive, and cruel,\\npleads for it.\\nThe spirit of the New Testament is against slavery, and the\\nprinciples of the New Testament, if fairly applied, would abolish\\nit. In the New Testament no man is commanded to purchase\\nand own a slave no man is commended as adding anything to\\nthe evidences of his Christian character, or as performing the\\nappropriate duty of a Christian, for owning one. No where in\\nthe New Testament is the institution referred to as a good one,\\nor as a desirable one. It is commonly indeed, it is almost uni-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "260 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nversally conceded that the proper application of the principles\\nof the New Testament would abolish slavery everywhere, or that.\\nthe state of things which will exist when the Gospel shall be i\\nfairly applied to all the relations of life, slavery will not be foundi\\namong those relations.\\nLet slavery be removed from the church, and let the voice of\\nthe church, with one accord, be lifted up in favor of freedom ;i\\nlet the church be wholly detached from the institution, and let.\\nthere be adopted by all its ministers and members an interpre-:\\ntation of the Bible as I believe there may be and ought to be\\nthat shall be in accordance with the deep-seated principles of our;\\nnature in favor of freedom, and with our own aspirations for lib-\\nerty, and with the sentiments of the world in its onward pro-\\ngress in regard to human rights, and not only would a very\\nmaterial objection against the Bible be taken away and one\\nwhich would be fatal if it were well founded but the establish-\\nment of a very strong argument in favor of the Bible, as a reve-t\\nlation from God, would be the direct result of such a position.\\nThomas Scott, the celebrated English Presbyterian Com-\\nmentator, says\\nTo number the persons of men with beasts, sheep, and horses,\\nas the stock of a farm, or with bales of goods, as the cargo of a\\nship, is, no doubt, a most detestable and anti-Christian practice.\\nFrom a resolution denunciatory of slavery, unanimously\\nadopted by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian\\nChurch, in 1818, we make the following 1 extract\\nWe consider the voluntary enslaving of one part of the human\\nrace by another as a gross violation of the most precious and sac-\\nred rights of human nature, as utterly inconsistent with the law\\nof God, which requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves, and\\nas totally irreconcilable with the spirit and principles of the Gos-\\npel of Christ, which enjoins that all things whatsoever ye would\\nthat men should do to 3 T ou, do ye even so to them. VVf\\nrejoice that the church to which we belong commenced, as early", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 261\\nis any other in this country, the good work of endeavoring to\\nnit an end to slavery, and that in the same work many of its\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a1embers have ever since been, and now are, among the most ac-\\n,ive. vigorous, and efficient laborers. We earnestly exhort\\n;hem to continue, and, if possible, to increase, their exertions to\\n:ffect a total abolition of slavery.\\nA Committee of the Synod of Kentucky, in an address\\n;o the Presbyterians of that State, says\\nThat our negroes will be worse off, if emancipated, is, we feel,\\njut a specious pretext for lulling our own pangs of conscience,\\nu:d answering the argument of the philanthropist. None of us\\nrelieve that God has so created a whole race that it Is better for\\n:hem to remain in perpetual bondage.\\nEPISCOPAL TESTIMONY.\\nbishop horsley says\\nSlavery is injustice, which no consideration of policy can ex-\\ntenuate.\\nbishop butler says\\nDespicable as the negroes may appear in our eyes, they are\\nthe creatures of God, and of the race of mankind, for whom Christ\\ndied, and it is inexcusable to keep them in ignorance of the end\\nfor which they were made, and of the means whereby they may\\nbecome partakers of the general redemption.\\nbishop porteus says\\nThe Bible classes men-stealers or slave-traders among the\\nmurderers of fathers and mothers, and the most profane criminals\\non earth.\\nJohn Jay, Esq., of the City of New-York a most exem-\\nplary Episcopalian in a pamphlet entitled, Thoughts on", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "262 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nthe Duty of the Episcopal Church, in Eelation to Slavery,\\nsays\\nu Alas for the expectation that she would conform to the spirit\\nof her ancient mother She has not merely remained a mute and\\ncareless spectator of this great conflict of truth and justice with\\nhypocrisy and cruelty, but her very priests and deacons may be\\nseen ministering at the altar of slavery, offering their talents and\\ninfluence at its unholy shrine, and openly repeating the awful\\nblasphemy, that the precepts of our Saviour sanction the system\\nof American slavery. Her Northern clergy, with rare exceptions,\\nwhatever they may feel on the subject, rebuke it neither in pub-\\nlic nor in private, and her periodicals, far from advancing the\\nprogress of abolition, at times oppose our societies, impliedly de-\\nfending slavery, as not incompatible with Christianity, and occa-\\nsionally withholding information useful to the cause of freedom.\\nA writer in a late number of The Anti-Slavery Church-\\nman, published in Geneva, Wisconsin, speaking of a cer-\\ntain portion of the New Testament, says\\nThis passage of Paul places necessary work in the hands of\\nGospel ministers. If they preach the whole Gospel, they must\\npreach what this passage enjoins\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and if they do this, they must\\npreach against American slavery. Its being connected with pol-\\nitics does not shield them. Political connections cannot place\\nsin under protection. They cannot throw around it guards that\\nthe public teachers of morals may not pass. Sin is a violation\\nof God s law\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and God s law must be proclaimed and enforced\\nat all hazards. This is the business of the messenger of God,\\nand if anything stands in its way. it is his right, rather it is his\\nsolemn commission, to go forward\u00e2\u0080\u0094 straightway to overpass the\\nlines thai would shut him out, and utter his warnings. Many,\\nsins there are. that, in like manner, might be shielded. Fashion,\\nand rank, and business, are doing their part to keep much sin in\\nrespectability, and excuse it from the attacks of God s ministers.\\nBut what are these, that they should seal a minister s lips\u00e2\u0080\u0094 what\\nmore are the wishes of politicians?", "height": "2587", "width": "1579", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 263\\nFor further testimony from this branch of the Christian\\nisystem, if desired, we refer the reader to the Rev. Dudley\\njA. Tyng, the Rev. Evan M. Johnson, and the Rev. J. Mc-\\niNamara, all Broad Church Episcopalians, whose magic\\n[eloquence and irresistible arguments bid fair, at an early\\njday, to win over to the paths of progressive freedom, truth,\\n(justice and humanity, the greater number of their High\\nland Low Church brethren.\\nBAPTIST TESTIMONY.\\nConcerning a certain text, the Rev. Mr. Brisbane, once\\na, slaveholding Baptist in South Carolina, says\\nPaul was speaking of the law as having been made for men-\\n.stealers. Where is the record of that law It is in Exodus\\nxxi. 16, and in these words He that stealeth a man, and selleth\\nthim, or if he be found in his possession, he shall surely be put\\ni to death. Here it will be perceived that it was a crime to sell\\n[the man, for which the seller must suffer death. But it was no less\\na crime to hold him as a slave, for this also was punishable with\\nfdeath. A man may be kidnapped out of slavery into freedom.\\n[There was no law against that. And why Because kidnap-\\nping a slave and placing him in a condition of freedom, was only\\n;to restore him to his lost rights. But if the man who takes him\\n[becomes a slaveholder, or a slave seller, then he is a criminal,\\nliable to the penalty of death, because he robs the man of liberty.\\nPerhaps some will say this law was only applicable to the first\\nbolder of the slave, that is, the original kidnapper, but not to his\\nsuccessors who might have purchased or inherited him. But\\nwhat is k inapp mg? Suppose 1 propose to a neighbor to give\\nhim a certain sum of money if he will steal a white child in Car-\\nolina and deliver him to me. He steals him; I pay him the\\nimoney upon his delivering the child to me. ts it not my act as\\nfully as his? Am I not also the thief? But does it alter the\\n!case whether I agree before hand or not, to pay him for the", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "264 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nchild 1 He steals him, and then sells him to me. He is found\\nby his parents in my hands. Will it avail me to say I purchased\\nhim and paid my money for him Will it not be asked, Do you\\nnot know that a white person is not merchantable And shall I\\nnot have to pay the damage for detaining that child in my ser-\\nvice as a slave Assuredly, not only in the eyes of the law, but\\nin the judgment of the whole community, I would be regarded a\\ncriminal. So when one man steals another and offers him for\\nsale, no one, in view of the Divine law, can buy him, for the rea-\\nson that the Divine law forbids that man shall in the first place\\nbe made a merchantable article. The inquiry must be, if I buy,\\nI buy in violation of the Divine law, and it will not do for me\\nto plead that I bought him. I have him in possession, and that is\\nenough, God condemns me for it as a man-stealer. My having\\nhim in possession is evidence against me, and the Mosaic law\\nsays, if he be found in my hands, I must die. Now, when Paul\\nsaid the law was made for men-stealers, was it not also saying the\\nlaw was made for slaveholders 1 I am not intending to ap-\\nply this term in harsh spirit. But I am bound, as I fear God,\\nto spoak what I am satisfied is the true meaning of the apostle.\\nIn his Elements of Moral Science, the Eev. Francis J\\nWayland, D.D., one of the most erudite and distinguished\\nBaptists now living, says\\nDomestic slavery proceeds upon the principle that the mas-\\nter has a right to control the actions, physical and intellectual, of\\nthe slave, for his own, that is, the master s individual benefit\\nand, of course, that the happiness of the master, when it comes\\nin competition with the happiness of the slave, extinguishes in\\nthe latter the right to pursue it. It supposes, at best, that the\\nrelation between master and slave, is not that which exists be-\\ntween man and man, but is a modification, at least, of that which\\nexists between man and the brutes.\\nNow, this manifestly supposes that the two classes of beiugs\\nare created with dissimilar rights that the master posseses\\nrights which have never been conceded by the slave and that", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 265\\nthe slave has no rights at all over the means of happiness which\\nGod has given him, whenever these means of happiness can be\\nrendered available to the service of his master. It supposes that\\nthe Creator intended one human being to govern the physical,\\nintellectual and moral actions of as many other human beings as\\nby purchase he can bring within his physical power and that\\none human being may thus acquire a right to sacrifice the happi-\\nness of any number of other human beings, for the purpose of\\npromoting his own. Slavery thus violates the personal liberty\\nof man as a physical, intellectual, and moral being.\\nIt purports to give to the master a right to control the physical\\nlabor of the slave, not for the sake of the happiness of the slave,\\nbut for the sake of the happiness of the master. It subjects the\\namount of labor, and the kind of labor, and the remuneration\\nfor labor, entirely to the will of the one party, to the entire ex-\\nclusion of the will of the other party.\\nBut if this right in the master over the slave be conceded,\\nthere are of course conceded all other rights necessary to insure\\nits possession. Hence, inasmuch as the slave can be held in this\\ncondition only while he remains in the lowest state of mental im-\\nbecility, it supposes the master to have the right to control his\\nintellectual development, just as far as maybe necessary to se-\\ncure entire subjection. Thus, it supposes the slave to have no\\nright to use his intellect for the production of his own happiness\\nbut, only to use it in such manner as may conduce to his master s\\nprofit.\\nAnd, moreover, inasmuch as the acquisition of the knowledge\\nof his duty to God could not be freely made without the acqui-\\nsition of other knowledge, which might, if universal^ diffused,\\nendanger the control of the master, slavery supposes the master\\nto have the right to determine how much knowledge of his duty\\na slave shall obtain, the manner in which he shall obtain it, and\\nthe manner in which he shall discharge that duty after he shall\\nhave obtained a knowledge of it. It thus subjects the duty of\\nman to God entirely to the will of man i and this for the sake of\\npecuniary profit. It renders the eternal happiness of the one\\nparty subservient to the temporal happiness of the other. And\\n12", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "266 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nthis principle is commonly carried into effect in slaveholding\\ncountries.\\nIf argument were necessary to show that such a system as this\\nmust be at variance with the ordinance of God, it might be easily\\ndraw T n from the effects which it produces both upon morals and\\nnational wealth.\\nIts effects must be disastrous upon the morals of both parties.\\nBy presenting objects on whom passion may be satiated without\\nresistance and without redress, it cultivates in the master, pride,\\nanger, cruelty, selfishness and licentiousness. By accustoming\\nthe slave to subject his moral principles to the will of another,\\nit tends to abolish in him all moral distinction and thus fosters\\nin him lying, deceit, h} T pocrisy, dishonesty, and a willingness to\\nyield himself up to minister to the appetites of his master.\\nThe effects of slavery on national wealth, may be easily seen\\nfrom the following considerations\\nInstead of imposing upon all the necessity of labor, it restricts\\nthe number of laborers, that is of producers, within the smallest\\npossible limit, by rendering labor disgraceful.\\nIt takes from the laborers the natural stimulus to labor, namely\\nthe desire in the individual of improving his condition and sub-\\nstitutes, iu the place of it, that motive which is the least opera-\\ntive and the least constant, namely, the fear of punishment with-\\nout the consciousness of moral delinquency.\\nIt removes, as far as possible, from both parties, the disposition\\nand the motives to frugality. Neither the master learns frugality\\nfrom the necessity of labor, nor the slave from the benefits which\\nit confers. And here, while the one party wastes from ignorance\\nof the laws of acquisition, and the other because he can have no\\nmotive to economy, capital must accumulate but slowly, if indeed\\nit accumulate at all.\\nNo country, not of great fertility, can long sustain a large slave\\npopulation. Soils of more than ordinary fertility can not sustain\\nit long, after the richness of the soil has been exhausted. Hence,\\nslavey in this country is acknowledged to have impoverished\\nmany of our most valuable districts and, hence, it is continually\\nmigrating from the older settlements, to those new and untilled\\nregions, where the accumulated manure of centuries of vegetation", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 2G7\\nlias formed a soil, whose productiveness may, for a while, sustain\\na system at variance with the laws of nature. Many of our free\\nand of our slaveholding States were peopled at ahout the same\\ntime. The slaveholding States had every advantage, both in soil\\nand climate, over their neighbors. And yet the accumulation of\\ncapital has been greatly in favor of the latter. If any one doubts\\nwhether this difference be owing to the use of slave labor, let\\nhim ask himself what would have been the condition of the slave-\\nholding States, at this moment, if they had been inhabited, from\\nthe beginning, by an industrious yeomanry; each one holding his\\nown land, and each one tilling it with the labor of his own hands.\\nThe moral precepts of the Bible are diametrically opposed to\\nslavery. They are, Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself, and\\nall things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do\\nye even so unto them.\\nThe application of these precepts is universal. Our neighbor\\nis every one whom we may benefit. The obligation respects all\\nthings whatsoever. The precept, then, manifestly, extends to\\nmen, as men, or men in every condition; and if to all things\\nwhatsoever, certainly to a thing so important as the right to per-\\nsonal liberty.\\nAgain. By this precept, it is made our duty to cherish as\\ntender and delicate a respect for the right which the meanest in-\\ndividual posseses over the means of happiness bestowed upon him\\nby God, as we cherish for our own right over our own means of\\nhappiness, or as we desire any other individual to cherish for it.\\nNow, were this precept obeyed, it is manifest that slavery could\\nnot in fact exist for a single instant. The principle of the pre-\\ncept is absolutely subversive of the principle of slavery. That\\nof the one is the entire equality of right that of the other, the\\nentire absorption of the rights of one in the rights of the other.\\nIf any one doubts respecting the bearing of the Scripture pre-\\ncept upon this case, a few plain questions may throw additional\\nlight upon the subject. For instance,\\nDo the precepts and the spirit of the Gospel allow me to de-\\nrive my support from a system which extorts labor from my fel-\\nlow-men, without allowing them any voice in the equivalent\\nwhich they shall receive; and which can only be sustained by", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "268 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nkeeping them in a state of mental degradation, and by shutting\\nthem out, in a great degree, from the means of salvation\\nWould the master be willing that another person should sub-\\nject him to slavery, for the same reasons, and on the same grounds,\\nthat he holds his slave in bondage\\nt; Would the Gospel allow us, if it were in our power, to reduce\\nour fellow-citizens of our own color to slavery If the gospel be\\ndiametrically opposed to the principle of slavery, it must be op-\\nposed to the practice of slavery and therefore, were the princi-\\nples of the gospel fully adopted, slavery could not exist.\\nThe very course which the gospel takes on this subject, seems\\nto have been the only one that could have been taken, in order\\nto effect the universal abolition of slavery. The gospel was de-\\nsigned, not for one race, or for one time, but for all races, and for\\nall times. It looked not at the abolition of this form of evil for\\nthat age alone, but for its universal abolition. Hence, the impor-\\ntant object of its Author was, to gain it a lodgment in every part\\nof the known world so that, by its universal diffusion among\\nall classes of society, it might quietly and peacefully modify and\\nsubdue the evil passions of men and thus, without violence,\\nwork a revolution in the whole mass of mankind.\\nIf the system be wrong, as we have endeavored to show, if\\nit be at variance with our duty both to God and to man, it must\\nbe abandoned. If it be asked when, I ask again, when shall a\\nman begin to cease doing wrong? Is not the answer, immedi-\\nately If a man is injuring us, do we ever doubt as to the time\\nwhen he ought to cease 1 There is then no doubt in respect to\\nthe time when we ought to cease inflicting injury upon others.\\nAbraham Booth, an eminent theological writer of the\\nBaptist persuasion, says\\nI have not a stronger conviction of scarcely anything, than\\nthat slaveholding (except when the slave hns forfeited his lib-\\nerty by crimes against society) is wicked and inconsistent with\\nChristian character. To me it is evident, that whoever would\\npurchase an innocent black man to make him a slave, would", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 269\\nwith equal readiness purchase a white one for the same purpose,\\ncould he do it with equal impunity, and no more disgrace.\\nAt a meeting of the General Committee of the Baptists\\nof Virginia, in 1189, the following resolution was offered\\nby Eld. John Lelancl, and adopted\\nResolved, That slavery is a violent deprivation of tho rights\\nof nature, and inconsistent with rcpuhlican government, and\\ntherefore we recommend it to our brethren to make use of every\\nmeasure to extirpate this horrid evil from the land and pray\\nAlmighty God that our honorable legislature may have it in\\ntheir power to proclaim the great jubilee, consistent with the\\nprinciples of good policy.\\nMethodist testimony.\\nJohn Wesley, the celebrated founder of Methodism,\\nsays\\nMen buyers are exactly on a level with men stealers.\\nAgain, he says\\nAmerican Slavery is the vilest that ever saw the sun it con-\\nstitutes the sum of all villanies.\\nThe learned Dr. Adam Clarke, author of a voluminous\\ncommentary on the Scriptures, says\\nSlave-dealers, whether those who carry on the traffic in hu-\\nman flesh and blood or those who steal a person in order to\\nsell him into bondage or those who buy such stolen men or\\nwomen, no matter of what color, or what country or the nations\\nwho legalize or connive at such traffic all these are men-steal-\\ners, and God classes them with the most flagitious of mortals.\\nOne of the rules laid down in the Methodist Discipline,\\nas amended in 1784, was as follows", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "2Y0 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nEvery member of our Society who has slaves in his posses-\\nsion, shall, within twelve months after notice given to him by\\nthe assistant, legally execute and record an instrument, whereby\\nhe emancipates and sets free every slave in his possession.\\nAnother rule was in these words\\nNo person holding slaves shall in future be admitted into\\nSociety, or to the Lord s Supper, till he previously complies with\\nthese rules concerning slavery.\\nThe answer to the question What shall be done with\\nthose who buy or sell slaves, or give them away is\\ncouched in the following language\\nThey are immediately to be expelled, unless they buy them\\non purpose to free them.\\nIn 1185, the voice of this church was heard as follows\\nWe do hold in the deepest abhorrence the practice of slave-\\nry, and shall not cease to seek its destruction, by all wise and\\nprudent means.\\nIn 1191, the Discipline contained the following whole-\\nsome paragraph\\nThe preachers and other members of our Society are re-\\nquested to consider the subject of negro slavery, with deep\\nattention, and that they impart to the General Conference,\\nthrough the medium of the Yearly Conferences, or otherwise,\\nany important thoughts on the subject, that the Conference may\\nhave full light, in order to take further steps towards eradica-\\nting this enormous evil from that part of the Church of God with\\nwhich they are connected. The Annual Conferences are directed\\nto draw up addresses for the gradual emancipation of the slaves,\\nto the legislatures of those States in which no general laws have\\nbeen passed for that purpose. These addresses shall urge, in\\nthe most respectful but pointed manner, the necessity of a law", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 271\\nfor the gradual emancipation of slaves. Proper committees shall\\nbe appointed by the Annual Conferences, out of the most respect-\\nable of our friends, for conducting the business and presiding\\nelders, elders, deacons, and traveling preachers, shall procure as\\nmany proper signatures as possible to the addresses, and give all\\nthe assistance in their power, in every respect, to aid the com-\\nmittees, and to forward the blessed undertaking. Let this be\\ncontinued from year to year, till the desired end be accom-\\nplished.\\nCATHOLIC TESTIMONY.\\nIt lias been only about twenty years since Pope Greg-\\nory XVI. immortalized himself by issuing 1 the famous Bull\\nagainst slavery, from which the following is an extract\\nPlaced as we are on the Supreme seat of the apostles, and\\nacting, though by no merits of our own, as the vicegerent of\\nJesus Christ, the Son of God, ho, through his great mercy, con-\\ndescended to make himself man, and to die for the redemption\\nof the world, we regard as a duty devolving on our pastoral\\nfunctions, that we endeavor to turn aside our faithful flocks en-\\ntirely from the inhuman traffic in negroes, or any other human\\nbeings whatever. In progress of time, as the\\nclouds of heathen superstition became gradually dispersed, cir-\\ncumstances reached that point, that during several centuries\\nthere were no slaves allowed amongst the great majority of the\\nChristian nations but with grief we are compelled to add, that\\nthere afterwards arose, even among the faithful, a race of men,\\nwho, basely blinded by the appetite and desire of sordid lucre,\\ndid not hesitate to reduce, in remote regions of the earth, In-\\ndians, negroes, and other wretched beings, to the misery of sla-\\nvery or finding the trade established and augmented, to assist\\nthe shameful crime of others. Nor did many of the most glori-\\nous of the Roman Pontiffs omit severely to reprove their con-\\nduct, as injurious to their souls health, and disgraceful to the\\nChristian name. Among these may be especially quoted the\\nbull of Paul III., which bears the date of the 29th of May, 1537,", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "272 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\naddressed to the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo and another\\nstill more comprehensive, by Urban YIIL, dated the 22d of April,\\n1G36, to the collector Jurius of the Apostolic chamber in Portu-\\ngal, most severely castigating by name those who presumed to\\nsubject either East or West Indians to slavery, to sell, buy, ex-\\nchange, or give them away, to separate them from their wives\\nand children, despoil them of their goods and property, to bring\\nor transmit them to other places, or by any means to deprive\\nthem of liberty, or retain them in slavery also most severely\\ncastigating those who should presume or dare to afford council,\\naid, favor or assistance, under any pretext, or borrowed color, to\\nthose doing the aforesaid or should preach or teach that it is\\nlawful, or should otherwise presume or dare to co-operate, by\\nany possible means, with the aforesaid. Where-\\nfore, we, desiring to divert this disgrace from the whole confines\\nof Christianity, having summoned several of our venerable broth-\\ners, their Eminences the Cardinals, of the H. E. Church, to our\\ncouncil, and, having maturely deliberated on the whole matter,\\npursuing the footsteps of our predecessors, admonished by our\\napostolical authority, and urgently invoke in the Lord, all Chris-\\ntians, of whatever condition, that none henceforth dare to subject\\nto slavery, unjustly persecute, or despoil of their goods, Indians,\\nnegroes, or other classes of men, or be accessories to others, or\\nfurnish them aid or assistance in so doing and on no account\\nhenceforth to exercise that inhuman traffic by which negroes are\\nreduced to slavery, as if they were not men, but automata or chat-\\ntels, and are sold in defiance of all the laws of justice and human-\\nity, and devoted to severe and intolerable labors. We further\\nreprobate, by our apostolical authority, all the above-described\\noffences as utterly unworthy of the Christian name and by the\\nsame authority we rigidly prohibit and interdict all and every in-\\ndividual, whether ecclesiastical or laical, from presuming to de-\\nfend that commerce in negro slaves under pretence or borrowed\\ncolor, or to teach or publish in any manner, publicly or privately,\\nthings contrary to the admonitions which we have given in these\\nletters.\\nAnd, finally, that these, our letters, may be rendered more\\napparent to all, and that no person may allege any ignorance", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES. 213\\nthereof, we decree and order that it shall he puhlishcd according\\nto custom, and copies thereof be properly affixed to the gates of\\nSt. Feter and of the Apostolic Chancel, every and in like manner\\nto the General Court of Mount Citatorio, and in the field of the\\nCampus Florae, and also through the city, by one of our heralds,\\naccording to aforesaid custom.\\nGiven at Rome, at the Palace of Santa Maria Major, under\\nthe seal of the fisherman, on the 3d day of December, 1837, and\\nin the ninth year of our pontificate.\\nCountersigned by Cardinal A. Lambruschini.\\nWe have already quoted the language of Pope Leo X.,\\nwho says\\nNot only does the Christian religion, but nature herself cry\\nout against the State of slavery.\\nThe Abbe Raynal says\\nHe who supports slavery is the enemy of the human race.\\nHe divides it into two societies of legal assassins, the oppressors\\nand the oppressed. I shall not be afraid to cite to the tribunal\\nof reason and justice those governments which tolerate this\\ncruelty, or which even are not ashamed to make it the basis of\\ntheir power.\\nFrom the proceedings of a Massachusetts Anti-slavery\\nConvention in 1855, we make the following extract\\nHenry Kemp, a Roman Catholic, came forward to defend the\\nRomish Church in reply to Mr. Foster. He claimed that the\\nCatholic Church is thoroughly anti-slavery as thoroughly as\\neven his friend Foster.\\nThus manfully do men of pure hearts and noble minds,\\nwhether in Church or State, and without regard to sect or\\nparty, lift up their voices against the wicked and pernicious\\ninstitution of human slavery. Thus they speak, and thus\\n12*", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "274 TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCHES.\\nthey are obliged to speak, if they speak at all it is only\\nthe voice of Nature, Justice, Truth, and Love, that issues\\nfrom them. The divine principle in man prompts him to\\nspeak and strike for Freedom the diabolical principle\\nwithin him prompts him to speak and strike for slavery.\\nFrom those churches which are now as all churches\\nought to be, and will be, ere the world becomes Christian-\\nized thoroughly imbued with the principles of freedom,\\nwe do not, as already intimated, deem it particularly ne-\\ncessary to bring forward new arguments in opposition to\\nslavery. If, however, the reader would be pleased to hear\\nfrom the churches to which we chiefly allude and, by the\\nbye, he might hear from them with much profit to himself\\nwe respectfully refer him to Henry Ward Beecher,\\nGeorge B. Cheever, Joseph P. Thompson, Theodore Parker,\\nE. H. Chapin, and H. W. Bellows, of the North, and to M.\\nD. Conway, John G. Fee, James S. Davis, Daniel Wilson,\\nand W. E. Lincoln, of the South. All these reverend gen-\\ntlemen, ministers of different denominations, feel it their\\nduty to preach against slavery, and, to their honor be it\\nsaid, they do preach against it with unabated zeal and\\nsuccess. Our earnest prayer is*; that Heaven may enable\\nthem, their cotemporaries and successors, to preach against\\nit with such energy and effect, as will cause it to disap-\\npear forever from the soil of our Republic.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "BIBLE TESTIMONY. 215\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nBIBLE TESTIMONY\\nEvery person who has read the Bible, and who has a\\nproper understanding of its leading moral precepts, feels,\\nin his own conscience, that it is the only original and com-\\nplete anti-slavery text-book. In a crude state of society\\nin a barbarous age when men were in a manner destitute\\nof wholesome laws, either human or divine, it is possible\\nthat a mild form of slavery may have been tolerated, and\\neven regulated, as an institution clothed with the impor-\\ntance of temporary recognition but the Deity never ap-\\nproved it, and, for the very reason that it is impossible\\nfor him to do wrong, he never will, never can approve it.\\nThe worst system of servitude of which we have any ac-\\ncount in the Bible and, by the way, it furnishes no\\naccount of anything so bad as slavery (the evil-one and\\nhis hot home alone excepted) was far less rigorous and\\natrocious than that now established in the Southern States\\nof this Confederacy. Even that system, however, the\\nworst, which seems to have been practiced to a considera-\\nble extent by those venerable old fogies, Abraham, Isaac,\\nand Jacob, was one of the monstrous inventions of Satan", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "216 BIBLE TESTIMONY.\\nthat God winked at and, to the mind of the biblical\\nscholar, nothing can be more evident than that He deter-\\nmined of old, that it should, in due time, be abolished.\\nTo say that the Bible sanctions slavery is to say that the\\nsun loves darkness to say that one man was created to\\ndomineer over another is to call in question the justice,\\nmercy, and goodness of God.\\nWe will now listen to a limited number of the\\nPKECEPTS AND SAYINGS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.\\nProclaim liberty throughout all the land, unto all the inhabit-\\nants thereof.\\nLet the oppressed go free.\\nThou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.\\nThou shalt not respect the person of the poor, nor honor the\\nperson of the mighty but in righteousness shalt thou judge thy\\nneighbor.\\nThe wages of him that is hired shall not abide with thee all\\nnight until the morning.\\nEnvy thou not the oppressor, and choose none of his ways.\\ni\\nDo justice to the afflicted and needy rid them out of the\\nhand of the wicked.\\nExecute judgment and justice; take away your exactions\\nfrom my people, saith the Lord God.\\nTherefore thus saith the Lord ye have not hearkened unto\\nme, in proclaiming liberty, every one to his brother, and every\\nman to his neighbor behold, I proclaim a liberty for you, saith\\nthe Lord, to the sword, to the pestilence, and to the famine and\\nI will make you to be removed into all the kingdoms of the\\nearth.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "BIBLE TESTIMONY. 271\\nHe that stealeth a man. and selleth him, or if he be found in\\nhis hand, he shall surely be put to death.\\nWhoso stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he also shall\\ncry, but shall not be heard.\\nHe that oppresseth the poor reproacheth his Maker.\\nI will be a swift witness against the sorcerers, and against\\nthe adulterers, and against false swearers, and against those that\\noppress the hireling in his wages, the widow, and the fatherless,\\nand that turn aside the stranger from his right, and fear not me,\\nsaith the Lord of Hosts.\\nAs the partridge setteth on eggs, and hatcheth them not so\\nhe that getteth riches, and not by right, shall leave them in the\\nmidst of his days, and at his end shall be a fool.\\nAnd now we will listen to a few selected\\nPRECEPTS AND SAYINGS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.\\nCall no man master, neither be ye called masters.\\nAll things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you,\\ndo ye even so to them.\\nBe kindly affectionate one to another with brotherly love\\nin honor preferring one another.\\nDo good to all men. as ye have opportunity.\\nStand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith Christ hath\\nmade you free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of\\nbondage.\\nIf thou mayest be made free, use it rather.\\nThe laborer is worthy of his hire.\\nWhere the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.\\nSome years ago a clerical lickspittle of the slave power", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "278 BIBLE TESTIMONY.\\nhad the temerity to publish a book or pamphlet entitled\\nBible Defence of Slavery, which the Baltimore Sim, in\\nthe course of a caustic criticism, handled in the following\\nmanner\\nBible defence of slavery There is no such thing as a Bible\\ndefence of slavery at the present day. Slavery in the United\\nStates is a social institution, originating in the convenience and\\ncupidity of our ancestors, existing by State laws, and recognized\\nto a certain extent for the recovery of slave property by the\\nConstitution. And nobody would pretend that, if it were inex-\\npedient and unprofitable for any man or any State to continue to\\nhold slaves, they would be bound to do so on the ground of a\\nBible defence of it. Slavery is recorded in the Bible, and ap-\\nproved, with many degrading characteristics. War is recorded\\nin the Bible, and approved, under what seems to us the extreme\\nof cruelty. But are slavery and war to endure for ever because\\nwe find them in the Bible or are they to cease at once and for\\never because the Bible inculcates peace and brotherhood\\nThus, in the last five chapters inclusive, have we intro-\\nduced a mass of anti-slavery arguments, human and di-\\nvine, that will stand, irrefutable and convincing, as long\\nas the earth itself shall continue to revolve in its orbit.\\nAside from unaffected truthfulness and candor, no merit\\nis claimed for anything we have said on our own account.\\nWith the best of motives, and in the language of nature\\nmore than that of art, we have simply given utterance to\\nthe honest convictions of our heart being impelled to it\\nby a long-harbored and unmistakable sense of duty which\\ngrew stronger and deeper as the days passed away.\\nIf half the time which has been spent in collecting and\\narranging these testimonies had been occupied in the\\ncomposition of original matter, the weight of paper and", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "BIBLE TESTIMONY. 219\\nbinding and the number of pages would have been much\\ngreater, but the value and the effect of the contents would\\nhave been far less. From the first, our leading motive\\nhas been to convince our fellow-citizens of the South, non-\\nslaveholders and slaveholders, that slavery, whether con-\\nsidered in all its bearings, or, setting aside the moral as-\\npect of the question, and looking at it in only a pecuniary\\npoint of view, is impolitic, unprofitable, and degrading\\nhow well, thus far, we have succeeded in our undertaking,\\ntime will, perhaps, fully disclose.\\nIn the words of a contemporaneous German writer,\\nwhose language we readily and heartily endorse, It is\\nthe shame of our age that argument is needed against\\nslavery. Taking things as they are, however, argument\\nbeing needed, we have offered it but we have offered\\nit from such sources as will, in our honest opinion, con-\\nfound the devil and his incarnate confederates.\\nThese testimonies, culled from the accumulated wisdom\\nof nearly six thousand centuries, beginning with the great\\nand good men of our own time, and running back through\\ndistant ages to Saint Paul, Saint John, and Saint Luke,\\nto Cicero, Plato, and Socrates, to David, Solomon, and\\nMoses, and even to the Deity himself, are the pillars of\\nstrength and beauty upon which the popularity of our\\nwork will, in all probability, be principally based. If the\\nablest writers of the Old Testament if the eloquent pro-\\nphets of old if the renowned philosophers of Greece and\\nRome if the heavenly-minded authors and compilers of\\ni the New Testament if the illustrious poets and prose-\\nwriters, heroes, statesmen, sages of all nations, ancient", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "280 BIBLE TESTIMONY.\\nand modern if God himself and the hosts of learned\\nministers whom he has commissioned to proclaim his\\nword if all these are wrong-, then we are wrong on the\\nother hand, however, if they are right, we are right for,\\nin effect, we only repeat and endeavor to enforce their\\nprecepts.\\nIf we are in error, we desire to be corrected and, if it\\nis not asking too much, we respectfully request the advo-\\ncates of slavery to favor us with an expose of what they,\\nin their one-sided view of things, conceive to be the ad-\\nvantages of their favorite and peculiar institution. Such\\nan expose, if skillfully executed, would doubtless be re-\\ngarded as the funniest novel of the times a fit produc-\\ntion, if not too immoral in its tendencies, to be incorpo-\\nrated into the next edition of D Israeli s curiosities of\\nliterature.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. *2* 1\\nCHAPTER VIII\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nUnder this heading we propose to introduce the remain-\\nder of the more important statistics of the Free and of the\\nSlave States especially those that relate to Commerce,\\nManufactures, Internal Improvements, Education and Re-\\nligion. Originally it was our intention to devote a\\nseparate chapter to each of the industrial and moral in-\\nterests above-named but other considerations have so\\ngreatly encroached on our space, that wo are compelled to\\nmodify our design. To the thoughtful and discriminating\\nreader, however, the chief statistics which follow will be\\nnone the less interesting for not being the subjects of an-\\nnotations.\\nAt present, all we ask of pro-slavery men, no matter in\\nwhat part of the world they may reside, is to look these\\nfigures fairly in the face. We wish them to do it, in the\\nfirst instance, not on the platforms of public debate, where\\nthe exercise of eloquence is too often characterized by\\nviolent passion and subterfuge, but in their own private\\napartments, where no eye save that of the All-seeing One\\nwill rest upon them, and where, in considering the rela-\\ntions which they sustain to the past, the present, aud the", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "282 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nfuture, an opportunity will be afforded them of securing\\nthat most valuable of all possessions attainable on earth,\\na conscience void of offence toward God and man.\\nEach separate table or particular compilation of statis-\\ntics will afford food for at least an hour s profitable reflec-\\ntion indeed, the more these figures are studied, and the\\nbetter they are understood, the sooner will the author s\\nobject be accomplished, the sooner will the genius of\\nUniversal Liberty dispel the dark clouds of slavery.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n283\\nTABLE NO. XXVI.\\nTONNAGE, EXPORTS AND IMPORTS OF THE FREE STATES-\\n-1855.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire.\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania...\\nRhode Island...\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nTonnage.\\nExports.\\nImports.\\n92,023\\n$8,221,066\\n$5,951,379\\n137,170\\n878,874\\n036,826\\n53,797\\n547,053\\n54,509\\n3,698\\n806,587\\n4,851,207\\n2,927,443\\n970,727\\n28 190, 125\\n45,113.774\\n69,490\\n568.091\\n281,379\\n30,330\\n1,523\\n17,786\\n121,020\\n687\\n1,473\\n1,404,221\\n113,731,238\\n101,770,511\\n91,007\\n847,143\\n600,056\\n397,768\\n6,274,338\\n15,300,935\\n51,038\\n336,023\\n530,387\\n6,915\\n2,895,463\\n591,593\\n15,624\\n174,057\\n$167,520,693\\n48,159\\n4.252,615\\n$236,847,810\\nTABLE NO. XXVII.\\nTONNAGE, EXPORTS AND IMPORTS OF THE SLAVE STATES 1855.\\nStates.\\nTonnage.\\nExports.\\nImports.\\nAlabama\\n36,274\\n19,186\\n14,835\\n29,505\\n22,680\\n204,149\\n234,805\\n2,475\\n60,592\\n60,077\\n60,935\\n8,404\\n8,812\\n92,788\\n$14,270,585\\n68,087\\n1,403,594\\n7,543,519\\n55,367,902\\n10,395,984\\n433,818\\n12,700.250\\n910,901\\n4,3711.928\\n$619,964\\n5,821\\n45,998\\nDelaware\\n273 716\\nLouisiana\\n12,900,821\\n7,788,949\\n1,661\\n243,083\\n1,588,512\\n202 568\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nSouth Carolina\\nTennessee\\n855,405\\n855,517\\n$107,480,088\\n$24,586,528", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "284\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE NO. XXVIII.\\nPRODUCT OF MANUFACTURES IN THE FREE STATES-\\n-1850.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts...\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire..\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania..\\nRhode Island\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nVal. of Annual\\nproducts.\\n$12,862,522\\n45,110.102\\n17,236,073\\n18,922,651\\n3,551,783\\n24,664,135\\n151,137,145\\n10.976,894\\n2:1,164,503\\n39,713,586\\n237,597,249\\n62,647,259\\n155,044,910\\n22,093,258\\n8,570. H20\\n9,293,068\\nCapital\\ninvested.\\n$1,006,197\\n23,890,348\\n6,385,387\\n7,941,602\\n1,292,875\\n14,700,452\\n83,357.642\\n6,534,250\\n18,242,114\\n22,184,730\\n99,904,405\\n29 019,538\\n94,473,810\\n12.923,176\\n5,001,377\\n3,382,148\\nHands\\nemployed.\\n3,964\\n47,770\\n12,065\\n14,342\\n1,707\\n28,078\\n165,938\\n9.290\\n27,092\\n37,311\\nI9 .t,:!49\\n51,489\\n146,766\\n20,881\\n8.445\\n6,089\\n8842,586,058 $430,240,051\\n780,576\\nTABLE NO. XXIX.\\nPRODUCT OF MANUFACTURES IN THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nTennesse\\nTexas.,\\nVirginia\\nVal. of Annual\\nCapital\\nll:l!:ds\\nproducts.\\ninvested.\\nemployed.\\n$4,538,878\\n$3,450,606\\n4.936--\\n607,436\\n321,065\\n903\\n4,649,296\\n2,978,945\\n3,888-\\n668,338\\n547,060\\n991\\n7,086,525\\n5,460,483\\n8,378\\n24,588,483\\n12,350,734\\n24,385\\n7,320,948\\n5,318,074\\n6,439\\n32,477,702\\n14,753,143\\n30,124\\n2,972,038\\n1,833,420\\n3,173\\n23,749,265\\n9.079,695\\n16,850\\n9,111,245\\n7 252 225\\n12,444\\n7,063,513\\n6 056,865\\n7,009\\n9,728,438\\n6,975,279\\n12,032\\n1,165,538\\n539,290\\n1.006\\n29,705,387\\n18,109,993\\n29,109\\n$165,413,027\\n$95,029,879\\n161,733", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n285\\nTABLE NO. XXX.\\nMILES OF CANALS AND RAILROADS IN THE FREE STATES\\n1854-1857.\\nStates.\\nCanals, miles,\\n1854.\\nRailroads,\\nmiles, 1857.\\nCost of Rail-\\nroads, 1855.\\n61\\n100\\n367\\n50\\n100\\n11\\n147\\n989\\n921\\n936\\n3,682\\n22\\n600\\n2,524\\n1.806\\n253\\n442\\n1,285\\n600\\n645\\n472\\n2,700\\n2,869\\n2,407\\n85\\n515\\n629\\n$25,224,191\\n55,663,656\\n29,585,923\\n2,300,000\\n13,749,021\\n59,167,781\\n22,370,397\\n15,860,949\\n13 840.030\\nOhio\\n111,882.503\\n67,798,202\\n94,657,075\\n2,614,484\\n17,998,835\\n5,600,000\\n17,855\\n$538,313,647\\nTABLE NO. XXXI.\\nMILES OF CANALS AND RAILROADS IN THE SLATE STATES\\n1854-1857.\\nStates.\\nCanals, miles,\\n1S54.\\nRailroads,\\nmiles, 1S57.\\nCost of Rail-\\nroads, 1855.\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nrlorida\\n51\\n14\\n28\\n486\\n101\\n184\\n13\\n50\\n189\\n484\\n120\\n86\\n1,062\\n306\\n263\\n597\\n410\\n189\\n612\\n706\\n508\\n57\\n1,479\\n6,859\\n$3,986,208\\n600,000\\n250,000\\n17,034,802\\n6,179,072\\n1.731,000\\n12,654,333\\n4,520,000\\n1,000 000\\n6,847.213\\n13,547,093\\n10,436,610\\n16,466,250\\n1,116\\n252,581", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "286\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE NO. XXXII.\\nBANK CAPITAL IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES-\\n1855.\\nFree Statoa.\\nSlave Status.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire..\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania....\\nRhode Island\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\n$15,597,891\\n2,513,790\\n7,281,934\\n7,301,252\\n51,492,660\\n980,416\\n3.626,000\\n5,314,885\\n83,773,288\\n7,166,581\\n19,864,825\\n17,511,162\\n3.275,656\\n1,400.000\\nTotal I $230,100,340\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nMissouri..\\nNorth Carolina..\\nSouth Carolina..\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\n$2,296,400\\n1,393,175\\n13,413,\\n10,369\\n20,179\\n10.411\\n240\\n1,215\\n5.2D5\\n16.603,\\n6,717\\n100\\n717\\n107\\n874\\n165\\n398\\n073\\n253\\n848\\nTotal\\n14,00\\n$102, 07 s. 10\\nTABLE NO. XXXIII.\\nMILITIA FORCE OF THE FREE AND THE SLAVE STATES 1852.\\nFree States.\\nSlave Slates.\\n76,662\\n51,649\\n17,137\\n170,359\\n53,918\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\n9,229\\n12.122\\n57,3ll\\n62,5 8\\n81.810\\nMassachusetts...\\n119,690 j\\n4:: 823\\n63 938\\n46,864\\nNew Hampshire..\\n32,151\\n36,084\\nNew Jersey\\n39,171\\n61,000\\n265,293\\nNorth Carolina.\\n79.44SJ\\nOhio\\n176,455\\n276,070\\nSouth Carolina..\\n55,209\\nPennsylvania\\n71.252\\nELho le Island\\n14,443\\n19,766\\n23,915\\nVirginia\\n125. 12S\\n32,203\\nTotal\\nTotal\\n1,381,843\\n792,876", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n287\\nTABLE NO. XXXIV.\\nPOST OFFICE OPERATIONS IN TIIE FREE STATES 1855.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts\\nMichigan\\nNew- Hampshire.\\nNew-Jersey\\nNew- York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania\\nRhode Island\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nStamps\\nf Total Postage\\nCost of Trans.\\nsold.\\ncollected.\\nthe mails.\\n$81,437\\n$234,591\\n$135,386\\n79,284\\n179,230\\n81,462\\n105,252\\n279,887\\n280,038\\n60,578\\n180,405\\n190,480\\n28,198\\n82,420\\n84,428\\n60,165\\n151,358\\n82,218\\n259,062\\n532,184\\n153,091\\n49,763\\n142,188\\nlis. -Jul\\n38,387\\n95,609\\n46,631\\n31,495\\n109,697\\n80,084\\n542,498\\n1,383,157\\n481,410\\n167. 958\\n452,643\\n421,870\\n217,293\\n583.(113\\n251.833\\n30,291\\n58,624\\n13,891\\n36,314\\n92,816\\n64.437\\n33,538\\n112,903\\n$4,670,725\\n92,812\\nSL 719,513\\n$2,608,295\\nTABLE NO. XXXV.\\nPOST OFFICE OPERATIONS IN THE SLAVE STATES 1855.\\nStates.\\nStamps\\nsold.\\nTotal Postage\\ncollected.\\nCost of Trans.\\nthe mails.\\n$44,514\\n8,941\\n7,298\\n8,764\\n73.880\\n55,694\\n50.778\\n77,743\\n31,182\\n53.742\\n34,235\\n47,368\\n48,377\\n24,530\\n96,799\\n$104,514\\n30,664\\n19,614\\n19,275\\n149,063\\n130,067\\n133,753\\n191,485\\n78,739\\n139.652\\n72,759\\n91 6 \u00c2\u00bb0\\n103,686\\n70,436\\n217,861\\n226,816\\nArkansas\\n117.659\\n9,243\\n216,003\\n144. 1G1\\n13 810\\n192.713\\n170,785\\nMissouri\\n185,096\\nNorth Carolina\\n1 is 249\\n192,216\\nTennessee\\n116.091\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\n209,936\\n245 592\\n$666,845\\n$1,553,198", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "288\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE NO. XXXVI.\\nPUBLIC SCHOOLS OF TIIE FREE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire.\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania..\\nRhode Island\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nIN umber.\\nTeachers.\\nPupils.\\n2\\n2\\n49\\n1.656\\n1,787\\n71,269\\n4,052\\n4,248\\n125,725\\n4,822\\n4.860\\n161,500\\n740\\n828\\n29,556\\n4,042\\n5,540\\n192,81.|\\n3,679\\n4,443\\n176.475\\n2.714\\n3,231\\n110,451\\n2 -i\\n3,013\\n75,643\\n1,473\\n1,674\\n77.9:10\\n11,580\\n13,965\\n675,221\\n11,661\\n12,886\\n484.153\\n9,061\\n10,024\\n413.706\\n416\\n518\\n2::. 130\\n2.731\\n4.173\\n93,45^\\n1,423\\n1,529\\n58.817\\n62,43?\\n72,621 2,769,901\\nTABLE NO. XXXVII.\\nPUBLIC SCHOOLS IN THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\na\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina,\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nNumber.\\n1,152\\n353\\n194\\n69\\n1,251\\n2,234\\n664\\n898\\n782\\n1,570\\n2,657\\n724\\n2,680\\n349\\n2,930\\n18,507\\nTeachers\\nPupils.\\n1,195\\n2\\n355\\n8,493\\n214\\n8,970\\n73\\n1,87|\\n1,265\\n32,703\\n2,306\\n71.429\\n25,044\\n986\\n33,llf\\n826\\nis 746\\n1,620\\n51,754\\n2,730\\n104.095\\n739\\n17,838\\n2,819\\n104,117\\n360\\n7. 46\\n2.997\\n67,353\\n19,307\\n581,861", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n289\\nTABLE NO. XXXVIII.\\nLIBRARIES OTHER THAN PRIVATE IN THE FREE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire.\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania\\nRhode Island..\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nNumber.\\n14,911\\nVolumes.\\n164\\n152\\n165,318\\n62,486\\n151\\n32\\n68,403\\n5,790\\n236\\n121,969\\n1,462\\n684,015\\n417\\n129\\n107,943\\n85,759\\n128\\n80,885\\n11,013\\n352\\n1,760,820\\n186,826\\n393\\n363,400\\n96\\n104,342\\n96\\n72\\n64,641\\n21,020\\n3,888,234\\nTABLE NO. XXXIX.\\nLIBRARIES OTHER THAN PRIVATE IN THE SLAVE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi....\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nNumber.\\nVolumes.\\n56\\n20,623\\n3\\n420\\n17\\n17,950\\n7\\n2,660\\n38\\n31,788\\n80\\n79,466\\n10\\n26,800\\n124\\n125,042\\n117\\n21,737\\n97\\n75,056\\n38\\n29,592\\n26\\n107,472\\n34\\n22,896\\n12\\n4,230\\n54\\n88,462\\n695\\n649,577\\n13", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "290\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\ntable no: xl:\\nNEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS PUBLISHED IN THE\\nPREE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nNumber.\\nCopies Printed\\nannually.\\n7\\n46\\n107\\n107\\n29\\n49\\n202\\n58\\n38\\n51\\n428\\n261\\n309\\n19\\n35\\n46\\n761,200\\n4,267.932\\n5,102,276\\n4,316.828\\n1,512,800\\n4,203,064\\n64.820,564\\n3,247,736\\n3,067,552\\n4,098,678\\n115,385,473\\nOhio\\n30,473,407\\n84,898,672\\n2,756,950\\n2,567,662\\n2,665,487\\n1,790\\n331,146,281\\nTABLE NO. XLI.\\nNEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS PUBLISHED IN THE\\nSLAVE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nNumber.\\nCopies Printed\\nannually.\\n60\\n9\\n10\\n10\\n51\\n62\\n55\\n68\\n50\\n61\\n51\\n46\\n50\\n34\\n87\\n704\\n2,662,741\\n377,000\\n421.200\\n319,800\\n4,070,868\\n6,582,838\\n12,416,224\\n19,612,724\\n1,752,504\\n6,195.560\\nNorth Carolina\\n2,020,564\\nSouth Carolina\\n7,145,930\\n6,940,750\\n1,296,924\\n9,223,068\\n81,038,693", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n291\\nTABLE NO. XLII.\\nILLITERATE WHITE ADULTS IN TIIE FREE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nNative.\\n2,201\\n8 9 6\\n34,107\\n67,275\\n7,043\\n1 999\\nMassachusetts\\n1,055\\n4 903\\nNew Hampshire\\n893\\nNew Jersey\\n8,370\\n23 241\\n.New York\\nOhio\\n51,968\\n41 944\\nPennsylvania\\nRhode Island\\n981\\nVermont\\n565\\n1,459\\n248,725\\nForeign.\\n2,917\\n4,013\\n5,947\\n3,265\\n1,077\\n4,148\\n26,484\\n3,009\\n2,064\\n5,878\\n68,052\\n9,062\\n24,989\\n2,359\\n5,624\\n4,902\\n173,790\\nTotal.\\n5,118\\n4,739\\n40,054\\n70,540\\n8,120\\n6,147\\n27,539\\n7.912\\n2J957\\n14,248\\n91,293\\n61,030\\n66,928\\n3,340\\n6,189\\n6,361\\n422,515\\nTABLE NO. XLIII.\\nILLITERATE WHITE ADULTS IN THE SLATE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi....\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nNative.\\nForeign.\\n139\\nTotal.\\n33,618\\n33,757\\n16,792\\n27\\n16,819\\n4,132\\n404\\n4 536\\n3,564\\n295\\n3,859\\n40,794\\n406\\n41,200\\n64,340\\n2,347\\n66,687\\n14,950\\n6,271\\n21,221\\n17,364\\n3,451\\n20,815\\n13,324\\n81\\n13,405\\n34,420\\n1,861\\n36,281\\n73,226\\n340\\n73,566\\n15,580\\n104\\n15,684\\n77,017\\n505\\n77,522\\n8,037\\n2,488\\n10,525\\n75,868\\n1,137\\n77,005\\n493,026\\n19,856\\n512,882", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "292\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE NO. XLIV.\\nNATIONAL POLITICAL POWER OF THE FREE STATES-\\n-1857.\\nStates.\\nSenators.\\nRep. in lower\\nHouse Cong.\\nElectoral\\nvotes.\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n4\\n9\\n11\\n2\\n6\\n11\\n4\\n3\\n5\\n33\\n21\\n25\\n2\\n3\\n3\\n4\\n6\\n11\\n13\\n4\\n8\\n13\\n6\\n5\\n7\\n35\\nOhio\\n23\\n27\\n4\\n5\\n5\\n32\\n144\\n176\\nTABLE NO. XLV.\\nNATIONAL POLITICAL POWER OF THE SLAVE STATES 1857.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida I\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nSenators.\\n30\\nRep. in lower\\nHouse Cong.\\n1\\n1\\n8\\n10\\n4\\n6\\n5\\n7\\n8\\n6\\n10\\n2\\n13\\n90\\nElectoral\\nvotes.\\n9\\n4\\n3\\n3\\n10\\n12\\n6\\n8\\n7\\n9\\n10\\n8\\n12\\n4\\n15\\n120", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n293\\nTABLE NO. XLVI.\\nPOPULAR TOTE FOR PRESIDENT BY THE FREE STATES 1856.\\nStates.\\nRepublican.\\nFremont.\\n20,339\\n42,715\\n96,189\\n94,375\\n43,954\\n67,379\\n108,190\\n71,762\\n38,345\\n28.338\\n276,907\\n187.497\\n147,510\\n11,467\\n39,561\\n66,090\\n1,340,618\\nA merican.\\nFillmore.\\n35,113\\n2,615\\n37,444\\n22,386\\n9,180\\n3,325\\n19,626\\n1,660\\n422\\n24,115\\n124,604\\n28,126\\n82,175\\n1,675\\n545\\n579\\nDemocratic.\\nBll liaium.\\n51,925\\n34,995\\n105,348\\n118,670\\n36,170\\n39,080\\n39,240\\n52,136\\n32,789\\n46,943\\n195.878\\n170,874\\n230,710\\n6,580\\n10,569\\n52,843\\nTotal.\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\n107,377\\n80,325\\n238,981\\n235 431\\n89,304\\n109,784\\nMassachusetts.\\nNew Hampshire..\\nPennsylvania..\\nRhode Island..\\n167,056\\n125,558\\n71,556\\n99,396\\n597,389\\n386,497\\n460,395\\n19,722\\n50,675\\n119,512\\n393,590\\n1,224,750\\n2,958,958\\nTABLE NO. XLVII.\\nPOPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT BY THE SLAVE STATES 1856.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina*.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nNo popular vote.\\nRepublican.\\nAmerican. I\\nDemocratic.\\nFremont.\\nFillmore.\\n28.552\\nBuchanan.\\n46,739\\n75,291\\n10.787\\n21,910\\n32,697\\n308\\n6,175\\n8,004\\n14,487\\n4,833\\n6,358\\n11,191\\n42.228\\n56,578\\n98,806\\n314\\n67,416\\n74,642\\n142,372\\n20,709\\n22,164\\n42,873\\n281\\n47,460\\n39,115\\n86,856\\n24,195\\n35,446\\n59.641\\n48,524\\n58,164\\n106,688\\n36,886\\n48,246\\n85,132\\n66,178\\n73,638\\n139,816\\n15,244\\n28,757\\n44.001\\n291\\n60,278\\n89,826\\n150,395\\n1,194\\n479,465\\n609,587 I 1,090,246", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "294\\nFKEE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE NO. XLVIII.\\nVALUE OF CHURCHES IN THE FREE AND IN THE SLAVE STATES\\n1850.\\nFree States.\\nBlave St\\nites.\\n$288,400;\\n3,599,330\\n1,532,305,\\n1,568,906\\n235,412.\\n1,794,209^\\n10,504,888\\n793,180\\n1,433,266\\n3,712,863\\n21,539,561\\n5,860,059\\n11,853,291\\n1,293,6C0\\n1,251,6551\\n512.552 1\\n$1,244,741\\n149,686\\n340,345\\n192,600\\nMassachusetts\\n1,327,112\\n2 295,353\\n1,940,495\\nNew Hampshire...\\nOhio\\nNorth Carolina..\\nSouth Carolina...\\n3,974,116\\n832,622\\n1,730,135\\n907,785\\n2,181,476\\n1,246,951\\n408,944\\nTotal\\n2,902,220\\nTotal\\n$67,773,477\\n$21,674,581\\nTABLE NO. XLIX\\nPATENTS ISSUED ON NEW INVENTIONS IN THE FREE AND IN\\nTHE SLAVE STATES 1856.\\nFree States.\\nSlave States.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nNew Hampshire..\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania....\\nRhode Island....\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nTotal..\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nTotal", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE NO. L.\\nBIBLE CAUSE AND TRACT CAUSE IN THE FREE STATES 1855.\\nStates.\\nCalifornia\\nConnecticut\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nMaine\\nMassachusetts\\nMichigan\\nNew-Hampshire.\\nNew-Jersey\\nNew-York\\nOhio\\nPennsylvania\\nRhode Island...\\nVermont\\nWisconsin\\nContribu. for\\nContribu. for\\nthe Bible Cause.\\nthe Tract Cause.\\nSI, 900\\n5\\n24,528\\n15,872\\n28,403\\n3,786\\n6,755\\n1,491\\n4,216\\n2,005\\n5,449\\n2,981\\n43,444\\n11,492\\n5,554\\n1,114\\n6,271\\n1,288\\n15,475\\n3,546\\n123,386\\n61,233\\n25,758\\n9,576\\n25,360\\n12,121\\n2,669\\n2,121\\n5,709\\n2,867\\n4,790\\n474\\n$319,667\\n$131,972\\nTABLE NO. LI.\\nBIBLE CAUSE AND TRACT CAUSE IN THE SLAVE STATES 1855.\\nStates.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLoirisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi.\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nContribu. for\\nContribu. for\\nthe Bible Cause.\\nthe Tract Cause.\\n$3,351\\n4,77\\n2,950\\n110\\n1,037\\n163\\n1,957\\n5\\n4,532\\n1,468\\n5,956\\n1,366\\n1,810\\n1,099\\n8,909\\n5,365\\n1,067\\n267\\n4,711\\n936\\n6,197\\n1,419\\n3,984\\n3,222\\n8,383\\n1,807\\n3,985\\n127\\n9,296\\n6,894\\n$68,125\\n^24,725", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "296\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE NO. LII.\\nMISSIONARY CAUSE AND COLONIZATION* CAUSE IN THE\\nFREE STATES 1855-1856.\\nStates.\\nContributions for\\nMiss y purposes, 1855.\\nContributions for\\nColoniza. pur., 1858.\\n192\\n48,044\\n10,040\\n4,705\\n1,750\\n13,929\\n128,505\\n4,935\\n11,963\\n19,946\\n172,115\\n19,890\\n43,412\\n9,440\\n11,094\\n2,216\\n1\\n9,233\\n543\\n34\\n3\\n1,719\\n1,422\\n4\\n1,130\\n3,261\\nOhio\\n24,371\\n2,687\\n4,287\\n2,125\\n304\\n806\\n$502,174\\n$51,930\\nTABLK NO. LIII.\\nMISSIONARY CAUSE AND COLONIZATION* CAUSE IN THE\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2SLAVE STATES 1855-1856.\\nStates\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaryland\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVirginia\\nContributions for\\nContributions for\\nMiss y purposes, 1855.\\nColoniza. pur., 1856.\\n$5,963\\n$1,113\\n455\\n1\\n1,003\\n250\\n340\\n13\\n9,846\\n5,323\\n6,953\\n4,436\\n334\\n871\\n20,677\\n406\\n4,957\\n2,177\\n2,712\\n313\\n6,010\\n969\\n15,248\\n129\\n4,971\\n1,611\\n349\\n6\\n22,106\\n10,000\\n$101,934\\nFor colonizing free blacks in Liberia.\\n$27,618", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n297\\nTABLE NO. LIV.\\nDEATHS IN THE FREE STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nNumber of\\ndeaths.\\n5,781\\n11,619\\n12,728\\n2,044\\n7,545\\n19,414\\n4,520\\n4,268\\n6,467\\n44,339\\n28,949\\n28,318\\n2,241\\n3,132\\n2,884\\nRatio to the Number\\nliving.\\n64.13\\n73 28\\n77 65\\n94 03\\n77 29\\n51.23\\n88 19\\nNew York\\n74.49\\n75.70\\n69 85\\nOhio,\\n68.41\\n81 63\\nRhode Island\\n65.83\\n100.13\\n105.82\\n184,249\\n72.91\\nTABLE NO. LV.\\nDEATHS IN THE SLATE STATES 1850.*\\nStates.\\nNumber of\\ndeaths.\\nRatio to the Number\\nliving.\\n9,084\\n2,987\\n1,209\\n933\\n9,920\\n15,206\\n11,948\\n9,594\\n8,711\\n12,211\\n10,207\\n7,997\\n11,759\\n3,046\\n19,053\\n84.94\\n70.18\\n75.71\\n93.67\\n91.93\\n64.60\\n42.85\\n60.77\\n69.93\\n55.81\\n85.12\\n83.59\\n85.34\\n69.79\\n74.61\\n133,865\\n71.82\\nFor an explanation of this Table see the nest six pages.", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "298 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE NO. LVI.\\nFREE WHITE MALE PERSONS OVER FIFTEEN YEARS OF AGE\\nENGAGED IN AGRICULTURAL AND OTHER OUT-DOOR LABOR IN THE\\nSLAVE-STATES 1850.\\nStates.\\nNo. engaged\\nin\\nAgriculture.\\nNo. engaged\\nin other out-\\ndoor labor.\\nTotal.\\n67,742\\n28,436\\n6,225\\n5,472\\n82,107\\n110,119\\n11,524\\n24,672\\n50,028\\n64,292\\n76,338\\n37,612\\n115,844\\n24,987\\n97,654\\n7,229\\n5,596\\n4,184\\n2,598\\n11.054\\n26,308\\n13,827\\n17,146\\n5,823\\n19,900\\n21,876\\n6,991\\n16,795\\n22,713\\n33,928\\n74,971\\n34,032\\n10,409\\n8,070\\n93,161\\n136,427\\n25,351\\nMissouri\\n41,818\\n55,851\\n84,192\\nNorth Carolina\\n98,214\\n44,603\\n132,( 39\\n47,700\\n131,582\\n803,052\\n215,968\\n1,019,020\\nToo hot in the South, and too unhealthy there white\\nmen can t stand it negroes only can endure the heat\\nof Southern climes How often are our ears insulted\\nwith such wickedly false assertions as these In what\\ndegree of latitude pray tell us in what degree of lati-\\ntude do the rays of the sun become too calorific for white\\nmen Certainly in no part of the United States, for in\\nthe extreme South we find a very large number of non-\\nslaveholding whites over the age of fifteen, who derive\\ntheir entire support from manual labor in the open fields.\\nThe sun, that bugbear of slaveholding demagogues, shone\\non more than one million of free white laborers mostly\\nagriculturists in the slave States in 1850, exclusive of", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 299\\nthose engaged iu commerce, trade, manufactures, the me-\\nchanic arts, and mining. Yet, notwithstanding all these\\ninstances of exposure to his wrath, we have had no intel-\\nligence whatever of a single case of coup de so-leil. Ala-\\nbama is not too hot sixty-seven thousand white sons of\\ntoil till her soil. Mississippi is not too hot fifty-five thou-\\nsand free white laborers are hopeful devotees of her out-\\ndoor pursuits. Texas is not too hot forty-seven thousand\\nfree white persons, males, over the age of fifteen, daily\\nperform their rural vocations amidst her unsheltered air.\\nIt is stated on good authority that, in January, 1856,\\nnative ice, three inches thick, was found in Galveston\\nBay we have seen it ten inches thick in North Carolina,\\nwith the mercury in the thermometer at two degrees be-\\nlow zero. In January, 1857, while the snow was from\\nthree to five feet deep in many parts of North Carolina,\\nthe thermometer indicated a degree of coldness seldom\\nexceeded in any State in the Union thirteen degrees be-\\nlow zero. The truth is, instead of its being too hot in the\\nSouth for white men, it is too cold for negroes and we\\nlong to see the day arrive when the latter shall have en-\\ntirely receded from their uncongenial homes in America,\\nand given full and undivided place to the former.\\nToo hot in the South for white men It is not too hot\\nfor white women. Time and again, in different counties\\nin North Carolina, have we seen the poor white wife of\\nthe poor white husband, following him in the harvest-field\\nfrom morning till night, binding up the grain as it fell\\nfrom his cradle. In the immediate neighborhood from\\nwhich we hail, there are not less than thirty young", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "300 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nwomen, non-slaveholding whites, between the ages of fif-\\nteen and twenty-five some of whom are so well known\\nto us that we could call them by name who labor in the\\nfields every summer two of them in particular, near\\nneighbors to our mother, are in the habit of hiring them-\\nselves out during harvest-time, the very hottest season of\\nthe year, to bind wheat and oats each of them keeping\\nup with the reaper and this for the paltry consideration\\nof twenty-five cents per day.\\nThat any respectable man any man with a heart or a\\nsoul in his composition can look upon these poor toiling\\nwhite women without feeling indignant at that accursed\\nsystem of slavery which has entailed on them the miseries\\nof poverty, ignorance, and degradation, we shall not do\\nourself the violence to believe. If they and their hus-\\nbands, and their sons and daughters, and brothers and\\nsisters, are not righted in some of the more important par-\\nticulars in which they have been wronged, the fault shall\\nlie at other doors than our own. In their behalf, chiefly,\\nhave we written and compiled this work and until our\\nobject shall have been accomplished, or until life shall\\nhave been extinguished, there shall be no abatement in\\nour efforts to aid them in regaining the natural and inali-\\nenable prerogatives out of which they have been so infam-\\nously swindled. We want to see no more plowing, or\\nhoeing, or raking, or grain-binding, by white women in\\nthe Southern States employment in cotton-mills and other\\nfactories would be far more profitable and congenial to\\nthem, and this they shall have within a short period after\\nslavery shall have been abolished.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 301\\nToo hot in the South for white men What is the tes-\\ntimony of reliable Southrons themselves Says Cassius\\nM. Clay, of Kentucky\\nIn the extreme South, at New Orleans, the laboring men\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nthe stevedores and hackmen on the levee, where the heat is in-\\ntensified by the proximity of the red brick buildings, are all\\nwhite men, and they are in the full enjoyment of health. But\\nhow about Cotton I am informed by a friend of mine him-\\nself a slaveholder, and therefore good authority that in North-\\nwestern Texas, among the German settlements, who true to their\\nnational instincts, will not employ the labor of a slave\u00e2\u0080\u0094 they pro-\\nduce more cotton to the acre, and of a better quality, and selling\\nat prices from a cent to a cent and a half a pound higher than\\nthat produced by slave labor.\\nSays Gov. Hammond, of South Carolina:\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThe steady heat of our summers is not so prostrating as the\\nshort, but frequent and sudden, bursts of Northern summers.\\nIn an extract which may be found in our second chap-\\nter, and to which we respectfully refer the reader, it will\\nbe seen that this same South Carolinian, speaking of not\\nless than fifty thousand non-slaveholding whites, says\\nmost of these now follow agricultural pursuits.\\nSays Dr. Cartwright of New Orleans\\nHere in New Orleans, the larger part of the drudgery\u00e2\u0080\u0094 work\\nrequiring exposure to the sun, as railroad-making, street-paving,\\ndray-driving, ditching and building, is performed by white peo-\\nple.\\nTo the statistical tables which show the number of\\ndeaths in the free and in the slave States in 1850, we\\nwould direct special attention. Those persons, particu-", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "302 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nlarly the propogandists of negro slavery, who, heretofore,\\nhave been so dreadfully exercised on account of what they\\nhave been pleased to term the insalubrity of Southern\\nclimes, will there find something to allay their fearful\\napprehensions. A critical examination of said tables will\\ndisclose the fact that, in proportion to population, deaths\\noccur more frequently in Massachusetts than in any South-\\nern State except Louisiana more frequently in New York\\nthan in any of the Southern States, except Maryland, Mis-\\nsouri, Kentucky, Louisiana, and Texas more frequently\\nin New Jersey, in Pennsylvania, and in Ohio, than in\\neither Georgia, Florida, or Alabama. Leaving Wisconsin\\nand Louisiana out of the account, and then comparing the\\nbills of mortality in the remaining Northern States, with\\nthose in the remaining Southern States, we find the differ-\\nence decidedly in favor of the latter for, according to\\nthis calculation, while the ratio of deaths is as only one to\\n14. GO of the living population in the Southern States, it is\\nas one to 72.39 in the Northern.\\nSays Dr. J. C. Nott, of Mobile\\nHeat, moisture, animal and vegetable matter are said to be\\nthe elements which produce the diseases of the South, and yet\\nthe testimony in proof of the health of the banks of the lower\\nportion of the Mississippi River, is too strong to be doubted,\\nnot only the river itself but also the numerous bayous which me-\\nander through Louisiana. Here is a perfectly flat alluvial coun-\\ntry, covering several hundred miles, interspersed with intermina-\\nble lakes, lagunes and jungles, and still we are informed by Dr.\\nCartwright, one of the most acute observers of the day, that this\\ncountry is exempt from miasmatic disorders, and is extremely\\nhealthy. His assertion has been confirmed to me by hundreds\\nof witnesses, and we know from our own observation, that the\\npopulation present a robust and healthy appearance.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLATE. 303\\nBut the best part is yet to come. In spite of all the\\nblatant assertions of the oligarchy, that the climate of the\\nSouth was arranged expressly for the negroes, and that\\nthe negroes were created expressly to inhabit it as the\\nhealthful servitors of other men, a carefully kept register\\nof all the deaths that occurred in Charleston, South Caro-\\nlina, for the space of six years, shows that, even in that\\nlocality which is generally regarded as so unhealthy, the\\nannual mortality was much greater among the blacks, in\\nproportion to population, than among the whites. Dr. Nott\\nhimself shall state the facts. He says\\nThe average mortality for the last six years in Charleston\\nfor all ages is 1 in 51, including all classes. Blacks alone 1 in\\n44 whites alone, 1 in 58 a very remarkable result, certainly.\\nThis mortality is perhaps not an unfair test, as the population\\nduring the last six years has been undisturbed by emigration and\\nacclimated in a greater proportion than at any former period.\\nNumerous other authorities might be cited in proof of\\nthe general healthiness of the climate south of Mason and\\nDixon s line. Of 127 remarkable cases of American lon-\\ngevity, published in a recent edition of Blake s Biographi-\\ncal Dictionary, 68 deceased centenarians are credited to\\nthe Southern States, and 59 to the Northern\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the list being\\nheaded with Betsey Trantham, of Tennessee a white wo-\\nman, who died in 1834, at the extraordinarily advanced age\\nof 154 years", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "H04\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nTABLE NO. LVII.\\nNATIVES OF THE SLAVE STATES IN THE FREE STATES, AND NATIVES\\nOF THE FREE STATES IN THE SLAVE STATES. 1850.\\nStates.\\nNatives of the\\nSlave States.\\nStates.\\nNatives of the\\nFree States.\\n24,055\\n1,390\\n144,809\\n176,581\\n31,392\\n458\\n2,980\\n3,634\\n215\\n4,110\\n12,625\\n152,319\\n47,180\\n982\\n140\\n6,353\\n4,947\\n7,965\\n6,996\\nFlorida\\n1,718\\n4,249\\n31,340\\n14,567\\n23,815\\nMissouri\\nNew-Hampshire\\nNew- York\\n4,517\\n55,664\\n2,167\\nOhio\\n2,427\\n6,571\\n9,982\\n28,999\\n609,223\\n205,924\\nThis last table, compiled from the 116th page of the\\nCompendium of the Seventh Census, shows, in a most lucid\\nand startling manner, how negroes, slavery and slave-\\nholders are driving the native non-slaveholding whites\\naway from their homes, and keeping at a distance other\\ndecent people. From the South the tide of emigration still\\nflows in a westerly and north-westerly direction, and it\\nwill continue to do so until slavery is abolished. The fol-\\nlowing remarks, which we extract from an editorial article\\nthat appeared in the Memphis (Tenn.) Bulletin near the\\nclose of the year 1856, are worth considering in this con-\\nnection\\nWe have never before observed so lars;e a number of immi-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 305\\ngrants going westward as are crossing the river at this point\\ndaily, the two ferryboats sometimes three going crowded from\\nearly morn until the boats cease making their trips at night. It\\nis no uncommon sight to see from twenty to forty wagons en-\\ncamped on the bluff for the night, notwithstanding there has\\nbeen a steady stream going across the river all day, and yet the\\ncry is, still they come.\\nAbout the same time the Cassville (Geo.) Standard\\nspoke with surprise of the multitude of emigrants crowd-\\ning the streets of that town bound for the far West.\\nProf. B. S. Hedrick, late of Chapel Hill, North Carolina,\\nsays\\nOf my neighbors, friends and kindred, nearly one-half have\\nleft the State since I was old enough to remember. Many is the\\ntime I have stood by the loaded emigrant wagon, and given the\\nparting hand to those whose faces I was never to look upon\\nagain. They were going to seek homes in the free-, West, know-\\ning, as they did, that free and slave labor could uT t both exist\\nand prosper in the same community. If any one thinks that I\\nspeak without knowledge, let him refer to the last census. He\\nwill there find that in 1850 there were fifty-eight thousand native\\nNorth Carolinians living in the free States of the West\u00e2\u0080\u0094 thirty-\\nthrec-thousand in Indiana alone. There were, at the same time,\\none hundred and eighty thousand Virginians living in the free\\nStates. Now, if these people were so much in love with the f in-\\nstitution, why did they not remain where they could enjoy its\\nblessings\\nFrom my knowledge of the people of North Carolina, I be-\\nlieve that the majority of them who will go to Kansas during\\nthe next five years, would prefer that it should be a free State.\\nI am sure that if I were to go there I should vote to exclude\\nslavery.\\nFor daring to have political opinions of his own, and\\nbecause he did not deem it his duty to conceal the fact", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "306\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nthat he loved liberty better than slavery, the gallant au-\\nthor of the extract above quoted was peremptorily dis-\\nmissed from his post of analytical and agricultural chem-\\nist in the University of North Carolina, ignominiously\\nsubjected to the indignities of a mob, and then savagely\\ndriven beyond the borders of his native State. His vil-\\nlainous persecutors, if not called to settle their accounts\\nin another world within the next ten years, will probably\\nsurvive to repent of the enormity of their pro-slavery\\nfolly.\\nTABLE NO. LVIII.\\nVALUE OF THE SLAVES AT $400 PER HEAD. 1850.*\\nStates.\\nValue of the Slaves\\nat $400 per head.\\nVal. of Real and Per.\\nEstate, lees the val. of\\nslaves at $400 p. head.\\nDelaware\\n$137,137,600\\n18,840,000\\n916,000\\n15,724,000\\n152.672,800\\n84,392,400\\n97,928,600\\n86,147,200\\n123,951,200\\n34,968,800\\n115,419,200\\n153,993,600\\n95,783,600\\n23,264,400\\n189,011,200\\n$81,066,732\\n21,001,025\\n17,939,863\\n7,474,734\\n182,752 914\\nGeorgia\\nLouisiana\\n217,236.056\\n136 075 164\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\n183,070.164\\n105,000,000\\n102 278,907\\nNorth Carolina\\n111,381 272\\nSouth Carolina\\n134,264,094\\n111,671,104\\n82,097,940\\n202 634 638\\n$1,280,145,600\\n$1,655,945,137\\nTables 34 and 35 show that, on account of the pitiable\\npoverty and ignorance of slavery, the mails were trans-\\nported throughout the Southern States, during the year\\nIt is intended that this Table shall he considered in connection with Tables\\nXX and XXI, on page 80.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n307\\n1855, at an extra cost to the General Government of more\\nthan six hundred thousand dollars 1 In the free States,\\npostages were received to the amount of more than two\\nmillions of dollars over and above the cost of transporta-\\ntion.\\nTo Dr. G. Bailey, editor of the National Era, Washington\\ncity, D. C, we are indebted for the following useful and\\ninteresting statistics, to which some of our readers will\\ndoubtless have frequent occasion to refer\\nPRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nAppointed.\\nMarch 4, 1789\\n3 1797\\nMarch 4, 1797\\n3, 1801\\nMarch 4, 1801\\n3, 1809\\nMarch 4, 1809\\n3. 1817\\nMarch 4, 1817\\n3, 1825\\nMarch 4, 1825\\n3, 1829\\nMarch 4, 1829\\n3, 1837\\nMarch 4, 1837\\n3, 1841\\nMarch 4, 1841\\n3, 1845\\nMarch 4, 1845\\n3 1849\\nMarch 4, 1849\\n3, 1853\\nMarch 4, 1853\\n3, 1857\\nMarch 4, 1857\\n3, 1801\\nGeorge Washington, Virginia.^\\nJohn Adams, Massachusetts.\\nThomas Jefferson, Virginia.\\nJames Madison, Virginia.\\nJames Monroe, Virginia.\\nJohn Q. Adams, Massachusetts.\\nAndrew Jackson, Tennessee.\\nMartin Van Buren, New York.\\nWilliam H. Harrison, Ohio.\\nJames K. Polk, Tennessee.\\nZachary Taylor, Louisiana.\\nFranklin Pierce, New Hampshire.\\nJames Buchanan, Pennsylvania.\\nAt the close of the term for which Mr. Buchanan is elected,", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "308 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nit will have been seventy-two years since the organization of the\\npresent Government.\\nIn that period, there have been eighteen elections for Presi-\\ndent, the candidates chosen in twelve of them being Southern\\nmen and slaveholders, in six of them Northern men and non-\\nslaveholders.\\nNo Northern man has ever been re-elected, but five Southern\\nmen have been thus honored.\\nGen. Harrison, of Ohio, died one month after his inauguration,\\nGen. Taylor, of Louisiana, about four months after his inaugura-\\ntion. In the former case, John Tyler, of Virginia, became act-\\ning President, in the latter, Millard Fillmore, of New York.\\nOf the seventy-two years, closing with Mr. Buchanan s term,\\nshould he live it out, Southern men and slaveholders have occu-\\npied the Presidential chair forty-eight years and three months,\\nor a little more than two-thirds of the time.\\nTHE SUPREME COURT.\\nThe judicial districts are organized so as to give five judges\\nto the slave States, and four to the free, although the population,\\nwealth, and business of the latter are far in advance of those of\\nthe former. The arrangement affords, however, an excuse for\\nconstituting the Supreme Court, with a majority of judges from\\nthe slaveholding States.\\nMEMBER S.\\nChief Justice R. B. Taney, Maryland.\\nAssociate Justice J. M. Wayne, Georgia.\\nJohn Catron, Tennessee.\\nu P. V. Daniel, Virginia.\\nJohn A. Campbell, Alabama.\\nJohn McLean, Ohio.\\nS. Nelson, A T ew York.\\nR. C. Grier, Pennsylvania.\\nB. R. Curtis, Massachusetts.\\nReporter B. C. Howard, Maryland.\\nClerk\u00e2\u0080\u0094 W. T. Carroll. D. C.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n309\\nSECRETARIES OF STATE.\\nThe highest office in the Cahinet is that of Secretary of State,\\nwho has under his charge the foreign relations of the country.\\nSince the year 1789, there have been twenty-two appointments\\nto the office fourteen from slave States, eight from free. Or,\\ncounting by years, the post has been filled by Southern men and\\nslaveholders very nearly forty years out of sixty-seven, as follows\\nAppointed.\\nThomas Jefferson, Virginia.\\nE. Randolph, Virginia.\\nT. Pickering, Massachusetts.\\nJ. Marshall, Virginia.\\nJames Madison, Virginia.\\nR. Smith, Maryland.\\nJames Monroe, Virginia.\\nJ. Q. Adams, Massachusetts.\\nHenry Clay, Kentucky.\\nMartin Van Buren, New York.\\nE. Livingston, Louisiana.\\nLouis McLane, Delaware.\\nJ. Forsyth, Georgia.\\nDaniel Webster, Massachusetts.\\nA. P. Upshur, Virginia.\\nJ. C. Calhoun. South Carolina.\\nJames Buchanan, Pennsylvania.\\nJ. M. Clayton, Delaware.\\nDaniel Webster, Massachusetts.\\nE. Everett, Massachusetts.\\nW. L. Marcy, New York.\\nSept. 26\\n1789,\\nJan. 2\\n1794,\\nDec. 10\\n1795.\\nMay 13\\n1800J\\nMarch 5\\n1801,\\nMarch 6\\n1809,\\nApril 2\\n1811,\\nFeb. 28\\n1815,\\nMarch 5\\n1815,\\nMarch 7\\n1825,\\nMarch 6\\n1829,\\nMay 24\\n1831,\\nMay 29\\n1833,\\nJune 27\\n1834,\\nMarch 5\\n1841,\\nJuly 24\\n1843,\\nMarch 6\\n1844,\\nMarch 5\\n1845,\\nMarch 7\\n1849,\\nJuly 20\\n1850.\\nDec. 9\\n1851,\\nMarch 5\\n1853,\\nPRESIDENTS PRO TEM. OF THE SEXATE.\\nSince the year 1809, every President pro iem. of the Senate of\\nthe United States has been a Southern man and slaveholder, with\\nthe exception of Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey, who held\\nthe office for a very short time, and Mr. Bright, of lndiana,who has\\nheld it for one or two sessions, we believe, having been elected,", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "510\\nFREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nhowever, as a known adherent of the slave interest, helieved to\\nhe interested in slave property.\\nSPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.\\nApril, 1789\\nMarch 3, 1791\\nOct. 24. 1791\\nMarch 2. 1793\\nDec. 2, 1793\\nMarch 3. 1795\\nDec. 7, 1795\\nMarch 3, 1797\\nMay 15, 1797\\nMarch 3, 1799\\nDec. 2, 1799\\nMarch 3, 1801\\nDec. 7, 1801\\nMarch 3, 1807\\nOct. 26, 1807\\nMarch 3, 1811\\nMarch 4. 1811\\nJan. 19, 1814\\nJan. 19, 1814\\nMarch 2, 1815\\nDec. 4, 1815\\nNov. 13, 1820\\nNov. 15. 1S20\\nMarch 3, 1821\\nDec. 3, 1821\\nMarch 3, 1823\\nDec. 1, 1823\\nMarch 3, 1825\\nDec. 5, 1825\\nMarch 3. 1827\\nDec. 3, 1827\\nJune 2, 1834\\nJune 2, 1834\\nMarch 3. 1835\\nDec. 7, 1835\\nMarch 3, 1839\\nDec. 16, 1839\\nMarch 3, 1811\\nMay 31, 1841\\nMarch 3, 1813\\nI F. A. Muhlenherg, Penn.\\nI J. Trumbull, Connecticut.\\nF. A. Muhlenberg, Penn.\\nI Jonathan Dayton, New Jersey.\\ni\\nI Theodore Sedgwick, Mass.\\nI Nathaniel Macon, N. Car.\\nI J. B. Varnum, Massachusetts.\\nlltjnry Clay, Kentucky.\\nI Langdon Cheves, S. Car.\\nI HeAry Clay, Kentucky.\\n1 t\\nI J. W. Taylor, New-York.\\nI P. B. Barbour, Virginia.\\ni HeAry Clay, Kentucky.\\nI J. W. Taylor, New-York\\nI A. Stevenson, Virginia.\\nI John Bell, Tennessee.\\nI James K. Tolk, Tennessee.\\nI R. M. T. Hunter, Virginia.\\nI John White, Tennessee.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n311\\nSS\u00c2\u00a3vLMfl Jones, Virginia.\\nM e arci 3, 8 18 5 47 U W.Dwta, Wtao.\\nDec. 6, 1847 1 R 0 Wintl Mass\\nMarch 3, 1849 r\\nMarclfs, 1 H e11 Cobb Ge r\\nMarches U^ Boyd, Kentucky.\\nDec. 1, 1853\\nMarch 3. 1855\\n5* 8 o ^oSr Nathaniel P. Banks, Mass.\\nMarch 3, 1857\\nPOSTMASTER GENERALS.\\nAppointed\\nSept. 26, 1789, S. Osgood, Massachusetts.\\nAug. 12, 1791, T. Pickering, Massachusetts.\\nFeb. 25, 1795, J. Habersham, Georgia.\\nNov. 28, 1801, G. Granger, Connecticut.\\nMarch 17, 1814, R. J. Meigs, Ohio.\\nJune 25, 1823, John McLean, Ohio.\\nMarch 9, 1829. W. T. Barry, Kentucky.\\nMay 1, 1835, A. Kendall, Kentucky.\\nMay 18, 1840, J. M. Niles, Connecticut.\\nMarch 6, 1841, F. Granger, New York.\\nSept. 13, 1841, 0. A. Wickliffe, Kentucky.\\nMarch 5, 1845, C. Johnson, Tennessee.\\nMarch 7, 1849, J. Collamer, Vermont.\\nJuly 20, 1850, N. K. Hall, New York.\\nAug. 31, 1852, S. D. Hubbard, Connecticut.\\nMarch 5, 1853, J. Campbell, Pennsylvania.\\nSectionalism does not seem to have had much to do with this\\nDepartment, or with that of the Interior, created in 1848- 49.", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "312 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nSECRETARIES OF THE INTERIOR.\\nAppointed\\nMarch 7, 1849, T. Ewing, Ohio.\\nJuly 20, 1850, J. A. Pearce, Maryland.\\nAug. 15, 1850, T. M. T. McKennon, Pennsylvania.\\nSept. 12, 1850, A. H. H. Stuart, Virginia.\\nMarch 5, 1853, R. McClelland, Michigan.\\nATTORNEY GENERALS.\\nAppointed\\nSept. 26, 1789, E. Randolph, Virginia.\\nJune 27, 1794, W. Bradford. Pennsylvania.\\nDec. 10, 1795, C. Lee, Virginia.\\nFeb. 20, 1801, T. Parsons, Massachusetts.\\nMarch 5, 1800, L. Lincoln, Massachusetts.\\nMarch 2, 1805, R. Smith, Maryland.\\nDec. 23, 1805, J. Breckinridge, Kentucky.\\nJan. 20, 1807, C. A. Rodney, Pennsylvania.\\nDec. 11, 1811, TV. Pinkney, Maryland.\\nFeb. 10, 1814, R. Rush, Pennsylvania.\\nNov. 13, 1817, W. Wirt, Virginia.\\nMarch 9, 1829, J. McPherson Berrien, Georgia.\\nJuly 20, 1831, Roger B. Taney, Maryland.\\nNov. 15, 1833, B. F. Butler, New York.\\nJuly 7, 1838, F. Grundy, Tennessee.\\nJan. 10, 1840, H. D. Gilpin, Pennsylvania.\\nMarch 5, 1841, J. J. Crittenden, Kentucky.\\nSept. 13,1811, H. S. Legare, South Carolina.\\nJuly 1, 1843, John Nelson, Maryland.\\nMarch 5, 1845, J. Y. Mason, Virginia.\\nOct. 17, 1846, N. Clifford, Maine.\\nJune 21, 1848, Isaac Toucey, Connecticut.\\nMarch 7, 1849, R. Johnson, Maryland.\\nJuly 20, 1850, J. J. Crittenden, Kentucky.\\nMarch 5, 1853, C. dishing, Massachusetts.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 313\\nSECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY.\\nThe post of Secretary of the Treasury, although one of great\\nimportance, requires financial abilities of a high order which are\\nmore frequently found in the North than in the South, and affords\\nlittle opportunity for influencing general politics, or the questions\\nspringing out of Slavery. We need not therefore be surprised\\nto learn that Northern men have been allowed to discharge its\\ndi*t es some forty-eight years out of sixty-seven, as follows:\\n1 .ppointed\\nSept. 11, 1789, A. Hamilton, New York.\\nFeb. 3, 1795, 0. Wolcott, Connecticut.\\nDec. 31, 1800, S. Dexter, Massachusetts.\\nMay 14, 1801, A. Gallatin, Pennsylvania.\\nFeb. 9. 1814. G. W. Campbell, Tennessee.\\nOct. 6, 1814, A. J. Dallas, Pennsylvania.\\nOct. 22, 1816, W. H. Crawford, Georgia.\\nMarch 7, 1825, E. Rush, Pennsylvania.\\nMarch 6, 1829, S. D. Ingham, Pennsylvania.\\nAug. 8, 1831, L. McLane, Delaware.\\nMay 29, 1833, W. J. Duane, Pennsylvania.\\nSept. 23, 1833, Roger B. Taney, Maryland.\\nJune 27, 1834, L. Woodbury, New Hampshire,\\nMarch 5, 1841, Thomas Ewing, Ohio.\\nSept. 13, 1841, W. Forward, Pennsylvania.\\nMarch 3, 1843, J. C. Spencer, New York.\\nJune 15, 1844, G. M. Bibb, Kentucky.\\nMarch 5, 1845, R. J. Walker, Mississippi.\\nMarch 7, 1849, W. M. Meredith, Pennsylvania.\\nJune 20, 1850, Thomas Corwin, Ohio.\\nMarch 5, 1843, James Guthrie, Kentucky.\\nSECRETARIES OF WAR AND THE NAVY.\\nThe Slaveholders, since March 8th, 1841, a period of nearly\\nsixteen years, have taken almost exclusive supervision of the\\nNavy, Northern men having occupied the Secretaryship only two\\n14", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "314 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nyears. Nor lias any Northern man been Secretary of War since\\n1849. Considering that nearly all the shipping belongs to the\\nfree States, which also supply the seamen, it does seem remarka-\\nble that Slaveholders should have monopolized for the last six-\\nteen years the control of the Navy.\\nSECRETARIES OF WAR.\\nAppointed-\\nSept. 12. 17S9. Henry Knox. Massachusetts.\\nJan. 2, 1795, T. Pickering, Massachusetts.\\nJan. 27, 179G, J. McHenry, Maryland.\\nMay 7, 1800, J. Marshall, Virginia.\\nMay 13. 1800, S. Dexter, Massachusetts.\\nFeb. 3, 1801, R. Griswold, Connecticut.\\nMarch 5, 1801, II. Dearborn, Massachusetts.\\nMarch 7. 1802. W. Eustis, Massachusetts.\\nJan. 13, 1813, J. Armstrong, New York.\\nSept. 27. 1814, James Monroe, Virginia.\\nMarch 3, 1815, W. II. Crawford, Georgia.\\nApril 7, 1817, G. Graham. Virginia.\\nMarch 5, 1817, J. Shelby, Kentucky.\\nOct. 8, 1817, J. C. Calhoun, South Carolina.\\nMarch 7, 1825, J. Barbour, Virginia.\\nMay 26, 1828, P. B. Porter, Pennsylvania.\\nMarch 9, 1829, J. II. Eaton, Tennessee.\\nAug. 1. 1831. Lewis Cass, Ohio.\\nMarch 3, 1837 j B. E. Butler, New York.\\nMarch 1, 1837, J. R. Poinsett, South Carolina.\\nMarch 5, 1841, James Bell. Tennessee.\\nSept, 13, 1811, John McLean, Ohio.\\nOct. 12, 1841, J. C. Spencer, New York.\\nMarch 8, 1843, J. W. Porter, Pennsylvania.\\nFeb. 15. 1844, W. Wilkins, Pennsylvania.\\nMarch 5, 1845, William L. Marcy, Neiv York.\\nMarch 7, 1849, G. W. Crawford, Georgia.\\nJuly 20, 1850, E. Bates. Missouri.\\nAug. 15, 1850, C. M. Conrad, Louisiana.\\nMarch 5, 1853, J. C. Dobbin, North Carolina.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AXD SLAVE. 315\\nSECRETARIES OF THE NAVY.\\nAppointed-\\nMay 3, 1798, G. Cabot. Massachusetts.\\nMay 21, 1798, B. Stoddart, Massachusetts.\\nJuly 15, 1801J R. Smith, Maryland.\\nMay 3, 1805, J. Crowninshield, Massachusetts.\\nMarch 7, 1809, P. Hamilton, South Carolina.\\nJan. 12, 1813, TV. Jones, Pennsylvania.\\nDec. 17, 1814, B. TV. Crowninshield, Massachusetts.\\nNov. 9, 1818, Smith Thompson, New York.\\nSept. 1, 1823, John Rogers, Massachusetts.\\nSept. 16, 1823, S. L. Southard, New Jersey.\\nMarch 9, 1819, John Branch, North Carolina.\\nMay 23, 1831, L. Woodbmy, New Hampshire.\\nJune 30, 1834, M. Dickerson, New Jersey.\\nJune 20, 1838, J. K. Paulding, New York.\\nMarch 5, 1841, G. F. Badger, North Carolina.\\nSept. 13, 1841, A. P. Upshur, Virginia.\\nJuly 24, 1843, D. Henshaw, Massachusetts.\\nFeb. 12, 1844, T. TV. Gilmer, Virginia.\\nMarch 14. 1844, James Y. Mason, Virginia.\\nMarch 10, 1845, G. Bancroft, Massachusetts.\\nSept. 9, 1840, James Y. Mason, Virginia.\\nMarch 7, 1849, W. B. Preston, Virginia.\\nJuly 20, 1850, W. A. Graham, N. Carolina.\\nJuly 22, 1852, J. P. Kennedy, Maryland.\\nMarch 3, 1853, J. C. Dobbin, N. Carolina.\\nRECAPITULATION.\\nPresidency. Southern men and Slaveholders, 48 vears 3\\nmonths Northern men, 23 years 9 months.\\nPro. Tern. Presidency of the Senate. Since 1809, held by\\nSouthern men and Slaveholders, except for three or four sessions\\nby Northern men.\\nSpeakership of the House. Filled by Southern men and Slave-\\nholders forty-three years, Northern men, twenty-five.", "height": "2572", "width": "1543", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "3X6 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nSupreme Court.-A majority of the Judges, including Chief\\nJustice, Southern men and Slaveholders.\\nSecretaryship of State.-m\\\\ed by Southern men and Slave-\\nholders forty years, Northern, twenty-seven.\\nAttorney Generalship.-Y\\\\\\\\\\\\e by Southern men and Slave-/,\\nholders forty-two years, Northern men, twenty-five.\\nWar and IVa^.-Secretaryship of the Navy, Southern men and\\nSlaveholders, the last sixteen years, with an interval of two\\nyears.\\nWilliam Henry Hurlbut, of South Carolina, a gentle-\\nman of enviable literary attainments, and one from whom\\nwe may expect a continuation of good service in the emi-\\nnently holy crusade now going on against slavery and\\nthe devil, furnished not long since, to the Edinburgh Re-\\nview, in the course of a long and highly interesting article,\\nthe following summary of oligarchal usurpations-show-\\ning that slaveholders have occupied the principal posts\\nof the Government nearly two-thirds of the time\\n11 out of 16\\nPresidents f\\nJudges of the Supreme Court 17 out ot -a\\nn 1 14 OUt Of la\\nAttorneys-General x\\nPresidents of the Senate 61 out oi\\nSpeakers of the House ou\\nForeign Ministers 80 out of 134\\nAs a matter of general interest, and as showing that,\\nwhile there have been but 11 non-slaveholders directly be-\\nfore the people as candidates for the Presidency, there\\nhave been at least 16 slaveholders who were willing to\\nBerve their country in the capacity of chief magistrate,\\nthe following table may be here introduced", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 317\\nRESULT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN THE UNITED STATE3\\nFROM 1196 TO 1856.\\nToar. Name of Candidate. Elect l vote.\\n-i-np S John Adams 71\\nThomas Jefferson C8\\n1800$\\nThomas Jefferson 73\\nJohn Adams (14\\nioaiS Thomas Jefferson 102\\nutw Charles C. Pinckney 14\\ni \u00c2\u00abns S James Madison 128\\nifeU8 Charles C. Pinckney 45\\n1 o-i V James Madison 122\\ni6i I De Witt Clinton 89\\nQ1 P James Monroe 183\\ni81b I Rufus King 34\\n1 sort 5 J ames Monroe 218\\nf No opposition but one vote\\nf Andrew Jackson* 99\\n84\\n41\\nI Henry Clay 37\\nl \u00c2\u00aboq S Andrew Jackson 178\\ni0 5 1 John Q. Adams 83\\nf Andrew Jackson 219\\niqqo; Henry Clay 49\\nJohn Floyd 11\\nWilliam Wirt 7\\nMartin Van Buren 170\\nWilliam H. Harrison 73\\n1836 Hugh L. White 26\\nWillie P. Mangum 11\\nDaniel Webster 14\\nWilliam H. Harrison r 234\\nMartin Van Buren 60\\nJames K. Polk 170\\nirojJ J\u00c2\u00b0hn Q. Adams\\ni8 4 1 W. II. Crawford\\nV\\n1840$\\n1844\\n185\\nHenry Clay 105\\n1848 1 Zachary Taylor 163\\nI Lewis Cass l\\nFranklin Pierce 254\\nGeneral Winfield Scott 42\\nJames Buchanan 174\\n1856 John C. Fremont 114\\nMillard Fillmore 8\\nNo choice by the people John Q. Adams elected by the House of Represen-\\ntatives.\\n2 1", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "318 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nAID FOR KANSAS.\\nAs a sort of accompaniment to tables, 50, 51, 52 and 53,\\nwo will here introduce a few items which will more fully\\nillustrate the liberality of Freedom and the niggardliness\\nof Slavery.\\nFrom an editorial article that appeared in the Rich-\\nmond (Va.,) Dispatch, in July, 1856, bewailing the close-\\nfistedness of slavery, we make the following extract\\nGerrit Smith, the Abolitionist, has just pledged himself to\\ngive $1,500 a month for the next twelve months to aid in estab-\\nlishing Freedom in Kansas. He gave, but a short time since, at\\nthe Kansas relief meeting in Albany, $3,000. Prior to that, he\\nhad sent about $1,000 to the Boston Emigrant Committee. Out\\nof his own funds, he subsequently equipped a Madison county\\ncompany, of one hundred picked men, and paid their expenses\\nto Kansas. At Syracuse he subscribed $10,000 for Abolition\\npurposes, so that his entire contributions amount to at least\\n$40,000.\\nAn Eastern paper says\\nThe sum of $500 was contributed at a meeting at New Bed-\\nford on Monday evening, to make Kansas free. The following\\nsums have been contributed for the same purpose: $2,000 in\\nTaunton: $600 inRaynham: $800 in Clinton: $300 in Danbury,\\nCt. In Wisconsin, $2,500 at Janesville $500 at Dalton $500\\nat the Women s Aid Meeting in Chicago $2,000 in Rockford, 111.\\nA telegraphic dispatch, dated Boston, January 2, 1851,\\ninforms us that\\nThe Secretary of the Kansas Aid Committee acknowledges\\nthe receipt of $42,678.\\nExclusive of the amounts above, the readers of the New-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 319\\nYork Tribune have contributed about $30,000 for the pur-\\npose of securing Kansas to Freedom and, with the same\\nobject in view, other individuals and societies have, from\\ntime to time, made large contributions, of which we have\\nfailed to keep a memorandum. The legislature of Ver-\\nmont has appropriated $20,000 and other free State\\nlegislatures are prepared to appropriate millions, if neces-\\nsary. Free men have determined that Kansas shall be\\nfree, and free it soon shall be, and ever so remain. Har-\\nmoniously the work proceeds.\\nNow let us see how slavery has rewarded the poor, ig-\\nnorant, deluded, and degraded mortals swaggering lick-\\nspittles who have labored so hard to gain for it a local\\nhabitation and a name in the disputed territory. One D.\\nB. Atchison, Chairman of the Executive Committee of Bor-\\nder Ruffians, shall tell us all about it. Over date of Octo-\\nber 13th, 1856, he says\\nUp to this moment, from all the States except Missouri, we\\nhave only received the following sums, and through the following\\npersons\\nA. W. Jones, Houston, Miss., $152\\nH. D. Clayton, Eufala, Ala., 500\\nCapt. Deedrick, South Carolina, 500\\n$1,152.\\nOn this subject, further comment is unnecessary.\\nNumerous other contrasts, equally disproportionate,\\nmight be drawn between the vigor and munificence of\\nfreedom and the impotence and stinginess of slavery. We\\nwill, however, in addition to the above, advert to only a\\nsingle instance. During the latter part of the summer of", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "320 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n1855, the citizens of the nigger villes of Norfolk and Ports-\\nmonth, in Virginia, were sorely plagued with yellow fever.\\nMany of them fell victims to the disease, and most of those\\nwho survived, and who were not too unwell to travel, left\\ntheir homes, horror-stricken and dejected. To the horror\\nof mankind in general, and to the glory of freemen in par-\\nticular, contributions in money, provisions, clothing, and\\nother valuable supplies, poured in from all parts of the\\ncountry, for the relief of the sufferers. Portsmouth alone,\\naccording to the report of her relief association, received\\n$42,541 in cash from the free States, and only $12,182 in\\ncash from all the slave States, exclusive of Virginia, within\\nwhose borders the malady prevailed. Including Virginia,\\nthe sum total of all the slave State contributions amounted\\nto only $33,398. Well did the Richmond Examiner remark\\nat the time we fear that generosity of Virginians is but\\na figure of speech. Slavery thy name is shame\\nIn connection with tables 44 and 45 on page 292, it will\\nbe well to examine the following statistics of Congressional\\nrepresentation, which we transcribe from Keynold s Polit-\\nical Map of the United States\\nUNITED STATES SENATE.\\n10 free States, with a white population of 13,238,670, have 32\\nSenators.\\n15 slave States, with a white population of 6,186,477, have 30\\nSenators.\\nSo that 413,708 free men of the North enjoy but the same pol-\\nitical privileges in the TJ. S. Senate as is given to 20G.215 slave\\npropagandists.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 321\\nHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.\\nThe free States have a total of 144 members.\\nThe slave States have a total of 90 members.\\nOne free State Representative represents 91,935 white men\\nand women.\\nOne slave State Representative represents 68,725 white men\\nand women.\\nSlave Representation gives to slavery an advantage over free-\\ndom of 30 votes in the House of Representatives.\\nCUSTOM-HOUSE RECEIPTS. 1854.\\nFree States, $00,010,489\\nSlave States, 5,136,909\\nBalance in favor of the Free States, $54,873,520\\nA contrast quite distinguishable\\nThat the apologists of slavery cannot excuse the shame\\nand the shabbiness of themselves and their country, as we\\nhave frequently heard them attempt to do, by falsely as-\\nserting that the North has enjoyed over the South the ad-\\nvantages of priority of settlement, will fully appear from\\nthe following table\\nfree states.\\n1614. New- York first settled by the Dutch.\\n1620. Massachusetts settled by the Puritans.\\n1623. New-Hampshire settled by the Puritans.\\n1624. New-Jersey settled by the Dutch.\\n1635. Connecticut settled by the Puritans.\\n1636. Rhode Island settled by Roger Williams.\\n1682. Pennsylvania settled by William Penn.\\n1791. Vermont admitted into the Union.\\n1802. Ohio admitted into the Union.\\n1816. Indiana admitted into the Union.\\n14*", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "222 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\n1818. Illinois admitted into the Union.\\n1820. Maine admitted into the Union.\\n183G. Michigan admitted into the Union.\\n1846. Iowa admitted into the Union.\\n1848. Wisconsin admitted into the Union.\\n1850. California admitted into the Union.\\nSLAVE STATES.\\n1007. Virginia first settled by the English.\\n1G27. Delaware settled by the Swedes and Fins.\\n1G35. Maryland settled by Irish Catholics.\\n1650. North Carolina settled by the English.\\n1G70. South Carolina settled by the Huguenots.\\n1733. Georgia settled by Gen. Oglethorpe.\\n1782. Kentucky admitted into the Union.\\n1796. Tennessee admitted into the Union.\\n1811. Louisiana admitted into the Union.\\n1817. Mississippi admitted into the Union.\\n1819. Alabama admitted into the Union.\\n1821. Missouri admitted into the Union.\\n1836. Arkansas admitted into the Union.\\n1845. Florida admitted into the Union.\\n1846. Texas admitted into the Union.\\nIn the course of an exceedingly interesting article on\\nthe early settlements in America, E. K. Browne, formerly\\neditor and proprietor of the San Francisco Evening Journal,\\nsays\\nMany people seem to think that the Pilgrim Fathers were\\nthe first who settled upon our shores, and therefore that they\\nought to be entitled, in a particular manner, to our remembrance\\nand esteem.\\nThis is not the case, and we herewith present to our readers a\\nlist of settlements made in the present United States, prior to\\nthat of Plymouth", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 323\\n1564. A Colony of French Protestants under Ribault, settled\\nin Florida.\\n1505. St. Augustine* founded by Pedro Melendez.\\n1584. Sir AValter Raleigh obtains a patent and sends two ves-\\nsels to the American coast, which receives the name of Virginia.\\n1G07. The first effectual settlement made at Jamestown, Va.,\\nby the London Company.\\n1G14. A fort erected by the Dutch upon the site of New- York.\\n1615. Fort Orange built near the site of Albany, N. Y.\\n1619. The first General Assembly called in Virginia.\\n1620. The Pilgrims land on Plymouth Pvock.\\nFREEDOM AND SLAVERY AT THE FAIR.\\nWHAT FREEDOM DID.\\nAt an Agricultural Fair held at Watertown, in the State\\nof New-York, on the 2d day of October, 1856, two hundred\\nand twenty premiums, ranging from three to fifty dollars\\neach, were awarded to successful competitors the aggre-\\ngate amount of said premiums being $2,396, or an average\\nof $10.89 each. From the proceedings of the Awarding\\nCommittee we make the following extracts\\nBest Horse Colt,\\nGeorge Parish,\\n$25.00\\nBest Filly,\\nJ. Staplin,\\n20.00\\nBest Brood Mare,\\nA. Blunt,\\n25.00\\nBest Bull,\\nWm. Johnson,\\n25.00\\nBest Heifer,\\nA. M. Rogers,\\n20.00\\nBest Cow,\\nC. Baker,\\n25.00\\nBest Stall-fed Beef,\\nJ. W. Taylor,\\n10.00\\nBest sample Wheat,\\nWm. Ottley,\\n5.00\\nBest sample Flaxseed,\\nH. Weir,\\n3.00\\nBest sample Timothy Seed\\nE. S. Hayward,\\n3.00\\n(Highest)\\nBest Team of Oxen,\\nHiram Converse,\\n50.00\\n(Lowest)\\nBest sample Sweet Corn,\\nL. Marshall,\\n3.00\\nAggregate amount of twelve premiums, \u00c2\u00a7214.00\\nAn average of $17.83 each.\\nThe oldest town in the United States.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "324 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nWHAT SLAVERY DID.\\nAt the Rowan County Agricultural Fair, held at Mineral\\nSprings, in North Carolina, on the 13th day of November,\\n1856, thirty premiums, ranging from twenty-five cents to\\ntwo dollars each, were awarded to successful competitors\\nthe aggregate amount of said premiums being $42, or\\nan average of $1.40 each. From the proceedings of the\\nAwarding Committee we make the following extracts\\nBest Horse Colt,\\nT. A. Burke,\\n$2.00\\nBest Filly,\\nJames Cowan,\\n2.00\\nBest Brood Mare,\\nM. W.. Goodman,\\n2.00\\nBest Bull.\\nJ. F. McCorkle,\\n2.00\\nBest Heifer,\\nJ. F. McCorkle,\\n2.00\\nBest Cow,\\nT. A. Burke,\\n2.00\\nBest Stall-fed Beef,\\nS. D. Rankin,\\n1.00\\nBest Sample Wheat,\\nM. W. Goodman.\\n50\\nBest lot Beets,\\nJ. J. Summercll,\\n25\\nBest lot Turnips,\\nThomas Barber,\\n25\\n(Highest)\\nBest pair Match Horses\\nR. W. Griffith,\\n2.00\\n(Lowest)\\nBest lot Cabbage,\\nThomas Hyde,\\n25\\nAggregate amount of twelve premiums, $16.25\\nAn average of $1.36 each.\\nBesides the tw r o hundred and twenty premiums, amount-\\ning in the aggregate to $2,396, freedom granted several\\ndiplomas and silver medals besides the thirty premiums\\namounting in the aggregate to $42, slavery granted none\\nnothing. While examining these figures, it should be\\nrecollected that agriculture is the peculiar province of the\\nslave States. If commerce or manufactures had been the\\nsubject of the fair, the result might have shown even a\\ngreater disproportion in favor of freedom, and yet there", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 325\\nwould have been some excuse for slavery, for it makes do\\npretensions to either the one or the other but as agricul-\\nture was the subject, slavery can have no excuse what-\\never, but must bear all the shame of its niggardly and re-\\nvolting impotence; this it must do for the reason that\\nagriculture is its special and almost only pursuit.\\nThe Reports of the Comptrollers of the States of New\\nYork and North Carolina, for the year 1856, are now be-\\nfore us. From each report we have gleaned a single item,\\nwhich, when compared, the one with the other, speaks\\nvolumes in favor of freedom and against slavery. We\\nrefer to the average value per acre of lards in the two\\nStates let slavocrats read, reflect, and repent.\\nIn 1856, there were assessed for taxation in the\\nState of\\nNEW YORK,\\nAcres of land 30,080,000\\nValued at. $1,112,133,136\\nAverage value per acre $36.97\\nIn 1856, there were assessed for taxation in the\\nState of\\nNORTH CAROLINA,\\nAcres of land 32,450,560\\nValued at 898,800,636\\nAverage value per acre $3.06\\nIt is difficult for us to make any remarks on the official\\nfacts above. Our indignation is struck almost dumb at\\nthis astounding and revolting display of the awful wreck\\nthat slavery is leaving behind it in the South. We will,\\nhowever aro into a calculation for the purpose of asccr-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "326 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\ntaming as nearly as possible, in this one particular, how\\nmuch North Carolina has lost by the retention of slavery.\\nAs we have already seen, the average value per acre of\\nland in the State of New York is $36.97 in North Caro-\\nlina it is only $3.06 why is it so much less, or even any\\nless, in the latter than in the former The answer is,\\nslavery. In soil, in climate, in minerals, in water-power\\nfor manufactural purposes, and in area of territory, North\\nCarolina has the advantage of New York, and, with the\\nexception of slavery, no plausible reason can possibly be\\nassigned why land should not be at least as valuable in the\\nvalley of the Yadkin as it is along the banks of the\\nGenesee.\\nThe difference between $36.9t and $3.06 is $33.91,\\nwhich, multiplied by the whole number of acres of land in\\nNorth Carolina, will show, in this one particular, the enor-\\nmous loss that Freedom has sustained on account of Slav-\\nery in the Old North State. Thus\\n32,450,560 acres a $33,91. .$1,100,398,489.\\nLet it be indelibly impressed on the mind, however,\\nthat this amount, large as it is, is only a moity of the\\nsum that it has cost to maintain slavery in North Carolina.\\nFrom time to time, hundreds upon hundreds of millions of\\ndollars have left the State, either in search of profitable,\\npermanent investment abroad, or in the shape of profits to\\nNorthern merchants and manufactures, who have become\\nthe moneyed aristocracy of the country by supplying to\\nthe South such articles of necessity, utility, and adorn-\\nment, as would have been produced at home but for the\\npernicious presence of the peculiar institution.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 327\\nA reward of Eleven Hundred Millions of Dollars is of-\\nfered for the conversion of the lands of North Carolina\\ninto free soil. The lands themselves, desolate and impov-\\nerished under the fatal foot of slavery, offer the reward.\\nHow, then, can it he made to appear that the abolition of\\nslavery in North Carolina, and, indeed, throughout all the\\nSouthern States for slavery is exceedingly inimical to\\nthem all is not demanded by every consideration of\\njustice, prudence, and good sense? In 1850, the total\\nvalue of all the slaves of the State, at the rate of four hun-\\ndred dollars per head, amounted to less than one hundred\\nand sixteen millions of dollars. Is the sum of one hun-\\ndred and sixteen millions of dollars more desirable than\\nthe sum of eleven hundred millions of dollars When a\\nman has land for sale, does he reject thirty-six dollars per\\nacre and take three Non-slaveholding whites look\\nwell to your interests Many of you have lands com-\\nparatively speaking, you have nothing else. Abolish sla-\\nvery, and you will enhance the value of every league,\\nyour own and your neighbors from three to thirty-six dol-\\nlars per acre. Your little tract containing two hundred\\nacres, now valued at the pitiful sum of only six hundred\\ndollars, will then be worth seven thousand. Your chil-\\ndren, now deprived of even the meagre advantages of\\ncommon schools, will then reap the benefits of a collegiate\\neducation. Your rivers and smaller streams, now wast-\\ning their waters in idleness, will then turn the wheels of\\nmultitudinous mills. Your bays and harbors, now un-\\nknown to commerce, will then swarm with ships from", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "28 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nivery enlightened quarter of the globe. Non-slavehold-\\nng whites look well to your interests\\nWould the slaveholders of North Carolina lose anything\\nby the abolition of slavery Let us see. According to\\ntheir own estimate, their slaves are worth, in round num-\\nbers, say, one hundred and twenty millions of dollars..\\nThere are in the State twenty-eight thousand slaveholders,\\nowning, it may be safely assumed, an average of at least\\nfive hundred acres of land each fourteen millions of acres\\nin all. This number of acres, multiplied by thirty-three dol-\\nlars and ninety-one cents, the difference in value between\\nfree soil and slave soil, makes the enormous sum of four\\nhundred and seventy-four millions of dollars showing\\nthat, by the abolition of slavery, the slaveholders them-\\nselves would realize a net profit of not less than three\\nhundred and fifty-four millions of dollars\\nCompensation to slaveholders for the negroes now in their\\npossession The idea is preposterous. The suggestion is\\ncriminal. The demand is unjust, wicked, monstrous, damn-\\nable. Shall we pat the bloodhounds of slavery for the sake\\nof doing them a favor Shall we fee the curs of slavery in\\norder to make them rich at our expense Shall we pay the\\nwhelps of slavery for the privilege of converting them into\\ndecent, honest, upright men No, never The non-slavehol-\\nders expect to gain, and will gain, something by the abolition\\nof slavery but slaveholders themselves will, by far, be the\\ngreater gainers for, in proportion to population, they own\\nmuch larger and more fertile tracts of land, and will, as a\\nmatter of course, receive the lion s share of the increase\\nin the value of not only real estate, but also of other gen-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE. 329\\nuine property, of which they are likewise the principal\\nowners. How ridiculously absurd, therefore, is the objec-\\ntion, that, if we liberate the slaves, we ruin the masters\\nNot long since, a gentleman in Baltimore, a native of Ma-\\nryland, remarked in our presence that he was an aboli-\\ntionist because he felt that it was right and proper to be\\none but, inquired he, are there not, in some of the\\nStates, many widows and orphans who would be left\\nin destitute circumstances, if their negroes were taken\\nfrom them In answer to the question, we replied that\\nslavery had already reduced thousands and tens of thou-\\nsands of non-slaveholding widows and orphans to the low-\\nest depths of poverty and ignorance, and that we did not\\nbelieve one slaveholding widow and three orphans were\\nof more, or even of as much consequence as five non-\\nslaveholding widows and fifteen orphans. You are\\nright, exclaimed the gentleman, I had not viewed the\\nsubject in that light before I perceive you go in for the\\ngreatest good to the greatest number. Emancipate the\\nnegroes, and the ex-slaveholding widow would still retain\\nher lands and tenements, which, in consequence of being\\nsurroundnd by the magic influences of liberty, would soon\\nrender her far more wealthy and infinitely more respect-\\nable, than she could possibly ever become while trafficing\\nin human flesh.\\nThe fact is, every slave in the South costs the State in\\nwhich he resides at least three times as much as he, in the\\nwhole course of his life, is worth to his master. Slavery\\nbenefits no one but its immediate, individual owners, and\\nthem only in a pecuniary point of view, and at the sacri-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "330 FREE FIGURES AND SLAVE.\\nfice of the dearest rights and interests of the whole mass\\nof non-slaveholders, white and black. Even the masters\\nthemselves, as we have already shown, would be far bet-\\nter off without it than with it. To all classes of society\\nthe institution is a curse an especial curse is it to those\\nwho own it not. Non-slaveholding whites look well to\\nyour interests I", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 331\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nCOMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nOur theme is a city a great Southern importing, ex-\\nporting, and manufacturing city, to be located at some\\npoint or part on the coast of the Carolinas, Georgia or Vir-\\niginia, where we can carry on active commerce, buy, sell,\\nfabricate, receive the profits which accrue from the ex-\\nchange of our own commodities, open facilities for direct\\ncommunication with foreign countries, and establish all\\nthose collateral sources of wealth, utility, and adornment,\\nwhich are the usual concomitants of a metropolis, and\\nwhich add so very materially to the interest and import-\\nance of a nation. Without a city of this kind, the South\\ncan never develop her commercial resources nor attain to\\nthat eminent position to which those vast resources would\\notherwise exalt her. According to calculations based upon\\nreasonable estimates, it is owing to the lack of a great\\ncommercial city in the South, that we are now annually\\ndrained of more than One Hundred and Twenty Millions\\nof Dollars We should, however, take into consideration\\nthe negative loss as well as the positive. Especially\\nshould we think of the influx of emigrants, of the visits of\\nstrangers and cosmopolites, of the patronage to hotels and", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "332 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\npublic halls, of the profits of travel and transportation, of\\nthe emoluments of foreign and domestic trade, and of nu-\\nmerous other advantages which have their origin exclu-\\nsively in wealthy, enterprising, and densely populate\\ncities.\\nNothing is more evident than the fact, that our people\\nhave never entertained a proper opinion of the importance\\nof home cities. Blindly, and greatly to our own injury,\\nwe have contributed hundreds of millions of dollars towards\\nthe erection of mammoth cities at the North, while our\\nown magnificent bays and harbors have been most shame-\\nfully disregarded and neglected. Now, instead of carry-\\ning all our money to New-York, Philadelphia, Boston, and\\nCincinnati, suppose we had kept it on the south side of\\nMason and Dixon s line as we would have done, had it\\nnot been for slavery and had disbursed it in the upbuild-\\ning of Norfolk, Beaufort, Charleston, or Savannah, how\\nmuch richer, better, greater, would the South have been\\nto-day How much larger and more intelligent would\\nhave been our population. How many hundred thousand\\nnatives of the South would now be thriving at home, in-\\nstead of adding to the wealth and political power of other\\nparts of the Union. How much greater would be the num-\\nber and length of our railroads, canals, turnpikes, and tel-\\negraphs. How much greater would be the extent and\\ndiversity of our manufactures. How much greater would\\nbe the grandeur, and how much larger would be the num-\\nber of our churches, theatres, schools, colleges, lyceums,\\nbanks, hotels, stores, and private dwellings. How many\\nmore clippers and steamships would we have sailing on", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 333\\nthe ocean, how vastly more reputable would we be abroad,\\nhow infinitely more respectable, progressive, and happy,\\nwould we be at home.\\nThat we may learn something of the importance of\\ncities in general, let us look for a moment at the great\\ncapitals of the world. What would England be without\\n1 London What would France be without Paris What\\nwould Turkey be without Constantinople Or, to come\\nnearer home, what would Maryland be without Baltimore\\ni| What would Louisiana be without New Orleans What\\nwould South Carolina be without Charleston Do we ever\\nthink of these countries or States without thinking of their\\nI cities also If we want to learn the news of the country,\\ndo we not go to the city, or to the city papers Every\\nmetropolis may be regarded as the nucleus or epitome of\\nthe country in which it is situated and the more promi-\\nnent features and characteristics of a country, particularly\\nof the people of a country, are almost always to be seen\\nwithin the limits of its capital city. Almost invariably\\ndo we find the bulk of the floating funds, the best talent,\\nand the most vigorous energies of a nation concentrated\\nin its chief cities and does not this concentration of\\nwealth, energy, and talent, conduce, in an extraordinary\\ndegree, to the growth and prosperity of the nation Un-\\nquestionably. Wealth develops wealth, energy develops\\nenergy, talent develops talent. What, then, must be the\\ncondition of those countries which do not possess the\\nmeans or facilities of centralizing their material forces,\\ntheir energies, and their talents Are they not destined", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "334 COMMERCIAL CITIES \u00e2\u0080\u0094SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nto occupy an inferior rank among the nations of the\\nearth Let the South answer.\\nAnd now let us ask, and we would put the question\\nparticularly to Southern merchants, what do we so much\\nneed as a great Southern metropolis Merchants of the\\nSouth, slaveholders you are the avaricious assassinators\\nof your country You are the channels through which\\nmore than one hundred and twenty millions of dollars\\n$120,000,000 are annually drained from the South and\\nconveyed to the North. You are daily engaged in the\\nunmanly and unpatriotic work of impoverishing the land\\nof your birth. You are constantly enfeebling our resources^\\nand rendering us more and more tributary to distant parts\\nof the nation. Your conduct is reprehensible, base, crim-\\ninal.\\nWhether Southern merchants ever think of the nume-\\nrous ways in which they contribute to the aggrandize-\\nment of the North, while, at the same time, they enervate]\\nand dishonor the South, lias, for many years, with us, been\\na matter of more than ordinary conjecture. If, as it would\\nseem, they have never yet thought of the subject, it is\\ncertainly desirable that they should exercise their minds\\nupon it at once. Let them scrutinize the workings ofl\\nSouthern money after it passes north of Mason and Dix-\\non s lino. Let them. consider how much they pay to North-\\nern railroads and hotels, how much to Northern mer-\\nchants and shop-keepers, how much to Northern shippers\\nand insurers, how much to Northern theatres, newspapers,\\nand periodicals. Let them also consider what disposition\\nis made of it after it is lodged in the hands of the North.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 335\\nIs not the greater part of it paid out to Northern manu-\\nfacturers, mechanics, and laborers, for the very articles\\nwhich are purchased at the North and to the extent that\\nthis is done, are not Northern manufacturers, mechanics,\\nand laborers directly countenanced and encouraged, while,\\nat the same time, Southern manufacturers, mechanics,\\nand laborers, are indirectly abased, depressed, and dis-\\nabled It is, however, a matter of impossibility, on\\nthese small pages, to notice or enumerate all the me-\\nthods in which the money we deposit in the North\\nis made to operate against us suffice it to say that\\nit is circulated and expended there, among all classes of\\n;the people, to the injury and impoverishment of almost\\nevery individual in the South. And yet, our cousins of\\nlithe North are not, by any means, blameworthy for availing\\nji themselves of the advantages which we have voluntarily\\n[yielded to them. They have shown their wisdom in grow-\\ning great at our expense, and we have shown our folly in\\nallowing them to do so. Southern merchants, slaveholders,\\nand slave-breeders, should be the objects of our censure\\nIthey have desolated and impoverished the South they\\nare now making merchandize of the vitals of their coun-\\ntry patriotism is a word nowhere recorded in their vo-\\ncabulary town, city, country they care for neither\\nI with them, self is always paramount to every other con-\\nsideration.\\nHaving already compared slavery with freedom in the\\nj States, we will now compare it with freedom in the cities.\\nFrom every person as yet unconvinced of the despicable-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "336 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nness of slavery, we respectfully ask attention to the fol-\\nlowing letters, which fully explain themselves\\nFinance Department Comptroller s Office,\\nNew-York, February 17th, 1857.\\nH. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nDear Sir:\\nYour letter to Mayor Wood has been handed to me for an\\nanswer, which I take pleasure in giving as follows\\nThe last assessment of property in this city was made in\\nAugust, 1856.\\nThe ralue of all the real and personal property in the city, ac-\\ncording to that assessment, is $511,740,492.\\nA census of the city was taken in 1855, and the number of in--\\nhabitants at that time can be obtained only from the Secretary\\nof Sta e. Very truly yours,\\nA. S. Cady.\\nState of New-York, Secretary s Office,\\nAlbany, February 24, 1857.\\nH. E. Helper, Esq.,\\nDear Sir\\nYours of the 17th February, in regard to the population of the\\ncity of New York, is before me. According to the census of\\n1855 the population was 629.810\\n1850 515.547\\n1845 371,223\\n1840 312,710\\n1835 268,089\\n1830 197,112\\nAs to the population now, you have the same facilities of judg-\\ning that we have from the above table.\\nVery truly yours,\\nA. N. Wakefield, Chief Clerk.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "commercial cities southern commerce. 337\\nMayor s Office, City Hall,\\nBaltimore, December 26, 185G.\\nII. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nDear Sir\\nHis Honor the Mayor of this City has requested me to reply\\nto your communication of the 24th inst., addressed to him, re-\\nquesting answers to certain questions.\\nIn answer to your first interrogatory, I would state that the\\namount of direct taxation assessed January 1st, 1856, was\\n$102,053,839 the amount of exempt taxation (i. e. property out\\nof the limits of direct tax) assessed at that date was \u00c2\u00a76,054,733.\\nIn reply to your second inquiry, I would state that no census\\nof the city has been taken since 1850. The estimated population\\nat this time is about 250,000. Respectfully Yours, c, c,\\nD. H. Blanciiard, Secretary.\\nOffice of the Mayor of the City of Philadelphia,\\nDecember 30, 1856.\\nH. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nDear S r\\nIn reply to your note of the 25th inst., received to-day, I has-\\nten to give you the estimates you ask.\\nReal Estate, 150 millions it is about one-half the real value.\\nIts market price is at least 300 million dollars.\\nThe Personal Estate is returned at 20 millions it is over 110\\nmillions. There has been no census since 1850. The population\\nnow is 500,000. Yours truly,\\nG. Yaux.\\nState of Louisiana, Mayoralty of New Orleans,\\nCity Hall, 3d day of Jan y, 1857.\\nMr. II. R. Helper.\\nNew-York\\nDear Sir\\nIn answer to your note of the 24th December, I beg to refer\\nyou to the enclosed abstract for the value of real estate and\\nskives according to the last assessment.\\n15", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "338 COMMERCIAL CITIES\u00e2\u0080\u0094 SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nThere has heretofore been no assessment of personal property\\nthere having been no tax authorized until this year. The as-\\nsessment is now being made and will probably add about $5,000,-\\n000 to the assessment as stated in the abstract.\\nThere has been no census since the U. S. census of 1850, ex-\\ncept an informal census, made in 1852. for the purpose of dividing\\nthe city into wards anew.\\nThe estimated population now is about 150 to 175,000 inhabi-\\ntants permanent population including the floating population\\nat this season, it would probably reach not less than 210.000 in-\\nhabitants. The U. S. census was taken in the summer months,\\nand is very incorrect as to the absolute population of New Or-\\nleans. Very respectfully,\\nYour obed t serv t,\\nJ. B. Walton,\\nSecretary.\\nBy reference to the abstract of which Mr. Walton speaks,\\nwe find that the value of real and personal property is\\nsummed up as follows\\nReal Estate, $67,460,115\\nSlaves, 5,183,580\\nCapital, 18,544,300\\nTotal, $91,188,195\\nCity Hall, Boston,\\nDec. 31. 1856.\\nDear Sir: Yours of the 25th inst., addressed to the Mayor,\\nhas been handed to me for a reply and I would accordingly\\nstate that the value of real and personal estate in this city, on\\nthe first day of May. A.D. 1856, was $249,162,500.\\nThe census of the city of Boston, on the first day of May, A.D.\\n1855, was 162,748 persons.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 339\\nThe estimated population of the cit} of Boston at this date\\nsay January 1st, 1857 is 105,000.\\nYours, very respectfully,\\nSaml. T. McCleary,\\nCity Clerk.\\nSt. Louis,\\nFeb. 27, 1857.\\nH. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nNew- York\\nBear Sir\\nIn reply to yours of the 9th inst., I beg leave to state, that a\\ncensus of our population was taken in the spring of 1856 by the\\nSheriff, and although it was inaccurate, yet the population as re-\\nturned by him was then 125,500. That his census is too low\\nthere is no doubt. Our population at this time is at least\\n140,000.\\nOur last assessment was made in February, 1856. Value of\\nreal and personal estate, is, in round numbers, \u00c2\u00a763.000,000.\\nTrusting this information will be sufficient for your purpose,\\nI remain, Yours, c,\\nJohn How,\\nMayor.\\nMayor s Office, City Hall, Brooklyn,\\nJanuary 24th, 1857.\\nH. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nSir:\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThe answers to your inquiries are as follows\\nThe last assessment of property in this city was made in\\nAugust, 1856.\\nThe value of all the real and personal property in the city, ac-\\ncording to that assessment, is \u00c2\u00a795,800.440.\\nA census of the city was taken in 1855, and the number of in-\\nhabitants, according to it, was 205,250.\\nThe estimated population now is 225.000.\\nThe last annual report of the Comptroller, together with a", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "340 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\ncommunication of the Mayor to the Common Council, made on\\nthe 5th of Jan., 1857, have been transmitted by mail to your ad-\\ndress, and from them you may be able to obtain any further\\ninformation you may desire. Yours, respectfully,\\nS. S. Powell,\\nMayor.\\nBy C. S. Brainerd.\\nMayor s Office,\\nCharleston, Feb. 16, 1857.\\nII. K. Helper, Esq.,\\n(New York,)\\nDear Sir:\\nYours of the 9th has just been received, I sent you, through\\nthe Clerk of Council, some time ago, the Annual Fiscal State-\\nment of the Committee on Accounts made to the City Council,\\nwhich would give some of the information which you desire. I\\nwill have another copy sent you.\\nNo census has been taken since 1848. The population at pre-\\nsent must be between fifty aDd sixty thousand.\\nAny information which it may be in my power to furnish you\\nwith, will always give me pleasure to supply.\\nVery respectfully,\\nWm. Porcher Miles,\\nMayor.\\nFrom a report of the Annual accounts of the city of\\nCharleston, for the fiscal year ending the 31st of August,\\n1856, it appears that the total value of real and personal\\nproperty, including slaves\u00e2\u0080\u0094 nearly half the population-\\nwas $36,127,751.\\nMayor s Office,\\nCincinnati, Jan y 2, 1857\\nDear Sir. \u00e2\u0080\u0094In reply to your note of the 25th ult., I beg leave\\nto say that the value of all the real and personal property\\n7 1)1", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 341\\nthis city, as assessed for taxation, amounts to $88,810,734. The\\nrealty being $60,701 ,2G7 the personalty $20,795,203, and the\\nbank and brokers capital $7,314,204. The assessment of the\\nrealty was made in 1853 that of the personalty is made in\\nMarch of each year.\\nOur present population is estimated at 210,000. No complete\\ncensus has been taken since 1850.\\nThe total of taxes levied on the above assessment of $88,810,-\\n734, for city purposes, was $529,727,05.\\nVery respectfully,\\nYour ob dt. serv t,\\nII. R. Helper, Esq., Jas. J. Faran,\\nNew-York. Mayor.\\nMayor s Office,\\nLouisville, Ky., January 1st, 1857.\\nII. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nNew-York City,\\nDear Sir\\nYour favor 24th ult. is received contents noted. I will re-\\nmark in reply, that the taxes of this city are levied only on real\\nestate, slavery, and merchandise, (exclusive of home manufac-\\ntures,) which are taken at what is supposed to be their cash\\nvalue, but is much less than the real value. Our last assessment\\nwas made the 10th January, 1856, and amounted to $31,500,000.\\nThere has been no census of this city taken since 1850, our\\ncharter requiring that it shall be taken this year. I am now pre-\\nparing to have it done. It is supposed Louisville at this time\\nhas a population of 65 or 70 thousand.\\nI send with this my last annual message to the Gen. Council,\\nand accompanying documents.\\nRespectfully yours,\\nJohn Barbee, Mayor.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "342 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nDaily Tribune Office,\\nChicago, May 21, 1857.\\nIT. R. Helper, Esq.\\nSir\\nIn the May No. of Hunt s Merchants Magazine you will find\\nsome of your questions answered. The actual cash value of pro-\\nperty is not taken by the assessors. Citizens are not sworn as\\nto the value of their personal effects, nor is real estate given in\\nat twenty per cent, of its selling cash price. An elaborate esti-\\nmate of the real value, in cash, of Chicago, which we have seen,\\nputs the real estate at $125,000,000\\nImprovements on the same, $24,000,000\\nPersonal property, $22,000,000\\nIn 1857 total value, $171,000,000\\nOn half a dozen streets in this city lots sell readily at $1,000 to\\n$1,200 per foot front, exclusive of improvements.\\nA census of the population of Chicago was taken in October,\\n1853, and in June, 1855, the latter by State authority. That of\\nOctober 53 found 60,652 that of June 55 found 80,509. The\\nbest estimate at present makes the number, on May 1st, 1857. to\\nbe 112,000, which is rather under than over the truth. The\\namount of building, in the city, is immense, but as quickly as a\\ntenement can be spiked together, it is taken at a high rent and\\nat no former period has there seemed so rapid an augmentation\\nof population. Very truly yours,\\nRay Medill,\\nEds. Ch. Trib.\\nRichmond, Va.\\nApril 25th, 57.\\nH. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nDear Sir\\nYours of the 14th inst. has been received, and should have been\\nanswered sooner, but it was impossible to get the information\\nyou desired earlier. The value of the real estate in the city of\\nRichmond is $18,000,000. The value of the personal is $191,920.\\nTotal value $18,201,920. This does not include slaves, of whom\\nthere are 6,472 in the city. The State values each slave at $300", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 343\\neach\u00e2\u0080\u0094 making $1,941,600. which, added to the total above, makes\\n$20,143,520. The number of inhabitants whites and blacks, is\\n34,612 within the corporation limits. The assessment was made\\nin 1855 throughout the whole State.\\nYours, very respectfully,\\nB. W. Starke.\\nMayor s Office,\\nProvidence, Dec. 31st, 1856.\\nII. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nNew York,\\nDear Sir\\nYours of 25th is this moment received. You will receive with\\nthis a communication from the Chairman of the Board of Assess-\\nors, giving the requisite information from that department. I\\nsend you this day a census report, taken 1855, which will give\\nyou the information asked. Our population at this time is be-\\ntween 50 and 60,000. Respectfully,\\nJames Y. Smith,\\nMayor.\\nAssessor s Office,\\nProvidence, Dec. 31st, 1856.\\nH. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nDear Sir\\nHis Honor., the Mayor of this City, has requested me to answer\\nyour communication of the 25th inst., addressed to him, so far as\\nrelates to the valuation of this city, c, which is herewith pre-\\nsented.\\nThe valuation of this City in 1856 is as follows\\nReal Estate, $36,487,116\\nPersonal Estate, 21,577,400\\nTotal, $58,064,516\\nOur last assessment was ordered in June last, and completed\\non the 1st day of September last.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "344 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nRates of taxation $7 75 per $1000.\\nAmount of tax raised $450,000.\\nRespectfully yours,\\nJoseph Martin,\\nChairman of the Board of Assessors.\\nHerald Office,\\nNorfolk. Va., 28th April, 1857.\\nH. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nNew-York,\\nDear Sir:\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThe value of all the real estate, as re-assessed about two months\\nago, is set down, say, in round numbers, at five and a half mil-\\nlions. The actual value would bring it somewhat above that\\nmark. The assessment of the personal property will be com-\\npleted in three or four weeks hence but its exact value cannot\\nbe arrived at from the fact that a large portion of this descrip-\\ntion of property\u00e2\u0080\u0094 including slaves\u00e2\u0080\u0094 is taxed specifically without\\nregard to its value. It is estimated by the assessors, however,\\nthat the personal exceeds the real estate, and may be safely set\\ndown at six and a half millions.\\nThere has been no census taken since 1850. The State autho-\\nrities assume the population to be 16.000, but I am informed by\\nthe assessors that 17,000 is a fairer estimate.\\nHoping that the information given may answer the purpose\\nfor which you require it, I am, Respectfully yours,\\nR. G. Broughton.\\nMayor s Office,\\nBuffalo, March 10, 1857.\\nDear Sir Yours, of the 9th inst., was received this morning.\\nThe answers to your questions are as follows\\nThe last valuation of the property of our city was made in April,\\n1856.\\nValuation of real estate, .$38,114,040\\npersonal estate, 7,360,436\\nTotal real and personal, $45,474,476", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 345\\nThe last census was the State census, taken in the summer of\\n1855. That showed a population of 74,214 a fair estimate now\\nis 90,000. Respectfully,\\nYour ob t serv t,\\nF. P. Stevens.\\nMayor s Office,\\nSavannah, 9th January, 1850.\\nH. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nNew-York,\\nDear Sir\\nIn reply to your first interrogatory, I send you the last Mayor s\\nreport, in which you will find the information you seek.\\nNo census has been taken of the city since 1850.\\nThe estimated population is 25,000.\\nVery respectfully yours,\\nJ. P. Screven,\\nMaxjor.\\nFrom the Mayor s annual report, we learn that the as-\\nsessments or value of lands and improvements, for the\\nyear ending October 31st, 1856, amounted to $8,999,015.\\nThe value of the personal property is, perhaps, about\\n$3,000,000 total value of real and personal estate\\n$11,999,015.\\nCity of New-Bedford,\\nMayor s Room, 1 mo., 6th, 1857.\\nH. R. Helper\\nYours of the 4th inst. came to hand this morning.\\nIn reply to your inquiries, I will say that the amount assessed\\non the 1st day of May, 1856, was as follows\\nReal Estate, $9,311,500\\nPersonal, 17,735,500\\nTotal, $27,047,000\\n15*", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "346 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nThe returns of a census taken the previous autumn gave 20,391\\npersons, from which there is not probably much change.\\nRespectfully,\\nGeo. Howland, Jr.\\nMayor.\\nMayor s Office,\\nWilmington, N. C, May 23d, 1857.\\nH. R. Helper, Esq.,\\nNew-York,\\nDear Sir\\nI am in receipt of yours of 19th inst. The value of real estate\\nas per last assessment, 1st April, 1856, was $3,350,000\\nWe have no system by which to arrive at the value\\nof personal property I estimate the amount, however,\\nexclusive of merchandize, at $4,509,000\\nThere has been no census taken since 1850 the present num-\\nber of inhabitants is estimated at 10,000.\\nI regret my inability to afford you more definite information.\\nVery respectfully, c,\\nO. G. Parsley,\\nMayor.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\n317\\nFrom the foregoing communications, we make up the\\nfollowing summary of the more important particulars\\nNINE FREE CITIES.\\nName.\\nPopulation.\\nWealth.\\nWealth\\nper cajiila.\\nNew York\\n700,000\\n500,000\\n165,000\\n225,000\\n210,000\\n112,000\\n60,000\\n90,000\\n21,000\\n$511,740,492\\n325,000,000\\n249,162,500\\n95,800,440\\n88,810,734\\n171,000,000\\n58,064,516\\n45,474,476\\n27,047,000\\n$731\\n650\\n1,510\\n425\\n422\\n1 527\\nChicago\\nBuffalo\\n967\\n505\\n1,288\\n2,083,000\\n$1,572,100,158\\n$754\\nNINE SLAVE CITIES.\\nName.\\nPopulation.\\nWealth.\\nWealth\\nper capita.\\nSt. Louis\\n250,000\\n175,000\\n140,000\\n60,000\\n70,000\\n40,000\\n17,000\\n25,000\\n10,000\\n$102,053,839\\n91,188^195\\n63,000,000\\n36,127,751\\n31,500.000\\n20,143,520\\n12,000,000\\n11,999,015\\n7,850,000\\n$375,862,320\\n$408\\n521\\n450\\n602\\n450\\n503\\n705\\n480\\n785\\n787,000\\n$177\\nLet it not be forgotten that the slaves themselves are\\nvalued at so much per head, and counted as part of the\\nwealth of slave cities and yet, though we assent, as we\\nhave done, to the inclusion of all this fictitious wealth, it\\nwill be observed that the residents of free cities are far\\nwealthier, per capita, than the residents of slave cities.\\nWe trust the reader will not fail to examine the figures\\nwith great care.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "348 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nIn this age of the world, commerce is an indispensable\\nelement of national greatness. Without commerce we\\ncan have no great cities, and without great cities we can\\nhave no reliable tenure of distinct nationality. Commerce\\nis the forerunner of wealth and population and it is\\nmainly these that make invincible the power of undying\\nStates.\\nSpeaking in general terms of the commerce of this coun-\\ntry, and of the great cities through which that commerce\\nis chiefly carried on, the Boston Traveler says\\nThe wealth concentrated at the great commercial points of\\nthe United States is truly astonishing. For instance, one-eighth\\npart of the entire property of this country is owned by the cities\\nof New-York and Boston. Boston alone, in its corporate limits,\\nowns one-twentieth of the property of this entire Union, being\\nan amount equal to the wealth of any three of the New-England\\nStates, except Massachusetts. In this city is found the richest\\ncommunity, per capita, of any in the United States. The nest\\ncity in point of wealth, according to its population, is Providence,\\n(R. I.,) which city is one of the richest in the Union, having a\\nvaluation of fifty-six millions, with a population of fifty thousand.\\nThe same paper, in the course of an editorial article on-\\nthe Wealth of Boston and its Business, says\\nThe assessors return of the wealth of Boston will probably\\nshow this year an aggregate property of nearly three hundred\\nmillions. This sum, divided among 160,000 people, would give\\nnearly $2,000 to each inhabitant, and will show Boston to be\\nmuch the wealthiest community in the United States, save New\\nYork alone, with four times its population. The value of the\\nreal estate in this city is increasing now with great rapidity, as\\nat least four millions of dollars worth of new houses and stores\\nwill be built this year. The personal estate in ships, cargoes,", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 349\\nstocks, 0.j is greatly increasing with each succeeding year, not-\\nwithstanding the many disasters and losses constantly occurring\\nin such kinds of property.\\nIt is impossible to get the exact earnings of the nearly six\\nhundred thousand tons of shipping owned in this city. But per-\\nhaps it would not be much out of the way to set the total amount\\nfor 1855 at from fifteen to twenty millions of dollars. This sum\\nhas probably been earned by our fleet engaged in the domestic\\ntrade, and in commercial transactions with the East and West\\nIndies, South America, the Pacific. Europe and Africa. The three\\nsources from which the population of Boston is maintained, and\\nits prosperity continued, are these Commerce, trade, and manu-\\nfactures. Its annual trade and sales of merchandise are said now,\\nby competent judges, to amount to three hundred millions of\\ngoods per annum, and will soon greatly exceed that vast sum.\\nThe annual manufactures of this city are much more in amount\\nthan in many entire States in this Union. They amount, accord-\\ning to recent statistics, to nearly seventy-five millions of dollars.\\nFreeman Hunt, the accomplished editor of Hunt s Mer-\\nchants Magazine, writing on the Progressive Growth of\\nCities, says\\nLondon is now the greatest concentration of human power\\nthe world has ever known. Will its supremacy be permanent 1\\nor will it, like its predecessors, be eclipsed by western rivals?\\nNew-Yorkers do not doubt, and indeed have no reason to doubt,\\nthat their city, now numbering little more than one-third of the\\npopulation of London, will, within the next fifty years, be greater\\nthan the metropolis of the British empire.\\nNew York, with her immediate dependencies, numbers about\\n900.000. Since 1790 she has established a law of growth which\\ndoubles her population once in fifteen years. If this law con-\\ntinues to operate, she may be expected to possess 1,800.000 in\\n1871, 3,600,000 in 1886. and 7,200.000 in 1901. If twenty years\\nbe allowed New York as her future period of duplication, she\\nwould overtake London by the end of fifty vears London may", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "350 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nthen have five millions New-York will almost certainly have\\nmore than that number.\\nWill the star of empire become stationary at New-York 1\\nThe interior plain of North America has within itself more means\\nto sustain a dense population in civilized comfort than any other\\nregion of the world. The star of empire cannot be arrested in\\nits western course before it reaches this plain. Its most promis-\\ning city at present is Chicago. The law of its growth since 1840\\nseems to be a duplication within four years. In 1840 it num-\\nbered 4,379. In June of this year it will contain 88,000. At\\nthe same rate of increase carried forward, it would overtake New-\\nYork within twenty years. If six years be allowed for each\\nfuture duplication, Chicago would overtake New-York in thirty-\\nthree years. If the growth of Chicago should in future be mea-\\nsured by a duplication of every seven years, it would contain\\n5.622,000 in forty-two years.\\nIn 1901, forty-five years from this time, the central plain, in-\\ncluding the Canadas, will contain about eighty millions of peo-\\nple. Its chief city may be reasonably expected to contain about\\none-tenth of this population. Before the end of this century the\\ntowns and cities of the central plain will contain, with their\\nsuburbs, not less than half the entire population that is to say,\\nforty millions. How these millions shall be apportioned among\\nthe cities of that day, is a subject for curious speculation.\\nA FLEET OF MERCHANTMEN.\\nThe Boston Journal, of a late date, says\\nAbout one hundred sail of vessels, of various descriptions,\\nentered this port yesterda) 7 consisting of traders from Europe,\\nSouth America, the West Indies, and from coastwise ports. The\\nwaters of the bay and harbor presented a beautiful appearance\\nfrom the surrounding shores, as this fleet of white-winged mes-\\nsengers made their way towards the city, and crowds of people\\nmust have witnessed their advent with great delight. A more\\nmagnificent sight is seldom seen in our harbor.\\nWould to God that such sights could sometimes be seen", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 351\\nin Southern harbors When slavery shall cease to para-\\nlyse the energies of our people, then ships, coming to us\\nfrom the four quarters of the globe, will, with majestic\\ngrandeur, begin to loom in the distance our bays will\\nrejoice in the presence of the white-winged messengers,\\nand our levees resound as never before with the varied\\ndin of commerce.\\nCOMMERCE OF NORFOLK.\\nThe Southern Argus thus speaks of the ruined commerce\\nof a most despicable niggerville\\nWe question if any other community, certainly no other in\\nthe United States of America, have made greater exertions to\\nresuscitate the trade of Norfolk than the mercantile portion of\\nthe inhabitants in proef of which nineteen-twentieths of those\\nengaged in foreign commerce have terminated in their insolvency,\\nthe principal cause of which has been in the unrelenting hostility,\\nto this day, from the commencement of the present century, of\\nthe Virginia Legislature, with the co-operation of at least the\\ncommercial portions of the citizens of Richmond, Petersburg and\\nPortsmouth.\\nHow it is, in this enlightened age, that men of ordinary\\nintelligence can be so far led into error as to suppose that\\ncommerce, or any other noble enterprise, can be established\\nand successfully prosecuted under the dominion of slavery,\\nis, to us, one of the most inexplicable of mysteries. Com-\\nmercial Conventions, composed of the self-titled lordlings\\nof slavery Generals, Colonels, Majors, Captains, etcetera\\nmay act out their annual programmes of farcical non-\\nsense from now until doomsday but they will never add\\none iota to the material, moral, or mental interests of the", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "352 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nSouth, never can, until their ebony idol shall have been\\nutterly demolished.\\nBALTIMORE PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE.\\nWe are indebted to the Baltimore Patriot for the follow-\\ning interesting sketch of the Monumental City as it was,\\nand as it is, and as it may be\\nThe population of Baltimore in 1790 was 13.503 in 1800,\\n15,514; in 1810, 35,583; in 1820, 62,738; in 1830, 80,625; in\\n1840, 110,313; in 1850, 169,054. The increase of inhabitants\\nwithin two particular decades, will be found, by reference to the\\nabove table, to be remarkable. Between 1800 and 1810, the\\npopulation nearly doubled itself; between 1840 and 1850, the\\nincrease was two-thirds and for the past five years, the numer-\\nical extension of our population has been even more rapid than\\nduring the previous decade. We may safely assume tha-t Balti-\\nmore contains at the present time not less than 250.000 inhabit-\\nants. But the increase in the manufactured products of the State,\\nas shown by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, is a\\nmatter of even greater astonishment. The statistical tables of\\n1840 estimate the aggregate value of the manufactures of Mary-\\nland at $13,509,636 thirteen million jive hundred and nine thou-\\nsand six hundred and thirty-six dollars. In 1850, the value of\\nthe articles manufactured within the limits of the State amounted\\nto $32.593,635\u00e2\u0080\u0094 thirty-two million five hundred and ninety-three\\nthousand six hundred and thirty-five dollars A signal proof\\nthat the wealth of the State has increased with even far greater\\nrapidity than its population. A quarter of a century ago, the\\nsum of our manufactures did not much exceed five millions of\\ndollars per annum. At this day it may be set down as falling\\nbut little short of fifty millions. These are facts taken from offi-\\ncial sources, and therefore understated rather than exceeded.\\nThey are easily verified by any one who will take the necessary\\ntrouble to examine the reports for himself; and they justify us\\nin the assertion that we are but fifteen years behind Philadelphia", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nin population, and are on]y at the same relative distance from\\nher in point of wealth.\\nA change has been going on for some time past in our com-\\nmercial and industrial affairs which all may have noticed, but the\\nextent of which is known to but few, and we hazard nothing in\\nsaying that this enormous progression must continue, because it\\nis based upon a solid foundation, and therefore subject to no or-\\ndinary contingencies.\\nOccupying geographically the most central position on this\\nContinent, with vast mines of coal lying within easy distance to\\nthe North and West of us, with a harbor easy of access, and with\\nrailroads penetrating by the shortest routes the most fertile sec-\\ntions of the Union, we need nothing but the judicious fostering\\nof a proper spirit among our citizens to make Baltimore not only\\nthe commercial emporium of the South and West, but also the\\ngreat coal mart of the Union. Our flour market is already the\\nmost extensive in the known world we speak without exagger-\\nation, for this also is proven by unquestionable facts. There is\\nmore guano annually brought into our port than into all the other\\nports of the United States put together, and the demand for this\\nimportant article of commerce is steadily increasing. Our ship-\\nments of tobacco are immense, and as the improvement in the\\ndepth of the channel of the Patapsco increases, must inevitably\\nbecome much greater.\\nSuch, then, is our present condition as a commercial commu-\\nnity, and when we add that our prosperity is as much owing to\\nour admirable geographical position as to the energy of our mer-\\nchants and manufacturers, we design to cast no imputation on\\nthese excellent citizens, but rather to stimulate them to renewed\\nefforts in a field where enterprise cannot fail of reaping its due\\nreward.\\nTake any common map of the United States and rule an air\\nline across it from Baltimore to St. Louis, and midway between\\nthe two it will strike Cincinnati the great inland centre of\\ntrade traversing at the same time those wonderfull} fertile val-\\nlies which lie between the latter point and the Mississippi river.\\nNow let it be remembered that since the introduction of rail-\\nways fluvial navigation has been, to a considerable extent, super-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "354 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nseded by inland transport, because of the greater speed and cer-\\ntainty of the latter. Let it be remembered also that the migra-\\ntion westward is incessantly going on, and that with every farm\\nopened within striking distance of a great arterial railway, or its\\nanastomosing branches, a certain amount of freight must find its\\nway to the seaboard markets, while the demand for manufactured\\nproducts, and for domestic or foreign commodities, in exchange\\nfor breadstuffs or raw material, must necessarily increase\\nthereby adding greatly to the prosperity of the commercial cen-\\ntre towards which articles of export tend, and from which im-\\nports in return are drawn. It would be difficult to estimate the\\nvalue of what this trade will be fifty 3-ears hence, or what the\\npopulation of Baltimore, situated as she is, will by that time\\nhave become.\\nReasoning from causes to effects, and presuming that ordinary\\nperseverance will be used in promoting the interests of our city,\\nindustrially and commercially, we are justified in believing that\\nits progress must be in an accelerated ratio, and that there are\\nthose now living who will look back with surprise and wonder\\nat its growth and magnitude, as we have done while comparing\\nits present aspect with that which it exhibited within our own\\nmemory.\\nIt is a remarkable fact, but one not at all surprising to\\nthose whose philosophy leads them to think aright, that\\nBaltimore and St. Louis, the two most prosperous cities in\\nthe slave States, have fewer slaves in proportion to the\\naggregate population than any other city or cities in the\\nSouth. While the entire population of the former is now\\nestimated at 250,000, and that of the latter at 140,000\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nmaking a grand total of 390,000 in the two cities, less\\nthan 6,000 of this latter number are slaves indeed, neither\\ncity is cursed with half the number of 6,000.\\nIn 1850, there were only 2,946 slaves in Baltimore, and\\n2,656 in St. Louis total in the two cities 5,602 and in", "height": "2618", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 355\\nboth places, thank Heaven, this heathenish class of the\\npopulation was rapidly decreasing. The census of 18G0\\nwill, in all probability, show that the two cities are en-\\ntirely exempt from slaves and slavery and that of 1S70\\nwill, we prayerfully hope, show that the United States at\\nlarge, at that time, will have been wholly redeemed from\\nthe unspeakable curse of human bondage.\\nWhat about Southern Commerce Is it not almost en-\\ntirely tributary to the commerce of the North Are we\\nnot dependent on New-York, Philadelphia, Boston, and\\nCincinnati, for nearly every article of merchandise, whe-\\nther foreign or domestic Where are our ships, our mari-\\nners, our naval architects Alas echo answers, where\\nReader would you understand how abjectly slave-\\nholders themselves are enslaved to the products of North-\\nern industry If you would, fix your mind on a Southern\\ngentleman a slave-breeder and human-flesh monger,\\nwho professes to be a Christian Observe the routine of\\nhis daily life. See him rise in the morning from a North-\\nern bed, and clothe himself in Northern apparel see him\\nwalk across the floor on a Northern carpet, and perform\\nhis ablutions out of a Northern ewer and basin. See him\\nuncover a box of Northern powders, and cleanse his teeth\\nwith a Northern brush see him reflecting his physiog-\\nnomy in a Northern mirror, and arranging his hair with a\\nNorthern comb See him dosing himself with the mendi-\\ncaments of Northern quacks, and perfuming his handker-\\nchief with Northern cologne. See him referring to the\\ntime in a Northern watch, and glancing at the news in a\\nNorthern gazette. See him and his family sitting in", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "356 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nNorthern chairs, and singing and praying out of Northern\\nbooks. See him at the breakfast table, saying grace over\\na Northern plate, eating with Northern cutlery, and drink-\\ning from Northern utensils. See him charmed with the\\nmelody of a Northern piano, or musing over the pages of\\na Northern novel. See him riding to his neighbor s in a\\nNorthern carriage, or furrowing his lands with a North-\\nern plow. See him lighting his segar with a Northern\\nmatch, and flogging his negroes with a Northern lash.\\nSee him with Northern pen and ink, writing letters on\\nNorthern paper, and sending them away in Northern en-\\nvelopes, sealed with Northern wax, and impressed with a\\nNorthern stamp. Perhaps our Southern gentleman is\\na merchant if so, see him at his store, making an unpa-\\ntriotic use of his time in the miserable traffic of Northern\\ngimcracks and haberdashery see him when you will,\\nwhere you will, he is ever surrounded with the industrial\\nproducts of those whom, in the criminal inconsistency of\\nhis heart, he execrates as enemies, yet treats as friends.\\nHis labors, his talents, his influence, are all for the North,\\nand not for the South for the stability of slavery, and\\nfor the sake of his own personal aggrandizement, he is\\nwilling to sacrifice the dearest interests of his country.\\nAs we see our ruinous system of commerce exemplified\\nin the family of our Southern gentleman, so we may see\\nit exemplified, to a greater or less degree, in almost every\\nother family throughout the length and breadth of the\\nslaveholding States. We are all constantly buying,\\nand selling, and wearing, and using Northern merchan-\\ndise, at a double expense to both ourselves and our neigh-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 351\\nbors. If we but look at ourselves attentively, we shall\\nfind that we are all clothed cap a pie in Northern habila-\\nraents. Our hats, our caps, our cravats, our coats, our\\nvests, our pants, our gloves, our boots, our shoes, our\\nunder-garments all come from the North whence, too,\\nSouthern ladies procure all their bonnets, plumes, and\\nflowers dresses, shawls, and scarfs frills, ribbons, and\\nruffles cuffs, capes, and collars.\\nTrue it is that the South has wonderful powers of endu-\\nrance and recuperation but she cannot forever support the\\nreckless prodigality of her sons. We are all spendthrifts\\nsome of us should become financiers. We must learn to\\ntake care of our money we should withhold it from the\\nNorth, and open avenues for its circulation at home. We\\nshould not run to New-York, to Philadelphia, to Boston,\\nto Cincinnati, or to any other Northern city, every time\\nwe want a shoe-string or a bedstead, a fish-hook or a hand-\\nsaw, a tooth-pick or a cotton-gin. In ease and luxury we\\nhave been lolling long enough we should now bestir\\nourselves, and keep pace with the progress of the age.\\nWe must expand our energies, and acquire habits of enter-\\nprise and industry we should arouse ourselves from the\\ncouch of lassitude, and inure our minds to thought and\\nour bodies to action. We must begin to feed on a more\\nsubstantial diet than that of pro-slavery politics we should\\nleave off our siestas and post-meridian naps, and employ\\nour time in profitable vocations. Before us there is a vast\\nwork to be accomplished a work which has been accu-\\nmulating on our hands for many years. It is no less a\\nwork than that of infusing the spirit of liberty into all our", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "358 COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE.\\nsystems of commerce, agriculture, manufactures, govern-\\nment, literature, and religion. Oligarchial despotism must I\\nbe overthrown slavery must be abolished.\\nFor the purpose of showing how absolutely Southern\\ngentlemen, particularly slaveholding merchants, are\\nlost to all sense of true honor and patriotism, we will\\nhere introduce an extract from an article which appeared\\nmore than three years ago in one of the editorial columns\\nof the leading daily newspaper of the city of New-York.\\nIt is in these words\\nSouthern merchants do indeed keep away from New-York\\nfor the reason that they can t pay their dehts there is no doubt\\nthat if the jobbers of this city had not trusted Southern traders\\nfor the past three years, they would be a great deal better\\noff than they are. Already our trade with Canada is be-\\ncoming as promising, sure, and profitable, as our trade with the\\nSouth is uncertain, riskful, and annoying.\\nNow, by any body of men not utterly debased by the\\ninfluences of slavery, this language would have been con-\\nstrued into an invitation to stay at home. But do South-\\nern merchants stay at home Do they build up Southern\\ncommerce No off they post to the North as regularly\\nas the seasons, spring and fall, come round, and there,\\nlike cringing sycophants, flatter, beg, and scheme, for i\\nfavors which they have no money to command.\\nThe better classes of merchants, and indeed of all other\\npeople, at the North, as elsewhere, have too much genuine\\nrespect for themselves to wish to have any dealings what-\\never with those who make merchandise of human beings.\\nLimited as is our acquaintance in the city of New-York,", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "COMMERCIAL CITIES SOUTHERN COMMERCE. 359\\nwe know one firm there, a large wholesale house, that\\nmakes it an invariable rule never to sell goods to a mer-\\nchant from the slave States except for cash. Being well\\nacquainted with the partners, we asked one of them, on\\n,one occasion, why he refused to trust slave-driving mer-\\nchants. Because, said he, they are too long-winded\\nand uncertain when we credit them, they occasion us\\nlinore loss and bother than their trade is worth. Non-\\nislaveholders of the South recollect that slavery is the\\nonly impediment to your progress and prosperity, that it\\nstands diametrically opposed to all needful reforms, that\\nit seeks to sacrifice you entirely for the benefit of others,\\nand that it is the one great and only cause of dishonor to\\nyour country. Will you not abolish it? May Heaven\\nhelp you to do your duty", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "360 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nCHAPTER X.\\nFACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nFinding that we shall have to leave unsaid a great many\\nthings which we intended to say, and that we shall have\\nto omit much valuable matter, the product of other pens\\nthan our own, hut which, having collected at considerable\\nexpense, we had hoped to be able to introduce, we have\\nconcluded to present, under the above heading, only a few\\nof the more important particulars.\\nIn the first place, we will give an explanation of the\\nreason\\nWHY THIS WORK WAS NOT PUBLISHED IN BALTIMORE.\\nA considerable portion of this work was written in Bal-\\ntimore and the whole of it would have been written and\\npublished there, but for the following odious clause, which\\nwe extract from the Statutes of Maryland\\nBe it enacted by the General Assembly of Maryland, That\\nafter the passage of this act, it shall not be lawful for any citi-\\nzen of this State, knowingly to make, print or engrave, or aid in\\nthe making, printing or engraving, within this State, any picto- j\\nrial representation, or to write or print, or to aid in the writing or\\nprinting any pamphlet, newspaper, handbill or other paper of an\\ninflammatory character, and having a tendency to excite discon-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 3G1\\ntent, or stir up insurrection amongst the people of color of this\\nState, or of either of the other States or Territories of the Unit-\\ned States, or knowingly to carry or send, or to aid in the carry-\\ning or sending the same for circulation amongst the inhabitants of\\neither of the other States or Territories of the United States, and\\nany person so offending shall be guilty of a felony, and shall on\\nconviction be sentenced to confinement in the penitentiary of this\\nState, for a period not less than ten nor more than twenty years,\\nfrom the time of sentence pronounced on such person. Act\\npassed Dec. 1831. See 2nd Dorsey, page 1218.\\nNow so long as slaveholders are clothed with the man-\\ntle of office, so long will they continue to make laws, like\\nthe above, expressly calculated to bring the non-slavehold-\\ning whites under a system of vassalage little less onerous\\nand debasing than that to which the negroes themselves\\nare accustomed. What wonder is it that there is no na-\\ntive literature in the South The South can never have\\na literature of her own until after slavery shall have been\\nabolished. Slaveholders are too lazy and ignorant to write\\nit, and the non-slaveholders even the few whose minds\\nare cultivated at all are not permitted even to make the\\nattempt. Down with the oligarchy Ineligibility of slave-\\nholders never another vote to the trafficker in human\\nflesh\\nLEGISLATIVE ACTS AGAINST SLAVERY.\\nIn his Compendium of the Seventh Census, Mr. DeBow\\nhas compiled the following useful and highly interesting\\nfacts\\nThe Continental Congress of 1774 resolved to discontinue the\\nslave trade, in which resolution they were anticipated by the Con-\\n16", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "362 FACTS AXD ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nventions of Delegates of Virginia and North Carolina. In 1789\\nthe Convention to frame the federal Constitution, looked to the\\nabolition of the traffic in 1808. On the 2nd of March, 1807, Con-\\ngress passed an act against importations of Africans into the\\nUnited States after January 1st, 1808. An act in Great Britain\\nin 1807 also made the slave trade unlawful. Denmark forbid the\\nintroduction of African slaves into her colonies after 1804. The\\nCongress of Vienna, in 1815, pronounced for the abolition of the\\ntrade. France abolished it in 1817, and also Spain, but the acts\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2were to take effect after 1820. Portugal abolished it in 1818.\\nIn Pennsylvania slavery was abolished in 1780. In New\\nJersey it was provisionally abolished in 1784 all children born\\nof a slave after 1804 are made free in 1820. In Massachusetts,\\nit was declared after the revolution, that slavery was virtually\\nabolished by their Constitution, (1780). In 1784 and 1797, Con-\\nnecticut provided for a gradual extinction of slavery. In Rhode\\nIsland, after 1784, no person could be born a slave. The Consti\\ntutions of Vermont and New Hampshire, respectively, abolished\\nslavery. In New York it was provisionally abolished in 1799,\\ntwenty -eight years ownership being allowed in slaves born after\\nthat date, and in 1817 it was enacted that slavery was not to\\nexist after ten years, or 1827. The ordinance of 1787 forbid\\nslavery in the territory northwest of the Ohio.\\nBesides the instances enumerated above, slavery has\\nbeen abolished in more than forty different parts of the\\nworld within the last half century, and with good results\\neverywhere, except two or three West India islands,\\nwhere the negro population was greatly in excess of the\\nwhites and even in these, the evils, if any, that have fol-\\nlowed, are not justly attributable to abolition, but to the\\nprevious demoralization produced by slavery.\\nIn this connection we may very properly introduce the\\ntestimony of a West India planter to the relative advan-\\ntages of Free over Slave Labor. Listen to Charles Petty-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 363\\njolm, of Barbadoes, who, addressing himself to a citizen\\nof our own country, says\\nIn 1834, 1 came in possession of 257 slaves, under the laws\\nof England, which required the owner to feed, clothe, and furnish\\nthem with medical attendance. With this number I cultivated\\nmy. sugar plantation until the Emancipation Act of August 1st,\\n1838, when they all became free. I now hire a portion of those\\nslaves, the best and cheapest of course, as you hire men in the\\nUnited States. The average number which I employ is 100. with\\nwhich I cultivate more land at a cheaper rate, and make more\\nproduce than I did with 257 slaves. With my slaves I made from\\n100 to 180 tons of sugar yearly. With 100 free negroes I think\\nI do badly if I do not annually produce 250 tons.\\nIf, in the forty and more instances to which we have\\nalluded, the abolition of slavery had proved injurious in\\na majority of cases, the attempt to abolish it elsewhere\\nmight, perhaps, be regarded as an ill-advised effort but,\\nseeing that its abolition has worked well in at least four-\\nteen-fifteenths of all the cases on record, the fact becomes\\nobvious that it is our duty and our interest to continue to\\nabolish it until the whole world shall be freed, or until wo\\nshall begin to see more evil than good result from our\\nacts of emancipation.\\nTHE TRUE FRIENDS OF THE SOUTH.\\nFreesoilers and abolitionists are the only true friends of\\nthe South slaveholders and slave-breeders are downright\\nenemies of their own section. Anti-slavery men are work-\\ning for the Union and for the good of the whole world\\nproslavery men are working for the disunion of the States,\\nand for the good of nothing except themselves. Than", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "364 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nsuch men as Greeley, Seward, Sumner, Clay, and Birney,\\nthe South can have no truer friends nor can slavery have\\nmore implacable foes.\\nFor the purpose of showing that Horace Greeley is not,\\nas he is generally represented by the oligarchy, an invete-\\nrate hater of the South, we will here introduce an extract t\\nfrom one of his editorial articles in a late number of the\\nNew York Tribune a faithful advocate of freedom, whose i\\ncirculation, we are happy to say, is greater than the\\naggregate circulation of more than twenty of the principal Ij\\nproslavery sheets published at the South\\nIs it in vain that we pile fact upon fact, proof on proof, show-\\ning that slavery is a blight and a curse to the States which cher-\\nish it 1 These facts are multitudinous as the leaves of the forest\\nconclusive as the demonstrations of geometry. Nobody attempts\\nto refute them, but the champions of slavery extension seem de-\\ntermined to persist in ignoring them. Let it be understood,\\nthen, once for all, that we do not hate the South, war on the\\nSouth, nor seek to ruin the South, in resisting the extension of\\nslavery. We most earnestly believe human bondage a curse to\\nthe South, and to all whom it affects but we do not labor for its\\noverthrow otherwise than through the conviction of the South of f;\\nits injustice and mischief. Its extension into new Territories we i\\ndeterminedly resist, not by any means from ill will to the South, i\\nbut under the impulse of good will to all mankind. We believe t\\nthe establishment of slavery in Kansas or any other Western n\\nTerritory would prolong its existence in Virginia and Maryland,\\nby widening the market and increasing the price of slaves, and I\\nthereby increasing the profits of slave-breeding, and the conse- I\\nquent incitement thereto. Those who urge that slavery would\\nnot go into Kansas if permitted, wilfully shut their eyes to the\\nfact that it has gone into Missouri, lying in exactly the same lati- I\\ntude, and is now strongest in that north-western angle of said\\nState, which was covertly filched from what is now Kansas, v\\nwithin the last twenty years. Even if the growth of hemp, corn;. 1", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 365\\nand tobacco were not so profitable in Eastern Kansas, as it evi-\\ndently must be, tbe growth of slaves for more Southern con-\\nsumption would inevitably prove as lucrative there as in Virginia\\nand Maryland, which lie in corresponding latitudes, and whose\\nchief staple export to-day consists of negro bondmen destined for\\nthe plantations of Louisiana and Mississippi, which could be sup-\\nplied more conveniently and cheaply from Kansas than from their\\npresent breeding-places this side of the Alleghanies.\\nWhenever we draw a parallel between Northern and Southern\\nproduction, industry, thrift, wealth, the few who seek to parry\\nthe facts at all complain that the instances are unfairly selected\\nthat the commercial ascendancy of the North, with the profits\\nand facilities thence accruing, accounts for the striking prepon-\\nderance of the North. In vain we insist that slavery is the cause\\nof this very commercial ascendancy that Norfolk and Richmond\\nand Charleston might have been to this country what Boston,\\nNew-York and Philadelphia now are, had not slavery spread its\\npall over and paralyzed the energies of the South.\\nThis may be regarded as a fair expression of the senti-\\nments of a great majority of the people north of Mason\\nand Dixon s line. Our Northern cousins do not hate the\\nSouth, war on the South, nor seek to ruin the South on\\nthe contrary, they love our particular part of the nation,\\nand, like dutiful, sensible, upright men, they would pro-\\nmote its interests by facilitating the abolition of slavery.\\nSuccess to their efforts\\nSLAVERY THOUGHTFUL SIGNS OF CONTRITION.\\nThe real condition of the South is most graphically de-\\nscribed in the following doleful admissions from the Charles-\\nton Standard\\nIn its every aspect our present condition is provincial. We\\nhave within our limits no solitary metropolis of interest or ideas", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "366 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nno marts of exchange no radiating centres of opinion. What-\\never we have of genius and productive energy, goes freely in to\\nswell the importance of the North. Possessing the material\\nwhich constitutes two-thirds of the commerce of the whole coun-\\ntry, it might have been supposed that we could have influence\\nupon the councils of foreign States but we are nevef -taken into\\ncontemplation. It might have been supposed that England,\\nbound to us by the cords upon which depend the existence of\\nfour millions of her subjects, would be considerate of our feel-\\nings but receiving her cotton from the North, it is for them she\\nhas concern, and it is her interest and her pleasure to reproach\\nus. It might have been supposed, that, producing the material\\nwhich is sent abroad, to us would come the articles that are taken\\nin exchange for it but to the North they go for distribution, and\\nto us are parcelled out the fabrics that are suited to so remote a\\nsection.\\nInstead, therefore, of New-York being tributary to Norfolk,\\nCharleston, Savannah or New Orleans, these cities are tributary\\nto New-York. Instead of the merchants of New- York standing\\ncap in hand to the merchants of Charleston, the merchants of\\nCharleston stand cap in hand to the merchants of New-York.\\nInstead of receiving foreign ships in Southern waters, and calling\\nup the merchants of the country to a distribution of the cargo,\\nthe merchants of the South are hurried off to make a distribution\\nelsewhere. In virtue of our relations to a greater system, we\\nhave little development to internal interests receiving supplies\\nfrom the great centre, we have made little effort to supply our-\\nselves. We support the makers of boots, shoes, hats, coats, shirts,\\nflannels, blankets, carpets, chairs, tables, mantels, mats, carriages,\\njewelry, cradles, couches, coffins, by the thousand and hundreds\\nof thousands but they scorn to live amongst us. They must\\nhave the gaieties and splendors of a great metropolis, and are not\\ncontent to vegetate upon the dim verge of this remote frontier.\\nAs it is in material interests, so it is in arts and letters our\\npictures are painted at the North, our books are published at the\\nNorth, our periodicals and papers are printed at the North. We\\nare even fed on police reports and villany from the North. The\\npapers published at the South which ignore the questions at issue", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE -WAYSIDE. 361\\nbetween the sections are generally well sustained the books\\nwhich expose the evils of our institution are even read with\\navidity beyond our limits, but the ideas that are turned to the\\ncondition of the South are intensely provincial. If, as things now\\nare, a man should rise with all the genius of Shakspeare, or Dick-\\nens, or Fielding, or of all the three combined, and speak from the\\nSouth, he would not receive enough to pay the costs of publica-\\ntion. If published at the South, his book would never be seen\\nor heard of, and published at the North it would not be read.\\nSo perfect is our provincialism, therefore, that enterprise is forced\\nto the North for a sphere talent for a market genius for the\\nideas upon which to work indolence for ease, and the tourist for\\nattractions.\\nThis extract exhibits in bold relief, and in small space,\\na large number of the present evils of past errors. It is\\ncharmingly frank and truthful. DeQuincey s Confessions\\nof an opium eater are nothing to it. A distinguished writer\\non medical jurisprudence informs us that the knowledge\\nof the disease is half the cure and if it be true, as per-\\nhaps it is, we think the Standard is in a fair way to be\\nreclaimed from the enormous vices of proslavery statism.\\nPROGRESS OF FREEDOM IN THE SOUTH.\\nNow, by St. Paul, the work goes bravely on.\\nAs well might the oligarchy attempt to stay the flux\\nand reflux of the tides, as to attempt to stay the progress\\nof Freedom in the South. Approved of God, the edict of\\nthe genius of Universal Emancipation has been proclaimed\\nto the world, and nothing, save Deity himself, can possi-\\nbly reverse it. To connive at the perpetuation of slavery\\nis to disobey the commands of Heaven. Not to be an", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "368 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nabolitionist is to be a wilful and diabolical instrument of\\nthe devil. The South needs to be free, the South wants\\nto be free, the South shall be free\\nThe following extracts from Southern journals will show\\nthat the glorious light of a better era has already begun\\nto penetrate and dispel the portentous clouds of slavery.\\nThe Wellsburg (Va.) Herald, an independent paper, refer-\\nring to the vote of thirteen Democrats from that section,\\nrefusing, in the Virginia Legislature, in 1856, to appro-\\npriate money from the general treasury for the recapture\\nof runaway slaves, says\\nWe presume these delegates in some degree represent their\\nconstituents, and we are thereby encouraged and built up in the\\nconfidence that there are other interests in Virginia to be seen to\\nbesides those pertaining to slavery.\\nA non-slaveholding Southron, in the course of a commu-\\nnication in a more recent number of the same journal,\\nsays\\nu We are taxed to support slavery. The clean cash goes out\\nof our own pockets into the pockets of the slaveholder, and this\\nin many ways. I will now allude to but two. If a slave, for\\ncrime, is put to death or transported, the owner is paid for him\\nout of the public treasury, and under this law thousands are paid\\nout every year. Again, a standing arm} is kept up in the city of\\nRichmond for no other purpose than to be ready to quell insur-\\nrection among the slaves this is paid for out of the public trea-\\nsury annually. This standing arm}- is called the public guard,\\nbut it is no less a standing army always kept up. We will quote\\nfrom the acts of 1856 the expense of these two items to the State,\\non the 23d and 24th pages of the acts To pay for slaves exe-\\ncuted and transported. $22,000 to the public guard at Rich-\\nmond, $24,000. This, be it noticed, is only for one year, mak-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY TTIE WAYSIDE. 369\\ning near \u00c2\u00a750.000 for these two objects in one j-ear but it can\\nbe shown by the present unequal plan of taxation between slave\\nproperty and other property, that this is but a small item of our\\ncash pocketed by the slaveholders and yet some will say we\\nhave no reason to complain.\\nThe editor of the Wheeling Gazette publishes the follow-\\ning as his platform on the slavery question\\nAllying ourself to neither North nor South, on our own hook\\nwe adopt the following platform as our platform on this question,\\nfrom which we never have and never will recede. We may fall\\n071 it, but WILL NEVER LEAVE IT.\\nThe severance of the General Government from slavery.\\nThe repeal of the fugitive slave law.\\nThe repeal of the Nebraska Kansas Bill.\\nNo more slave territories.\\nThe purchase and mawcmissioh op slaves in the District\\nof Columbia, or the removal of the seat of government to\\nfree territory.\\nSays the Baltimore Clipper\\nThe South is contending for, and the North against, the ex-\\ntension of slavery into the territories but we do not think that\\neither side would consent to dissolve the Union about the negro\\npopulation\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a population which we look upon as a curse to the\\nnation, and should rejoice to see removed to their native clime\\nof Africa.\\nThe National Era, one of the best papers in the country,\\npublished in Washington City, D. C, says\\nThe tendency of slavery to diffuse itself, and to crowd out\\nfree labor, was early observed by American patriots, North and\\nSouth and Mr. Jefferson, the great apostle of Republicanism,\\nmade an effort, in 1784, to cut short the encroaching tide of bar-\\nbaric despotism, by prohibiting slavery in all the territories of\\n16*", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "870 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nthe Union, down to thirty-one degrees of latitude, which was\\nthen our Southern boundary. His beneficent purpose failed, not\\nfor want of a decisive majority of votes present in the Congress\\nof the Confederation, but in consequence of the absence of the\\ndelegates from one or two States, which were necessary to the\\nconstitutional majority. When the subject again came up, in\\n1787, Mr. Jefferson was Minister to France, and the famous ordi-\\nnance of that year was adopted, prohibiting slavery North and\\nWest of the Ohio river. Between 1784 and 1787, the strides of\\nslavery westward, into Tennessee and Kentucky, had become too\\nconsiderable to admit of the policy of exclusion and besides\\nthose regions were then integral parts of Virginia and North\\nCarolina, and of course they could not be touched without the\\nconsent of those States. In 1820, another effort was made to ar-\\nrest the progress of slavery, which threatened to monopolize the\\nwhole territory west of the Mississippi. In the meantime the\\nSouth had apostatized from the faith of Jefferson. It had ceased\\nto love universal liberty, and the growing importance of the cot-\\nton culture had caused the people to look with indifference upon\\nthe moral deformity of slavery and, as a matter of course, the poli-\\nticians became its apologists and defenders. After a severe strug-\\ngle a compromise was agreed upon, by which Missouri was to be\\nadmitted with slavery, which was the immediate point in contro-\\nversy and slavery was to be excluded from all the territory\\nNorth and West of that State.\\nWe have shown, from the most incontestable evidence, that\\nthere is in slave society a much greater tendency to diffuse itself\\ninto new regions, than belongs to freedom, for the reasou that it\\nhas no internal vitality. It cannot live if circumscribed, and\\nmust, like a consumptive, be continually roving for a change of\\nair to recuperate its wasting energies.\\nIn the Missouri Legislature, in January, 1857, Mr. Brown,\\nof St. Louis, proved himself a hero, a patriot, and a states-\\nman, in the following words\\nlama Free-Soiler and I don t den}- it. No word or vote of\\nmine shall ever inure to the benefit of such a monstrous doctrine", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 311\\nas the extension of Slavery over the patrimony of the free white\\nlaborers of the country. I am for the greatest good of the\\ngreatest number, and against the system which monopolizes the\\nfree and fertile territory of our country for a few slaveholders,\\nto the exclusion of thousands upon thousands of the sinewy sons\\nof toil. The time will come, and perhaps very soon, when the\\npeople will rule for their own benefit and not for that of a class\\nwhich, numerically speaking, is insignificant. I stand here in\\nthe midst of the assembled Legislature of Missouri to avow my-\\nself a Free-Soiler. Let those who are scared at names shrink\\nfrom the position if they will. I shall take my stand in favor of\\nthe white man. Here in Missouri I shall support the rights, the\\ndignity and the welfare of the 800,000 non-slaveholders in pre-\\nference to upholding and perpetuating the dominancy of the\\n30,000 slaveholders who inhabit our State.\\nThe St. Louis Democrat, in an editorial article, under\\ndate of January 28, 1851, entitled itself to the favorable\\nregard of every true lover of liberty, by talking thus bold-\\nly on the subject of the Emancipation of Slavery in\\nMissouri\\nViewing the question as a subject of State policy, we will ven-\\nture to say that it is the grandest ever propounded to the people.\\nIf it were affirmed in a constitutional convention, and thoroughly\\ncarried out without any violation of vested rights, Missouri, in a\\nfew years subsequent to its consummation, would be the fore-\\nmost State on the American continent. Population would flow\\nin from all sides were the barrier of negro slavery once removed,\\nand in place of 80,000 slaves, we should have 800.000 white men,\\nwhich, in addition to the population we would have at that time,\\nwould give us at once an aggregate of two millions.\\nIs Missouri ambitious of political power? a power which is\\nslipping away from the South. The mode of acquiring it is\\nfound. We are not rash enough to attempt a description of our\\ncondition if the element of free labor were introduced. The\\nearth would give up its hidden treasures at its bidding as the sea", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "3*72 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nwill give up its dead and the soil would bloom more luxuriantly\\nthan if it drank the dews of Hermon nightly ten thousand\\nkeels would vex our rivers, towns along their banks would grow\\ninto cities, and St. Louis would soon unite in itself the attributes\\nof the greatest commercial manufacturing and literary metropolis\\nin the world. Let it be remembered that we have every inani-\\nmate element of wealth and power within our limits, and that\\nwe require only labor free labor for we need not say that servile\\nlabor is inadequate.\\nThere need be no pernicious agitation, and even if there\\nshould, it is the penalty which we cannot avoid paying at some\\ntime and it is easier to pay it now, than in the future. Who\\nthat watches passing events and indications, is not sensible of\\nthe fact that great internal convulsions await the slave States\\nBetter to grapple with the danger in time, if danger there be,\\nand avert it, than wait until it becomes formidable. One thing\\nis certain, or history is no guide that is, that slavery cannot be\\nperpetuated anywhere. An agitation now would be the effort\\nof the social system to throw off a disease which had not\\ntouched its vitals hereafter it would be the struggle for life\\nwith a mortal sickness. But we do not apprehend any agita-\\ntion more violent than has been forced upon us for years by the\\npro-slavery politicians. Agitating the slavery question, has\\nbeen their constant business, and nothing worse has resulted\\nfrom it than their elevation to office no very trifling evil, by\\nthe way and the temporary subjugation of Kansas.\\nBesides, we know that all the free States emancipated their\\nslaves, and England and France theirs suddenly and we have\\nyet to learn that a dangerous agitation arose in any instance.\\nIn addition to all this, it is well known, and we thank\\nHeaven for the fact and for the indication, that, at the\\nelection held for Mayor of St. Lonis, in April, 1851, the\\nAbolition candidate, himself a native of Virginia, was\\ntriumphantly elevated to the chief magistracy of the city.\\nThree cheers for St, Louis I nine for Missouri thirteen\\nfor the South", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 373\\nIn reference to the late election in St. Louis, in which\\nthe Emancipation party triumphed, the Wheeling (Va.)\\nIntelligencer says\\nThese elections do demonstrate this fact, beyond a cavil, that\\nthe sentiment of the great majority of the people of this Union\\nis irrevocably opposed to the extension of slavery that they are\\ndetermined, if overwhelming public sentiment can avail anything,\\nanother slave State shall not be admitted into the confederacy.\\nAnd why are they so determined Because they believe, and\\nnot only believe, but see and know, that slavery is an unmiti-\\ngated curse to the soil that sustains it. They know this, because\\nthey see every free State outstripping every slave State in all the\\nelements that make a people powerful and prosperous because\\nthey see the people in the one educated and thrifty, and in the\\nother ignorant and thriftless because they have before their eyes\\na State like our own, once the very Union itself almost in impor-\\ntance, to-day taking her rank as a fifth rate power.\\nNon-slaveholders of the South fail not to support the\\npapers the Southern papers that support your interests.\\nChief amongst those papers are the St. Louis (Mo.) Demo-\\ncrat, the National Era, published in Washington City, D.\\nC, the Baltimore Clipper, the Wheeling (Y Gazette, and\\nthe Wellsburg (Va.) Herald.\\nA RIGHT FEELING IN THE RIGHT QUARTER.\\nThere is but one way for the oligarchy to perpetuate\\nslavery in the Southern States, and that is by perpetuating\\nabsolute ignorance among the non-slaveholding whites.\\nThis it is quite impossible for them to do. God has scat-\\ntered the seeds of knowledge throughout every portion of\\nthe South, and they are, as might have been expected, be-\\nginning to take root in her fertile soil. The following ex-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "374 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\ntracts from letters which have been received since we\\ncommenced writing this work, will show how powerfully\\nthe spirit of freedom is operating upon the minds of intel-\\nligent, thinking men in the slave States.\\nA Baltimorean, writing to us a while previous to the\\nlast Presidential election, says\\nI see that the Trustees of the University of North Carolina\\nhave dismissed Prof. Hedrick for writing a letter in favor of Re-\\npublican principles. Oh, what an inglorious source of reflection\\nfor an American citizen To think, to know that our boasted\\nliberty of speech is a myth, an abstraction. To see a poor pro-\\nfessor crushed under the feet of the tyrannical magnates of slavery,\\nfor daring to speak the honest sentiments of his heart. Where\\nis fanaticism now, North or South Oh, my country, my coun-\\ntry, whither art thou tending Truly we have fallen upon\\ndegenerate days. God grant that they may not be like those\\nof ancient Greece and Rome, the forerunners of our country s\\nruin.\\nIn a letter under date of November 1, 1856, a friend\\nwho resides in the eastern part of North Carolina,\\nsays\\nIn the papers which reached me last week I notice that our\\nown State has been disgraced by a junto of pro-slavery hot-spurs,\\nwho had the audacity to meet in Raleigh for the express purpose\\nof concocting measures for a dissolution of the Union. It appears\\nthat the three leading spirits of this cabal were the present gov-\\nernors of three neighboring States three treasonable disturbers\\nof the public peace, who, under the circumstances, should, in my\\nopinion, have been shot dead upon the spot I have each of\\ntheir names noted down in my memorandum, and I shall cer-\\ntainly die unsatisfied, if I do not live to hear of their being tho-\\nroughly tarred and feathered, and ridden on a rail, by the non-\\nBiavcholding whites, against whose welfare their machinations", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BT THE WAYSIDE. 315\\nhave been chiefly leveled. Rely upon it, that, if they do not soon\\nsneak away into their graves, a day of retributive justice will\\nmost assuredly overtake them.\\nA native and resident of one of the towns in western\\nNorth Carolina, under date of March 19, 1851, writes to us\\nas follows\\nWhile patrolling a few nights ago I was forcibly struck with\\nthe truthfulness of the remarks contained in your last letter.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nHere I am, a poor but sober and industrious man, with a family\\ndependent on me for support, and after I have finished my day s\\nlabor, I am compelled to walk the streets from nine in the even-\\ning till three in the morning, to restrain the roving propensities\\nof other people s property niggers. Why should I thus be\\ndeprived of sleep that the slaveholder may slumber 1 I frankly\\nacknowledge my indebtedness to you for opening my eyes upon\\nthis subject. The more I think and see of slavery the more I de-\\ntest it. I am becoming restless, and have been debat-\\ning within my own mind whether I had not better emigrate to a\\nfree State. If I live, I am determined to oppose slavery\\nsomewhere here or elsewhere. It will be impossible for me to\\nkeep my lips sealed much longer. Indeed, I sometimes feel that\\nI have been remiss in my duty in not having opened them ere\\nnow. But for the unfathomable ignorance that pervades the mass\\nof the poor, deluded, slavery- saddled whites around me, I would\\nnot suppress my sentiments another hour.\\nAgain, under date of April T, 1851, he says\\nI thank God that slavery will, in my opinion, soon be abol-\\nished. I wish to Heaven I had the ability to raise my voice suc-\\ncessfully in favor of a just system to abolish it. I would indeed\\nbe rejoiced to have an opportunity to do something to relieve\\nthe South of the awful curse. Fear not that you will meet with\\nno sympathizers in the South. You will have hosts of friends on\\nevery side even in this town, if I am not greatly mistaken, a", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "376 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nlarge majority of the citizens will add an enthusiastic Amen to\\nycur work.\\nWe might furnish similar extracts from other letters,\\nbut these, we think, are quite sufficient to show that the\\nmillennium of freedom is rapidly dawning throughout the\\nbenighted regions of slavery. Coveted events are happen-\\ning in charming succession. All we have to do is to wait\\nand work a little longer.\\nTHE ILLITERATE POOR WHITES OF THE SOUTH.\\nHad we the power to sketch a true picture of life\\namong the non-slaveholding whites of the South, every in-\\ntelligent man who has a spark of philanthropy in his breast,\\nand who should happen to gaze upon the picture, would\\nburn with unquenchable indignation at that system of Afri-\\ncan slavery which entails unutterable miseries on the supe-\\nrior race. It is quite impossible, however, to describe accu-\\nrately the deplorable ignorance and squalid poverty of the\\nclass to which we refer. The serfs of Russia have reason\\nto congratulate themselves that they are neither the\\nnegroes nor the non-slaveholding whites of the South.\\nThan the latter there can be no people in Christendom\\nmore unhappily situated. Below will be found a few\\nextracts which will throw some light on the subject now\\nunder consideration.\\nSays William Gregg, in an address delivered before the\\nSouth Carolina Institution, in 1851\\nFrom the best estimates that I have been able to make, I\\nput down the white people who ought to work, and who do not,", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 311\\nor who are so employed as to be wholly unproductive to the\\nState, at one hundred and twenty-five thousand. Any man who\\nis an observer of things could hardly pass through our country,\\nwithout being struck with the fact that all the capital, enter-\\nprise, and intelligence, is employed in directing slave labor and\\nthe consequence is, that a large portion of our poor white people\\nare wholly neglected, and are suffered to while away an exist-\\nence in a state but one step in advance of the Indian of the\\nforest. It is an evil of vast magnitude, and nothing but a change\\nin public sentiment will effect its cure. These people must be\\nbrought into daily contact with the rich and intelligent they\\nmust be stimulated to mental action, and taught to appreciate\\neducation and the comforts of civilized life and this, we believe,\\nmay be effected only by the introduction of manufactures. My\\nexperience at Graniteville has satisfied me that unless our poor\\npeople can be brought together in villages, and some means of\\nemployment afforded them, it will be an utterly hopeless effort to\\nundertake to educate them. We have collected at that place\\nabout eight hundred people, and as likely looking a set of coun-\\ntry girls as may be found industrious and orderly people, but\\ndeplorably ignorant, three-fourths of the adults not being able to\\nread or to write their own names.\\nIt is only necessary to build a manufacturing village of\\nshanties, in a healthy location, in any part of the State, to have\\ncrowds of their people around you, seeking employment at half\\nthe compensation given to operatives at the North. It is indeed\\npainful to be brought in contact with such ignorance and degra-\\ndation.\\nAgain he asks\\nShall we pass unnoticed the thousands of poor, ignorant,\\ndegraded white people among us, w T ho, in this land of plenty,\\nlive in comparative nakedness and starvation Many a one is\\nreared in proud South Carolina, from birfh to manhood, who\\nhas never passed a month in which he has not, some part of the\\ntime, been stinted for meat. Many a mother is there who will\\ntell you that her children are but scantily provided with bread,", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "378 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nand much more scantily with meat and, if they be clad with com-\\nfortable raiment, it is at the expense of these scanty allowances\\nof food. These may be startling statements, but they are never-\\ntheless true and if not believed in Charleston, the members of\\nour legislature who have traversed the State in electioneering\\ncampaigns can attest the truth.\\nIn an article on Manufactures in South Carolina, pub-\\nlished some time ago in DeBow s Review, J. H. Taylor, of\\nCharleston (S. C.) says\\nThere is in some quarters, a natural jealousy of the slightest\\ninnovation upon established habits, and because an effort has\\nbeen made to collect the poor and unemployed white population\\ninto our new factories, fears have arisen that some evil would\\ngrow out of the introduction of such establishments among\\nus. The poor man has a vote as well as the rich man,\\nand in our State the number of the former will largely overbalance\\nthe latter. So long as these poor but industrious people can see no\\nmode of living except by a degrading operation of work with the\\nnegro upon the plantation, they will be content to endure life in\\nits most discouraging forms, satisfied that they are above the\\nslave, though faring often worse than he.\\nSpeaking in favor of manufactures, the Hon. J. H.\\nLumpkin, of Georgia, said in 1852\\nIt is objected that these manufacturing establishments will\\nbecome the hot -beds of crime. But I am by no means ready to\\nconcede that our poor, degraded, half-fed, half-clothed, and\\nignorant population without Sabbath Schools, or any other\\nkind of instruction, meutal or moral, or without any just appre-\\nciation of character will be injured by giving them employment,\\nwhich will bring them under the oversight of employers, who\\nwill inspire them with self-respect by taking an interest in their\\nwelfare.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 319\\nIn a paper on the Extension of Cotton and Wool Facto-\\nries at the South, Mr. Steadman, of Tennessee, says\\nIn Lowell, labor is paid the fair compensation of 80 cents a\\nday for men, and $2 a week for women, beside board, while in\\nTennessee the average compensation for labor does not exceed 50\\ncents per day for men, and $1,25 per week for women.\\nIn the course of a speech which he delivered in Congress\\nseveral years ago, Mr. T. L. Clingman, of North Carolina,\\nsaid\\nOur manufacturing establishments can obtain the raw mate-\\nrial (cotton) at nearly two cents on the pound cheaper than the\\nNew-England establishments. Labor is likewise one hundred\\nper cent, cheaper. In the upper parts of the State, the labor of\\neither a free man or a slave, including board, clothing, c, can\\nbe obtained for from $110 to $120 per annum. It will cost at\\nleast twice that sum in New-England. The difference in the cost\\nof female labor, whether free or slave, is even greater.\\nThe Richmond (Va.) Dispatch says\\nWe will only suppose that the ready-made shoes imported\\ninto this city from the North, and sold here, were manufactured\\nin Richmond. What a great addition it would be to the means\\nof employment How many boys and females would find the\\nmeans of earning their bread, who are now suffering for a regular\\nsupply of the necessaries of life.\\nA citizen of New-Orleans, writing in DeBow s Review,\\nsays\\nAt present the sources of employment open to females (save\\nin menial offices) are very limited and an inability to procure\\nsuitable occupation is an evil much to be deplored, as tending in\\nits consequeuces to produce demoralization. The superior grades\\nof female labor may be considered such as imply a necessity for", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "380 FACTS ANT) ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\neducation on the part of the employee, while the menial class is\\ngenerally regarded as of the lowest and in a slave State, this\\nstandard is in the lowest depths, a lower deep, from the fact,\\nthat, by association, it is a reduction of the white servant to the\\nlevel of their colored fellow-menials.\\nBlack slave labor, though far less valuable, is almost\\ninvariably better paid than free white labor. The reason\\nis this The fiat of the oligarchy has made it fashionable to\\nhave negroes around, and there are, wo are grieved to\\nsay, many non-slaveholding whites, (lickspittles,) who, in\\norder to retain on their premises a hired slave whom they\\nfalsely imagine secures to them not only the appearance\\nof wealth, but also a position of high social standing in\\nthe community, keep themselves in a perpetual strait.\\nLast Spring we made it our special business to ascertain\\nthe ruling rates of wages paid for labor, free and slave, in\\nNorth Carolina. We found sober, energetic white men,\\nbetween twenty and forty years of age, engaged in agri-\\ncultural pursuits at a salary of $84 per annum including\\nboard only negro men, slaves, who performed little more\\nthan half the amount of labor, and who were exceedingly\\nsluggish, awkward, and careless in all their movements,\\nwere hired out on adjoining farms at an average of about\\n$115 per annum, including board, clothing, and medical\\nattendance. Free white men and slaves were in the em-\\nploy of the North Carolina Railroad Company the former,\\nwhose services, in our opinion, were at least twice as val-\\nuable as the services of the latter, received only $12 per\\nmonth each the masters of the latter received $16 per\\nmonth for every slave so employed. Industrious, tidy", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE. 381\\nwhite girls, from sixteen to twenty years of age, had much\\ndifficulty in hiring themselves out as domestics in private\\nfamilies for $40 per annum board only included negro\\nwenches, slaves, of corresponding ages, so ungraceful,\\nstupid and filthy that no decent man would ever permit\\none of them to cross the threshold of his dwelling, were in\\nbrisk demand at from $65 to $?0 per annum, including\\nvictuals, clothes, and medical attendance. These are facts,\\nand in considering them, the students of political and so-\\ncial economy will not fail to arrive at conclusions of their\\nown.\\nNotwithstanding the greater density of population in\\nthe free States, labor of every kind is, on an average, about\\none hundred per cent, higher there than it is in the slave\\nStates. This is another important fact, and one that every\\nnon-slaveholding white should keep registered in his mind.\\nPoverty, ignorance, and superstition, are the three lead-\\ning characteristics of the non-slaveholding whites of the\\nSouth. Many of them grow up to the age of maturity, and\\npass through life without even owning as much as five\\ndollars at any one time. Thousands of them die at an ad-\\nvanced age, as ignorant of the common alphabet as if it\\nhad never been invented. All are more or less impressed\\nwith a belief in witches, ghosts, and supernatural signs.\\nFew are exempt from habits of sensuality and intemperance.\\nNone have anything like adequate ideas of the duties\\nwhich they owe either to their God, to themselves, or to\\ntheir fellow-men. Pitiable, indeed, in the fullest sense of\\nthe term, is their condition.\\nIt is the almost utter lack of an education that has re-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "382 FACTS AND ARGUMENTS BY THE WAYSIDE.\\nduced them to their present unenviable situation. In the\\nwhole South there is scarcely a publication of any kind\\ndevoted to their interests. They are now completely un-\\nder the domination of the oligarchy, and it is madness to\\nsuppose that they will ever be able to rise to a position of\\ntrue manhood, until after the slave power shall have been\\nutterly overthrown.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 383\\nCHAPTER XI.\\nSOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nIt is with some degree of hesitation that we add a chap-\\nter on Southern Literature not that the theme is inap-\\npropriate to this work still less, that it is an unfruitful\\none but our hesitation results from our conscious inabil-\\nity, in the limited time and space at our command, to do\\nthe subject justice. Few, except those whose experience\\nhas taught them, have any adequate idea of the amount\\nof preparatory labor requisite to the production of a work\\ninto which the statistical element largely enters espe-\\ncially is this so, when the statistics desired are not readi-\\nly accessible through public and official documents. The\\nauthor who honestly aims at entire accuracy in his state-\\nments, may find himself baffled for weeks in his pursuit\\nof a single item of information, not of much importance in\\nitself perhaps, when separately considered, but necessary\\nin its connection with others, to the completion of a har-\\nmonious whole. Not unfrequently, during the preparation\\nof the preceding pages, have we been subjected to this\\ndelay and annoyance.\\nThe following brief references to the protracted prepar-\\natory labors and inevitable delays to which authors are", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "384 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nsubjected, may interest our readers, and induce them to\\nregard with charity any deficiencies, either in detail or in\\ngeneral arrangement, which, owing to the necessary haste\\nof preparation, these concluding pages of our work may\\nexhibit\\nGoldsmith was engaged nine years in the preparation\\nof The Traveller, and five years in gathering and arrang-\\ning the incidents of his Deserted Village, and two years\\nin their versification.\\nBancroft, the American Historian, has been more than\\nthirty years engaged upon his History of the United States,\\nfrom his projection of the work to the present date and\\nthat History is not yet completed.\\nHildreth, a no less eminent historian, from the time he\\nbegan to collect materials for his History of the United\\nStates to the date of its completion, devoted no less than\\ntwenty-five years to the work.\\nWebster, our great lexicographer, gave thirty-five years\\nof his life in bringing his Unabridged Dictionary of the\\nEnglish Language to the degree of accuracy and complete-\\nness in which we now find it.\\nDr. John W. Mason, after ten years labor in the accu-\\nmulation of materials for a Life of Alexander Hamilton,\\nwas compelled to relinquish the work on account of im-\\npaired health.\\nMr. James Banks, of Fayetteville, North Carolina, who\\nrecently delivered a lecture upon the Life and Character of\\nFlora McDonald, was eighteen years in the collection of\\nhis materials.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 385\\nOulibicheff, a distinguished Russian author, spent twenty-\\nfive years in writing the Life of Mozart.\\nExamples of this kind might be multiplied to an almost\\nindefinite extent. Indeed, almost all the poets, prose-\\nwriters, painters, sculptors, composers, and other devotees\\nof Art, who have won undying fame for themselves, have\\ndone so through long years of earnest and almost unre-\\nmitted toil.\\nWe are quite conscious that the fullness and accuracy\\nof statement which are desirable in this chapter cannot be\\nattained in the brief time allowed us for its completion\\nbut, though much will necessarily be omitted that ought\\nto be said, we shall endeavor to make no statement of\\nfacts which are not well authenticated, and no inferences\\nfrom the same which are not logically true. We can only\\npromise to do the best in our power, with the materials at\\nour command, to exhibit the inevitable influence of slavery\\nupon Southern Literature, and to demonstrate that the ac-\\ncursed institution so cherished by the oligarchy, is no less\\nprejudicial to our advancement in letters, than it is destruc-\\ntive of our material prosperity.\\nWhat is the actual condition of Literature at the South\\nOur question includes more than simple authorship in the\\nvarious departments of letters, from the compilation of a\\nprimary reader to the production of a Scientific or Theo-\\nlogical Treatise. We comprehend in it all the activities\\nengaged in the creation, publication, and sale of books\\nand periodicals, from the penny primer to the heavy folio,\\nand from the clingy, coarse-typed weekly paper, to the\\nlarge, well-filled daily.\\n11", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "336 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nIt were unjust to deny a degree of intellectual activity\\nto the South. It has produced a few good authors\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a few\\ncompetent editors, and a moderately large number of\\nclever magazinists, paragraphists, essayists and critics.\\nAbsolutely, then, it must be conceded that the South has\\nsomething that may be called a literature it is only when\\nwe speak of her in comparison with the North, that we say,\\nwith a pardonably strong expression, The South has no\\nliterature. This was virtually admitted by more than one\\nspeaker at the late Southern Convention at Savannah.\\nSaid a South Carolina orator on that occasion It is im-\\nportant that the South should have a literature of her own,\\nto defend her principles and her rights a sufficiently\\nplain concession that she has not, now, such a literature.\\nBut facts speak more significantly than the rounded periods\\nof Convention orators. Let us look at facts, then.\\nFirst, turning our attention to the periodical literature\\nof the South, we obtain these results By the census of\\n1850, we ascertain that the entire number of periodicals,\\ndaily, semi-weekly, weekly, semi-monthly, monthly and\\nquarterly, published in the slave States, including the Dis-\\ntrict of Columbia, were seven hundred and twenty-two.\\nThese had an aggregate yearly circulation of ninety-two\\nmillion one hundred and sixty-seven thousand one hundred\\nand twenty-nine. (92,167,129). The number of periodicals,\\nof every class, published in the non-slavcliolding States\\n(exclusive of California) was one thousand eight hundred\\nand ninety-three, with an aggregate yearly circulation of\\nthree hundred and thirty-three million three hundred and\\neighty-six thousand and eighty-one. (333,336,081).", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 381\\nWe are aware that there may be inaccuracies in the fore-\\ngoing estimates but the compilers of the census, not we,\\nare responsible for them. Besides, the figures are unques-\\ntionably as fair for the South as for the North we accept\\nthem, therefore, as a just basis of our comparisons. Nearly\\nseven years have elapsed since these statistics were taken,\\nand these seven years have wrought an immense change\\nin the journalism of the North, without any corresponding\\nchange in that of the South. It is noteworthy that, as a\\ngeneral thing, the principal journals of the free States are\\nmore comprehensive in their scope, more complete in every\\ndepartment, and enlist, if not a higher order of talent, at\\nleast more talent, than they did seven years ago. This im-\\nprovement extends not only to the metropolitan, but to the\\ncountry papers also. In fact, the very highest literary\\nability, in finance, in political economy, in science, in sta-\\ntism, in law, in theology, in medicine, in the belles-lettres,\\nis laid under contribution by the journals of the non-slave-\\nholding States. This is true only to a very limited degree\\nof Southern journals. Their position, with but few excep-\\ntions, is substantially the same that it was ten years ago s\\nThey are neither worse nor better the imbecility and in-\\nertia which attaches to everything which slavery touches,\\nclings to them now as tenaciously as it did when Henry\\nA. Wise thanked God for the paucity of newspapers in the\\nOld Dominion, and the platitudes of Father Ritchie were\\nrecognized as the political gospel of the South. They have\\nnot, so far as we can learn, increased materially in number,\\nnor in the aggregate of their yearly circulation. In the\\nfree States, no week passes that does not add to the num-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "388 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nber of their journals, and extend the circle of their readers\\nand their influence. Since the census tables to which we\\nhave referred were prepared, two of the many excellent\\nweekly journals of which the city of New-York can boast,\\nhave sprung into being, and attained an aggregate circu-\\nlation more than twice as large as that of the entire news-\\npaper press of Virginia in 1850\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and exceeding, by some\\nthousands, the aggregate circulation of the two hundred\\nand fifty journals of which Alabama, Arkansas, Kentucky,\\nGeorgia, North Carolina and Florida, could boast at the\\ntime above-mentioned.\\nIn this connection, we beg leave to introduce the fol-\\nlowing letter, kindly furnislhed us by the proprietors of\\nthe N. Y. Tribune, in answer to enquiries which we ad-\\ndressed to them\\nTribune Office. New York, f\\n30th May 1857.\\nMe. II. R. Helper,\\nSir\\nIn answer to your inquiry we inform you that we employ in\\nour building one hundred and seventy-six persons regularly:\\nthis does not include our carriers and cartmen, nor does it include\\nthe men employed in the Job Office in our building. During\\nthe past year we have used in printing The Tribune, Forty-four\\nthousand nine hundred and seventy nine (44,979) reams of paper,\\nweighing two million three hundred and ten thousand one\\nhundred and thirty (2,310,130) pounds. We publish one hundred\\nand seventy-six thousand copies of our weekly edition, which\\ngoes to press, the second form, at 7 1-2 o clock, A. M. and is\\nfinished at 2 A. M. the next morning. Our mailers require\\neighteen to nineteen hours to mail our Weekly, which makes\\nfrom thirty to thirty-two cart loads.\\nYery respectfully,\\nGreeley McElrath.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 389\\nThroughout the non-slaveholding States, the newspaper\\nor magazine that has not improved during the last decade\\nof years, is an exception to the general rule. Throughout\\nthe entire slaveholding States, the newspaper or maga-\\nzine that has improved during that time, is no less an\\nexception to the general rule that there obtains. Outside\\nof the larger cities of the South, there are not, probably,\\nhalf a dozen newspapers in the whole slaveholding region\\nthat can safely challenge a comparison with the country-\\npress of the North. What that country-press was twenty\\nyears ago, the country-press of the South is now.\\nWe do not deny that the South has produced able jour-\\nnalists and that some of the newspapers of her princi-\\npal cities exhibit a degree of enterprise and talent that can-\\nnot fail to command for them the respect of all intelligent\\nmen. But these journals, we regret to say, are marked\\nexceptions to the general condition of the Southern press\\nand even the best of these fall far below the standard of ex-\\ncellence attained by the leading journals of the North. In\\nfact, whether our comparison embraces quantity only, or\\nextends to both quantity and quality, it is found to be\\nimmeasurably in favor of the non-slaveholding States,\\nwhich *in journalism, as in all other industrial pursuits,\\nleave their slavery-cursed competitors at an infinite dis-\\ntance behind them, and thus vindicate the superiority of\\nfree institutions, which, recognizing labor as honorable,\\nsecure its rewards for all.\\nThe literary vassalage of the South to the North con-\\nstitutes in itself a most significant commentary upon the\\ndiatribes of the former concerning a purely Southern", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "390 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nliterature. To begin at the beginning the Alphabetical\\nBlocks and Educational tables from which our Southern\\nabecedarian takes his initial lesson, were projected and\\nmanufactured in the North. Going forward a step, we\\nfind the youngling intent in spelling short sentences, or\\ngratifying his juvenile fondness for the fine arts by copy-\\ning the wood-cuts from his Northern primer. Yet another\\nstep, and we discover him with his Sanders Reader, his\\nMitchell s Geography, his Emerson s Arithmetic, all pro-\\nduced by Northern mind and Northern enterprise. There\\nis nothing wrong in this it is only a little ridiculous in\\nview of the fulminations of the Southern pro-slavery press\\nagainst the North. Occasionally however we are amused\\nby the efforts of the oligarchs to make their own school-\\nbooks, or to root out of all educational text-books every\\nreference to the pestilential heresy of freedom. A gen-\\ntleman in Charleston, S. C. is devoting his energies to\\nthe preparation of a series of pro-slavery elementary works,\\nconsisting of primers, readers, c. and lo they are all\\nprinted, stitched and bound north of Mason and Dixon s\\nline A single fact like this is sufficient to overturn whole\\nfolios of theory concerning the divinity of slavery. The\\ntruth is, that, not school-books alone, but works ofalmost\\nevery class produced by the South, depend upon Northern\\nenterprise and skill for their introduction to the public\\nMr. DeBow, the eminent Statistician, publishes a Southern\\nReview, purporting to be issued from New Orleans. It\\nis printed and bound in the city of New York. We clip\\nthe following paragraph from a recent number of the\\nYicksburgh (Miss.) Whig:", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 391\\nSouthern Enterprize. Even the Mississippi Legislature,\\nat its late session allowed its laws to go to Boston to be printed,\\nand made an appropriation of $3,000 to pay one of its members\\nto go there and read the proof sheets instead of having it done\\nin the State, and thereby assisting in building up a Southern\\npublishing house. What a commentary on the Yankee-haters\\nThe Greensboro (N. C.) Patriot thus records a similar\\ncontribution, on the part of that State, to the creation of\\na purely Southern Literature\\nWe have heard it said, that those who had the control\\nof the printing of the revised Statutes of North Carolina, in\\norder to save a few dimes, had the work executed in Boston, in\\npreference to giving the job to a citizen of this State. We\\nimpugn not the motives of the agents in this matter but it is a\\nlittle humiliating that no work except the commonest labor, can\\nbe done in North Carolina that everything which requires a little\\nskill, capital, or ingenuity, must be sent North. In the case under\\nconsideration, we have heard it remarked, that when the whole\\nbill of expenses connected with the printing of the Revised\\nStatutes in Boston was footed up, it only amounted to a few\\nthousand dollars more than the job would have cost in this\\nState. But then we have the consolation of knowing that\\nthe book came from the North, and that it was printed among\\nthe abolitionists of Boston the jjeculiar friends of North Carolina\\nand the South generally. Of course we ought to be willing to\\npay a few extra thousands in consideration of these important\\nfacts\\nSouthern divines give us elaborate Bible Arguments\\nSouthern statists heap treatise upon treatise through\\nwhich the Federal Constitution is tortured into all mon-\\nstrous shapes Southern novelists bore us ad infinitum\\nwith pictures of the beatitudes of plantation life and the\\nnegro-quarters Southern verse- wrights drone out their", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "392 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\ndrowsy dactyls or grow vcntricous with their turgid heroes,\\nall in defence of slavery, priest, politician, novelist, bard-\\nling, severally ringing the changes upon the Biblical\\ninstitution, the conservative institution, the human-\\nizing institution, the patriarchal institution and\\nthen have their books printed on Northern paper, with\\nNorthern types, by Northern artizans, stitched, bound and\\nmade ready for the market by Northern industry and\\nyet fail to see in all this, as a true philosophical mind\\nmust see, an overwhelming refutation of their miserable\\nsophisms in behalf of a system against which humanity\\nin all its impulses and aspirations, and civilization in all\\nits activities and triumphs, utter their perpetual protest.\\nFrom a curious article in the American Publishers\\nCircular on Book Making in America, we give the fol-\\nlowing extracts\\nIt is somewhat alarming to know that the number of houses\\nnow actually engaged in the publishing of books, not including\\nperiodicals, amounts to more than three hundred. About three-\\nfourths of these are engaged in Boston, New-York, Philadelphia,\\nand Baltimore the balance being divided between Cincinnati,\\nBuffalo, Auburn, Albany, Louisville, Chicago. St. Louis, and a\\nfew other places. There are more than three thousand book-\\nsellers who dispense the publications of these three hundred, be-\\nsides six or seven thousand apothecaries, grocers, and hardware\\ndealers, who connect literature with drugs, molasses, and nails.\\nThe best printing in America is probably now done in Cam-\\nbridge the best cloth binding in Boston, and the best calf and\\nmorocco in New-York and Philadelphia. In these two latter\\nstyles we are, as yet, a long distance from Heyday, the pride of\\nLondon. His finish is supreme. There is nothing between it\\nand perfection.\\nBooks have multiplied to such an extent in our country, that", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 393\\nit now takes 750 paper mills, with 2,000 engines in constant\\noperation, to supply the printers, who work day and night, en-\\ndeavoring to keep their engagements with publishers. These\\ntireless mills produced 270,000.000 pounds of paper the past year,\\nwhich immense supply has sold for about $27,000,000. A pound\\nand a quarter of rags were required for a pound of paper, and\\n400,000.000 pounds were therefore consumed in this way last\\nyear. The cost of manufacturing a twelve months supply of\\npaper for the United States, aside from labor and rags, is com-\\nputed at $4,000,000.\\nThe Harper establishment, the largest of our publishing\\nhouses, covers half an acre of ground. If old Mr. Caxton, who\\nprinted those stories of the Trojan war so long ago, could follow\\nthe Ex-Mayor of New-York in one of his morning rounds in\\nFranklin Square, he would be, to say the least, a little surprised.\\nHe would see in one room the floor loaded with the weight of\\n150 tons of presses. The electrotyping process would puzzle\\nhim somew hat the drying and pressing process would startle\\nhim the bustle would make his head ache and the stock-room\\nwould quite finish him. An edition of Harpers Monthly Maga-\\nzine alone consists of 175,000. Few persous have any idea how\\nlarge a number this is as applied to the edition of a book. It is\\ncomputed that if these magazines were to rain down, and one\\nman should attempt to pick them up like chips, it would take\\nhim a fortnight to pick up the copies of one single number, sup-\\nposing him to pick up one every second, and to work ten hours\\na day.\\nThe rapidity with which books are now manufactured is\\nalmost incredible. A complete copy of one of Bulwer s novels,\\npublished across the water in three volumes, and reproduced\\nhere in one, was swept through the press in New-York in fifty\\nhours, and offered for sale smoking hot in the streets. The fabu-\\nlous edifice proposed by a Yankee from Vermont, no longer seems\\nan impossibility. Build the establishment according to my\\nplan. said he drive a sheep in at one end, and he shall imme-\\ndiately come out at the other, four quarters of lamb, a felt hat, a\\nleather apron, and a quarto Bible.\\n17*", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "394 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nThe business of the Messrs. Harper, whose establish-\\nment is referred to in the foregoing extract, is probably\\nmore generally diffused over every section of this country\\nthan that of any other publishing house. From enquiries\\nrecently made of them we learn that they issue, on an\\naverage, 3,000 bound volumes per day, throughout the year,\\nand that each volume will average 500 pages making a\\ntotal of about one million of volumes, and not less than\\nfive hundred millions of pages per annum. This does not\\ninclude the Magazine and books in pamphlet form, each\\nof which contains as much matter as a bound volume.\\nTheir bills for paper exceed $300,000 annually, and as the\\naverage cost is fifteen cents per pound, they consume\\nmore than two millions of pounds say one thousand tons\\nof white paper.\\nThere are regularly employed in their own premises\\nabout 550 persons, including printers, binders, engravers,\\nand clerks. These are all paid in full once a fortnight in\\nbankable money. Besides these, there are numerous au-\\nthors and artists in every section of the country, who fur-\\nnish manuscripts and illustrations, on terms generally\\nsatisfactory to all the parties interested.\\nThe Magazine has a monthly circulation of between\\n115,000 and 200,000, or about two millions of copies annu-\\nally. Each number of the Magazine is closed up about\\nthe fifth of the month previous to its date. Three or four\\ndays thereafter the mailing begins, commencing with\\nmore distant subscribers, all of whom are supplied before\\nany copies are sold for delivery in New-York. The inten-\\ntion of .the publishers is, that it shall be delivered as nearly", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 305\\nas possible on the same clay in St. Louis, New-Orleans,\\nCincinnati, Philadelphia, Boston, and New- York. It takes\\nfrom ten to twelve days to dispatch the whole edition,\\n(which weighs between four and five tons,) by mail and\\nexpress.\\nTheir new periodical, Harpers Weekly, has, in a little\\nmore than four months, reached a sale of nearly 10,000\\ncopies. The mailing of this commences on Tuesday night,\\nand occupies about three days.\\nEx-Mayor Harper, whom we have found to be one of\\nthe most affable and estimable gentlemen in the city of\\nNew-York, informed us, sometime ago, that, though he had\\nno means of knowing positively, he was of the opinion that\\nabout eighty per cent, of all their publications find final\\npurchasers in the free States the remainder, about twenty\\nper cent., in the slave States. Yet it is probable that, with\\none or two exceptions, no other publishing house in the\\ncountry has so large a per centage of Southern trade.\\nOf the more than three hundred houses engaged in the\\npublication of books, to which the writer in the Ameri-\\ncan Publishers Circular refers, upwards of nine-tenths of\\nthe number are in the non-slaveholding States, and these\\nrepresent not less than ninety-nine hundredths of the\\nwhole capital invested in the business. Baltimore has\\ntwice as many publishers as any other Southern city and\\nnearly as many as the whole South beside. The census\\nreturns of 1850 give but twenty-four publishers for the\\nentire South, and ten of these were in Maryland. The\\nrelative disproportion which then existed in this branch\\nof enterprise, between the North and the South, still", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "396 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nexists or, if it lias been changed at all, that change is\\nin favor of the North. So of all the capital, enterprise\\nand industry involved in the manufacture of the material\\nthat enters into the composition of books. All the paper\\nmanufactories of the South do not produce enough to sup-\\nply a single publishing house in the city of New-York.\\nPerhaps a Southern Literature does not necessarily in-\\nvolve the enterprises requisite to the manufacture of books\\nbut experience has shown that there is a somewhat inti-\\nmate relation between the author, printer, paper-maker\\nand publisher in other words, that the intellectual activ-\\nity which expresses itself in books, is measurable by the\\nmechanical activities engaged in their manufacture.\\nThus a State that is fruitful in authors will almost necessa-\\nrily be fruitful in publishers and the number of both classes\\nwill be proportioned to the reading population. The pov-\\nerty of Southern literature is legitimately shown, there-\\nfore, in the paucity of Southern publishers. We do not\\ndeny a high degree of cultivated talent to the South we\\nare familiar with the names of her sons whose genius has\\nmade them eminent all that we insist upon is, that the\\nsame accursed influence which has smitten her industrial\\nenterprises with paralysis, and retarded indefinitely her\\nmaterial advancement, has exerted a correspondiug influ-\\nence upon her literature. How it has done this we shall\\nmore fully indicate before we close the chapter.\\nAt the Southern Convention held some months since\\nat Savannah, a good deal was said about Southern liter-\\nature, and many suggestions made in reference to the\\nbest means for its promotion. One speaker thought that", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\n391\\nthey could get text-books at home without going to either\\nOld England or New England for them. Well\u00e2\u0080\u0094 they can\\ntry. The effort will not harm them nor the North either.\\nThe orator was confident that the South had talent enough\\nto do anything that needs to be done, and independence\\nenough to do it, The talent we shall not deny the inde-\\npendence we are ready to believe in when we see it. When\\nshe throws off the incubus of slavery under which she goes\\nstaggering like the Sailor of Bagdad under the weight of\\nthe Old Man of the Sea, she will prove her independence,\\nand demonstrate her ability to do anything that needs to\\nbe done. Till then she is but a fettered giant, whose\\nvitals are torn by the dogs which her own folly has engen-\\ndered.\\nAnother speaker, on the occasion referred to, half-uncon-\\nsciously it would seem, threw a gleam of light upon the\\nsubject under discussion, which, had not himself and his\\nhearers been bat-blind, would have revealed the clue that\\nconducts from the darkness in which they burrow to the\\nday of redemption for the South. Said he\\nNorthern publishers employ the talent of the South and of\\nthe whole country to write for them, and pour out thousands an-\\nnually for it but Southern men expect to get talent without\\npaying for it. The Southern Quarterly Review and the Literary\\nMessenger are literally struggling for existence, for want of mate-\\nrial aid. It is not the South that builds up Northern lit-\\nerature\u00e2\u0080\u0094 they do it themselves. There is talent and mind and\\npoetic genius enough in the South to build up a literature of a\\nhigh order but Southern publishers cannot get money enough\\nto assist them in their enterprises, and, therefore, the South has\\nno literature.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "398 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nHere are truths. Southern men expect to get talent\\nwithout paying for it. A very natural expectation, con-\\nsidering that they have been accustomed to have all their\\nmaterial wants supplied by the uncompensated toil of their\\nslaves. In this instance it may seem an absurd one, but\\nit results legitimately from the system of slavery. That\\nsystem, in fact, operates in a two-fold way against the\\nSouthern publisher first, by its practical repudiation of\\nthe scriptural axiom that the laborer is worthy of his hire\\nand secondly, by restricting the circle of readers through\\nthe ignorance which it inevitably engenders. How is it\\nthat the people of the North build up their literature\\nTwo w T ords reveal the secret intelligence compensation.\\nThey are a reading people the poorest artizan or day-laborer\\nhas his shelf of books, or his daily or weekly paper, whose\\ncontents he seldom fails to master before retiring at night\\nand they are accustomed to pay for all the boohs and papers which\\nthey peruse. Readers and payers these are the men who\\ninsure the prosperity of publishers. Where a system of\\nenforced servitude prevails, it is very apt to beget loose\\nnotions about the obligation of paying for anything and\\nmany minds fail to see the distinction, morally, between\\ncompelling Sambo to pick cotton without paying him wa-\\nges, or compelling Lippincott Co. to manufacture books\\nfor the planter s pleasure or edification upon the same libr\\neral terms. But more than this where a system of en-\\nforced servitude prevails, a fearful degree of ignorance\\nprevails also, as its necessary accompaniment. The en-\\nslaved masses are, of course, thrust back from the fountains\\nof knowledge by the strong arm of law, while the poor", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 399\\nnon-slaveholding classes arc almost as effectually excluded\\nfrom the institutions of learning by their poverty the\\nsparse population of slaveholding districts being 1 unfavor-\\nable to the maintenance of free schools, and the exigencies\\nof their condition forbidding them to avail themselves of\\nany more costly educational privileges.\\nNorthern publishers can employ the talent of the South\\nand of the whole country to write for them, and pour out\\nthousands annually for it, simply because a reading pop-\\nulation, accustomed to pay for the service which it receives,\\nenables them to do so. A similar population at the South\\nwould enable Southern publishers to do the same. Substi-\\ntute free labor for slave labor, the institutions of freedom\\nfor those of slavery, and it would not long remain true\\nthat Southern publishers cannot get money enough to\\nassist them in their enterprises, and therefore the South\\nhas no literature. This is the discovery which the South\\nCarolina orator from whom we quote, but narrowly escaped\\nmaking, when he stood upon its very edge, and rounded\\nhis periods with the truths in whose unapprehended mean-\\nings was hidden this germ of redemption for a nation.\\nThe self-stultification of folly, however, was never more\\nevident than it is in the current gabble of the oligarchs\\nabout a Southern literature. They do not mean by it a\\nhealthy, manly, normal utterance of unfettered minds,\\nwithout which there can be no proper literature but an\\nemasculated substitute therefor, from which the element\\nof freedom is eliminated husks, from which the kernel\\nhas escaped a body, from which the vitalizing spirit has\\nfled a literature which ignores manhood by confounding", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "400 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nit with bfutehood or, at best, deals with all similes of\\nfreedom as treason against the peculiar institution.\\nThere is not a single great name in the literary annals of\\nthe old or new world that could drawf itself to the stature\\nrequisite to gain admission into the Pantheon erected by\\nthese devotees of the Inane for their Lilliputian deities.\\nThank God, a Southern literature, in the sense intended\\nby the champions of slavery, is a simple impossibility,\\nrendered such by that exility of mind which they demand\\nin its producers as a prerequisite to admission into the\\nguild of Southern authorship. The tenuous thoughts of\\nsuch authorlings could not survive a single breath of manly\\ncriticism. The history of the rise, progress, and decline\\nof literature could be easily written on a child s smooth\\npalm, and leave space enough for its funeral oration and\\nepitaph. The latter might appropriately be that which,\\nin one of our rural districts, marks the grave of a still-born\\ninfant\\nIf so early I am done for.\\nI wonder what I was begun for\\nWe desire to see the South bear its just proportion in\\nthe literary activities and achievements of our common\\ncountry. It has never yet done so, and it never will until\\nits own manhood is vindicated in the abolition of slavery.\\nThe impulse which such a measure would give to all in-\\ndustrial pursuits that deal with the elements of material\\nprosperity, would be imparted also to the no less valuable\\nbut more intangible creations of the mind. Take from the\\nintellect of the South the incubus which now oppresses it,\\nand its rebound would be glorious the era of its diviner", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 401\\ninspirations would begin and its triumphs would be a\\nperpetual vindication of the superiority of free institutions\\nover those of slavery.\\nTo Duyckinck s Cyclopedia of American Literature a\\nsort of Omnium-gather urn that reminds one of Jeremiah s\\nfigs we are indebted for the following facts The whole\\nnumber of American authors whose place of nativity\\nis given, is five hundred and sixty-nine. Of these seventy-\\nnine were foreign born, eighty-seven were natives of the\\nSouth, and four hundred and three a vast majority of\\nthe whole, first breathed the vital air in the free North.\\nMany of those who were born in the South, received their\\neducation in the North, quite a number of whom became\\npermanent residents thereof. Still, for the purposes of\\nthis computation, we count them on the side of the South.\\nYet how significant the comparison which this computa-\\ntion furnishes i Throwing the foreign born (adopted\\ncitizens, mostly residents of the North) out of the reckoning,\\nand the record stands, Northern sfathors fowr hundred and\\nthree Southern, eighty-seven a difference of three hundred\\nand sixteen in favor of the North And this, probably,\\nindicates very fairly the relative intellectual activity of\\nthe two sections.\\nWe accept the facts gleaned from Duyckinck s work as\\na basis, simply, of our estimate not as being absolutely\\naccurate in themselves, though they are doubtless relia-\\nble in the main, and certainly as fair for the South as\\nthey are for the North. We might dissent from the judg-\\nment of the compiler in reference to the propriety of\\napplying the term literature to much that his compila-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "402 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\ntion contains but as tastes have proverbially differed\\nfrom the days of the venerable darne who kissed her cow\\nnot to extend our researches into the condition of tilings\\nanterior to that interesting event we will not insist upon\\nour view of the matter, but take it for granted that he has\\ndisentombed from forgotten reviews, newspapers, pamph-\\nlets, and posters, a fair relative proportion of authors\\nfor both North and South, for which American Litera-\\nture is unquestionably under infinite obligations to him\\nGris wold s Poets and Poetry of America and Thomas\\nBuchanan Read s Female Poets of America furnish evi-\\ndence, equally conclusive, of the benumbing influence of\\nslavery upon the intellect of a country. Of course, these\\ncompilers say nothing about Slavery, and probably never\\nthought of it in connection with their respective works,\\nbut none the less significant on that account is the testi-\\nmony of the facts which they give. From the last edition\\nof Griswold s compilation, which contains the names of\\nnone of our female writers, he having included them in a\\nseparate volume) we find the names of one hundred and\\nforty-one writers of verse of these one was foreign-born,\\nseventeen natives of the slaveholding, and one hundred and\\ntwenty-three, of the non-slaveholding States. Of our female\\npoets, whose nativity is given by Mr. Read, eleven are\\nnatives of the South and seventy-three of the North These\\nsimple arithmetical figures are God s eternal Scripture\\nagainst the folly and madness of Slavery, and need no aid\\nof rhetoric to give emphasis to the startling eloquence of\\ntbeir revelations.\\nBut, after all, literature is not to be estimated by cubic", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 403\\nfeet or pounds averdupois, nor measured by the bushel or\\nthe yardstick. Quality, rather than quantity, is the true\\nstandard of estimation. The fact, however, matters little\\nfor our present purpose for the South, we are sorry to\\nsay, is as much behind the North in the former as in the\\nlatter. We do not forget the names of Gayarre, Benton,\\nSimms, and other eminent citizens of the Slave States,\\nwho have by their contributions to American letters con-\\nferred honor upon themselves and upon our common coun-\\ntry, when we affirm, that those among our authors who\\nenjoy a cosmopolitan reputation, are, with a few honor-\\nable exceptions, natives of the Free North and that the\\nnames which most brilliantly illustrate our literature, in\\nits every department, are those which have grown into\\ngreatness under the nurturing influence of free institu-\\ntions. Comparisons are odious, it is said and we will\\nnot, unnecessarily, render them more so, in the present\\ninstance, by contrasting, name by name, the literary men\\nof the South with the literary men of the North. We do\\nnot depreciate the former, nor overestimate the latter.\\nBut let us ask, whence come our geographers, our astron-\\nomers, our chemists, our meteorologists, our ethnologists,\\nand others, who have made their names illustrious in the\\ndomain of the Natural Sciences Not from the Slave\\nStates, certainly. In the Literature of Law, the South\\ncan furnish no name that can claim peership with those of\\nStory and of Kent in History, none that tower up to the\\naltitude of Bancroft, Prescott, Hildreth, Motley and Wash-\\nington Irving in Theology, none that can challenge\\nfavorable comparison with those of Edwards, Dwight,", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "404 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nChanning, Taylor, Bushnell, Tyler and Wayland in Fic-\\ntion, none that take rank with Cooper, and Mrs. Stowc\\nand but few that may do so with even the second class\\nnovelists of the North in Poetry, none that can command\\nposition with Bryant, Halleck, and Percival, with Whit-\\ntier, Longfellow, and Lowell, with Willis, Stoddard and\\nTaylor, with Holmes, Saxe, and Burleigh and we might\\nadd twenty other Northern names before we found their\\nSouthern peer, with the exception of poor Toe, who, with-\\nin a narrow range of subjects, showed himself a poet\\nof consummate art, and occupies a sort of debatable\\nground between our first and second-class writers.\\nWe might extend this comparison to our writers in\\nevery department of letters, from the compiler of school-\\nboo\u00c2\u00b0ks to the author of the most profound ethical treatise,\\nand with precisely the same result. But we forbear.\\nThe task is distasteful to our State pride, and would have\\nbeen entirely avoided had not a higher principle urged us\\nto its performance. It remains for us now to enquire,\\nWhat has produced this literary pauperism of the South\\nOne single word, most pregnant in its terrible meanings,\\nanswers the question. That word is Slavery But we\\nhave been so long accustomed to the ugly thing itself,\\nand have become so familiar with its no less ugly fruits,\\nthat the common mind fails to apprehend the connection\\nbetween the one, as cause, and the other as effect and\\nWe Southrons all glory in the literary reputation of Mr. Simms\\nyet we must confess his inferiority to Cooper, and prejudice alone\\nwill refuse to admit, that, while in the art of the novelist he is the\\nsuperior of Mrs. Stowe, in genius he must take position below her.", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 405\\nit therefore becomes necessary to give a more detailed\\nanswer to our interrogatory.\\nObviously, then, the conditions requisite to a flourish-\\ning literature are wanting at the South. These are\\nI. Readers. The people of the South are not a reading\\npeople. Many of the adult population never learned to\\nread still more, do not care to read. We have been im-\\npressed, during a temporary sojourn in the North, with\\nthe difference between the middle and laboring classes in\\nthe Free States, and the same classes in the Slave States,\\nin this respect. Passing along the great routes of travel\\nin the former, or taking our seat in the comfortable cars\\nthat pass up and down the avenues of our great commer-\\ncial metropolis, we have not failed to contrast the employ-\\nment of our fellow-passengers with that which occupies\\nthe attention of the corresponding classes on our various\\nSouthern routes of travel. In the one case, a large pro-\\nportion of the passengers seem intent upon mastering the\\ncontents of the newspaper, or some recently published\\nbook. The- merchant, the mechanic, the artizan, the pro-\\nfessional man, and even the common laborer, going to or\\nreturning from their daily avocations, are busy with their\\nmorning or evening paper, or engaged in an intelligent\\ndiscussion of some topic of public interest. This is their\\nleisure hour, and it is given to the acquisition of such in-\\nformation as may be of immediate or ultimate use, or to\\nthe cultivation of a taste for elegant literature. In the\\nother case, newspapers and books seem generally ignored,\\nand noisy discussions of village and State polities, the\\ntobacco and cotton-crops, filibusterisin i^juba, Nicaragua,", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "40(3 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nor Sonora, the price of negroes generally, and especially\\nof fine-looking wenches, the beauties of lynch-law, the\\ndelights of horse-racing, the excitement of street fights\\nwith bowie-knives and revolvers, the manifest destiny\\ntheory that justifies the stealing of all territory contigu-\\nous to our own, and kindred topics, constitute the warp\\nand woof of conversation. All this is on a level with the\\ngeneral intelligence of the Slave States. It is true, these\\nStates have their educated men\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the majority of whom\\nowe their literary culture to the colleges of the North.\\nNot that there are no Southern colleges-for there are in-\\nstitutions, so called, in a majority of the Slave States.-\\nSome of them, too, are not deficient in the appointments\\nrequisite to our higher educational institutions but as a\\ngeneral thing, Southern colleges are colleges only in name,\\nand will scarcely take rank with a third-rate Northern\\nacademy, while our academies, with a few exceptions, are\\nimmeasurably inferior to the public schools of New-York,\\nPhiladelphia, and Boston. The truth is, there is a vast\\ninert mass of stupidity and ignorance, too dense for indi-\\nvidual effort to enlighten or remove, in all communities\\ncursed with the institution of slavery. Disguise the un-\\nwelcome truth as we may, slavery is the parent of igno-\\nrance, and ignorance begets a whole brood of follies and\\nof vices, and every one of these is inevitably hostile to\\nliterary culture. The masses, if they think of literature\\nat all, think of it only as a costly luxury, to be monopo-\\nlized by the few.\\nThe proportion of white adults over twenty years of age,", "height": "2577", "width": "1512", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "southern literatitj:. 401\\nin each State, who cannot read and write, to the whole\\nwhite population, is as follows\\nConnecticut,\\n1 to\\nevery\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05G8\\nLouisiana,\\n1 to\\nevery\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a238A\\nVermont,\\n1\\nu\\n473\\nMaryland\\n1\\nu\\n27\\nN. Hampshire,\\n1\\n(I\\n310\\nMississippi,\\n1\\n(i\\n20\\nMassachusetts,\\n1\\nu\\n16G\\nDelaware,\\n1\\nci\\n18\\nMaine,\\n1\\na\\n108\\nSouth Carolina,\\n1\\nce\\n17\\nMichigan,\\n1\\nu\\n97\\nMissouri,\\n1\\n16\\nRhode Island,\\n1\\nCC\\n67\\nAlabama,\\n1\\n(i\\n15\\nNew Jersey,\\n1\\n(i\\n58\\nKentucky.\\n1\\na\\n13*\\nNew York,\\n1\\n5G\\nGeorgia,\\n1\\n13\\nPennsylvania,\\n1\\n(C\\n50\\nVirginia,\\n1\\nm\\nOhio,\\n1\\nc\\n43\\nArkansas,\\n1\\ni.\\nii*\\nIndiana,\\n1\\nK\\n18\\nTennessee,\\n1\\n(C\\na\\nIllinois,\\n1\\nU\\n17\\nNorth Carolina,\\n1\\nCi\\n7\\nIn this table, Illinois and Indiana are the only Free\\nStates which, in point of education, are surpassed by any\\nof the Slave States and this disgraceful fact is owing-,\\nprincipally, to the influx of foreigners, and to immigrants\\nfrom the Slave States. New- York, Rhode Island, and\\nPennsylvania have also a large foreign element in their\\npopulation, that swells very considerably this percent-\\nage of ignorance. For instance, New- York shows, by\\nthe last census, a population of 98,122 who cannot read\\nand write, and of this number 68,052 are foreigners\\nRhode Island, 3,601, of whom 2,359 are foreigners Penn-\\nsylvania, 16,212, of whom 24,989 are foreigners. On the\\nother hand, the ignorance of the Slave States is princi-\\npally native ignorance, but comparatively few emigrants\\nfrom Europe seeking a home upon a soil cursed with the\\npeculiar institution. North Carolina has a foreign popu-", "height": "2592", "width": "1553", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "408 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nlation of only 340, South Carolina only 104, Arkansas only\\n27, Tennessee only 505, and Virginia only 1,137, who can-\\nnot read and write while the aggregate of native igno-\\nrance in these five States (exclusive of the slaves, who are\\ndebarred all education by law) is 278,948 No longer ago\\nthan 1837, Governor Clarke, of Kentucky, in his message\\nto the Legislature of that State, declared that by the\\ncomputation of those most familiar with the subject, one-\\nthird of the adult population of the State are unable to write\\ntheir names and Governor Campbell, of Virginia, reported\\nto the Legislature, that from the returns of ninety-eight\\nclerks, it appeared that of 4,614 applications for marriage\\nlicenses in 1837, no less than 1,047 were made by men\\nunable to write.\\nIu the Slave States the proportion of free white children\\nbetween the ages of five and twenty, who are found at\\nany school or college, is not quite one-fifth of the whole\\nin the Free States, the proportion is more than three-fifths.\\nWe could fill our pages with facts like these to an\\nalmost indefinite extent, but it cannot be necessary. No\\ntruth is more demonstrable, nay, no truth has been more\\nabundantly demonstrated, than this that Slavery is hos-\\ntile to general education its strength, its very life, is in\\nthe ignorance and stolidity of the masses it naturally\\nand necessarily represses general literary culture. To\\ntalk, therefore, of the creation of a purely Southern\\nLiterature, without readers to demand, or writers to pro-\\nduce it, is the mere babble of idiocy.\\nII. Another thing essential to She creation of a litera-\\nture is Mental Freedom. How much of that is to be found", "height": "2567", "width": "1492", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 409\\nin the region of Slavery We will not say that there is\\nnone but if it exists, it exists as the outlawed antagonist\\nof human chattelhood. He who believes that the despo-\\ntism of the accursed institution expends its malignant\\nforces upon the slave, leaving intact the white and (so called)\\nfree population, is the victim of a most monstrous delu-\\nsion. One end of the yoke that bows the African to the\\ndust, presses heavily upon the neck of his Anglo-Saxon\\nmaster. The entire mind of the South either stultifies\\nitself into acquiescence with Slavery, succumbs to its\\nauthority, or chafes in indignant protest against its\\nmonstrous pretensions and outrageous usurpations. A\\nfree press is an institution almost unknown at the South.\\nFree speech is considered as treason against slavery\\nand when people dare neither speak nor print their\\nthoughts, free thought itself is well nigh extinguished.\\nAll that can be said in defence of human bondage, may be\\nspoken freely but question either its morality or its\\npolicy, and the terrors of lynch law are at once invoked to\\nput down the pestilent heresy. The legislation of the\\nSlave States for the suppression of the freedom of speech\\nand the press, is disgraceful and cowardly to the last\\ndegree, and can find its parallel only in the meanest and\\nbloodiest despotisms of the Old World. No institution\\nthat could bear the light would thus sneakingly seek to\\nburrow itself in utter darkness. Look, too, at the inobbings,\\nlynchings, robberies, social and political proscriptions,\\nand all manner of nameless outrages, to which men in the\\nSouth have been subje- ed, simply upon the suspicion that\\nthe.v were the enemies of Slavery. We could fill page\\n18", "height": "2572", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "410 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nafter page of this volume, with the record of such atroci-\\nties. But a simple reference to them is enough. Our\\ncountrymen have not yet forgotten why John C. Under-\\nwood was, but a few months since, banished from his\\nhome in Virginia, and the accomplished Hedreck driven\\nfrom his College professorship in North Carolina. They\\nbelieved Slavery inimical to the best interest of the South,\\nand for daring to give expression to this belief in mode-\\nrate yet manly language, they were ostracised by the\\ndespotic Slave Power, and compelled to seek a refuge\\nfrom its vengeance in States where the principles of free-\\ndom are better understood. Pending the last Presiden-\\ntial election, there were thousands, nay, tens of thousands\\nof voters in the Slave States, who desired to give their\\nsuffrages for the Republican nominee, John C. Fremont,\\nhimself a Southron, but a non-slaveholder. The Consti-\\ntution of the United States guaranteed to these men an\\nexpression of their preference at the ballot-box. But were\\nthey permitted such an expression Not at all. They\\nwere denounced, threatened, overawed, by the Slave\\nPower and it is not too much to say that there was\\nreally no Constitutional election, that is, no such free ex-\\npression of political preferences as the Constitution aims\\nto secure in a majority of the Slave States.\\nFrom a multiplicity of facts like these, the inference is\\nunavoidable, that Slavery tolerates no freedom of the\\npress no freedom of speech no freedom of opinion. To\\nexpect that a whole-souled, manly literature can flourish\\nunder such conditions, is as absurd as it would be to look\\nfor health amid the pestilential vapors of a dungeon, or", "height": "2577", "width": "1512", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN LITERATURE. 411\\nfor the continuance of animal life without the aid of\\noxygen.\\nIII. Mental activity force enterprise are requisite\\nto the creation of literature. Slavery tends to sluggish-\\nness imbecility inertia. Where free thought is trea-\\nson, the masses will not long take the trouble of thinking\\nat all. Desuetude begets incompetence the dare-mot soon\\nbecomes the cannot. The mind thus enslaved, necessarily\\nloses its interest in the processes of other minds and its\\ntendency is to sink down into absolute stolidity or sot-\\ntishness. Our remarks find melancholy confirmation in\\nthe abject servilism in which multitudes of the non-slave-\\nholding whites of the South are involved. In them,\\nambition, pride, self-respect, hope, seem alike extinct.\\nTheir slaveholding fellows are, in some respects, in a still\\nmore unhappy condition helpless, nerveless, ignorant,\\nselfish yet vain-glorious, self-sufficient and brutal. Are\\nthese the chosen architects who are expected to build up\\na purely Southern literature V\\nThe truth is, slavery destroys, or vitiates, or pollutes,\\nwhatever it touches. No interest of society escapes the\\ninfluence of its clinging curse. It makes Southern religion\\na stench in the nostrils of Christendom it makes Southern\\npolitics a libel upon all the principles of Republicanism\\nit makes Southern literature a travesty upon the honora-\\nble profession of letters. Than the better class of South-\\nern authors themselves, none will feel more keenly the\\ntruth of our remarks. They write books, but can find for\\nthem neither publishers nor remunerative sales at the\\nSouth. The executors of Calhoun seek, for his works, a", "height": "2572", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "412 SOUTHERN LITERATURE.\\nNorthern publisher. Benton writes history and prepares\\nvoluminous compilations, which are given to the world\\nthrough a Northern publisher. Simms writes novels and\\npoems, and they are scattered abroad from the presses of\\na Northern publisher. Eighty per cent, of all the copies\\nsold are probably bought by Northern readers.\\nWhen will Southern authors understand their own in-\\nterests When will the South, as a whole, abandoning\\nits present suicidal policy, enter upon that career of pros-\\nperity, greatness, and true renown, to which God by his\\nword and his providences, is calling it If thou take\\naway from the midst of thee the yoke, the putting forth\\nof the finger and speaking vanity and if thou draw out\\nthy soul to the hungry and satisfy the afflicted soul then\\nshall thy light rise in obscurity and thy darkness be as the\\nnoonday And the Lord shall guide thee continually and\\nsatisfy thy soul in drought, and make fat thy bones and\\nthou shalt be like a watered garden, and like a spring of\\nwater, whose waters fail not. And they that shall be of\\nthee shall build the old waste places thou shalt raise up\\nthe foundations of many generations and thou shalt be\\ncalled, The repairer of the breach, The restorer of paths to\\ndwell in.\\nOur limits, not our materials, are exhausted. We would\\ngladly say more, but can only, in conclusion, add as the\\nresult of our investigations in this department of our sub-\\nject, that Literature and Liberty a n hie; the one can\\nnever have a vigorous existence without being wedded to the other.", "height": "2577", "width": "1512", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "CONCLUSION. 413\\nOur work is done. It is the voice of the non-slavehold-\\ning whites of the South, through one identified with them\\nby interest, by feeling, by position. That voice, by whom-\\nsoever spoken, must yet be heard and heeded. The time\\nhastens the doom of slavery is written the redemption\\nof the South draws nigh.\\nIn taking leave of our readers, we know not how we\\ncan give more forcible expression to our thoughts and in-\\ntentions than by saying that, in concert with the intelligent\\nfree voters of the North, we, the non-slaveholding whites\\nof the South, expect to elevate John C. Fremont, Cassius\\nM. Clay, James Gr. Birney, or some other Southern non-\\nslaveholder, to the Presidency in 1860 and that the pa-\\ntriot thus elevated to that dignified station will, through\\nour cordial co-operation, be succeeded by William H. Sew-\\nard, Charles Sumner, John McLean, or some other non-\\nslaveholder of the North and furthermore, that if, in\\nthese or in any other similar cases, the oligarchs do not\\nquietly submit to the will of a constitutional majority of\\nthe people, as expressed at the ballot-box, the first battle\\nbetween freedom and slavery will be fought at home and\\nmay God defend the right\\nthe end.", "height": "2572", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "Notice to the Reader. The few typographical errors which occur in\\nthis, the first edition of the work in hand, shall be found corrected in the second\\nand subsequent editions. AVe will here call attention to only three of the most\\npalpable of those errors. They are as follows The word only in the 17th\\nline of the 151st page, should be duty. The word different in the 10th line\\nof the 158th page, should be difficult. The word more in the 19th line of\\nthe 191st page, should be none.", "height": "2577", "width": "1512", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "GENERAL INDEX.\\nAbstract of the Author s Plan for the Abolition of Slavery, 155.\\nAchenwall, 29.\\nAdams, John Quincy, 239.\\nAgriculture and other out-door pursuits, number of free white male\\nSouthrons encased in, 298.\\nAgricultural Products.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See Corn, Wheat, Rye, Oats, Barley, Hay,\\nCotton, Tobacco, c. c.\\nAnimals Slaughtered, Value of, 71.\\nAnti-slavery Letters from native Southrons, 374.\\nArea of the several States and Territories. 143.\\nAristotle, 256.\\nAttorneys-General, 312.\\nBaltimore, Letter from the Mayor of, 337.\\nBaltimore, Past, Present, and Future, 352.\\nBaltimore, Why this Work was not published there, 360.\\nBancroft, George, 384.\\nBank Capital of the several States, 286.\\nBanks, James, 384.\\nBaptist Testimony, 263.\\nBarley, 36.\\nBarnes, Rev. Albert, 259.\\nBeans and Peas, 37.\\nBeattie, James, 251.\\nBeeswax and Honey, 64.\\nBenton, Thomas H., 19, 105, 167, 207.\\nBible Testimony, 275 Bible Cause Contributions, 295.\\nBirney, James G., 214, 413.\\nBlackstone, Sir William, 248.\\nBlair, Francis P., 105, 167, 213.\\nBoiling, Philip A., 211.\\nBook Making in America, 392.\\nBooth, Abraham, 268.\\nBoston, Letter from the Mayor of, 338.\\nBotts, John M., 167.\\nBrisbane, Rev. Mr., 263.\\nBrissot, 253.\\nBrooklyn, Letter from the Mayor of, 339.\\nBrougham, Lord, 250.\\nBrowne, R. K., 322.\\nBuchanan, James, 170.\\nBuckwheat, 37.\\nBuffalo, Letter from the Mayor of, 344.\\nBuffon, 253.\\nBurke, Edmund, 250.\\nButler, Bishop, 261.", "height": "2572", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "416 GENERAL IXDEX.\\nButter and Cheese, 64.\\nCameron, Paul C, 49, 55.\\nCanals, miles of, in the several States, 285.\\nCane, Sugar, 53, 65.\\nCortwright, Dr., of New-Orleans, 801.\\nCatholic Testimony, 271.\\nChandler, Mr., of Virginia, 211.\\nCharleston, Letter from the Mayor of, 340.\\nChicago, Letter from, 342.\\nChurches, Value of, in the several States, 294.\\nCicero, 254.\\nCincinnati, Letter from the Mayor of, 340.\\nCities, nine Free and nine Slave, 347.\\nClarke, Dr. Adam, 269.\\nClarke, Judge, of Mississippi, 223.\\nClay, Henry, 205.\\nClay, Cassius M., 206, 301, 413.\\nClay, C. C, 56.\\nClinton, DeWitt, 242.\\nClover and Grass Seed, 37.\\nCoke, Sir Edward, 249.\\nColonization Movements, 183.\\nColonization Cause Contributions, 296.\\nCommercial Cities Southern Commerce, 331.\\nComparison between the Free and the Slave States, 11\\nCom, 85, 69.\\nCotton, 53, 65.\\nCowper, William, 247.\\nCragin, A. H., 190.\\nCurran, John Philpot, 250.\\nCurtis, Mr., of Virginia, 101.\\nDarien (Georgia) Resolutions, 231.\\nDavis, Henry Winter, 167.\\nDeaths in the several States in 1850, 297.\\nDeBow, J. D. B., 30, 50, 83.\\nDublin University Magazine, 251.\\nEmigration to Liberia, 183.\\nEpiscopal Testimony, 261.\\nEtlievidge, Emerson, 167, 3.\\nExpenditures of the several States, 80.\\nExports, 283.\\nFacta and Arguments by the Wayside, 360.\\nFarms, Cash Value of, 71.\\nFaulkner, Charles James, 98, 175.\\nFlax, 62\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Flaxseed, 38.\\nFortescue, Sir John, 249.\\nFox, Charles James, 246.\\nFranklin, Benjamin, 235.\\nFree Figures and Slave, 281.\\nFree White Agriculturalists in the Slave States, 298.", "height": "2577", "width": "1512", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "GENERAL V -H 7\\nFreedom and Slavery at the Fair, 323.\\nFreedom in the South, Progress of, 367.\\nFremont, John Charles, 170, 212, 410, 413.\\nGaston, Judge, of North Carolina, 225.\\nGarden Products, Value of, 38\\nGoethe, 254.\\nGoodloe, Daniel R., 112.\\nGoldsmith, Oliver, 381.\\nGraham, William H., 167.\\nGraves, Calvin, 167.\\nGreeley, Horace, 364.\\nGrotius,,253.\\nHall, Dr. James, 182.\\nHamilton, Alexander, 237.\\nHammond, Gov., 165, 301.\\nHampden, John, 249.\\nHarper Brothers, 394.\\nHarrington, James, 249.\\nHay, 53.\\nHedrick, B. S., Prof., 305, 410.\\nHemp, 53, 62.\\nHenry, Patrick, 84, 200.\\nHildreth, Richard, 384.\\nHoffman, H.W., 167.\\nHoney, 64.\\nHops, 62.\\nHorsley, Bishop, 261.\\nHow Slavery can be Abolished, 123.\\nHunt, Freeman, 349.\\nHurlbut, William Henry, 229, 316.\\nIlliterate Poor Whites of the South, 376.\\nIlliterate White Adults, 291, 407\\nImports, 283.\\nIndian Corn, 35, 69.\\nInhabitants to the Square Mile, 14\u00c2\u00b0.\\nInventions, New, Patents issued on, in 1856, 294.\\nIredell, Judge, 210.\\nJay, John, Judge, 237.\\nJay, John, Esq., 261.\\nJay, William, 239.\\nJefferson, Thomas, 195, 222.\\nJohnson, Samuel, Dr., 248.\\nKansas, Aid for, 318.\\nKemp, Henry, 273.\\nLactantius, 255.\\nLafayette, Gen., 252\u00e2\u0080\u00940. Lafayette, 252.\\nLawrence, Abbott and Amos, 106.\\nLeigh, Mr., of Virginia, 210.\\nLeo X., 255.\\nLiberia, Emigration to, 183.", "height": "2572", "width": "1558", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "418\\nGENERAL INDEX.\\nLibraries Other than Private, 289.\\nLive Stock, Value of, 71.\\nLocke, John, 216.\\nLouis X., 253. 1\\nLouisville, Letter from the Mayor of, oil.\\nLuther, Martin, 251.\\nMcDowell, Gov., 209.\\nMcLane, of Delaware, 21o.\\nMacfarland. Wm. H., 167.\\nMacknight, James, D.D., 251.\\nMadison, James, 82, 199.\\nMansfield, Lord, 246.\\nManufactures, Products of, 284.\\nMaple Sugar, 63.\\nMartin, Luther, 216.\\nMarshall, Humphrey, 16*.\\nMarshall, Thomas, 211,\\nMason, James M., 223.\\nMason, John W., 381.\\nMason, Col., of Virginia, 208.\\nMassachusetts and North Carolina, 14.\\nMaurv, M. F., 213.\\nMecklenburg Declaration of Independence, 221.\\nMethodist Testimony, 269.\\nMilitia Force of the Several States, 28b.\\nMiller, H. W., 167.\\nMiller, Prof, of Glasgow, 251.\\nMilton, John, 218. _\\nMissionary Cause Contributions, 29b.\\nMonroe, James, 200.\\nMontesquieu, 252.\\nMoore, Mr., of Virginia, 101.\\nMorehead, John M., 167.\\nNational Political Power of the Several States, 292\\nNatives of the Slave States in the Free States, and Natives of the\\nFree States in the Slave States, 304.\\nNew-Bedford, Letter from the Mayor of, 345.\\nNew-Orleans, Letter from the Mayor of, 337.\\nNewspapers and Periodicals, 290.\\nNew-York and Virginia, 12.\\nNew-York and North Carolina, 32o.\\nNew- York City, Letter from the Mayor of, 336.\\nNorfolk, Letter from, 314.\\nNorth American and United States Gazette, 87, 111, 114-\\nNorth Carolina and Massachusetts, 14.\\nNorth Carolina and New-York, 325\\nNorthern Testimony, 235.\\nNott, J. C, Dr. 302, 303. JS\\nOats, 35, 69.\\nOglethorpe, Gen., 23(^ T\\\\ jj 3", "height": "2541", "width": "1532", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "GENERAL INDEX.\\n419\\nOrchard Products, Value of, 38.\\nPatents Issued on New Inventions, 29-4.\\nPennsylvania and South Carolina, 17.\\nPerry, B. F., 229.\\nPettyjohn, Charles, 363.\\nPhiladelphia, Letter from the Mayor of, 337.\\nPinkney, William, 210, 215.\\nPitt, William, 216.\\nPlato, 256.\\nPolybius, 256.\\nPope Gregory XVI., 271.\\nPope Leo X., 255.\\nPopular Vote for President in 1856, 293.\\nPopulation of the Several States, 141.\\nPorteus, Bishop, 261.\\nPostmasters-General, 311.\\nPost Office Statistics, 287.\\nPotatoes, 36, 69.\\nPowell, Mr., of Virginia, 102.\\nPrecepts and Sayings of the Old Testament, 276.\\nPrecepts and Sayings of the New Testament, 277.\\nPresbyterian Testimony, 259.\\nPresidents of the United States, 307.\\nPresidential Elections in the U. S. from 1796 to 1856, 317.\\nPreston, Mr., of Virginia, 212.\\nPrice, Dr., of London, 218.\\nProvidence, Letter from the Mayor of, 343.\\nRailroads. Miles of, in the Several States, 285.\\nRandolph, John, of Roanoke, 201.\\nRandolph, Thomas M., 202.\\nRandolph, Thomas Jefferson, 202.\\nRandolph, Peyton, 204.\\nRandolph, Edmund, 204.\\nRaynal, The Abbe, 273.\\nRaynor, Kenneth, 167, 169.\\nRecapitulation of the Quantity and Value of Bushel-Measure Pro-\\nducts, 39-40.\\nRecapitulation of the Quantity and Value of Pound-Measure Pro-\\nducts, 65.\\nRecapitulation of the Value of Farms and Domestic Animals, 72.\\nReal and Personal Property, 80.\\nReid, Mr., of Georgia, 233.\\nRevenue of the Several States, 80.\\nRice, 53, 65.\\nRichmond, Letter from, 342.\\nRitchie, Thomas, 92, 105.\\nRives, Mr., of Virginia, 101, 104.\\nRousseau, 253.\\nRuin, Judge, of North Carolina, 224.\\nRye, 36, 69, 72.", "height": "2541", "width": "1532", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "420 GENERAL INDEX.\\nSavannah, Letter from the Mayor of, 345.\\nSchools, Eublic, 288.\\nScott, Thomas, (Commentator), 260.\\nSecretaries of State, 309.\\nSecretaries of the Interior, 312.\\nSecretaries of the Treasury, 313.\\nSecretaries of War, 314.\\nSecretaries of the Navy, 315.\\nShakspeare, 247.\\nSlaveholders, Number of, in the United States, 140.\\nValue of, at $400 per head, 306.\\nSlavery, Legislative Acts against, 361.\\nSlavery Thoughtful\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Signs of Contrition, 365.\\nSmith Gen-it, 318.\\nSocrates, 256.\\nCarolina and Pennsylvania. 17.\\nSouthern Literature, 3S3.\\nSouthern Testimony against Slavery, 188.\\nbers of the House of Representatives, 310.\\nSt. Louis, Letter from the Mayor of, 839.\\nStanly, Edward, 167.\\nthe Several, when First Settled, 321-322.\\nStatistics, Science of, 29, 30.\\nStuart, A, II. II., 167.\\nSummers, Mr., of Virginia, 212.\\nSupreme Court, Judges of, 808.\\nTarver, M., 1G4.\\nTaylor, Win. C, L.L.D., 29.\\nTerritories, the, Area and Population of, 145.\\nmony of the Nations. 2\\nof Hie Churches, \u00c2\u00bb8.\\nTobacco, 53, 62, 78.\\nTonnage of the Several States, 283.\\nTract Cause Contributions, 295.\\ni wood, John C, 410.\\nu and New-York, 12.\\nVotes cast for President in 1856, 293.\\nClassification of, Polled at the I hi 1856,\\nWalker, Robert J., 105.\\nWarren, Joseph, Gen., 212.\\nWashington, George, Gen.,J93.\\nWayland, Francis, D.D., 264.\\ni of the Several States, 80.\\nWeb- l 1.240.\\nWet 117, 211, 381.\\n.1 hn. Rev., 269.\\nWeston, George M., 164.\\nWheat, 35, 69, 78.\\nWhy the .North has surpassed the South.\\nWise, Henry A., 13, 90, 102.\\n10 MAYzviqaq", "height": "2546", "width": "1512", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2541", "width": "1532", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2577", "width": "1512", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "d", "height": "2541", "width": "1532", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "-5 V\\n\u00c2\u00b0o\\no\\n.IMS**\\nn\\n^rv -V\\nV\\n\\\\2\\n*b\\no\\nfv v*\u00e2\u0080\u009e", "height": "2613", "width": "1538", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisiso01help_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": ".7* A\\nA U A\u00c2\u00b0 tO\\nfa *fe v*\\n\u00c2\u00abu*\\n^,v\\nC 7 v/\\\\\\nDOBBS BROS. A\\nLIBRARY BINDING\\nOCT 7 9P\\nV 4 A\\nST. 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