{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3716", "width": "2317", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "-^^0^\\no. aO V\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0ay ci. -^^^ii**^ 4-^", "height": "3696", "width": "2321", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "r-^c^.\\n^u.\\nC,^ O T\\ns\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0o V\\nV\\n^0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\\n-n^.o^\\n/i-\\nHo^\\nv\\\\\\nV\\n.0\\n^0\\n-^^0^\\nHq,\\nV\\n0^\\nG\\nv^ ^0 ^V o^^^^o^\\n.0^ ^/-^o, J- n^\\nN\\n.-Jv\\n^^-v\\nv V\\n.G^ ^o\\n-u\\n.0 sv:\\nv^^\\n-^c^\\n\u00c2\u00ab5*.\\n.G^ ^o\\n,V\\n-^^0^\\n.\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\\\\o_^\\n^r", "height": "3686", "width": "2229", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3696", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3680", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3679", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "^-r\\nfr\\nHISTORY OF THE FILIPINO REVOLT\\nSPEECH\\nHON. RICHARD R PETTIGREW\\nOF SOUTH DAKOTA,\\nSENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nWednesday, January 31, 1900.\\nW A SHINGTON.\\n1900.", "height": "3688", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "K^\\nH\\nHOK EICHARD F. PETTIGEEW,\\nWednesday, January 31, 1900.\\nHISTORY OF FILIPINO REVOLT.\\nMr. PETTIGREW. I submit tlie resolution which I send to\\nthe desk.\\nThe PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolution will be read.\\nThe Secretary proceeded to read the resolution, and read as\\nfollows:\\nResolved, That the Authentic Review of the Philippine Revolution, \u00e2\u0080\u00a2which\\nis as follows\\nMr. LODGE. Mr. President, I should like to ask the Senator\\nfrom South Dakota if that is the article or the pamphlet which he\\nasked to have printed yesterday?\\nMr. PETTIGREW. I suppose the reading of the resolution\\nwill develop what the Senator wishes to ascertain.\\nMr. LuDGE. Mr. President, there is a motion now pending to\\nprint that article, which I take to be the same, and before it makes\\na part of the Record before it is printed as a public document\\nI wish to enter my protest against its being printed as a part of\\nthe Record and becoming a document of the United States in\\nany f orA,\\n1 have never made any protest against printing that has been\\nordered here, of all sorts of articles and speeches on all kinds of\\nsubjects, although I think that it is a privilege which is gi eatly\\nabused; but in this case I do desire to enter a protest, and the\\nreason why I do so is because, in this publication or pamphlet, a\\nnumber of statements are attributed to Admiral Dewey which I\\nhave his authority to say are absolutely false.\\nMr. President, that the Anti- Imperialist League and its one\\nnewspaper organ should print and circulate anything of scnj sort\\nwithout regard to its character is to be expected. It is their\\ntrade, and I have nothing to say against it. They are such care-\\nful guardians of other people s virtue that thej^ can do things\\nwhich persons of less virtue than themselves would shrink from\\nN^ performing. But I do think that for the United States to send\\nout under its imprint a series of statements attributing remarks\\nand conversation to the Admiral of its Navy which he states to be\\nabsolutely false is something in which the Senate should not\\nengage.\\n1 will read the statement of Admiral Dewey, in a note I received\\nfrom him this morning:\\nDear Senator. Lodge: The statement of Emilio Aguinaldo, as recently\\npublished in the Springfield Republican, so far as it relates to me, is a tissue f\\nof falsehoods.\\nif if^ it Hf\\nSincerely, yours,\\nGEORGE DEWEY.\\n2 .4028", "height": "3718", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "Now, I do not think that on that statement we ought in any\\nway to put a pamphlet containing that tissue of falsehoods into\\nthe Record or print it as a public document. It does not seem\\nto me that it is the proper thing to do. The document would go\\nout and be circulated under a frank, free of cost; no denial could\\ngo with it of those lies which have been denounced by the Ad-\\nmiral of the Navy as such, whicb are attributed directly to him\\nand which, in the pamphlet I saw, were all printed in italics.\\nThe pamphlet I read purported to be written by Agu -naldo, and\\nto have been printed, I believe, at Tarlac, in Luzon.\\nIt seems to me to bear the marks of publication and preparation\\nat some place nearer the United States than Luzon or Hongkong.\\nBut be that as it may, all these emphasized statements of conver-\\nsations which, on their face, were reported eighteen months after\\nthey were supposed to have taken place, are stigmatized by the\\nAdmiral himself as a tissue of falsehoods. I do not think it is\\njust to him; I do not think it is proper for the United States to\\nallow such statements as that to go out under its imprint and in\\nits official record, and that is why I enter my protest at this point.\\nMr. ALDRICH. Mr. President, I raise the question of order\\nupon the consideration of the resolution. It seems to me that to\\nput a resolution in this form is a clear and palpable evasion of\\nthe Senate rules. As I understand, the Senator from South Da-\\nkota undertakes by this method to have inserted in the Record\\na long paper which he asked the Senate yesterday to have printed\\nand which he has a resolution before the Senate to have printed.\\nThat resolution, under the rules, must go to the Committee on\\nPrinting. The Senator will succeed in this form, if he is allowed,\\nto have this paper printed, which a large proportion of Senators\\ncertainly have made strenuous objections to having printed, and\\nhe will succeed in having it printed in the Record by what seems\\nto me to be a clear evasion of the rules.\\nThe PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair sustains the point\\nof order.\\nMr. HAWLEY. That it is out of order?\\nThe PRESIDENT pro tempore. That it is out of order.\\nMr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, this paper is a translation\\nfrom a Spanish pamphlet written by Aguinaldo and translated in\\nBoston. It was furnished to the Springfield Republican, and they\\nsent it to their reporter in this city, requesting him to call the\\nattention of Admiral Dewey to the allusions to himself in the doc-\\nument. The reporter did so, and Admiral Dewey, after examining\\nit, replied through his secretary that he would say nothing; that\\nhe would adhere to his decision and say nothing upon the subject\\nuntil the commission made its report.\\nIt now appears that Admiral Dewey has concluded to say some-\\nthing upon the subject, and a letter turns up in the hands of the\\nSenator from Massachusetts in which he says that the statements\\nwith regard to himself are a tissue of falsehoods. Now, a state-\\nment of that sort could be made simply if Mr. Dewey and Mr.\\nAguinaldo, in a very immaterial way, almost, misunderstood each\\nother, one construction being put upon the language by one, they\\nnot speaking a common tongue, and another construction by the\\nother upon the language used between them. That there was a\\nrecognition of Aguinaldo and his government by us and by our\\nNavy there can be no possible question. Admiral Dewey recog-\\nnized the flag of the Philippine republic and the vessels of that\\nrepublic in Manila Bay.\\n4038", "height": "3689", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "4\\nMr. SPOONER. How?\\nMr. PETTIGREW. By saluting the flag and by convoying one\\nof tlie vessels of the Filipino republic to Subig Bay and receiving\\nthe surrender of Spanish garrisons, and then turning the prison-\\ners over to Aguinaldo after their surrender,\\nMr. LODGE. Mr. President, I ask the Senator s permission at\\nthat point\\nThe PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from South\\nDakota yield to the Senator from Massachusetts?\\nMr. PETTIGREW. I will not yield. The Senator can speak\\nwhen I am through.\\nThe PRESIDENT pro tempore. The debate is proceeding by\\nunanimous consent.\\nMr. LODGE. I will read the rest of the letter subsequently.\\nMr. PETTIGREW. Now, what is more, Mr. President, after\\nManila surrendered, while we were negotiating a treaty of peace\\nwith Spain, Admiral Dewey captured and confiscated these ves-\\nsels belonging to Aguinaldo s government and took the flag of\\nthat republic from off the sea, a direct act of war against our\\nallies, who to the number of 30,000 were camped around the town\\nof Manila, who had helped capture Manila, who entered Manila\\nwith our forces and took possession of a large portion of the sub-\\nurbs of that city, and who retired after entering Manila with our\\nforces from the inner city and the larger part of the city, which\\nis outside of the old city of Manila.\\nMr. GALLINGER. Mr. President, I rise to a point of order.\\nIf this debate is to be engaged in some of the rest of us will want\\na little time, and I think some agreement ought to be made about\\nit. I take it the Senator from South Dakota is proceeding out of\\norder in discussing the question that has been ruled upon by the\\nThe PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from South Da-\\nkota is preceeding by unanimous consent.\\nMr. GALLINGER. Now, Mr. President, I have no objection\\nto his going on if it be understood that it is an open debate; but I\\nshould be unwilling that the Senator from South Dakota, who has\\noccupied the attention of the Senate for hours and hours in\\ndefense of this distinguished citizen of the Philippines, should be\\npermitted to make a lengthy speech and then the rest of us should\\nbe shut off from answermg. That is the only point I wish to\\nmake.\\nMr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, in the face of these facts,\\nin the face of the evidence in Document No. 63, sent by the Presi-\\ndent of the United States, that our generals at Paris told our com-\\nmissioners that we were under great obligations to those people, to\\nAguinaldo and his army, for the capture of several thousand\\nSpanish prisoners, for driving into the city of Manila and surround-\\ning them with earthworks what was left of the Spanish forces in\\nthat country, it seems to me that it is pertinent and proper that\\nthe statement of Aguinaldo with regard to the facts connected\\nwith this transaction should be laid before the American people.\\nIf they can not be laid before the American people otherwise, if\\nthis resolution is not to be adopted, if j ou will not permit the\\nstatement to be printed as a document, then we will read it and\\nput it in the Record.\\nMr. HAWLEY. I shall object to it as treason and giving aid\\nand comfort to the enemies of the United States, which is what\\nthe Senator has been doing constantly.\\n4028", "height": "3722", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, it is Interesting to listen to\\nthe excitement of these people\\nMr. HAWLE Y. Who are these people?\\nMr. PETTIGREW. The Senator from Connecticut is one of\\nthem who are afraid to lay before the American people the facts\\nwith regard to a transaction in which this Administration is\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^ong. If telling the truth, if disclosing what has occurred, is\\ntreason, then you can make the most of it. We will tell the truth.\\nWe will expose the things which have been done by this Adminis-\\ntration, no matter what may be the result. The threat of treason,\\nthe talk about encouraging the enemy will not deter us from lay-\\ning before the American people these glaring facts. If in strug-\\ngling to prevent the destruction of this Republic, if upholding th\u00c2\u00ab\\nDeclaration of Independence, if resisting the treason of the Presi-\\ndent in violating the Constitution, which he has sworn to support,\\nis treason, I am guilty; try me for treason.\\nWhy, Mr. President, when this session opened a simple resolu-\\ntion asking for information was tabled by the majority in this\\nbody, and the purpose, evidently planned, was that nothing should\\nbe laid before the people of the United States. The policy of\\nsuppression in that way became too irksome, and, finally, the ef-\\nfort now is made to refer such resolutions to a committee, and\\nthus smother investigation in that way.\\nIs this a Republic? Do the people rule? Are they no longer\\nentitled to a knowledge of the history which we have made? Mr.\\nPresident, locked up in the secrets of the State Department are\\nthe reports of our consuls in Cuba previous to the outbreak of the\\nSpanish war. They have never been laid before this body; they\\nhave never been made public to the American people. The same\\ncourse has been pursued through all this wretched business. It\\naccords well with the idea that we shall establish in the place and\\nupon the ruins of the Republic an empire, a government ruled\\nwithout the knowledge or consent of the people.\\nIf protesting against this is treason if denouncing this thing is\\ntreason, then I am guilty, let the consequences be what they may.\\nMr. President\\nMr. CHANDLER. I object to further debate.\\nMr. PETTIGREW. I do not care to discuss the question\\nfurther this morning.\\nMr. LODGE. Mr. President, it seems to me rather harsh that,\\nafter the charges which have been made here under unanimous\\nconsent, those of us who take the opposite view should be sud-\\ndenly cut off from all reply. There should surely be some fair-\\nness in such a matter. It has been charged here\\nMr. COCKRELL. We have not objected on this side.\\nMr. JONES of Arkansas. I hope the Senator from New Hamp-\\nshire will withdraw his objection.\\nMr. CHANDLER. I withdraw my objection.\\nThe PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Massachu-\\nsetts [Mr. Lodge] is recognized.\\nMr. LODGE. Mr. President, my objection to this pamphlet is\\nnot that it contains the truth, but that it is a mass of falsehoods.\\nI want all the truth published, and I for one resent this con-\\ntinual heaping of slanders upon the men charged with our De-\\npartments and with our executive affairs, that they are holding\\nback information from the American people. It is their one desire\\nto lay everything before the American people; and when that mass\\nof papers we have called for is put upon that desk and printed, the\\n4038", "height": "3683", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "6\\npersons who will regret their appearance are not those who are\\nsupporting the Administration and its policy, but those who have\\nslandered it here and elsewhere.\\nMr. President, it has been stated here in so many words this\\nmorning that Admiral Dewey saluted the Filipino flag, that he\\nrecognized the independence of the Filipinos. These assertions\\nare added to the charges in that lying pamphlet, translated and\\nprinted in Springfield, although the copy 1 saw purported to come\\nfrom Luzon. I wish now and on this account to read the whole\\nof Admiral Dewey s letter, I had no desire to bring Admiral\\nDewey into this any more than was absolutely necessary. I\\nthought the few sentences that I had read were enough to show to\\nthe Senate, without any distinction of party or of difference of opin-\\nion on this case, that it was neither becoming nor proper to give\\nthe imprint of the United States to such material as this. Let us\\ncirculate the truth by all means, but do not let us circulate under\\nthe imprint of the United States branded slanders, which are at-\\ntributed\u00e2\u0080\u0094whether rightly or wrongly I know not to the author-\\nship of a man who has been fighting the United States, or at least\\nemploying others to do so. I will read the whole letter:\\nThe statement of EmiHo Aguinaldo recently pulDlishecT in the Springfield\\nRepublican as far as it relates to me is a tissue of falsehood. I never prom-\\nised him, directly or indirectly, independence for the Filipinos. I never\\ntreated him as an ally, except so far as to make use of him and his natives to\\nassist me in my operations against the Spaniards. He never uttered the\\nword independence in any conversation with me or my ofBcers. The\\nstatement that I received him with military honors or saluted the Filipino\\nflag is absolutely false.\\nSincerely, yours, GEORGE DEWEY.\\nMr. President, we all know that the insurgent troops were used\\nin the operations about Manila. This charge about saluting the\\nFilipino flag and receiving Aguinaldo with militar} honors has\\nbeen repeated and reiterated here day after day before the Depart-\\nments have had time to send in the official facts: and now, in the\\npresence of that denial from the most distinguishednaval officer and\\nAdmiral of the United States, we are asked to send out, with the\\nimprint of the United States, the slanders and the falsehoods con-\\ntained in that pamphlet. I do not know what others may think,\\nbut as for the word of that pamphlet against the word of George\\nDewey, I take the word of George Dewey, as the people of the\\nUnited States will take it, as final; and I do not think that the\\nSenate of the United States ought to lend itself to any such busi-\\nness as this.\\nMr. SPOONER. Mr. President, no one, I think, in the Senate\\nor in the country would countenance any attempt anywhere to\\ndiminish the exercise of what is precious to all of us liberty of\\nspeech; but I believe the people of the United States and the\\nSenator from South Dakota [Mr. Pettigrew] asks whether they\\nrule or not must, in the circumstances of to-day, grow weary\\nsome time, if they have not already grown weary of the daily\\ntrial in the Senate Chamber, upon motions of inquiry, of the suit\\nof Aguinaldo against the United States,\\nThere ought to be a line drawn somewhere, Mr. President, in\\nthis matter. It may not perhaps be drawn in debate, but it may\\nbe drawn as to the placing upon the permanent records of this\\nSenate of such communications as the Senator from South Dakota\\nseeks by this rather evasive means to place uiDon them.\\nWhen before has it ever been proposed and I do not intend to\\ndiscuss the question as to what we shall do or what we ought to\\n4038", "height": "3723", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "do in the Philippines, the qnestion which the Senator from South\\nDakota daily seeks to discuss here but when before has it been\\nproposed in the Senate to place upon the records of this body a justi-\\nfication, or attempted jxistification, of his cause by a man in arms\\nagainst the flag and against the Government of the United States?\\nIt is not simply a question whether the statements contained in that\\npaper are true or false. So far as the American people are con-\\ncerned, they will believe the statement of Admiral Dewey; and\\nwhen the Senator fi om South Dakota asserts as a fact that Ad-\\nmiral Dewey saluted the flag of the so-called Philippine republic\\nand Admiral Dewey says he did not, there will be no longer in the\\npublic mind, I think, if there ever has been, any question about it.\\nBut here is a proposition to place upon the Record, coupled\\nwith a proposition yesterday to circulate it as a document printed\\nby the Senate, a statement by a man in arms against our flag,\\nspending his days and his nights in concerting measures by which\\nhe can kill the soldiers who rally around that flag a statement\\nintended to show that his cause is a just one and that our cause\\nis not a just one.\\nMr. President, my objection to that is not that it sends the truth\\nover the country; it is the effect it will have upon Aguinaldo and\\nhis forces, for it will be taken to be an adoption by the Senate of\\nthe United States of his statement as a true statement, worthy\\nunder the public imprint to be sent throughout the country. Does\\nit need any argument to show that the effect of such action by the\\nSenate can not be otherwise than detrimental over there? Can it\\nbe otherwise than a direct encouragement to those in what I call\\ninsurrection against this Government and against our flag? What-\\never the people may say after a while about this question when the\\nwar is ended, I think they stand by the Army of the United States,\\nMr. President, and that they will have no sympathy with any\\nutterance, here or elsewhere, which endangers the life of one man\\nwearing the uniform of the Federal Army and fighting 7,000 miles\\naway under orders and under the flag.\\nMr. President, there has just reached San Francisco an Ameri-\\ncan ship bearing to his last rest the body of General Lawton,\\nkilled on the firing line under our flag in the Philippines\u00e2\u0080\u0094 as chiv-\\nalrous a soldier as ever led a column into battle. He is dead. His\\nbroken-hearted widow and children are bringing him back to his\\nown land and to a people who love him and admire him, not only\\nfor his long life of splendid military service, but for his gallantry\\nand fidelity over there in the struggle against Aguinaldo and to\\ncarry forward our flag and the authority of the United States.\\nDead he is; but, Mr. President, he still speaks; and I want to read\\nhere on this occasion his opinion as to the effect of such proposi-\\ntions as this and some of the debate we listen to here upon the\\nsafety of the Federal Army:\\nI would to God that the whole truth of this whole Philippine situation\\ncould be known by every one in America as I know it. If the so-called anti-\\nimperialists could honestly ascertain the truth on the ground and not in dis-\\ntant America, they, who I believe to be honest men misinformed, would be\\nconvinced of the error of their statements and conclusions and of the unfor-\\ntunate effect of their publication here\\nThat is the point of his letter\\nIf lam shot by a Filipino bullet^ it might as well come from one of my own\\nmen, because I know from observation, confirmed by captured prisoners, that\\nthe continuance of fighting is chiefly due to reports that are sent out here from\\nAmerica.\\nMr. President, the debate will go on; these resolutions of in-\\n4038", "height": "3672", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "8\\nquiry and propositions like this will go on without doubt, but I\\nventure to hope that there may be a truce I ask only for a short\\none until General Lawton s body may be brought from San\\nFrancisco and laid away in the spot which is to be his last home\\non earth.\\nMr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, the ship which brought\\nGeneral Lawton s body to this country broiight also the body of\\none of my dearest friends, the adjutant of the First South Dakota\\nRegiment, killed after the treaty of peace was signed, killed in a\\nservice in which he did not enlist, killed in a service which he be-\\nlieved was wrong. Yet, brave boy that he was, he led his forces\\nto victory many a time and finally fell in that distant land.\\nMr. President, I want a truce. I wanted it before my friend\\nwas killed. I wanted a truce before the sixty South Dakota boys\\nwerekilled, Arousedbya just indignation and agrandpatriotlsm\\nand a splendid enthusiasm, they enrolled their names to drive\\nfrom this continent the despotic power of Spain. But they are\\ngone, drafted into an unwilling service and killed in an unwilling\\nservice, after they had a right to go home after their term of\\nenlistment had expired. With unparalleled bravery and courage\\nthey obeyed the commands of their President and went to their\\ndeath.\\nThe day after fighting began at Manila, Aguinaldo asked for a\\ntruce. He said, Fix the limits of a zone which we shall occupy,\\nand let us try, without bloodshed, to settle this difficulty; and\\nthe answer was, Fighting having once begun, it must go on to\\nthe grim end. But if the request had been granted, if the truce\\nhad been given. General Lawton would be living to-day and the\\nSouth Dakota boys would be in the bosoms of their families in-\\nstead of moldering in the soil of Luzon. Day by day, constantly\\nfrom that time to this, the Filipinos fighting for freedom have\\nsent their envoys asking for peace, begging a truce. The Presi-\\ndent at Fargo says Aguinaldo offered peace for independence.\\nPeace for independence!\\nHe said he had another price for peace a short time ago, but\\nthe United States never gave gold for peace. Aguinaldo did not\\nask gold for peace. He asked for that boon, dearer than life,\\nwhich made our forefathers found this Government and which\\nhas brought into being every republic throughoiit the world.\\nFight until they surrender! If that rule had been applied, the\\nwar of the Revolution would still be going on. No self-respecting\\npeople would lay down their arms at such a challenge.\\nThat the Filipinos have the capacity of self-government is dem-\\nonstrated by that fact. All we have to do to stop bloodshed in\\nthe Philippines is to say to those people they shall have that price-\\nless boon which is so dear to us and which they have shown is\\ndear enough to them that they are willing to lay down their lives\\nfor it. Why shall we not do it? Why shall we continue this war\\nof aggression? But a few provinces only in those islands have\\nbeen conquered. Our troops occupy less than one-quarter of the\\narea, and over the rest Aguinaldo s government still prevails.\\nThat is the situation to-day. All the provinces of northern Lu-\\nzon are untouched, and the peaceful government which Sargent\\nand Wilcox describe is still being carried on. Much of the south-\\nern part of Luzon is still unoccupied by our troops. Almost no\\nportion of the other islands of the archipelago have been occupied\\nby us. We are on the shore and in but a few places and this war,\\n4028", "height": "3719", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "in my opinion, will go on and on tor years unless we say to those\\npeople that which we ought to say and say it at once, You shall\\nhave your independence,\\nThis talk about revolt, about fighting insurgents, it seems to\\nme, is absurd. How can we have title without possession? I\\nthink it is a fair proposition, well sustained in international law,\\nthat when a country is purchased, possession must come in order\\nto give sovereignty. Spain could not give any possession, because\\nher power was ousted and another government existed in its\\nplace. There is no revolt; if we stop fighting, the war will be\\nover.\\nThe other day the Queen of England, in her message to the\\nParliament, made this statement:\\nIn resisting the invasion of my South African colonies by the South African\\nRepublic and Orange Free State my people have responded -with devotion\\nand enthusiasm to the appeal which I have made to them, and the heroism of\\nmy soldiers in the field and my sailors and marines who were landed to co-\\noperate with them has not fallen short of the noblest traditions of our mili-\\ntary history.\\nHere, then, is a charge that the Boers have attacked Great\\nBritain. The same charge is made against the Filipinos, although\\nthe facts do not bear it out any more than they do in the case of\\nthe Boers. The excuse, then, is the cry of the flag, the appeal to\\npatriotism, the effortto rally our people to sustain an Administra-\\ntion in doing the greatest wrong ever perpetrated by a govern-\\nment in the history of the world. It is the policy Great Britain\\nhas followed always, and she has become our teacher and our\\ndirector in our affairs. Great Britain in all her conquests for the\\nlast fifty years first got in where she had no business to be, and\\nhas placed her armed forces in antagonism to the liberties of other\\npeople, and then when the flag was fired upon she has rallied her\\npeople to the defense of the flag.\\nShe has said, We can not talk peace. We can not listen tothe\\nproposition of right or wrong, or questions whether we had a right\\nto be there or not, until the enemy surrenders. It was so in Ire-\\nland from the earliest day. Trouble occurred in Ireland because\\nof resistance to oppression and aggression and wrong, and then\\nthey said, The strong arm of British power must be used to sup-\\npress discontent in Ireland, and when it is suppressed then we will\\ntry and do right, never doing right when Ireland was pacified by\\npower. Outbreaks again occurred, and then the same plea was\\nmade to the English people; and so it has been around the world,\\nThe South African Chartered Company have killed in South\\nAfrica in the last twelve years 4,000 men and themselves have lost\\nbut five or six men, with the same old plea, adding territory after\\nterritory to their possessions; and now it is argued in the English\\nParliament, now it is insisted by the Queen of England, that the\\nfighting must go on in South Africa until the two Republics in\\nSouth Africa are destroyed. The same argument is heard here.\\nFighting must go on to the grim end, until these men struggling\\nfor freedom are all killed or lay down their arms and surrender,\\nand then we will determine, without their being consulted, what\\nshall be done with what is left.\\nAgainst this, Mr. President, I protest. I believe that it is an\\nattack upon our institutions, a reversal of the history of this Gov-\\nernment, and an abandonment of those doctrines which we have\\nheld so dear through all the years of our existence as a nation.\\n4028", "height": "3671", "width": "2062", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "10\\nMr. JONES of Arkansas. Mr. President, the Senator from Wis-\\nconsin [Mr. Spooner] a few moments ago read what I understood\\nto be a letter from General Lawton. I do not know where the\\nletter came from, when it was written, or to whom; I do not know\\nwhether to the Senator or not.\\nMr. SPOONER. It was not written to me.\\nMr. JONES of Arkansas. I take it the letter was written by-\\nGeneral Lawton, and I very heartily concixr in the wish expressed\\nby him in the beginning of that letter, when he said, as I remem-\\nber it now, Would to God that the whole truth there could be\\nknown.\\nThe Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] stated that the\\ngreatest desire of the public officers in this country was to have\\nthe facts understood. Mr. President, I submit, without any tem-\\nper and without any feeling, that we can not fail to have faith in\\nthe intelligence of the people of this country. I believe that the\\nwish expressed by General Lawton is a wise one, and the desire\\nexpressed by the Senator from Massachusetts for the circulation\\nof the truth here is just what ought to be our rule of conduct. I\\nbelieve the whole truth ought to be known.\\nI think the most unfortunate thing in connection with this\\nwhole difficalty was when the first resolutions of inquiry were of-\\nfered here that without any moment of consideration, without a\\nsolitary syllable of time for thought, motions were made to lay\\nthem on the table, thus manifesting an intention to cut off debate,\\nto suppress facts, to keep information away from Senators and\\nfrom the people of the United States.\\nIt has been the practice here for a great many years when emi-\\nnent men give expression to sentiments touching public affairs\\nthat, on the request of a Senator, a document shall be printed\\ngiving wbat they may have said or written and that it shall ap-\\npear in the Record.\\nMr. ALDRICH. It is a very recent practice.\\nMr. JONES of Arkansas. It has been done again, again, and\\nagain, and without protest, ever since I have been in this body. I\\ncan name instances which I think will show the printing of such\\npapers by the hundreds, if not by the thousands.\\nMr. ALLISON. Only within very recent years. It is a custom\\nthat has grown up here within the last two or three years.\\nMr. TELLER. Longer than that.\\nMr. ALLISON. I ask the Senator to cite the printing of docu-\\nments prior to three or four years ago.\\nMr. TELLER. It commenced longer ago than that.\\nI do not know what is in the paper the Senator from South Da-\\nkota asked to have printed. If it is the truth, we ought not to be\\nafraid of it. I have sufficient faith in the intelligence of the\\nAmerican people to believe that the printing of statements that\\nare not true when they are confronted by the truth, as they can\\nbe and will be, will do no harm. On the contrary, the printing of\\na statement that is not the truth, coming from Aguinaldo, would\\nrecoil upon him and hurt him more than the refusal here to print\\na statement he has made.\\nNow, what the facts are I do not know, but I do believe we ought\\nto have faith enough in the intelligence of the American people to\\nbelieve that when they understand the whole case, wlien they have\\nheard both sides of it, without any attempt to suppress a full state-\\n4038", "height": "3715", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "11\\nment on both sides, there will be no shadow of a doubt that they\\nwill arrive at a correct conclusion. I am astonished to find gen-\\ntlemen on the other side who seem to be moved by a different con-\\nviction. Now I will listen to what the Senator from Rhode Island\\nhas to say.\\nMr. ALDRICH. I simply intended to interject into the Senator s\\nspeech the statement that I did not object to Governor Boutwell\\nmaking a speech or circulating it at his own expense wherever he\\npleased; I do not object to the national Democratic committee or\\nits chairman printing that speech and circulating it as their own\\nwherever they please; but 1 do object to the custom of printing\\npolitical speeches by the Government of the United States and at\\nits expense for circulation as political documents.\\nMr. JONES of Arkansas. The small number of four or five\\nhundred documents which would be ijrintedbyorderof the Senate\\nis a matter of too small moment to excite the Senator from Rhode\\nIsland to this extent.\\nMr. ALDRICH. That is quite true; but the Senator does not\\nwant to stop there. He wants to send that speech by the thou-\\nsands and hundreds of thousands throughout the United^States as\\na political document at the expense of the United States and save\\nthe money of the national Democratic committee.\\nMr. JONES of Arkansas, Whatever printing of that document\\nwould have to be done beyond the few hundred printed for the\\nuse of the Senate would have to be done at the expense of the men\\nwho wanted to circulate it,\\nMr, ALDRICH. But there is the postage. There would be\\nthousands and tens of thousands of dollars expended by the United\\nStates Government in circulating the political speeches of an ex-\\ngovernor.\\nMr. JONES of Arkansas. The Post-Office Department was\\nintended to be a public convenience.\\nMr. ALDRICH. Not in that waJ^\\nMr. TILLMAN. Your party does it.\\nMr. JONES of Arkansas. We understand by newspaper re-\\nports that there has been the most rigid censorship of the news\\nallowed to come from Manila. If things can be found out which\\naffect the public interest, and if you gentlemen believe you are\\nright, you should have no fear of the public knowing it all. You\\ncan only fear the truth. It is not falsehood you fear, because you\\nA know perfectly well that the intelligence of the American people\\ncan be relied on not to be misled or duped or wheedled by misrep-\\nresentation. You have the opportunity. The officers are all on\\nyour side. They know all the facts. They can search the records.\\nYou can bring out everything to expose the falsity of anything\\nthat may be printed.\\nIt is not from any partisan sense that I speak, but I do believe\\nthat there has been manifested in the Senate a desire to prevent\\nthe full truth from being known. I believe it as honestly as I be-\\nlieve my soul is my own, and believing that, I have no doubt there\\nare thousands of other American people who believe the same\\nthing.\\nNow, if you want the truth told, as General Lawton suggested\\nand as the Senator from Massachusetts says the public oiScers\\nwant, let it be told. When a Senator comes here and desires to\\nhave printed a document which he believes will add to the sum of\\nknowledge of the country on this subject, let it be printed; and if\\n4028", "height": "3691", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "12\\nhe cliooses to go to tlie expense of having it printed for distribu-\\ntion, he ought to be allowed to do it. It does seem to me, without\\nany feeling or temper, that the reasonable course is to allow this\\npractice to go on as it has gone on.\\nMr. SEWELL. Mr. President, I do not know anything practi-\\ncally about the Boer situation, and I do not wish to take part in\\nits discussion, but I do know something about our own relations\\nto the Philippines. I was not in favor of the Philippine acquisi-\\ntion. I stated emphatically that the islands had a population of\\nfrom eight to ten million people, a third of whom were civilized,\\nthe balance savages and pirates, and that as it took over a hundred\\nyears to control the remnant of the American Indians, it was a\\nproblem as to how long it would take us to civilize the population\\nof the Philippines. Those were my own opinions; but my duty\\nas a citizen of the United States is above my personal opinions.\\nAs soon as the treaty of Paris was concluded and ratified in this\\nbody, I sank all that I thought on this subject, I saw the flag\\nattacked. I, as an American citizen, would like to have been there.\\nIn that attack on our flag my own personal opinion vanished, and\\nwith me it was the country and the flag, right or wrong.\\nI have followed the fortunes of that flag through all this con-\\ntroversy in the Philippines. I have a gallant son who was on the\\nstaff of Lawton and who went with him and received him with\\nhis death woiind on the field, and I naturally have sympathy with\\nhim and with the officers of our Army./ I deprecate beyond meas-\\nnre the action of the Senator from South Dakota. I should say\\nthat hej83 traitor to his country under the circumstances. The\\nidea of bringing in here a paper by the ^eeli-lrMtfii pf-Manila,the\\nfellow who sold himself out to the Spaniards and now wants to\\nsell himself to us, and defending it and wanting it to be published\\nat the expense of the Congress of the United States, is to me out-\\nrageous in, the extreme, beyond measure. That a man clothed\\nwith the dignity of a Senatorship of the United States, the repre-\\nsentative of a sovereign State, should propose here that the man\\nwho is in opposition to us, who has carried on the war, should\\nhave this as a forum to advocate his own opinions, to be dissemi-\\nnated at large to the people of the United States at the expense of\\nthe Congress of the United States, is monstrous in the extreme.\\nMr. President, the body of the distinguished Lawton, a personal\\nfriend of mine, as gallant a soldier as ever lived, arrived in San\\nFrancisco yesterday. The remains will be buried here in a few\\ndays. That distinguished gentleman and fine soldier, who was\\nalM ays at the front, stated to me that the war was continued by\\nthe men who had not accepted the situation as 1 had, notably Mr.\\nPettigrew, from South Dakota. The life of Lawton is as much\\nchargeable to him to-day as it is to the bullet of the Filipino.\\nMr. HAW LEY. Mr. President, I shall say what it seems to me\\nit is my duty to say, and I shall say it as briefly as I can.\\nThis man Aguiualdo has been exhibited before the world as an\\nembezzler and a scoundrel. He is making a wholly unnecessary\\nwar, an unjustifiable war, against the people that delivered him\\nand his people from Spanish control. He knows perfectly well\\nthat it is the intention and promise of tlie L^nited States, practically,\\nas time shall justify it, after peace shall have been restored, to lead\\nthem in the path of self-government, beginning with the humblest\\nbeginnings, in establishing municipalities, in encouraging internal\\nimprovements and education and religious institutions. He knows\\n4Q23", "height": "3718", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "13\\nall that well. He has only to stop fighting in order to have his\\npeople come tinder the guardianship and generous aid of a great\\nnation of 75,000,000 people.\\nNow, he publishes this document. The Senator from South\\nDakota wants it published. It is published already. It is open\\nto any of the gentlemen who like that sort of thing to subscribe a\\nfew thousand dollars to circulate it everywhere. But suppose it\\ngoes into Manila and is thought a good thing to spread among the\\nsoldiers of the United States, what is the inevitable effect of it?\\nTo discourage the soldiers, to encourage desertion; and every-\\nwhere else it goes the inevitable effect is to discourage enlistment.\\nIs not this to aid and comfort the enemies of the country? It is\\ndone deliberately, with a clear knowledge of what will be the\\nresult of the action; and the law says that a man shall be respon-\\nsible for that which is the inevitable effect of what his action is.\\nIf lie fires a loaded gun down a crowded street he is supposed by\\nthe law to intend miirder.\\nI think the men who wish to circulate this document are to be\\nresponsible for some of the blood that is shed, and that, I am sorry\\nto say, will have to be shed, before peace has been established\\nthere.\\nAnother observation, and perhaps I will quit.\\nThe Senator from South Dakota does not, like a fair-minded\\nman, propose to publish with the Aguinaldo statement the letter\\nof Admiral Dewey, because that would stamp Aguinaldo as a liar,\\ny as we know he is. His friend is a liar, an embezzler, a thorough-\\ngoing scoundrel. He stands by him, and Aguinaldo doubtless\\nconsiders the Senator his particular friend, and will take good\\ncare to publish his remarks among all his so-called constituents,\\namong his troops. And yet the Senator from South Dakota poses\\nas a friend of his country!\\nMr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, I do not care to reply to\\nthe personal attack upon me, nor to the charge that I am a traitor\\nto my country. I yield to no man in my devotion to my country\\nand my fiag. I am jealous of her honor, and I believe that her\\nhonor can only be saved from stain by a reversal of the policy into\\nwhich this Administration has led us. I believe that only by pro-\\ntesting against the violation of our pledges and against the over-\\nthrow of all the principles upon which this Government is founded,\\nby insisting upon returning to the doctrines of the fathers, to the\\nprinciples of the Declaration of Independence that governments\\nmust derive their just powers only from the consent of the gov-\\nerned can we save our flag from stain and country from dishonor.\\nThat is as much of a reply as I care to make to the insinuations\\nof the Senator from Connecticut [Mr. Hawley] or the statement\\nof the Senator from New Jersey Mr. Sewell]\\nNow, with regard to Aguinaldo, they charge that I am defend-\\ning a forger and a bribe taker and a scoundrel upon this floor. I\\nWill simply read from the record sent to us by the President upon\\nthat subject. I will read from Document 62, from the official re-\\nports by our officers in Luzon, and we will see whether the state-\\nment is sustained by the facts.\\nLast year the President of the United States in sending the\\nSpanish treaty to this body accompanied it with a document which\\ncontained the reports of our consuls in the East and our officers\\nin Luzon. It is presumed that he knew the contents of the\\ndocument, that he was not ignorant of the records of his own de-", "height": "3687", "width": "2035", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "u\\npartment. Yet October 13, 1899, the President, at Fargo, in North\\nDakota, said:\\nThe leader of the insurgent forces says to the American Government,\\nYou can have peace if you give lis independence. Peace for independence!\\nHe had another price than tliat for peace once before, but tlie United States\\npays no gold for peace. We never gave a bribe for peace in all our history,\\nand we never will.\\nWherever that standard is raised, it stands for liberty, for civilization,\\nand humanity.\\nThe President thus charges that Aguinaldo sold ont to Spain,\\nreiterating a charge that had been proven false by the repeated\\nstatements of his officer; repeating a charge that was conclusively\\nproven tintrue by the records of the Department of State.\\nThe charge is now made by the chairman of the Committee on\\nMilitary Affairs of this body [Mr. Hawley] the Senator from\\nConnecticut, that Aguinaldo sold otit to Spain. In Document\\nNo. 62, transmitted to us by the President, on pages 380 and 381,\\nGeneral Merritt says:\\nThere are a number of Filipinos whom I have met, among them General\\nAguinaldo and a few of his leaders, whom I believe thoroughly trustworthy\\nand fully capable of self-government. Aguinaldo, honest, sincere,\\nand poor; not well educated, but a natural leader of men, with considerable\\nshrewdness and ability, highly respected by all.\\nIn a memorandum which General Greene presented to the peace\\nconference at Paris he says:\\nIn August, 1896, an insurrection broke out in Cavite under the leadership\\nof Emilio Aguinaldo, and soon spread to other pi-ovinces on both sides of\\nManila. It continued with varying successes on both sides, and the trial and\\nexecution of numerous insurgents, until December, 1897, when the governor-\\ngeneral, Prime de Revera, entered into written agreement with Aguinaldo,\\nthe substance of the document which is in the possession of Senor Felipe\\nAgoncilla, who accompanied me to Washington.\\nIn brief, it required that AgQuciUa and the other insurgent leaders should\\nleave the country, the Government agreeing to pay them $800,000 in silver\\nand promiang to introduce numerous reforms, including representation lin\\nthe Spanish Cortes, freedom of the press, general amnesty for all insurgents,\\nand the exxiulsion or secularization of the monastic orders.\\nAguinaldo and his associates went to Hongkong and Singapore. A por-\\ntion of the money, \u00c2\u00a7400,000, was deposited in banks at Hongkong, and a law-\\nsuit soon arose between Aguinaldo and one of his subordinate chiefs named\\nArtacho, which is interesting on account of the very honorable position taken\\nby Aguinaldo.\\nOn account of the very honorable position taken by Aguinaldo.\\nArtacho sued for a division of the money among the insurgents according\\nto rank. Aguinaldo claimed that the money was a trust fund, and was to re-\\nnaain on deposit until it was seen whether the Spaniards would carry out their\\npromised reforms, and if they failed to do so, it was to be used to defray the\\nexpenses of anew insurrection. The suit was settled out of court by paying\\nArtacho $5,000.\\nNo steps have been taken to introduce the reforms, more than 2,000 insur-\\ngents, who have been deported to Fernando Po and other places, are still in\\nconfinement, and Aguinaldo is now using the money to carry on the operations\\nof the present insurrection.\\nThis was written August 30, 1898. He took that money and\\nused it as our ally to fight Spain, to buy guns and ammunition to\\ncarry on the contest against the common enemy; and yet he is\\ncharged with being a bribe taker and a scoundrel.\\nOscar F. Williams, our consul at Manila, writes to Mr. Day,\\nthe Secretary of State, May 35, 1898, on page 328 of Document 62:\\nTo-day I executed a power of attorney whereby General Aguinaldo re-\\nleased to his attorneys in fact $400,000 now in bank in Hongkong, so that\\nmoney therefrom can pay for 3,000 stand of arms bought there, and ex-\\npected hero to-morrow.\\nMr. Wildman, our consul at Hongkong, reports to Assistant\\n4028", "height": "3715", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "15\\nSecretary Moore exactly the same story, on pages 336 and 337, in\\nDocument No. 62. I will not read it, because it is long, but 1 will\\ninsert it, if there is permission, in my remarks.\\nThe matter referred to is as follows:\\nI have lived among the Malays of the Straits Settlements and have been\\nan honored guest of the different sultanates. I have watched their system\\nof government and have admired their intelligence, and I rank them high\\namong the semicivilized nations of the earth. The natives of the Philippine\\nIslands belong to the Malay race, and while there are very few pure Malays\\namong their leaders, 1 think their stock has rather been improved than de-\\nbased by admixture. I consider the forty or fifty Philippine leaders, with\\nwhose fortunes I have been very closely connected, both the superiors of the\\nMalays and the Cubans. Aguinaldo, Agoncilla, and Sandico are all men who\\nwould all be leaders in their separate departments in any country, while\\naraong the wealthy Manila men who live in Hongkong and who are spending\\ntheir money liberally for the overthrow of the Spaniards and the annexation\\nto the United States, men like the Cortes family and the Basa family, would\\nhold their own among bankers and lawyers anywhere.\\n:S S!\\nThere has been a systematic attempt to blacken the name of Aguinaldo\\nand his cabinet on account of the questionable terms of their surrender to\\nSpanish forces a year ago this month. It has been said that they sold their\\ncountry for gold, but this has been conclusivel y dispro ved, not only by their\\nown statements but by the speech of the late Goverhor-General Rivera in\\nthe Spanish Senate June 11, 1898. He said that Aguinaldo iindertook to sub-\\nmit if the Spanish Government would give a certain siim to the widows and\\norphans of the insurgents. He then admits that only a tenth part of this sum\\nwas ever given to Aguinaldo, and that the other promises made he did not\\nfind it expedient to keep.\\nI was in Hongkong September, 1897, when Aguinaldo and his leaders ar-\\nrived under contract with the Spanish Government. They waited until the\\n1st of November for the payment of the promised money and the f uliillment\\nof the promised reforms. Only $400,000, Mexican, was ever placed to their\\ncredit in the banks, and on the 3d of November Mr. F. Agoncilla, late\\nminister of foreign affairs in Aguinaldo s cabinet, called upon me and made\\na proposal, which I transmitted to the State Department in my dispatch No.\\n19, dated iTovember 3, 1897. In reply the State Department instructed me\\nto courteously decline to communicate with the Department further re-\\ngarding the alleged mission. I obeyed these instructions to the letter until\\nthe breaking out of the war, when, after consultation with Admiral Dewey, I\\nreceived a delegation from the insurgent junta, and they bound themselves\\nto obey all laws of civilized warfare and to place themselves absolutely under\\nthe orders of Admiral Dewey if they were permitted to return to Manila.\\nAt this time their president, Aguinaldo, was in Singapore negotiating through\\nConsul-General Pratt with Admiral Dewey for his return.\\nOn page 347 of Document No. 62 Mr. Pratt, our consul at Singa-\\npore, June 2, 1898, makes the following statement to Mr. Day:\\nNo close observer of what had transpired in the Philippines during the\\npast few years could have failed to recognize that General Aguinaldo enjoyed\\nabove all others the confidence of the Filipino insurgents and the respect\\nalike of Spaniards and foreigners in the islands, all of whom vouch for his\\nhigh sense of justice and honor.\\nMr. Schurman, in his Chicago interview (and this is the only\\natithority I will read which is not vouched for by official docu-\\nments) August 2u, 1899, said:\\n[President Schurman, Chicago interview, August 20, 1899.]\\nGeneral Aguinaldo is believed on the island to be honest, and I think that\\nhe is acting honestly in money matters, but whether from moral or political\\nreasons I would not say. Oriental American, page 99.\\nThe fact of the matter is that he tried to bribe the insiirgents, as\\nnear as we can ascertain, and failed; they would not take gold for\\npeace.\\nNow, I should like to ask the imperialists in this body what they\\nthink of a President who will go about the country sajnng that\\nAguinaldo had another price for peace, in the face of the official\\ndocuments from his own officers in the State Department, where\\n4028", "height": "3679", "width": "1955", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "16\\nthey declare that he acted with the highest sense of honor, that\\nhe took no bribe, but, on the contrary, deposited the money, and\\nused it, when Spain failed to carry out her promises, to help us\\nfight the Spanish forces?\\nWhat do you think of a President that will state that the United\\nStates never did give gold for peace, and never will, and then ap-\\nprove of the treaty with the Sultan of Sulu, which provides that\\nwe shall pay to the Sultan $350 per month and to his subchiefs a\\nsum which in all amounts to $9,200 per year? In view of all these\\nfacts, of what future value is any statement the President may\\nmake upon this subject? Mr. President, I can not contemplate\\nthe fact without great sorrow that a man can occupy so high a\\nposition as that of President of the United States and yet disgrace\\nthat great office by repeated falsehoods falsehoods proven so by\\nthe record of his own officers sent to us.\\n4028\\no\\n55;", "height": "3692", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3679", "width": "2035", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3696", "width": "2126", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3667", "width": "1952", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "iOv-j\\nA\\n.S^r\\n,G\\n^q.\\n^^-V,\\n^P-^^.\\n^ot rV^R ^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^n^\\nO. .sHS\\nc^\\nV\\niO-7\\\\.\\n4 Ot.", "height": "3718", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "0\\nA", "height": "3677", "width": "2195", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3791", "width": "2302", "jp2-path": "historyoffilipin00pett_0028.jp2"}}