{"1": {"fulltext": "THE PHILIF^PINKQ.\\nSPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. GEORGE TURNER,\\nOK WASHINGTON,\\nSENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nMonday, January 22, and Tuesday, January 23, 1900.\\nIt is never too late to listen to the dictates of prudence, and it\\nsliould be an easy task when honor points the way.\\nPART I.\\nWASHINGTON.\\n1900.", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "p.\\nCong:. H93ord Off.]\\ni-W Oct* (Ji", "height": "3422", "width": "1814", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "SPEECH\\nOf\\nHON. GEORGE TURNER.\\nMonday, January 22, 1900.\\nThe Senate having under consideration the joint resolution (S. R. 45) de-\\nclaring the purpose of the United States with reference to the Philippine\\nIslands-\\nMr. TURNER said:\\nMr. President: We have now had at the present session of\\nCongress in this Chamber two deliverances on the Philippine\\nquestion from an Administration standpoint one by the Presi-\\ndent in his annual message to Congress, and one by the junior\\nSenator from Indiana [Mr. BeveridgeJ in the speech delivered\\nby him in this Chamber on Tuesday of last week. 1 think it may\\nbe presumed that both deliverances were authoritative that of\\nthe President, of coilrse, because it was the utterance of the Presi-\\ndent; that of the Senator from Indiana because we were told by\\nthe inspired press that its delivery was determined after consulta-\\ntion with the President, and because the Senator himself told us\\nsubstantially that its delivery at the then early period in the ses-\\nsion was on account of the general desire of Senators and Mem-\\nbers of the other House to have an expression of his views at the\\nearliest practicable moment. I think it may be presumed also that\\na discussion of the subject from two such distinguished sources\\nwould conclude everything that could be said on that side of the\\nquestion. Notwithstanding this, I must confess that for one I\\nam still unregeuerate and unconvinced. Neither the stately pe-\\nriods of the President s message nor the fervid oratory of the Sen-\\nator s address can change the truth of history or metamorphose a\\nproposed course of action, already partially completed, which\\ninvolves a shocking breach of national faith into an act of policy\\ndefensible on grounds of justice, morality, and national duty. I\\ncall the Presidents policy a proposed course of action, because,\\nwhile he is fully committed to it and has endeavored to carry it\\nout so far as lay in his power, the path of honorable retreat is yet\\nopen to the American people. The President himself has consist-\\nently maintained that the ultimate disposition of these islands is\\nfor the determination of Congress. Everybody knows who knows\\nanything that the ratification of the treaty of peace with Spain\\nwas not intended to cut off or abridge either the right or the oppor-\\ntunity for the fullest range of discussion and decision by the\\nAmerican Congress. Everyone knows, likewise, that that treaty\\nwould never have been ratified if there had been an intimation\\nin this Chamber by any person that Congress would be embar-\\nrassed in considering the matter de novo and wholly without\\n4057 3", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "iTeference to any chanjjed aspect in the legal status of the matter\\nby reason of the ratification of the treaty.\\nSTKUOOLK FOR LIBEHTY AND INDEPENDENCE.\\nApproaching tht^- quostion, then, as if it were still open and nn-\\nconcluded, as it in fact is. the first thing that strikes my mind,\\nand which ought to strike every rightly constituted mind, it seems\\nto me, is the breach of I aith involved in the pretensions put forth\\nby the President and in the resolutions of the Senator from In-\\ndiana of a right to absorb and govern the Philiiipine Islands\\nwholly without reference to the consent of the people of those\\nislands. That people alone of all the Asiatic peoples has shown a\\nremarkable aspiration_for liberty and independenc\u00c2\u00ab, and a no less\\nremarkable resolution and courage in the effort to attain those\\ngreat blessing-^. Fur three hundred years they waged againgt\\nSpain an intermittent warfare for independence, for the right to\\ngovern themselves in their own way, under their own laws, and\\nby their own rulers. One of those struggles had only lately ter-\\nminated when our own war witli Spain began, and it had ter-\\nminated on conditions that were honorable and advantageous to\\nthe insurrectionists. I shall not stop here to discuss the charge\\nwhich has been made, that the leaders of the Filipino people in\\nthat struggle had sold them out for a moneyed consideration. If\\ntrue, it argues nothing against what I shall say during the prog-\\nress of my remarks. The people of the Philip pine Islands\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and\\nI refer now more particularly to those who are engaged in war\\nwith our own country are a brave, resolute, liberty-loving peo-\\nple, and the struggles which they have made to secure liberty\\nand independence for themselves ought to win them the respect\\nand admiration of every member of the American Senate,\\nENCOURAGED BY ADMINISTRATION OVEHTUHES.\\nWhen our war with Spain began it found these people restless\\nand discontented, it is true. ])ut still generally at peace with their\\nrulers. We induced them to break that peace. Our diplomatic\\nagents hunted up their leaders, then dispersed throughout the\\nworld, and induced them to return to their homes and to their\\npeople and to foment another insurrection. Our war ships con-\\nveyed those leaders to their native shores and landed them there.\\nOur functionaries, both civil and military, furnished them with\\nmoney, with arms, ami with munitions of war. When these lead-\\ners had been landed among their people they told them that the\\ngreat North American Republic was at war with Spain: that it\\nhad invited their assLstan. e and cooperation: that the result would\\nbe the expulsion of Sjiain from the Philippines, the extinction\\nof her power in that quarter of the globe, and the realization of\\ntheir own long-cherished hopes and asjjirations for liberty and\\nindependence; and basing their action upon these statements,\\nthey appealed to the people of the Philipiiine Islands to again\\nrise in revolt aga nst tlie power of S{)ain. This appeal was re-\\nspunded to promi)tly and with remarkable unanimity, and there-\\nafter the war was waged with such ardor and vi ;or tha when\\nour own land forces had readied the vicinity of Manila they found\\nthe interior of the island of Lu/.on entirely cleared of hostile\\nSpanish forces. Such as were not then i)risoners of war were\\nbeleaguered by the insurgents in the city of Manila, and their\\nspirit and their coura^re were so broken by the assaults which\\nthey had been compelled to resist on the part of the Filipinos that\\nafter a sham battle they surrendcnd themselves and their city", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "to the American forces. Undoubtedlj if our forces had delayed\\ntheir arrival at Manila only a few weeks, the insurgents them-\\nselves would have forced a surrender of the city at the point of\\nthe bayonet.\\nFACTS NOT IN ACCOUD WITH PRESIDENT S MESSAGE.\\nThese facts are shown to be true beyond any question by docu-\\nments in our possession. These documents also show that the\\nFilipinos never had any idea from the beginning of their struggle\\nthat they were fighting for anything other or less than their own\\nindependence from all foreign domination. Yet the President of\\nthe United States in his annual message makes the unfounded\\nassertion that the idea of independence on the part of the Filipino\\npeople was an afterthought, founded on the sinister ambitions of\\ncertain of their leaders. Here is what he says on that subject.\\nAfter having spoken of the arrival of the commissioners appointed\\nby him to visit the islands, he says:\\nBut before their arrival at Manila the sinister ambition of a few leaders of\\nthe Filipinos had created a situation full of embarrassment for us and most\\ngrievous in its consequences to themselves. The clear and impartial prelim-\\nmary report of the commissioners, which I transmit herewith, gives so lucid\\nand comprehensive a history of the present insurrectionary movement that\\nthe story need not be here repeated. It is enough to say that the claim of the\\nrebel leader that he was promised independence by any officer of the United\\nStates in return for his assistance has no foundation in fact and is categor-\\nically denied by the very witnesses who were called to prove it. The most\\nthe insurgent leader hoped for when he came ijack to Manila was the libera-\\ntion of the islands from the Spanish control, which they had been laboring\\nfor years without success to throw off.\\nAgainst this unfounded declaration I appeal to the truth of his-\\ntory as exhibited in the documents submitted to us by the Presi-\\ndent himself and voiiched for as authentic and worthy of credit.\\nThe first of these documents to which I wish to call the attention\\nof the Senate is a proclamation issued by the Filipino junta in\\nHongkong before the departure of Admiral Dewey s fleet to epgage\\nthe Spanish fleet in the bay of Manila. This proclamation is found\\nin Senate Document No. 62, part 1, Fifty-fifth Congress, third ses-\\nsion, which document embraces our treaty of peace with Spain,\\nthe proceedings of our peace commissioners at Paris, and the tes-\\ntimony submitted to them there, and is a part of the testimony\\nwhich they had under consideration at that time. Now, what\\ndoes this proclamation say?\\nCompatriots: Divine Providence is about to place independence within our\\nreach, and in a way the most free and independent nation could hardly wish\\nfor.\\nThe Americans, not from mercenary motives, but for the sake of human-\\nity and the lamentations of so many persecuted people, have considered it\\noppoi tune to extend their protecting mantle to our beloved country, now\\nthat they have been obliged to sever connections with Spain, owing to the\\ntyranny this nation is exercising in Cuba, causing enormous injury to the\\nAmericans, who have such large commercial and other intere.sts there.\\nAt the present moment an American squadron is preparing to sail for the\\nPhilippines.\\nWe, your brothers, are very much afraid that you may be induced to fire\\non the Americans. No, brothers, never make this mistake. Bather blow\\nyour own brains out than fire a shot or treat as enemies those who are your\\nliberators.\\nYour natural enemies, your executioners, the authors of your misery and\\nunhappiuess. are the Spaniards who govern you. Against these yon must\\nraise your weapons and odium; understand well, against the Spaniards and\\nnever against the Americans.\\nMr. TILLMAN. What is the date of that proclamation?\\nMr. TURNER. The date is not given in this publication, but\\nit is stated in the puljlication that the proclamation was in ad-\\n4037", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "6\\nvance of the sailing of the American squadron for the harbor of\\nManila. The proc-lumatiou is preceded by the following statement:\\nThe following is a translation from the Spanish of a proclamation of the\\nrebel leaders in HoiiKkoiif?. sent over to the Philippines in advance of the\\nAmerican squadrtni.\\nThe next thing that happened was that General Aguinaldo, the\\nleader of the insurgents, appeared in the city of Singapore about\\nthe :3yth of April, isus, and there he was sought by Mr. E. Spencer\\n^ratt. consul of the United States in that city, and after an inter-\\niew between them the following correspondence passed between\\n.rilr. Pratt and Admiral Dewey. Mr. Pratt telegraphed:\\nAjTuiualdo, insurgent leader, here. Will come Hongkong arrange with\\ncommodore for general cooperation insurgents Manila if desired Telegraph.\\nPRATT.\\nTo which Commodore Dewey replied:\\nTell Aguinaldo come soon as possible. _\\nDEWEY.\\nWhat passed between Consul Pratt and Aguinaldo is stated in\\na publication in the Singapore Free Press of Wednesday, May 4,\\n18 J8, which Consul Pratt incloses in a dispatch to the Secretary\\nof State, and he says in reference to this publication:\\nI regret to have to report that the circumstances attending the departure\\nfrom here of Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo to juiu Commodore Dewey, which I had\\nendeavored so hard to prevent lining di-;ckised. were in substance made\\npublic in yesterday s edition of the Singapore Free Press, from the inclosed\\ncopy of which vou will note, by relerence to my reports Nos. 213 and 213 of\\nthe 28th and 30th ultimo, respectively, that though the facts are in the main\\ncorrectly given, the dates are not quite accurate and a certain amount of\\nconjecture has been indulged in as regards my action in the matter and that\\nof the Commodore.\\nHere is what this newspaper says passed between Aguinaldo\\nand Consul Pratt, and which Consul Pratt says is substantially\\ncorrect:\\nDuring this conference, at which Mr. Bray acted as interpreter. General\\nAguinaldo explained to the American consul-general, Mr. Pratt, the incidents\\nand objects of the late rebellion, and desi-ribed the present disturbed state\\nof the country. G -neral Aguinaldo then proceeded to detail the nature of\\nthe cooperation he could give, in which he, in the event of the American\\nforces from the squadron landing and takmg possession of Manila, would\\nguarantee to maintain order and discipline amongst the native troops and\\ninhabitants in the same humane way in which lie had hitherto conducted the\\nwar, and prevent them from committing outragi s on defenseless Spaniards\\nbeyond the inevitable in fair and honorabU warfare. He further declared\\nhis ability to establish a proper and responsible government on liberal prin-\\nciijles, and would be willing to accept the same terms for the country as the\\nUnited States intend giving to Cuba.\\nThat is what Aguinaldo told Mr. Pratt he expected from the\\nGovernment of tlu; United States in return for the cooperation of\\nhimself and his countrymen. And this is what the same news-\\npaper account reports Consul Pratt as saying and doing in re-\\nsponse to Aguiualdos declaration:\\nThe consul-general of the United States, coinciding with the general views\\nexpressed during the discussion, placed himst lf at once in telegraphic com-\\nmunication wiih A(lmiral Dewey at Hongkong, between whomand Mr. Pratt\\na frequent interchange of telegrams consequently took place.\\nMr. President, a few days after this interview between Agui-\\nnaldo and Cdiisul Pratt, and after Aguinaldo had gone to join\\nCommodore Dewey, the Filipinos then residing at Singapore,\\ne.xiles from thi ir country, desiring to recognize the interposition\\nof Consul Pratt in favor of their country, gave him a compli-\\nmuntary sertMiaiic, which is also reported in the Singapore Free\\nPress, and wliicli he transmits with his di.spatches to the Secre-\\ntary of State of the United States. This report throws further", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "light upon the relations between this consul and this leader of the\\ninsurgents, and shows what the Filipinos had a right to expect\\nfrom the Government of the United States. At this serenade an\\naddress was made to Consul Pratt by Dr. Santos, one of the Filipino\\nrefugees, and in the course of that address he said.\\nMr. SPOONER. From what page is the Senator about to read?\\nMr. TURNER. From page 351 of this document. He said:\\nOur countrymen at home, and those of us residins: here, refugees from\\nSpanish misrule and tyranny in our beloved native land, hope that tlie United\\nStates, your nation, persevering in its humane policy, will efficaciously sec-\\nond the programnae arranged between you, sir, and General Aguinaldo in\\nthis port of Singapore, and secure to us our independence -.iiider the protec-\\ntion of the United States. Our warmest thanks are especially due to you,\\nsir, personally, for having been the first to cultivate relations with General\\nAguinaldo and arrange for the coopei ation with Admiral Dewey, thus sup-\\nporting our aspirations which time and subsequent actions have developed\\nand caused to meet with the applause and approbation of your nation. Fi-\\nnally, we request you to convey to your illustrious President and the Amer-\\nican people, and to Admiral Dewey, our sentiments of sincere gratitude and\\nour most fervent wishes for their prosperity.\\nMr. JONES of Arkansas. When was that?\\nMr. TURNER. On June 8. and it is reported in the Straits\\nTimes, of Singapore, of June 9.\\nConsul Pratt, in his I eply, does not deny that he had promoted\\nthis arrangement to secure the independence of the Filipino peo-\\nple under the protection of the United States. On the contrary,\\nhis reply tacitly admits it. He says:\\nI am thankful to have been the means, though merely the accidental means,\\nof bringing about the arrangement between General Aguinaldo and Admiral\\nDewey, which has resulted so happily. I can only hope that the eventful\\noutcome will be all that can be desired for the happiness and welfare of the\\nFilipinos. My parting words to General Aguinaldo were, General, when\\nyou have proved yourself great, prove yourself magnanimous, and from the\\nti eatment accorded to the recent Spanish prisoners it would appear that he\\nhad done so.\\nThe next document to which I wish to call attention, and all of\\nthese documents are appended to the Spauish treaty and were sub-\\nmitted to our commissioners at Paris, is the letter from Aguinaldo\\nto the President, dated June 10, 1898. This letter is found on\\npages 360 and 861 of Senate Document No. 62:\\nCavite, June 10, 1898.\\nTo the President of the Republic of the Great North American Nation.\\nDear and HoNonED Sir: I come to greet you with the most tender effu-\\nsion of my soul and to express to you my deep and sincere gratitude, in the\\nname of the unfortunate Philippine people, for the efficient and disinterested\\nprotection which you have decided to give it, to shake off the yoke of the\\ncruel and corrupt Spanish domination, as you are doing to the equally unfor-\\ntunate Cuba, which Spain wishes to see annihilated, i-ather than free and in-\\ndependent, giving her, to quiet her and to cicatrize the deep wounds made\\nin her heart by the iniquities committed upon her children, a false autonomy,\\nof which one bold blow of the Govei-nor-General may deprive her imme-\\ndiately, as she has no colonial army to serve as a counterpoise to the almost\\nsovereign powers of that supreme authority.\\nAt the same time, as I am always frank and open, I must express to you\\nthe great sorrow which all of us Filipinos felt on reading in the Times a\\nnewspaper of the greatest circulation and reputation in the whole world, in\\nits issue of the 5th of last month, the astounding statement that you, sir, will\\nretain these islands until the end of the war, and, it Spain fails to pay the\\nindemnity, will sell them to a Euroijean power, preferably Great Britain.\\nAfter going on and arguing against such a course, he concludes\\nin the last paragraph of this letter by stating:\\nI close by protesting once and a thousand times, in the name of this people,\\nwhich knows how- to fight for its honor by means of its improvised warriors\\nand artillery men. against the .statement published by the Times, mainly for\\nthe purpose of casting a blot in history upon its glorious name: a people which\\ntrusts blindly in you not to abandon it to the tyranny of Spain, bui; to leave\\n4057", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "8\\nIt free and Independent, even if you make peace with Spain, and I offer iiv-\\nvcnt pnivor for the over-increasing prosperity of your i)Owerful nation, to\\nwhich and to you I shall show nnoounded gratitude, and shall repay with\\nInterest that great obliKatiau.\\nThe next document to which I call the attention of the Senate\\nis a letter from Consul Wildman to Aguinaldo from Hongkong.\\nThe date is not given here, but it is contained in a dispatch to the\\nState Department l)j- Consul Wildman, dated August 7, I see that\\nin the body of the dispatch he says he wrote this letter to Agui-\\nnaldo on July 25, 189S.\\nIf you stand shoiilder to shoulder\\nMr. QUARLES. On what page is that found?\\nMr. TURNER. It is page 83lt. at the bottom of the page. In\\nthis letter to Aguinaldo Consul Wildman says:\\nIf you stand shoulder to shoulder with our forces, and do not allow any\\nsmall diflfereuces of opinion ar.d fancied slights to keep you from the one set\\nEurpose of freeing your isla7id from the cruelties under which you claim it\\nas ueen groaning for so many huudred years, your name in history will he\\na glorious one. There are greater prizes in the world than being the mere\\nchief of a revolution.\\nNow, mark this language:\\nDo not forget that the L nited States undertook this war for the sole pur-\\npose of relieviuf; the Ciibmis from the cruelties under which they wore suf-\\nfering, and not for the love of conquest or the hope of gain. Whatever the\\nfinal ai.- !iosition of the conquered territory may be, you can trust to the United\\nStates that justice and honor will control all their dealing.s with you. The\\nfirst thing is to throw off the Spanish yoke. Do not let anything interfere\\nwith this.\\nNow, Mr. President, for the purpose of showing that these\\nrepresentations were brought to the attention of the Department,\\nI refer the Senate to a memorandum made by Secretary J. B.\\nMoore for the information of Secretary Day, dated .Tune 22, 1898,\\nand found iu this publication on page 340. This memorandum\\nsays:\\nFor the Secretary:\\nHere are two dispatches from Mr. Pratt, consul-general at Singapore,\\nrespectively numbered 214 and ;?17.\\nNo. 214 incloses a copy of Mr. Pratt s confidential No. 212, to which you\\nhav\u00c2\u00ab already replied.\\nIt also incloses a copy of his No. 213, narratiupc his parting interview with\\nGeneral Agniinaldo. Sir. Pratt states that in this interview he enjoined upon\\nCJeneral Aguinaldo the necessity, under Commodore Dewey s direction, of\\nassuming absolute control over his forces iuthe Philippines, since noexcesses\\non their part would be tolerated by the United States, the President having\\ndeclared that the present hostilities with Spain were to be carried on in\\nstrict conformity with the principles of civilized warfare. Mr. Pratt states\\nthat to this injunction General Aguinaldo gave his full assent, assuring him\\nthat he intended, and was able, when in the field, to hold his followers, the\\ninsurgents, in check and lead them on a.\u00c2\u00ab our commander should direct.\\nGeneral Aguinaldo, as Sir. Pratt re|)orts, further stated that he hoped\\nthe United States would assume protection of the L bilippines for at least long\\nenough to allow the inhabitants to establish a government of their own, in\\nthe organization of which he would desire American advice and assistance.\\nThese questions, says Mr. Pratt. I told him I had no authority to discuss.\\nThis conHrms Mr. Pratt s statement, in his recent telegram, that he confined\\nhis nction to bringing General Aguinaldo and Commodore Dewey together.\\nThe only intimation in this whole record from beginning to end\\nthat the Filipinos or any])ody acting for them ever expressed a\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2willingness to accept anything less than their independence is\\ncontained in a letter addressed by Consul Williams at Manila to\\nSfcn-tary Day, dated June IG. I .IS. in which he states that in a\\nconversation with Aguinaldo the latter had stated that certain of\\nhis leaders had expres.sed a willingness to accept annexation to\\nthe United Slates. Yet, Mr. President, Aguinaldo, in the letter\\nto the President which I have already read, dated June 10, 1898,", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "six days before this supposed conversation between himself and\\nConsul Williams, had notified the President that when peace v.-as\\nfinally concluded between the United States and Spain he expected\\nthat it would be done upon terms that would concede the inde-\\npendence of the Philippine Islands.\\nAGUINALDO S ARGUMENT FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT.\\nMoreover, Aguinaldo, in a letter to Consul Williams, dated\\nAugust 1, 1898, only one month and fourteen days after this sup-\\nposed conversation between himself and Consul Williams, argued\\nstrenuotisly and forcefully in favor of the independence of the\\nPhilippine Islands and gives no intimation whatever that in any\\nconversation w-ith Consul Williams he had indicated the willing-\\nness of anybody connected with the Philippine republic to accept\\nannexation to the United States. This letter is so pathetic and\\naffecting and breathes so high a spirit that it would move the\\nheart of anybody not impervious to generous and magnanimous\\nfeelings. I desire to read a few of its passages to the Senate in\\nthis connection. It is found in the Senate document before read\\nfrom, on pages 398 and 399. He says:\\nWhy do not the American generals operate in conjunction with the Fili-\\npino generals and, uniting the forces, render the end more decisis e?\\nIs it intended, indeed, to carry out annexation asfainst the wish of these\\npeople, distorting the legal sense of that word? If the revolutionary govern-\\nment is the genuine representative, by right and deed, of tho FiUpino people,\\nas we have proved when necessary, why is it wished to oppress instead of\\ngaining their confidence and friendship?\\nIt is useless for me to represent to my compatriots the favors received\\nthrough Admiral Dewey, for they assert that up to the present the Ameri-\\ncan forces have shown not an active, only a passive, cooperation, from which\\nthey suppose that the intention of these forces are not for the best. They\\nassert, besides, that it is possible to suppose that I was brought from Hong-\\nkong to assume those forces bv my presence that the Filipinos would not\\nmake common cause with the Spaniards, and that they have delivered to the\\nFilipinos the arms abandoned by the former in the Cavite arsenal, m order\\nto save themselves much labor, fatigue, blood, and treasure that a war with\\nSpain would cost.\\nBut I do not believe these unworthy suspicions. I have full conhdence m\\nthe generosity and philanthropy which shine In characters of gold in the his-\\ntory of the privileged people of the United States, and for that reason, in-\\nvoking the friendship which you profess for me and the love which you have\\nfor my people, I pray you earnestlv, as also the distinguished generals who\\nrepresent your country in these islands, that you entreat the Government at\\nWashington to recognize the revolutionary government of the Filipinos, and\\nI, for my part, Will labor with all my power with my people that the United\\nStates shall not repent their sentiments of humanity in coming to the aid of\\nan oppressed people. j.\\nSay to the Government at Washington that the Fihpmo people abominate\\nsavagery, that in the midst of their past misfortunes they have learned to\\nlove liberty, o -der, justice, and civil life, and that they are not able to lay\\naside their own wishes when their future lot and history are under discus-\\nsion Say also that I and my leaders know what wo owe to our unfortunate\\ncountry, that we know how to admire and are ready to imitate the disinter-\\nestedness, the abnegation, and the patriotism of the grand men of America,\\namong whom stands preeminent the immortal General Washington.\\nYou and I both love the Filipinos; both see their progress, their prosper-\\nity and their greatness. For this we should avoid any conflict which would\\nbe fatal to the interests of both peoples, who should always be brothers. In\\nthis you will acquire a name in the history of humanity and an ineradicable\\naffection in the hearts of the Filipino people.\\nMr. President, can anybody read these documents and say truth-\\nfully that the idea of independence was an afterthought with the\\nFilipino people? On the contrary, from the very beginnmg, from\\na period anterior even to the outbreak of hostihties between our\\nGovernment and Spain, they were advising us m any and every\\npossible way that the stake for which they were fighting and tor\\nwhich they expected to fight was the independence of their beloved\\ncountry. Nor is it strictly true, Mr. President, to say that they\\n4057", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "10\\nwere never promised their imlepemlence. A fair reading of these\\nletters of Consul Pratt and Consul Williams would induce us to\\n;ay that they were itrouiised independence by those officials, u not\\ninexpress terms, at least by necessary iinpluation. A reading of\\nthe letters from General Anderson, the conimander of our forces\\nat avite before the arrival of General Merritt in that country,\\nwould also ciirry the same iutimaiion to tluix jieople. I want the\\nSenate to listen to wliat General Anderson said to them at that\\ntime. On the 4th dav of July, 1898. General Anderson indited a\\nletter to General Agiiinaldo, and said to him in that letter, among\\nother things:\\nMr. Si Ov )NER. On what page is that found?\\nMr. TURNER. That letter is found on page 390. General\\nAnderson wrote to Aguinaldo as follows:\\nCiENLitAi,: I have the honor to inform you that the inited States of Amer-\\nicft, whose land forces 1 have the honor to command in this vicinity, beins at\\nwar with the Ivin^ dom of Spain, hu.-^ entire sympathy and mos t friendly sen-\\ntiu .euts for th native peojile of the Philippine Islands.\\ni- or these reasons I desire to have the most amicable relations with you,\\nand to have you and your people cooperate with ns in military operations\\nagainst the Spanish forces.\\nIn another letter found in this document, at page 391, dated\\nJuly 6, 1898, General Anderson says to Aguinaldo:\\nV ry soon wo exjx ct a large addition to our forces, and it must be appa-\\nrent to you a.s a militarv otticer that we will require much more room to\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2:;amp our soldiers and also storeroom for our supplies. For this I would\\nlike to have your excellency s advice and cooperation, as you are best\\nacquai: ted with the resources of this country.\\nIt must 1)1- apparent to vou that we do not intend to remain here inactive,\\nbut to move pr ini)tly against our common eiumy: but for a short time we\\nmust o;-L auize ami land sui plies and also retain a place for storing them near\\nour fleet and transports. c\\nI am solicitous tu avoid any conflict of authority which may result from\\nhaving two sets of military oflicers exercising command in the same place.\\n1 am also an-ious to avoid sickness by taking sanitary precautions. Your\\nown medic.il ollicers have been making voluntary inspections with mine and\\nfear epidemic disease if the vicinity is not made clean. Would it not be\\nwell to have prisoners work to this end under the advice of the surgeons?\\nI call the attention of the Senate to the fact that we had no pris-\\noners at that time, but the only Spanish prisoners were those held\\nby the tore-s of the Philippine republic.\\nMr. M( LAURIN. Whose letter is that?\\n^Ir. TUJiNER. That is General Anderson s letter to General\\nAguinaldo. The last letter from General Anderson to which I\\nshall call the attention of the Senate is dated July 23, 1898, and in\\nit he say.-i to Aguinaldo:\\nGenkual: VHien I came here three weeks ago I requested your excellency\\nto i^ive wliut a.ssistance you could to procure means of transportation for the\\nAmerican army, as it was to fight in tlie cause of your people. So far we\\nhave received no rcsjionse.\\nAs you rejiresent your peoi)le, I now have the honor to make requisition\\non you for ^Af) hors^-s and M o. cen and ox carts.\\nIf you can not .secure these, I will have to pass you and make requisition\\ndirectly on the people.\\nThe cause of these letters and other letters, and acts of a simi-\\nlar character, with which I shall not further weary the Senate,\\nwas e.xplained in the testimony of General .Merritt, given before\\nour peace oimniissioners at Paris. That testimony, or so much\\nof it as 1 will read, will be found on page 307 of Senate Document\\nNo. iJ. Among other things, General Merritt says to the com-\\nmissioners:\\nB\u00c2\u00ab-fnro that time, rather early after my arrival there at JIanila, 1 liad tele-\\n(friii lii d to the War Depart ni-nt of the possible trouble that might arise\\nWilli the ins .irgontb, and iwkej for instriii tioiiH as to whether I should con-", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "11\\nsider them as enemies and treat them accordinprly in such case. To that re-\\nquest I had no replv, and the consequence was I had to mis diplomacy with\\nforce in order to avoid a tilt with tUem. I knew if bloodshed was once had\\nthat would be the end of an amicable status there, and to that end I was care-\\nful only to enforce that which was proper and which I conceived must be\\nexecuted in order to have my troops fully occupy the ground we had taken.\\nMr. President, when Secretary Day heard of this interview be-\\ntween Ai^uinaldo and Consul Pratt at Singapore and of the letter\\naddressed to Aguinaldo by Consul Wildman at Hongkong he took\\noccasion to write a letter to each of those o.ricials disavowing their\\ncourse, but he never disavowed, nor did any other official of this\\nGovernment ever disavow, the course \u00c2\u00a9f those consuls to Agui-\\nnaido or to anybody else\u00e2\u0080\u009e although we were then in daily com-\\nmunication with Aguinaldo in and about the vicinity of Manila.\\nWhy was not this done? The answer is obvious and is indicated\\nin the testimony of General Merritt. We desired the friendly\\ncooperation and assistance of the Filipinos in our war with Spain.\\nWe knew that if we disclosed to them our purpose to absorb iheir\\nland and deny their independence, we would not only not have\\ntheir friendly cooperation and assistance, but we would have their\\nactive opposition. We knew that we would be at v. ar, not only\\nwith the Spaniards, but with the Filipinos, from the very moment\\nthat we set foot upon the soil of those islands.\\nWE SOUGHT AND ACCEPTED FILIPINO ASSISTANCE.\\nMr. President, does not this whole miserable history bear out\\nthe statement with which I began, that we owe that to the Fili-\\npinos, by virtue of what has transpired, which, if we now go on\\nwith our pretensions against their liberty and their independence,\\nwill be looked on as a gross breach of faith upon the part of the\\nAmerican people? Whatever may be said as to actual promises of\\nindependence, it is indisputable, nobody can deny it. that we sought\\nand accepted the assistance of the ilipinos, knowing that the\\nstake which they fought for was independence, and when they\\nhad almost won their independence, when it required but one\\nmore effort on their part to clear their soil from the last vestige of\\nSpanish domin:on. we, their professed friend and ally, without\\nany previous intimation of our purpose, stepped into the shoes of\\nSpain and opposed our overwhelming power to the accomplish-\\nment of their long-cherished hopes and aspirations. Mr. Presi-\\ndent, our conduct then and there has no parallel in the history\\nof the world from the beginning of time down to the present\\nmoment. If it be persisted in it will be worse than Punic faith.\\nBeside it Punic faith will hereafter be considered as full observ-\\nance of honorable obligations. It is indescribable. To the honest,\\nunperverted American mind it is inconceivable. I venture the\\nassertion that there is not one American voter in a hundred\\nwho would not have repudiated as perfidious and dishonorable\\nthe pretensions put forth by the President of the United States\\nand by the resolutions of the Senator from Indiana [Mr. Bever-\\nidge] if they had been called upon with full knowledge of all\\nthe facts to sanction them in the beginning and before the pres-\\nent desolating war began. The truth of the matter is that those\\npretentions have from the beginning and do now constitute a\\nstain on the honor of this nation, which we may atone for if we\\nwill, but which can never be entirely wiped out. The man or\\nmen who have put us in this position before the world deserve and\\nwill receive the condemnation of the American people. That\\npeople have a conscience which stings and an honor which repro-\\n4057", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": ".n,-. r,.. Ti.t..! l.v their strvants and in\\nJ, i.,V)lile. Those in high\\n,iK lit the dictation of\\nLlau\u00c2\u00abl .-Ai-iu-uc, wi.. i\u00c2\u00ab.4r.. U.Ht fa. t lo their O^V ]f:\\nfore thu dei.l. -ruble chapter in our natJoual history 18 closea\\nforv% er.\\nI l-IU-IIAill or THE l llll.irPI.NK\u00c2\u00ab\\nI r^., i..T,t the Pr\u00c2\u00bb^ident in hi** annual message to Congress\\nht in the I hilij.i in.-Hon the ground that we had\\nd, I j,r..iMiH\u00c2\u00bbsl uotling to th\u00c2\u00ab iuhiibitants of those\\n1*1,.. ..is wt.wh i.reolud.-l mh in Honor from ncciuiniig them and\\non t furtht-r ground tluil weha.l loyally j.urchi.s.-d those islamls\\nf, ih.-ir f-rui.-r own. r. and lie derlarf l. thereioie. that\\nt bv cv.rv title of law and equity. I do not believe\\nt:, ^rr oiim bv eiih-r title. If they were j.rivate posses-\\nsi. .n^ \u00c2\u00abnT cort of iuity admdicating between ourselves and the\\nFil i! eren Judge Dav hirr!-\u00c2\u00ab!f. in his capacity as a judge ot\\nfi lurt of thf III a.linini tering(Mjuity. would\\n.1 to d. clan- 1 tiiat. instead of being trus-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2;,Hl\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bbrt. ii.\u00c2\u00bb Senator from Iniliaua I Mr.\\nare. we are in truth and in fact trustees\\n,1. the right* of the Filipinos. The suggestio\\nfalM i\u00c2\u00bbnd ihe suppn-sio v.ri are both there for the purposeof con-\\nstr.uting th e.,uiUble iuriwliction. Nor do 1 beli.veit hesin our\\ninotiih to \u00c2\u00abav that we hold a leiral title to those islands. Caveat\\nem! t..r. How coul.l we purchase- fr..m Spain something which\\nIf ...1 ...ss? How could ihi; Filipini sbe bound\\nn in un.lertaking to sell a sovereignty\\n^T iroin her bythe (iod-given right of reyo-\\nIntion.- if \u00c2\u00bbl b\u00c2\u00abj i\u00c2\u00bbai.i that while Sj.ain had lost her sovereignty\\nd\u00c2\u00bb tarto it Rtill exij te.l de jnre, I say that as to us she had lost\\nh.-r (...V. rriL^nty Ix.th iti law and in fact. We can not be per-\\nmute 1 ;n ativ :..rum. cith.-r of law or ronsc-ipnre. to breathe both\\n1 !os. Having assisted them to destroy\\nwe (an not l e permitted now to turn\\n4 it ifl true that that sovereignty had do-\\npnrl^l n fa^t. \u00c2\u00bbt biill existed de jure, for the purposeof pui-\\n,ni bv ii\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bb. And I rail the attention of the Senate to the fact\\n.^whatever in the Pliilippines, it is by\\niiiil nothiii else. At the time of the\\n1. li t uded the war with Spain, we were\\ni(K t of territory in the Philiiipines\\nII wrest.d from Spain by the vic-\\niie rej)ublic. and by them snrren-\\nV to a friend and an ally. Judge\\n_-ht in a ]ml li.ation from him\\nW we -ks ago, and in which\\nwe tlo possess in the Philip-\\nand not by conquist. 1 am si rry\\n.i.d Hatisfactory exjjtession of Judge\\nIt) j.rLScut to the Senate now in connection\\nI. V xilK I\u00c2\u00abI,AM)S.\\nIt may l\u00c2\u00bb a*^ i\u00c2\u00bbt any discussion of the status of\\ntl.:- I i;Trv !i iHlands froui a legal sfand])oint is\\ni, .lur tu)V\u00c2\u00ab reignty has been declared by\\nx( il in all our own forums. But is it so", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "13\\nfixed, Mr. President? Neither that instrument nor any other to\\nwhich the Filipinos were not parties can fix it in the forum of\\nconscience. That forum finds its being in tlie Congress of the\\nUnited States primarily, with right of appeal to the people of\\nthe United States in their collective capacity as the ultimate sov-\\nereign to whom all questions of conscience must in the end be\\nsubmitted and decided. That people will determine hereafter,\\nwhatever Congress may now do, whether the Philippines are\\nours by every title of law and equity. Our people are broad,\\ngenerous, humane, and magnanimous, and their every instinct is\\nfor right and justice. I can not doubt that, when the- matter is\\nsubmitted to them understandingly, they will render a just and\\nrighteous verdict. In the meantime, what a cause and what a\\nforum for an advocate filled with holy zeal for justice and with\\nrighteous indignation against wrong perpetrated in high places!\\nOh, for a Burke, or a Fox, or a Pitt to demand justice for an out-\\nraged people, and to scourge with scorpion whip the cant and\\nhypocrisy that would oppress them under the guise of extending\\nliberty and civilization.\\nMr. President, the Senator from Indiana did not address him-\\nself to our position in the Philippines from the standpoint of right\\nand justice. His address was a rhapsody directed to our interests\\nand our senses; arfd while it was very beautiful, he must pardon\\nme for saying that it lacked that majestic harmony which can be\\nevoked only when the nobler chords are struck. We now know\\nfrom his address, if we did not before know, that the islands are\\nboth rich and beautiful, that their climate is salubrious, their\\nwaters healing, their soil fertile, their productions diversified,\\ntheir position commanding, and that the opportunities to exploit\\nthem for our enricluuent are many and manifold; but we do not\\nknow by what right Spain, after being expelled from them by\\ntheir 10,000,000 inhabitants, could sell them and their inhabit-\\nants to us without the consent of the latter, nor do we know by\\nwhat right the United States, after having assisted to expel Spain\\nfrom those islands, could buy them and their 10.000,000 inhabit-\\nants without the consent of the latter. Nor does the Senator from\\nIndiana tell us, unless he intends us to infer the right from the\\nclaim which he makes, that the Filipinos are a barbarous race of\\npeople and that the principles of liberty declared by our great\\npolitical charter were never intended to have application to such\\na people. But the Senator must pardon me again if I express\\ndoubt whether his opportunities have been such as to constitute\\nhim an authority on the subject of the capabilities of the Filipino\\npeople.* We all know that his ability to travel through the island\\nof Luzon and to mix with its people was much restricted during\\nhis recent visit to the Orient, and the same may be said of all the\\nother islands, unless possibly we except that group governed by\\nthe Sultan of Sulu. Those islands, I believe, at the time of the\\nvisit of the Senator had been won over to friendly consideration\\nby the extraordinary means which that great oriental statesman,\\nLi Hung Chang, advised us to employ in the efforts to pacify all of\\nthe islands. But there are others, whose opportunities have been\\ngreater than those of the Senator from Indiana, who tell us a dif-\\nferent story concerning the capabilities of the Filipinos: and I\\nprefer, as I have no doubt the country will prefer, to believe them\\nrather than to accept the version of the Senator from Indiana.\\nAdmiral Dewey tells us, from observation and experience with\\n4057", "height": "3443", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "14\\nthe Filipinos, that they are far more capable of self-governmeut\\nthan the natives of Cuba. He reiterated this in his views formu-\\nlated for the information of our peace commissioners at Paris.\\nIn those vipws, which are published in Senate Document No. G2,\\non page ;!S:!. I find, among others, this statement from Admiral\\nDewey. It is very brief:\\nIn a telegram sent to the Department on June 33 I expressed the opinion\\ntnat these people are f\u00c2\u00abr superior m their intelligence and more capaVjle of\\n8olf-soveriimfi:t tlian the nrttivi s of Cuba, anri T am familiar with both\\nni -es. Further intercourse with them has (.\u00e2\u0080\u00a2onfirmed me in this opinion.\\nMr. TILLMAN. As the Senator is speaking of Admiral Dew-\\nv b testimony in connection with this matter, I should like to ask\\nliira if he has ever found in any official dispatch whether or not\\n.Admiral Dewey made a compact with Aguinaldo as to the condi-\\ntions on which the war should be prosecuted?\\nMr. TURNER. I have found nothing on that subject in the\\ndocuments published.\\nMr. CHANDLER. May I ask the Senator a question?\\nMr. TCRNER. Certainly.\\nMr. CHANDLER. 1 ask whether there is any evidence that\\nthere were any active insurgent s in the Philippine Islands when\\nDewey destroyed the Spanish fleet? The Senator speaks of our\\nassisting the insurgents to take possession of the Philippine\\nIslands. When the news of Dewey s victory went around the\\nworld, and when, as the Senator says, we began to assist the insur-\\ngents to take possession of the islands, were there any active in-\\nBuvLcents in all the islands?\\nMr. TURNER. Yes.\\nMr. CHANDLER. If so. I should be very glad to be informed\\nof it, because I had supposed there were none.\\nMr. TURNER. I shall not take the time to turn to the letter\\nnow, but the Senator will find in thisi)ublication a dispatch from\\nConsul Williams, at Manila, to Secretary Day. before the outbreak\\nof liostilities between the United States and Spain, in which Con-\\nsul Williams told Judge Day tliat there were 5,000 armed insur-\\ngents then in and around the city of Manila.\\nMr. CHANDLER. I have no doubt there were plenty of armed\\nFilipino insurgents at Hongkong, but I have yet tosee any reliable\\nevidence that the insurrection at thai particular time had one par-\\nticle of vitality in the Philippine Islands.\\nMr. TURNER. Then the Senator has not read this correspond-\\nence, which I commend to his consideration.\\nMr. CHANDLER. If tlie Senator will allow me, there were\\nundoubtedly insurgents, inhabitants of the Philippine Islands,\\nwith arms which they were ready to use if they were encouraged\\na 111 assisted, as the Senator says, by the United States, but that\\nthe insurrection had any vitality whatever on the day of Dewey s\\nvictory I have never believed.\\nMr. TILLMAN. With the ])ermissi()n of the Senator from\\nWashington. I will read from page :!1!) of Senate Doctmient No.\\n0;. Fifty-fifth Cong- ess. third session, a letter from Consul Wil-\\nliams, dated February 3, 18US, in which he says:\\niVace wii\u00c2\u00abpr x!hiiini (l. und since my coming festivities therefor were held-\\nbut there is no pence and has l.cfii none for about two years. Conditions here\\nand in Cuba arc nnicti -ully alike. War exists, battles are of ahnost daily\\ncxciirnnce. amualances brinjf in many wounded, and hospitals are full.\\nThat was February 22, 18iW, before we declared war.\\nI liHoners are brought hero and shot witljout trial, and Manila is under\\nmarti.-il law.\\n4057", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "15\\nThe Crown forces have not been able to dislodgre a rebel arrny within 10\\nallies of Manila, and last Saturday, February 19, a battle was there fought\\nand five dead left oh the field, i-iuch of such information is found in my\\nlonger dispatch, referred to, and which is at your command.\\nMr. CHANDLER. If the Senator will allow me, the difficulty\\nis for me to understand, if that be true and I am not now pre-\\npared to say that it is not true, although I somf^what doubt it\\nwhy Aguinaldo and all the leaders of the rebellion had gone off\\nto Hongkong to enjoy the money of the Spanish Government,\\nwhich had been agreed to be paid to them as a reason for aban-\\ndoning the insurrection.\\nMr. TURNER. Mr. President\\nMr. HOAR. I should like to ask the Senator one question. I\\ninquire if the Senator has formed his opinion on this subject in\\nignorance of that fact?\\nThe PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Taliai^ekro in the chair)-.\\nThe Senator from Washington [Mr. Turner] is entitled to the\\nfloor.\\nMr. TILLMAN. With the consent of the Senator from Wash-\\nington, I will read some additional testimony from Mr. Williams,\\nunder date of March 19, 1898, page 330 of the same dociiment.\\nHe writes to the Assistant Secretary of State a^ follows:\\nSir: Matters are in a serious state here. I have daily communication by\\ncable and letter with Commodore Dewey, but we pass letters by British and\\nother shipmasters and by private parties, because cables and letters are\\ntampered with.\\nInsurrection is rampant; many killed, wounded, and made prisoners on\\nboth sides.\\nRebellion never more threatening to Spain. Rebels getting arms, money,\\nand friends, and they outnumber the Spaniards, residents, and soldiery prob-\\nably a hundred to one.\\nIf Mr. Williams was a liar, he ought not to have been there as\\nthe consul of the United States.\\nMr. TURNER. Mr. President, to proceed with the tenor of my\\nremarks and to return to the question of the capacity of the Fili-\\npinos for government, the next document to which I call the\\nattention of the Senate is a dispatch from Consul Williams to the\\nSecretary of State, found on pages 327 and 328, written a very\\nshort time after the battle of Manila Bay. It is dated May 13,\\n1898. He says to the Secretary:\\nThese natives are eager to be organized and led by United States omcers\\nand the members of their cabinet visited me and gave assurance that all\\nwould swear allegiance to and cheerfully follow our flag. They are brave,\\nsubmissive, and cheaply provided for.\\nTo show their friendliness for me as our nation s only representative in\\nthis part of the world, I last week went on shore at Cavite with British con-\\nsul, m his launch, to sliow the destruction wrought by our fleet. As soon ae\\nnatives found me out, they crowded around me, hats off, shouting Vivalos\\nAmericanos, thronged about me by hundreds to shake either nand, even\\nseveral at a time, men, women, and children striving tu get even a finger to\\nshalje. So I moved half a mile, shaking continuously with both hands. The\\nBritish consul, a smiling spectator, said he never before saw such an evidence\\nof f rs gndship. Two thousand escorted me to the launch amid hurrahs of good\\nfeeling for our nation, hence 1 must conclude\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nAnd it is these conclusions of Consul Williams to which T wish\\nthe particular attention of the Senate:\\nFirst. Our squadron can force surrender in a day. Spaniards are all cooped\\nup in Manila.\\nThis was before our troops got there at all.\\nSecond. Spanish ofQcers of native regiments away, these 6,0fi0, together\\nwith selections from the 37.000 insurgents, can give us ample land force, and\\ncan be well armed with rifles of Spanish \u00e2\u0080\u00a2oldiors and from barracks and\\narsenals.\\ni057", "height": "3443", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "LltiKHKY Ul- LUNUKt^b\\n013 903 961\\n16\\ntroops will be needed for conquest, and fewer\\nMinn .f Sii-inluriis naval, civil, military, and\\nr d and hun;. r. and civil Rovornmont, crude in\\nthe jin-sent, will l)eeasvand be well ri ieived,\\nli there arc many, can fully and with i\u00c2\u00bb i-fect\\niH riviuiremout\u00c2\u00ab 80 far a.s present established\\nri 1 T I 1\\nConsul Wiili. ims in tliis letter states to the Secretary of State\\nthat til. Kovomment of those insurprents. while crude in the be-\\n?inin:i^ would be l etter tlnm that which was then being admin-\\niRtore.1 by the Spaniards in that country. Can it be that a people\\nwho could administer better government than the Spaniards are\\ncapable of adnnuistennK can be truthfully said to be barbarians?\\n1 he next evidence to which I shall call the attention of the Sen-\\nate on th s subject i.s a letter from General King, very much in\\nline with that of Admiral Dewey. This letter is dated San Fran-\\ncisco June 2-2, ISO J. It is found published in Senate Document\\n^o. Go, and is as follows:\\nSan Francisco, June St, 1899.\\nTo thf Editor of the Journal, miuyjuke^. Wis.\\npKAH Sill: TLiuklng over j-onr telotrram and request of June 7. I find mv-\\nS^l^.^V r ^1 \u00e2\u0080\u00a2f Si J- As Itt -er of the Army, there arc many rei\\nBon\u00c2\u00ab why I should u.^t tdve my viewsof situation in the Philii.pines how\\noTillan.iL! \u00c2\u00b0tmue,and thoughtsng to America s part in futur.\\nTil. .M.\u00e2\u0080\u009eibiHty of the Filipinos for 8.1f-(?overnment can not be doubted.\\nArellano, ..^inaluo and many other.s whom I might name are\\nI lne tenths of the people road and write, all are skilled\\nl\\\\. ,.V,Tr^ -,T,i*rV* K \u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00abt t \u00c2\u00b0-fr\u00c2\u00bbsnl. temperate, and,\\nKi- -I. H :t.i .start eonld 1.,ok out for themselves iulinitelv better than our\\nP*..ple imuKine. In my oi..n.on, they rauk fur hi^fher than the Cubans or thi\\nuueducated n-^-roo\u00c2\u00ab to w\u00c2\u00a3om we have j^iven the right of suffrage\\nVery truly, yours,\\nCHARLES KING,\\ntirigadier-GentriU.", "height": "3453", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "philippines01turn_0016.jp2"}}