{"1": {"fulltext": "^52^-^L-\\nrf tfi rf\\nCopy\\nCUBAN INTERVENTION.\\nAny man, whether a member of Congress or otherwise, who would attempt to\\nmake a dollar out of such a crisis is too mean to live. Men who attempt to specu-\\nlate on the calamities of the poor Cohans or on the blowing up of the Maine\\nought to be shot.\\nS P E E C II\\nHON. SHELBY M. CULLOM,\\nOF ILLINOIS,\\nSi\\ns\\nSENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nFriday, April 15, 1898.\\nWASHINGTON.\\n1898.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2s.", "height": "3559", "width": "2302", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "v\\n4 7\\n\u00c2\u00a3~7i\\n76\\n40", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "J\\n4\\nspeech\\nOF\\nHON. SHELBY M. CULL OIL\\nThe Senate having under consideration the joint resolution (S. R. 149) for\\nthe recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding that\\nthe Government of Spain relinquish its authority and government iu tho\\nIsland of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and\\nCuban waters, and directing the President of the United States to use tho\\nland and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions into\\neffect-\\nMr. CULLOM said:\\nMr. President: On yesterday evening I had the honor of ob-\\ntaining the floor for the purpose of making some remarks upon\\nthe resolution before the Senate and upon the subject under\\nconsideration generally. I stated then, before an adjournment\\nwas taken, that on the 10th day of December, 1896. 1 had the honor\\nof addressing the Senate on the joint resolution (S. R. 168) intro-\\nduced by me at that time, declaring the extinction of Spanish\\ntitle and the termination of Spanish control of the islands at the\\ngateway of the Gulf of Mexico.\\nOn that occasion, referring to the condition of affairs then ex-\\nisting in Cuba, I called attention to the magnitude of the prob-\\nlems which even in that early day of the struggle of tho Cuban\\npatriots for independence had grown out of that condition. Those\\nproblems I then took opportunity to observe would demand solu-\\ntion in the early future, and I ventured the assertion that the de-\\ntermination of the policy to be pursued in the solution of those\\nproblems would result in the independence of Cuba and lead to\\nthe conclusion that a people with such a history and such an edu-\\ncation as the Spanish people have must be expelled from all par-\\nticipation in the control of any territorial possessions on this\\nhemisphere.\\nSince that time the deplorable condition of affairs in Cuba has\\nbecome more and more intensified, and the necessity for action by\\nthis Government, upon the lines of policy which at that time\\n3337 3", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0were indicated by ine, has become more and more apparent, until\\nnow the hour for action is about to strike.\\nStep by step Spain has been pushed back from dominion in the\\nNew World, as she was crowded from control in Europe. Now\\nshe is to lose another of her possessions. Her oppressed subjects\\nin Cuba are about to become the arbiters of their own destiny.\\nThis result is inevitable; for, as has been aptly remarked by some\\none:\\nSome incurable vice in her organization, or it may be in the temperament\\nof her people, neutralizes all the advantages Spain ought to derive from her\\nBtubborn hardihood, her nearly perfect capacity for endurance, and the som-\\nber genius alike for war, for art, and for literature which have so often\\nmarked her sons. No race outside her own borders, even if Spanish by ori-\\ngin, lias ever been able to endure her reign, and every race which has resisted\\nhas ultimately succeeded in withdrawing itself from her control.\\nIf permitted to pursue her pitiless course in Cuba, she would go\\non without remorse, and, if she could, she would exterminate the\\nmillion and a half of patriots who deprecate her tyrannical poli-\\ncies and her cruel and bloody methods in peace as well as in war.\\nHer ruthlessness is apparent in the conditions now existing in\\nCuba as related by four eyewitnesses who are members of this\\nSenate.\\nThe story as told by the honorable Senator from Vermont [Mr.\\nProctor] has challenged the attention of the whole civilized\\nworld. That narrative shows that at our very door the cruelty\\nof Spain is blackening the history of the time with deeds that cry\\naloud to heaven for vengeance. With a careful pen the honora-\\nble Senator wrote his tale of woe. He gave to it no coloring that\\ntruth did not absolutely require him to use. He did not allow\\nhis emotions to lead him into any expression of anger. He com-\\npelled himself to relate the harrowing facts which had come un-\\nder his observation without using any of the forms of indignant\\nspeech which were doubtless suggested to his mind.\\nHe told the story of Cuban suffering fully, it is true, but with\\na gentleness of expression that, under the circumstances, was\\nwonderful, and in almost any other man than the judicial-ininded\\nSenator from Vermont would have been impossible. But this\\nstory ering and outrage, thus mitigated in the telling, has\\nd the indignation of America and stirred the conscience of\\nthe world.\\n2", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "This distressful story was corroborated by the distinguished\\nSenators from Mew Hampshire, Nebraska, and Mississippi, all of\\nwhom have visited the island and have borne testimony in this\\nChamber to the cruelty of Spanish warfare in Cuba in a most elo-\\nquent and forcible manner, giving the story over again of the hor-\\nrible condition of the suffering and death of the reconcentrados.\\nIn addition to the statements of these distinguished gentlemen,\\nGeneral Lee, in his testimony before the Committee on Foreign\\nEolations since his arrival, says that he regards the condition of\\nthe reconcentrados as being just as bad as it has ever been; that\\ngreat suffering still exists and will continue to exist until they\\nare relieved by the hand of charity from this or some country\\nother than Spain, and that very little of the reported appropria-\\ntion by Spain of $000,000 for the sustenance of the reconcentrados\\nwill be spent for the relief of the suffering people there.\\nThat there is any extremity to which Spain would not go in an\\nattempt to wreak her desire for vengeance upon the United States\\nI do not believe. The officials, in the exercise of authority con-\\nferred by her, have robbed, imprisoned, and even murdered citi-\\nzens of this Republic. Our flag has been insulted repeatedly on\\nher soil, and while in the discharge of their duties representatives\\nof this Government have been threatened with violence. And,\\nworse still, one of our battle ships, while on a friendly call at\\nHavana, was destroyed by the explosion of a mine and 268 of her\\ncrew murdered in cold blood.\\nThese heroes were not permitted to die in battle striking blows\\nin the service of their country. They were assailed by Spanish\\ntreachery working in darkness. But, although they were not\\npermitted to die in the hurly-burly of battle, while exalted into\\npatriotic fervor by the excitement of war, they will never be for-\\ngotten by their grateful countrymen. In no part of the land or\\nsea are they unknown.\\nSir, this tragedy has aroused a spirit of resentment throughout\\nthe length and breadth of the Republic, and the patriotic people\\nof all sections of the country are demanding that the President\\nand the Congress shall resent the assault upon the Maine as an act\\nof war by Spain, and that the resenting blow shall be struck with-\\nout unnecessary delay.\\n3237", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "Sir, there seems to be good reason for this demand. All the\\nevidence goes to show that the Maine was destroyed by an outside\\nforce; that whatever the destroying agency was, it was placed in\\nposition in the harbor by the officials of the Spanish Government;\\nthat the officials of the Spanish Government, whose duty it was\\nto know of the existence and location of the destroying agency,\\nconducted the vessel to its anchorage, and that only officials of\\nSpain could have used or have permitted others to use the means\\nby which the destroying agency was utilized for the purpose for\\nwhich it was intended.\\nThe testimony of Captain Sigsbee, commander of the Maine,\\nshows that every precaution had been taken to prevent accidents;\\nthat every portion of the ship had been inspected, including the\\nmagazines, coal bunkers, etc., and that he felt sure that the ship\\nwas blown up by an outside force.\\nEnsign Powelson, who w r as present on the wreck of the Maine\\nevery day while the divers were making their investigations,\\nspeaking of the important discoveries made by them during his\\npresence, testifies that the bow of the vessel where the explosion\\noccurred was pushed tip and that diver Morgan, while walking on\\nthe bottom, fell into a hole on the port side and reported that\\neverything in the vicinity of this hole seemed bent upward. The\\nplates were found split, forming a V, pushed over and bent down\\nover the 10-inch magazine. He further says that diver Smith\\nworked himself forward and down to the keel on the bottom plat-\\ning, at the point where the keel went into the mud, at which\\npoint he found a hole in the mud about G feet deep and 15 feet in\\ndiami fcer.\\nGeneral Lee, in his testimony before the Committee on Foreign\\nRelations, stated that he was satisfied that the explosion causing\\nthe destruction of the Maine came from a force from outside of\\nthe ship. He also states that the man who did the work of de-\\nstroying the Maine must have been an officer thoroughly ac-\\nquainted with explosives of all sorts, and one who knew all about\\nthe :nanner of producing the explosion.\\nHe further states, as was stated here on the floor by the Sena-\\ntor from Maine [Mr. Fryb], that upon the night of the disaster\\nthe Spaniards wore rejoicing among themselves, drinking charn-\\n3237", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "pagne in honor of the event, and in many portions of the city\\nwere making merry on account of the destruction of the Maine,\\nits officers and crew.\\nFrom all this and much more that can he stated of the cvidenco\\ntaken hy the naval hoard and hy the Committee on Foreign Re-\\nlations there seems to be no way by which Spain can escape\\nresponsibility for the destruction of the battle ship or by which\\nwe can overlook the force of the suggestion that the destruction\\nof the vessel, under the circumstances stated, was in fact effected\\nby the treachery and work of Spanish officials.\\nIf the assertion is made that war can not be justified by circum-\\nstantial evidence that the nation upon which war is to be made\\nhas been guilty of an offense which she denies, viz, the destruc-\\ntion of the Maine, and that only in the extremest of cases could\\nwe be justified in acting on the principle of international law that\\na state may interfere in a hostile manner in the affairs of another\\nstate guilty of a wrong against humanity or liberty, we would be\\njustified, nevertheless, in interference with the action of Spain in\\nCuba in the interests of commerce and the repose of our own\\nsociety.\\nLong ago, indeed, acting outside of every consideration of sym-\\npathy for the Cuban patriots, acting wholly in our own interests,\\nwe should have in some way avoided the necessity under which\\nwe have acted, of being in effect an ally of Spain in her efforts to\\nsuppress a people who are so gallantly struggling for freedom.\\nBut, sir, whatever may have been our sins of omission against\\nliberty in the armed controversy in progress between Spain and\\nCuba, we propose now to do our duty to God and humanity, lib-\\nerty, and to ourselves by saying to Spain: Hold your hand!\\nYou shall not outrage liberty and humanity in Cuba any longer.\\nYou must withdraw your army and abdicate your authority.\\nThis we must say now, and if Spain shall see proper to resent\\nour action we shall not hesitate to take up the gauntlet and ap-\\npeal to the God of battles and to the judgment of mankind to jus-\\ntify us in our course.\\nMr. President, it is said that Spain will appeal to other mo-\\nnarchical governments to aid her in her struggle with the United\\nStates, and that she will base her appeal for assistance upon the\\n3237", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "8\\nground that our interference in her attempt to suppress insurrec-\\ntion is a violation of the doctrine asserted hy the allied powers of\\nEurope in 1821, when Greece was struggling for her independ-\\nence, namely:\\nThat useful anil necessary changes in legislation and administration ought\\nonly to emanate from the free will and intelligent conviction of those whom\\nGod has rendered responsible for power. All that deviates from this lino\\nnecessarily leads to disorder, commotions, and evils far more insufferable\\nthan those which they pretend to remedy.\\nThis is the doctrine of the divine right of kings, and if it were\\nasserted by a world in arms, America would be compelled to resist\\nit to the bitter end and set up in opposition to it the divine right\\nof the people to govern themselves. In the language of Webster,\\nspeaking in the Senate of the United States seventy-five years ago:\\nThat the people hold their fundamental privileges from the sovereign\\npower is a sentiment not easy to be diffused in this age any further than it\\nis enforced by the direct operation of military means.\\nAgainst this doctrine we have set up the American doctrine\\nThat useful and necessary changes in legislation and administra-\\ntion ought to emanate from the free will and intelligent conviction\\nof the people. Tried by this principle, the right of Spain to rule\\nin Cuba must be denied, since it is a fact that a large majority of\\nthe people of the island desire independence and the right to rule\\nthemselves.\\nIn the light of this fact and of other facts that appeal to our\\nhumanity and to our business, commercial, and political interests\\nstands displayed to all the w oriel the duty of America to inter-\\nfere in the affairs of Cuba and compel Spain to withdraw her\\narmy and her civil authority from the island and permit the peo-\\nple thereof to enjoy the inalienable rights of man, among which\\nare life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.\\nIn attempted refutation of all that has been said of the misgov-\\nernment of Cuba and of the cruelty of Spain, the assertion has been\\nmade, and is even yet being made, that there exists no real cause\\nof complaint by us against Spain, no cause that can justify us in\\ninterfering in the pending conflict in Cuba; that a sensational\\npress has produced, without good reason, the excited condition of\\nthe public mind which is demanding that our Government shall\\ntake up anus against the Spaniard and expel him from the conti-\\nnent.", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "9\\nThis is an attempt to hide from the world the truth of the pres-\\nent situation; it is another of idle many attempts that selfish in-\\nterests have made to excuse the influence of kingly power at the\\nexpense of liberty, and to exalt peace in the humiliation of that\\nspirit of freedom which should be ever slow to wrath, indeed, but\\nalways swift in vindication of its glorious mission and of its ex-\\nalted dignity in the affairs of mankind.\\nAs much as any other man I deprecate the sensationalism of the\\npress, which perverts truth and makes a molehill of fact a moun-\\ntain of falsehood; but the sensationalism of the press has not made\\nSpain, in all her history, vindictive and cruel; a nation productive\\nin wonderful fertility of great men, but of incapable statesman-\\nship and bloody deeds; the nation of the inquisition, of the Duke\\nof Alva, and of General Weyler. The press did not create the\\nfacts which have been established irrefutably by the testimony\\ndelivered in this presence by the honorable Senators from Ver-\\nmont, New Hampshire, Nebraska, and Mississippi.\\nThe sensationalism of the press did not compel Weyler to resort\\nto the system of warfare, repugnant to all our ideas, under which\\nhundreds of thousands of inoffensive men, women, and children\\nhave been subjected to the horrors of slow death by starvation;\\nunder which Ruiz and others were murdered; under which an\\ninnocent Cuban maiden was imprisoned and threatened with a\\nfate the anticipation of which created a sentiment of horror in the\\nheart of every man and woman in America.\\nWas it the sensationalism of the press that prompted a minister\\nof Spain, accredited to this Government, to insult the President of\\nthe Republic and that instigated the crime of the destruction of the\\nbattle ship Maine and the murder of hundreds of her gallant crew?\\nNo, no; the press of America has done nothing more in this in-\\nstance than to hold the mirror up to Spain and show to that nation\\nher own frightfully distorted features and to reflect upon her\\nvision the story of her crimes against God and humanity, crimes\\nthe bloodiest in all the annals of time.\\nMr. President, the press has told the truth, but not all the truth,\\nconcerning affairs in Cuba, because the situation is so full of hor-\\nrors it can not be overstated, can not, indeed, be adequately slated\\nin all the length and breadth of its appalling horribk-ness. It has\\n3237", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "10\\nappeared to me since this discussion lias been going on that the\\npn ss failed to tell the whole truth even as much as we had imag-\\nined sometimes that it was telling more than the truth for the\\npurpose of sensation.\\nMr. President, in the contemplation of this situation I have been\\nforced to the conclusion that there is but one course that we can\\npursue with honor. In an effort to alleviate the sufferings of the\\npeople of Cuba we nave expostulated with Spain and have endeav-\\nored to induce her to wage her war of suppression in accordance\\nT7ith the rules of civilized warfare; but our expostulations have\\nbeen in vain.\\nShe has persisted in her system of inhuman warfare, feebly\\nfighting the insurgents, cruelly starving unarmed men and help-\\nless women and children, insulting and murdering American cit-\\nizens, and demonstrating in many ways her inability to govern\\nand her determination to listen to nothing but the promptings of\\na national pride out of which flows a constant stream of misery\\nand death.\\nContemplating this condition, I have been forced to the con-\\nclusion that we must interfere and put an end to the war of Spain\\nupon the Cubans; that we must do this in the interests of human-\\nity as well as in our own interest.\\nSir, to this conclusion the President has come, with many thou-\\nsands of his fellow- citizens who deprecate the idea of war. He\\nhas desired, as every other truly patriotic man has desired, the\\nsettlement of the Cuban question by peaceful methods; but he has\\nnever been an advocate of the debasing policy of peace at any\\nprice. He knows that peace purchased by dishonorable conces-\\nsions is debasing and dangerous to popular government; and now,\\nhaving failed in his laudable efforts to induce Spain to accept the\\nsuggestions made by him and to act upon humane principles, he\\nhas taken a stand in the interest of the American people and of\\nhumanity.\\nMr. President, I have no desire for war. It is painful to me to\\nbelieve that war is imminent, but there seems to be no honorable\\nescape from it. Horrible as war is. yet there are other things\\nwui than war. No honorable-spirited people can afford to sit\\nsilently by and see tens and hundreds of thousands of people help-", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "11\\nless and starving to death at the nation s door. It matters not\\nwhether they are of our own nation or in a country under the\\ndomination of some other.\\nIt is, in my judgment, the duty of this Government to intervene\\nin behalf of such suffering people, whatever may be the conse-\\nquence to our nation in doing so. It is worse than war in its con-\\nsequence upon us to permit such a condition of affairs in Cuba to\\nlonger continue. To do so is a manifestation of indifference and\\ncowardice and neglect of our plain duty as a Christian people.\\nIt may be said that the President should have proceeded to the\\npatriotic task he has entered upon in some other way than along\\nthe lines upon which he proposes to act; that he should have\\nrecognized or have recommended the recognition by Congress of\\nthe independence of the Republic of Cuba either before or at the\\nsame time he asked for an authority to intervene with armed\\nforce in the affairs of the island.\\nIn this criticism of the President s action I can not. after serious\\ndeliberation, concur.\\nThe recognition of the independence of the Republic of Cuba,\\nunaccompanied by any other act on our part, would not accom-\\nplish the purpose we have in view the immediate relief of the\\nCuban population from starvation and the horrors of the bar-\\nbarous system of Spanish warfare. The recognition of the inde-\\npendence of Cuba would not be an act of war against Spain, and\\nit would not be a justifiable cause of war by Spain against the\\nUnited States. It would leave the situation unrelieved in the\\nonly way that will be satisfactory to the people of this country.\\nRecognition of Cuba s independence without immediate inter-\\nference would include, of course, the recognition of belligerency\\nand entitle this Government to insist that the war should be con-\\nducted in accordance with those humane laws that have been or-\\ndained by the common consent of the civilized world. But this\\naction would give to Spain more time in which to oppress the\\nCubans while conducting a diplomatic controversy with us; more\\ntime in which to invoke and procure the moral if not the phys-\\nical support of the European nations. But, it is said, we might\\ninterfere with arms at the very moment we would recognize the\\nindependence of the Cuban Republic.\\n3337", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "12\\nBut is this true? Could we, if we recognized the independence\\nof the insurgent government, interpose in our own way with our\\nArmy and Navy? Would we not then be compelled to act in any\\narmed action against Spain in Cuba in accordance with the wishes\\nof the Cuban Republic and under its authority? And are we sure\\nthat under such conditions we would give effect to the wishes of\\nour own Government in reference to Spain? Would we not, by\\nsuch action, forego our right to punish Spain in our own way for\\nthe wrongs she has done to us as a nation, for her shocking viola-\\ntions of the rules of civilized warfare?\\nI am not forgetful of the suggestion that has been made, that\\nintervention without recognition of the Cuban republican gov-\\nernment creates possibilities of financial complications and condi-\\ntions respecting the ultimate settlement between Spain and Cuba;\\nbut upon reflection I have come to the conclusion that there is no\\nforce in this suggestion; that it is unworthy of consideration under\\nthe circumstances of the existing crisis. And this leads me to re-\\npeat what I have said elsewhere in reference to possible financial\\nspeculations, viz, that any man, whether a member of Congress\\nor otherwise, who would attempt to make a dollar out of such a\\ncrisis is too mean to live. Men who attempt to speculate on the\\ncalamities of the poor Cubans or on the blowing up of the Maine\\nought to be shot.\\nIt therefore seems to me that intervention as suggested by the\\nPresident intervention without recognition is the wisest policy,\\nbeing the policy under which we can act without delay and with-\\nout the danger of embarrassing complications with the insurgent\\nauthorities.\\nBut I desire to say, Mr. President, that when the time comes,\\nafter Spanish rule is driven from that island and after the Cuban\\npatriots have been freed from their domination, I hope the Presi-\\ndentof the United States, through any agency he may desire, upon\\nlooking over that country, may find out what the proper gov-\\nernment ought to be, and if those gallant patriots who have been\\nmaking the fight for liberty have a government there such as ought\\nto be allowed to stand, that he will recognize it immediately after\\nthe war shall have been over.\\nBut intervention is the policy under which we may now say to\\nSpain, You have outraged human nature; you are endangering", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "13\\nthe peace of tlie world; you have shown yourself in the govern-\\nment of Cuba to be incapable both in peace and in war; you have\\ninsulted this Government, have robbed, imprisoned, and mur-\\ndered our citizens, and have destroyed great interests of the peo-\\nple of the United States, and now you must withdraw your ar-\\nmies and your civil officers from Cuba so that peace maybe made\\nenduring in the island and the people s rights be no longer out-\\nraged by tyranny and misgovernment.\\nThe only question, then, that remains is, Have we the right to\\nintervene under international law? This right in us, under exist-\\ning conditions. I have no doubt exists.\\nIn the report made by the honorable chairman of the Commit-\\ntee on Foreign Relations, which is one of the ablest reports ever\\nmade to the Senate, in my judgment, I find quotations which have\\nalready been read to the Senate, but I shall take occasion to read\\nthem again. I shall refer to only a part of what appears in the\\nreport.\\nArntz, a writer on international law, maintains that the right\\nof intervention exists, to copy from the report of the Committee\\non Foreign Relations:\\n1. When the institutions of one state violate or threaten to violate the\\nrights of another state, or when such violation is the necessary consequence\\nof its institutions and the impossibility of an orderly coexistence of states\\nresults therefrom.\\n2. When a government, acting entirely within the limits of its prerogatives\\nof sovereignty, violates the rights of humanity, whether by measures con-\\ntrary to the interests of other states or by excessive injustice and cruelty\\nwhich deeply wounds public morals and civilization.\\nThe right of intervention\\nContinues Arntz\\nIs a legitimate one, because however important may be the rights of sover-\\neignty and independence, there is one thing of still greater importance, and\\nthat is the law of humanity and human society, which ought not to be out-\\nraged.\\nMr. President, it seems to me that we can place the right to in-\\ntervene upon that last sentence, written by the law writer Arntz,\\nthat the law of humanity and human society has been outraged\\nby the course pursued by the Spanish army and the Spanish Gov-\\nernment in starving to death the hundreds and thousands of poor\\nnoncombatants\u00e2\u0080\u0094 old men, women, and children.\\nWithout elaborating further the argument that we have a righl\\nto intervene, I may call attention to the fact that both President\\n3237", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "14\\nCleveland and President McKinley have warned Spain that the\\ntime niiglit come when, in the language of President McKinley\\nin his message of December 6, 1897\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nIf it shall hereafter appear to be a duty, imposed by our obligations toour-\\nselv s. to civilization and humanity, to intervene with force, it shall be with-\\nout fault on our part and only because the necessity for such action will ba\\nmmand the support and approval of the civilized world.\\nMr. President, the time has come when without fault on our\\npari we must intervene in the affairs of Cuba, and that the Presi-\\ndent may be enabled to do so, he should be directed and empow-\\nered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States.\\nLet us not hesitate to give to him that authority, and let us give\\nit to him in the confident belief that even now is the day and the\\nIn mi- in which this Government, that was consolidated by the\\nstatesmanship of Washington and saved from destruction by the\\npatriotism and wisdom of Lincoln, speaking by the voice of\\nMcKinley, shall demand the retirement of Spain from Cuba; and\\nupon her refusal to comply the Republic will thunder this demand\\nfrom the mouths of a thousand cannons.\\nMr. President, I esteem it an honor that I am able to-day to say\\nthat I join in the support of the announced policy of President\\nMcKinley. I do not care whether he has dotted every i or\\ncrossed every t in his proclamation to the world; everybody\\nknows that he has said plainly enough to Spain, and every Amer-\\nican echoes the words, that the Government of Spain shall at once\\nrelinquish its authority and government on the Island of Cuba.\\nAfter the vote is taken upon the report of the Committee on\\nForeign Relations, there will be but one mind and one voice in\\nthe United States.\\nHowever much my friends may hesitate and doubt as to the un-\\nimportant phrasing of the announcement, nobody on earth, not\\neven Spain, will misconstrue or misunderstand our plain demand.\\nMr. President, the greatest criminal trial of modern times is\\napproaching a conclusion. The people of the entire world have\\nbeen witnesses upon this trial. The indictment against the of-\\nfender has been proclaimed to every land and has beon read in\\nevery language.\\nThe Kingdom of Spain has been the first and only nation to\\nmerit a reputation so awful in character or to achieve a place in\\n;s:. :;7", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "15\\nhistory so completely unparalleled in infamy and wrong. The\\nevidence has been given, and the inquest of the world is now sit-\\nting in solemn consideration of that evidence.\\nThe announcement of the verdict is awaited with expectation\\nby every country upon the earth. No other nation in many hun-\\ndreds of years has been evicted arbitrarily from its holdings and\\ndriven into the complete and perfect disgrace of universal ostra-\\ncism. The punishment is great; God knows that the crime was\\ngreater. The humiliation and the bitter disgrace of the fall of a\\nnation which once owned nine-tenths of the great American con-\\ntinent are stupendous and terrific, even in contemplation, but\\nthat humiliation and disgrace, complete and awful as they are,\\ndo not in even a minute degree compare with the offenses and\\nenormities chargeable against the Government of Spain.\\nThe history of Spain is a history of more than a thousand years\\nof concentrated cruelty. It is a history so extensive and continu-\\nous, made up of every conceivable variety of barbaric wrong and\\noutrage, too often instituted by the direct authority of the Gov-\\nernment itself, and the identity known to the world as the King-\\ndom of Spain is now justly and properly i-ecognized as an out-\\nlaw among nations.\\nIt has always been a robber nation. It has always been the\\nmerciless appropriator of the property of others. While enjoying\\nthe honor of the discovery of America, she appropriated the coun-\\ntries, the islands, and the waters, spied out by that intrepid Ital-\\nian navigator who commanded her ships and who first set his foot\\nupon San Salvador.\\nThe reward he received from Spain was precisely in kind and\\nkeeping with the reward Spain has always given to those who\\nhave performed meritorious services for her. He was imprisoned\\nand punished, humiliated and degraded for the offense of adding\\nto the Spanish domain the wondrous territory of the New World.\\nAll this territory which was formerly by virtue of discovery and\\noccupation known as Spanish America, has become the home of\\npolitical freemen, forever emancipated from the narrow and\\nmiserable control cf a country which governed only by the sword,\\nwhose watchword was blood and whose inspiration was death.\\nFrom the fertile plains of Argentina far across the River Plata,\\nfrom the heights of the Andes to the lowlands of the Amazon,\\n3237", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "L1BKRKY 0\\\\- CONUKbbb\\n013 902 148 4\\n16\\nfrom Yucatan to Saw Francisco, all the valleys and the mountains\\nof Central America and over the entire country of Mexico, through\\nthe beautiful glades of Florida, the plains of Texas, almost the\\nwhole of the valleys of the Mississippi, the Missouri, and the\\nYellowstone, the golden sands of the Sacramento, and the rugged\\nmountain sides of the Columbia, all this vast and magnificent es-\\ntate, now the home of twenty independent countries, was once by\\nand through the genius and perseverance of Columbus, the prop-\\nerty of Spain. And for all this Columbus received only chains\\nand a prison cell.\\nAnd so, forward to the present day. So from 1492 to 1898, the\\nstory of Spanish inhumanity is just as true in the nineteenth\\ncentury as it was in the days of the Inquisition. In Cuba, its\\nultimatum as held out to the reconcentrados has been simply\\nthe alternative of death by starvation or death by the machete.\\nHuman life in the Spanish lexicon is a thing of no value. Gen-\\neral Wej-ler started out two years ago with what he termed a\\npolicy of pacification. He told his sovereign that in such and\\nsuch a period he would pacify the insurgent provinces of Cuba.\\nHow did he pacify them? He penned those poor noncombatant\\nwomen, children, and old men up in barbed- wire inclosures and\\nsurrounded them by deep trochas and canals, where they could\\neasily be pacified by the machete. Two hundred thousand Cubans\\nof both sexes and of all ages sleep the sleep of pacification in their\\ngraves upon the soil once owned by them. The United States has\\nwaited with an awful waiting until by such methods Spain could\\npacify a people. If an American citizen was charged by mere\\nsuspicion with anything whatever, he was locked up in vile prison\\ncells and held incomunicado for such unlimited time as his captors\\nchose.\\nThanks to the unwavering sense of justice of the people of the\\nUnited States, the murderers and the outlaws who now exercise a\\nbrie f show of authority in Cuba will soon become incomunicado\\nuntil justice shall be satisfied and the avenging angel shall write\\nthe verdict and sentence of the offended world. And if the people\\nof this country shall do nothing more in this century than drive\\nthe Spaniards from this country, we as a people shall earn tho\\npraisei of every lover of freedom and humanity the world over.\\nO", "height": "3574", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cubaninterventio00cull_0016.jp2"}}