{"1": {"fulltext": "y^ S,/H\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2C\\nThere i3 no constitutional disability as to the acquisition of territory, and\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0whether, -when acquired, it may bo taken into the Union by the Constitution ad\\nit now stands will become a question of expediency.\\nREMARKS\\nHON. JOSEPH Y. GRAFF,\\nOF ILLINOIS,\\nON TIIE\\nANNEXATION OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,\\nIN THE\\nHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,\\nJUNE IS, 1898.\\nBut in determining this question it is not the acquiring of territory to satisfy\\npride or the greed of possession that influences me. Territorial expansion is not\\nthe need of the hour, but, in my judgment, the central and controlling factor in\\nthe determination to annex the Hawaiian Islands is that it will aid in our com-\\nmercial expansion.\\nWASHINGTON.\\n1898.", "height": "3743", "width": "2279", "jp2-path": "remarksofhonjose00graf_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "1", "height": "3700", "width": "2224", "jp2-path": "remarksofhonjose00graf_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "REMAEKS\\nOF\\nHON. JOSEPH V. GKAFF.\\nTho House having under consideration the joint resolution (H. Res. 253) to\\nprovide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States-\\nMr. GRAFF said:\\nMr. Speaker: In arriving at a judgment regarding the annexa-\\ntion of the Hawaiian Islands I was not hampered by any pre-\\nviously formed or expressed opinion concerning the subject, and\\ntherefore was able to give the matter a conscientious, careful, and\\nunprejudiced examination. I have been affected in reaching a\\nconclusion, first, by what appears to be the sentiment of the Ameri-\\ncan people. I have great confidence in their good judgment, and\\nit is justified by the manner in which they have met the various\\ncrises through which the Republic has passed and the manner in\\nwhich they have shown themselves competent to deal with the\\nmost complex questions.\\nA notable illustration of this we had in the last campaign.\\nJ They sat in their meetings and at the fireside, and even in the\\nshops and stores, and carefully delved into the complicated ques-\\ntion presented, and, in my judgment, the verdict which they\\nfinally rendered was well ripened, mature, and wise. They are a\\ncourageous, but a conservative people. They have all due respect\\nfor the traditions of the fathers, and yet have a well-founded con-\\nfidence in their ability to meet the problems of the future, which\\nare for them, and not for those departed, to solve. I have ample\\nevidence collected during the last few weeks that the great ma-\\njority of the American people are in favor of the annexation of\\nthese islands in the Pacific Ocean. In the next place, so far as\\nthe advantages of annexation are concerned as a strategic, mili-\\ntary, and naval base, I have yielded to the judgment of the ex-\\nperts of the Army and the Navy of the United States, and of the\\nAdministratiqn. General Schofield, the last one of those surviv-\\ning who were prominent in the late rebellion as a commanding\\nofficer, and one who by experience and ability has shown himself\\nto be worthy of regard concerning a question of this character,\\nstated to the House Committee on Foreign Relations that the\\nmost important feature of all is that it economizes the naval force\\nrather than increases it. He said also:\\nIt is capable of absolute defense by shore batteries, so that a naval flee t\\nafter going there and replenishing its supplies and making what repairs are\\nneeded, can go away and leave the harbor perfectly safe to the protection of\\nthe army. The Spanish fleet on the Asiatic station was the only one of all\\nthe fleets we could have overcome as we did. Of course, that can not again\\nhappen, for we will not be able to pick up the weakest fellow next time. Wo\\n3:53 8", "height": "3700", "width": "2224", "jp2-path": "remarksofhonjose00graf_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "are liable at any time to get into a war with a nation which has a more pow-\\nerful fleet than ours, and it is of vital importance, therefore, if we can, to hold\\nthe point from which they can conduct operations against our Pacific coast.\\nEspecially is that true until the Nicaraugua Canal is finished, because we\\ncan not send the fleet around from the Atlantic to the Pacific.\\nIn addition to this, Admiral Walker, who has had an extended\\nexperience in the waters of the Hawaiian Islands, emphatically\\nconfirms General Schofield, saying that it would cost far less to\\nprotect the Pacific coast with the Hawaiian Islands than without\\nthem; that it would be taking a point of vantage instead of giving\\nit to the enemy.\\nIt must be remembered, Mr. Speaker, that we have a coast line\\nof nearly 2,000 miles on the Pacific, and our Alaskan coast line is\\ngreater in extent than our Atlantic, Gulf, and Pacific coast lines\\ncombined. To my inexpert mind, it would seem that modern\\nships of war and commerce as well require facilities for coaling\\nand for frequent docking for repairs. We are entirely without\\nthis, and that, too, in the great expanse of the Pacific Ocean. With\\nmillions of square miles of water around them, it rises above the\\nwaves a single and only fortress of the sea and now offered to us\\nfor the taking. It must be remembered that the Pacific Ocean\\nfrom onr own coast is on an average more that 5,000 miles wide,\\ntwice that at least of the Atlantic and four times in area. Eng-\\nland at least realizes the importance of such harbors of refuge and\\nbases of supply and has established fortified coaling stations all\\naround the world in the pathways of commerce. A cruiser or\\nbattle ship with a coal capacity necessary to carry her 5,000 miles,\\nsteaming at 10 knots an hour, will exhaust her coal in less than\\n1 ,000 miles by doubling her speed. With a supply of coal well\\nguarded in Pearl Harbor, our war ships and merchantmen can\\ncross the Pacific at the maximum speed or concentrate at distant\\npoints at high speed, thus largely increasing their efficiency, while\\ntheir adversaries, being under the necessity of conserving their\\ncoal or risking the running out of coal away from their own ports,\\nmust move at much less speed, thus being placed at great disad-\\nvantage.\\nEngland, Germany, France, Japan, the United States, and once\\nSpain, all have a Pacific squadron. Every one of these is stronger\\nthan ours, save that Of Spain, which was the weakest. But the\\nAdministration has asked for the annexation, and the President\\nhas placed the military and naval advantage as one of the causes.\\nThis has also contributed to forming my opinion. To-day the\\npeople of this country are back of the Administration and the con-\\nduct of this war and in all those things which are necessary to its\\nsuccessful prosecution as viewed by the Administration as they\\nhave never been behind any Administration from the commence-\\nment of this Government. Therefore, not being a military expert\\nmyself, I yield to the judgment of the Administration upon that\\npoint. But to me the controlling factor in the determination of\\nthis question is its importance from a commercial standpoint.\\nWar is not our normal condition; we desire to pursue rather\\nthe arts of peace, and when war comes it can never be resorted\\nto by the American people except upon justifiable grounds and as\\na necessity. To me, therefore, war is simply an incident, a most\\nglorious one, but yet simply an incident in the determination of\\naction npon these resolutions for annexation. I think it is unfor-\\ntunate that in the discussion of this question the problem of the\\n3156", "height": "3700", "width": "2224", "jp2-path": "remarksofhonjose00graf_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "retention of the Philippine Islands should have been brought into\\nconsideration. I am not afraid that we shall ba hysterical, and\\nbecause we have annexed the Hawaiian Islands shall be intoxi-\\ncated with an uncontrollable desire for territorial aggrandizement.\\nI do not believe that the decision of the present question will\\ninfluence our judgment when we come to settle the Philippine\\nproblem. This has not been our history; it has not been the his-\\ntory of Congress. But in determining this question it is not the\\nacquiring of territory to satisfy pride or the greed of possession\\nthat influences me. Territorial expansion is not the need of the\\nhour, but, in my judgment, the central and controlling factor in\\nthe determination to annex the Hawaiian Islands is that it will\\naid in our commercial expansion. We must remember that mar-\\nvelous as has been our growth in population, from 3,000,000 people\\nat the close of the Revolution to 73,000,000 to-day, it is surpassed in\\nthe wonderful increase of the productive power of this country\\nthrough improved machinery, the product of American genius.\\nWhether this fact be a matter of congratulation or regret, no\\nlegislative power can stop it. The difference between the amount\\nwhich could formerly be produced by a given number of laboring\\nmen and that which can be produced with the machinery of to-day\\noperated by the same number passes comprehension. It is a\\nproblem to be met. There is much to congratulate ourselves upon\\nunder present conditions. I believe that we should first take care\\nof ourownniarket, as we have done, through the policy of protection.\\nBut we must also put our foot upon the sea. We must have our\\nshare of the world s commerce. I am to-day informed by the gen-\\ntleman from Maine [Mr. Bingley] that the Treasury statistics\\nshow that from February 1 of the present year to the end of the\\npresent month each month s receipts under the Bingley bill are\\nsufficient to pay the peace expenses of the nation, basing those\\nexpenses upon the expenses of each month corresponding for the\\nlast year, and leave a surplus on July 1 of \u00c2\u00a710,000,000, and that,\\ntoo, in the face of the fact that importers, anticipating this pro-\\ntection f eature of the Bingley bill, flooded our markets, especially\\nwith one year s supply of wool, thus materially lessening the pos-\\nsibility of large revenue receipts during the first year of its opera-\\ntion. I give below a table of the exports of merchandise manu-\\nfactured in this country, not including coin or bullion of any\\nkind, with the value of each year s exportation, commencing with\\nthe passage of the McKinley Act, in 1890:\\nExports of vierchandise.\\nYear ending Jnne 30\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nValue.\\nYear ending June 30\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nValue.\\n1S90- ._\\n$845,293,838\\n873,270,283\\n1,015,732,011\\n831,030,785\\n1894\\n1892,140,572\\n1891\\n1895\\n807,538,165\\n1892\\n1896\\n882,606,938\\n1893.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n1897\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n1,050,993,506\\nIt is somewhat significant that of the two years in which we\\nsold abroad the largest amount of agricultural and manufactured\\nproducts one should be under the operation of the McKinley Act\\nand the other under the Administration of McKinley, and. the\\nnext year will surpass, according to the estimate of the Treasury\\nBepartment, that of the present; or the exports for the nine\\nmonths ending march 31, 1898, are \u00c2\u00a7910,612,651, which would\\n3456", "height": "3700", "width": "2224", "jp2-path": "remarksofhonjose00graf_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "make the exports for year ending June 30, 1898, $1,214,150,201.\\nBut the struggle is ever necessary and ever unending. We can\\nnot be blind to the fact that the four great European powers, Eng-\\nland, Russia, France, and Germany, are endeavoring to obtain\\ncommercial supremacy of the world by the policy of colonization.\\nThe territory of Africa is speedily being divided between the great\\npowers, and now already has commenced the parceling out of the\\nEmpire of China between them. More than one-half of the popu-\\nlation of the world is in countries upon the Pacific and Indian\\noceans. Hon. J. R. Procter, in an article he wrote for the Forum\\nin September, 1897, says:\\nThe foreign commerce of the countries bordering these oceans, excluding\\nNorth America, already amounts to over $2,250,000,000 a year. Of this great\\ncommerce we as yet have but a small fraction. Over 80 per cent of our total\\nexports go eastward across the Atlantic and less than 5 per cent westward.\\nNor can we ignore the new constitutional monarchy of Japan\\nwhich has awakened from its sleep of centuries and startled the\\nworld with its progressiveness and power. Are we to be pre-\\npared for this changing of the front of the world s market? Are\\nwe to forget that we are between two oceans? I verily believe\\nthat the commercial conflict of the future is to be for the trade of\\nthe Orient.\\nWe are no longer simply an agricultural nation, and it is not for\\nthe interests of the farmer that we should be that alone. The\\nsplendid victory of Dewey atManila has not aroused us to dreams\\nof territorial aggrandizement, but it has awakened us to the ne-\\ncessity of ports of our own under the American flag where our\\nvessels may seek refuge and coal all over the world. We wish to\\nsee the American flag floating on every sea over goods manufac-\\ntured by American workmen and cereals raised by American\\nfarmers shipped in American bottoms. When the American goes\\nto the Orient, or wherever he goes the round world over, we want\\nit understood that he is a citizen of a Republic which protects the\\ncommercial and personal interests of the American citizen wher-\\never he may be. This is not jingoism. This is a practical pos-\\nsibility. 1 am not in favor of commercial expansion for any other\\nreason than the benefit of the 73,000,000 people whom we have\\nwithin our present boundaries. And if in the annexation of\\nHawaii we can give them the privileges of our Government, to\\nour own advantage, we have enough of caution and discretion to\\nmeet the Philippine problem when it comes upon its own merits.\\nWe did not seek to wage this war for territory. We entered\\ninto it because Spain had forfeited her rights to govern the Island\\nof Cuba, and because her misgovernment had been an evil both\\nto that unhappy people and to our own commercial interests. We\\nsought, according to the usages of war, because Spain persisted in\\nresisting, to strike her wherever we could find a vital point, and\\nwe certainly are not called upon to allow the expenses of this war,\\nprolonged by Spain, to be paid other than out of any of her pos-\\nsessions of which we may have control at its close. Our right un-\\nder the Constitution to acquire territory by conquest, annexation,\\nor purchase has been too well established by precedents in our\\nown history to be questioned. At the time of the Louisiana pur-\\nchase Jefferson wrote to Gallatin:\\nThere is no constitutional disability as to the acquisition of territory, and\\nwhether, when acquired, it may be taken into the Union by the Constitution\\nas it now stands will become a question of expediency.\\nThe Democratic members of this House last night held a caucus,\\nand one of their members therein offered a resolution to the\\naiso", "height": "3700", "width": "2224", "jp2-path": "remarksofhonjose00graf_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "effect that the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands was dangerous,\\nunwise, and un-Democratic. But the word un-Democratic\\nwas stricken from the resolution, as it wisely might be, and as\\namended the resolution passed.\\nFlorida was ceded by Spain in 1819 without the consent of the\\nSpanish population of Florida. Louisiana was purchased from\\nFrance in 1803 without the consent of the French population of\\nLouisiana. Texas was annexed in 1845, and that not by treaty\\nratified by the Senate, but by an act of annexation passed by both\\nHouses of Congress, as we are attempting to pass these resolu-\\ntions, and yet this method is now pronounced unconstitutional by\\none of the members on the other side of this Chamber. Califor-\\nnia was ceded by Mexico in 1848. The Gadsden purchase was\\nmade 1853, and the purchase of Alaska finally in 1887. In con-\\nsidering the form of government which we would give to the\\nHawaiian Islands it may be remembered that we delayed admit-\\nting portions of the acquired territory for more than eighty years,\\nand parts of it still remain unadmitted as States.\\nThe total area of the United States at present is, in round num-\\nbers, 3,668,000 square miles. It was originally onlyabout 1,132,000\\nsquare miles. Thus by these acquisitions, after the formation of\\nour Government, we tripled our territory and acquired all we now\\nhave west of the Mississippi, as well as Louisiana and Florida.\\nAnd I am frank to say that the proudest part of the history of the\\nDemocratic party was that to it was due the greatest credit for these\\nacquisitions. It seems to me that it is very inconsistent for them\\nnow to grow so very conservative over the acquisition of a little\\ngroup of islands in the midst of the sea. It must also be remem-\\nbered that the Whig party suffered by reason of its opposition to\\nthe Mexican war which resulted in the acquisition of the Califor-\\nnia territory ceded by Mexico; and the same forebodings existed\\nthen as are brought up to-day, and the arguments made now are\\nrepetitions of those days.\\nWe remember that the Whig party only escaped condemnation\\nby the wise selection of the old hero of the Mexican war, Zachary\\nTaylor, who snatched victory from the jaws of defeat. The\\nleader of the party on the opposite side of this Chamber would not\\nbe here were it not for the annexation of Texas. This is not a\\nnew question. The value of the Hawaiian Islands to the United\\nStates has been recognized by almost every Secretary of State for\\nthe last half century.\\nThere is a little Republic in Italy 4 miles from the shore of the\\nAdriatic, away up in the Apennine Mountains, thirteen hundred\\nyears old, consisting of five villages, with some 8,000 inhabitants,\\nand 22 square miles, entirely mountainous. There is little or no\\nuse for the prison. She is not a tempting prize to the stronger\\npowers of Europe. Her people are industrious, prudent, and\\neconomical. She does not intermeddle with the world outside.\\nShe shuts out the telephone, the railroad, and all of the modern\\nappliances of this age. They have been kept in simplicity, yes; in\\nliberty, yes; but they also have been kept in ignorance. They en-\\njoy liberty bound up within themselves, but not such a liberty as\\nwe would or can enjoy. They have no part in the world s work.\\nWe can not escape it. If they had existed from the time of Adam,\\nwe would have lived longer in our hundred and nineteen years of\\nnational life than they.\\nWe frequently hear men longing for the simplicity of the primi-\\ntive times of the beginning of this Government. Perhaps some\\n34:6", "height": "3700", "width": "2224", "jp2-path": "remarksofhonjose00graf_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n019 944 334 3\\nmay think it would be better. It matters not. Sir, we can not\\nturn the wheels of progress back, if we would. We must meet\\nthe problems of the future. We can not rely upon the principles\\nlaid down for the settling of the problems of the past, when we\\nwere an agricultural Republic alone, to meet the problems of the\\nfuture of a great commercial power, except as they may be appli-\\ncable to the present time. I have confidence in the present and,\\nabove all, I have a confidence in the guiding power of the God of\\nnations, who has directed us thus far in preserving a liberty which\\nis not one simply for ourselves, not an exclusive privilege, but is\\ntypified in the statue at New York Harbor of Liberty Enlightening\\nthe World. [Applause. J", "height": "3700", "width": "2224", "jp2-path": "remarksofhonjose00graf_0008.jp2"}}