{"1": {"fulltext": "6/1", "height": "3369", "width": "2246", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3171", "width": "1852", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "c/^O^\\n1)T953\\nDT 933\\n.B12\\niCopy 1\\nRESOLUTION OF SYMPATHY FOR THE\\nSOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLICS.\\nREMARKS\\nOF\\nHON. A. O. BACON,\\nOF GEORGIA,\\nCITING SPEECHES OF EMINENT STATESMEN,\\n-f\\n^J.^ IN THE\\nSENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nMAY 29, 1900.\\n4486\\nWASHINQXON.\\n1900.", "height": "3171", "width": "1852", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "0-,\\nI)\\nb\\nREMARKS\\nOP\\nHON. A. 0. BACON.\\nThe Senate liavius: vinder consideration the following resolution submit-\\nted by Mr. Teller:\\nWhereas from the hour of achieving our independence as a people the peo-\\nple of the United States have regarded with sympathy the struggles of other\\npeople to free themselves from Euro)iean domination: Therefore,\\nResolved, That we watch with deep and abiding interest the war between\\nGreat Britain and the South Afi ican Republics, and, with full determination\\nto maintain a proper neutrality between the contending forces, we can not\\nwithhold our sympathy from the struggling people of the Republics, and it is\\nour earnest desire that the Government of the United States, by its friendly\\noffices offered to both jjowei s, may assist in bringing the war to a speedy con-\\nclusion in a manner honorable to both Great Britain and the African Repub-\\nlics-\\nMr. BACON said:\\nMr. President: On yesterday I gave notice that at this hour I\\nwould ask the courtesy of the Senate in order that I might sub-\\nmit a few remarks on the resolution offered by the Senator from\\nColorado [Mr. Teij-er], With the permission of the Senate. I\\nshall now proceed to do so.\\nMr. President, it is impossible for me to realize that anyone\\nshould fail to sympathize with the Boers in their struggle lor in-\\ndependence who is devoted to republican government a ld who\\nloves free institutions. There is everything in the situation to\\nexcite our sympathies for them. It is a case of two of the small-\\nest and feeblest of the governments of the earth eiigai;e:l in a\\nstruggle for life with the most powerful empire of all the world.\\nIt is the case of a plain, pastoral, home loviug. Christian people\\nengaged in a death struggle for the protection and defense of their\\ncountry, their homes, and their liberty.\\nIt is the case of twenty-five or thirty thousand plain farmers\\nwho have come from their fields and who are struggling for life\\nwith an army of 250,000 men. In my opinion their cause is just.\\nCertainly no people w-ere ever more heroic than they in the de-\\nfense of any cause. For myself I should regret to see these two\\nlittle Republics utterly destroyed and this Government stand by\\nunconcerned and make no sign in their behalf.\\nIt is not my purpose, however, Mr. President, to pursue that\\nline of thought or to discuss the question as to whether or not\\ntheir cause is one which we must all pronounce to be just. That\\nhas already been done by others. It is for the purpose of discuss-\\ning the propriety of adopting this resolution of sympathy that I\\nask the attention of the Sena.,te to-day. I can understand how\\nSenators may sympathize with those engaged in this struggle and\\nat the same time not be prepared to say that we shall pass the\\nresolution offered by the Senator from Colorado. Speaking for\\nmyself, however ardent may be my feelings in this case. I do not\\ndesire that the Senate should commit itself to any proposition\\nwhich would be violative of international obligations: and it is on\\nthe question as to whether the adoption of this resolution would\\n2 ll fi", "height": "2825", "width": "1622", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "be violative of international obligations that I have ventured to\\ntake a small portion of the time of the Senate.\\nThese resolutions, Mr. President, in my opinion, are conserva-\\ntive, are proper, and are not violative of international obligations.\\nIn the course of a limited practice at the bar, whenever I have\\ndesired to establish a legal proposition before a court, I have al-\\nways found when I could produce an authoritative precedent\\nfrom a court entitled to respect that that was better and more\\ncontrolling than an argument which I myself could offer to the\\ncourt. Proceeding upon that line, in support of the proposition\\nthat these resolutions are proper resolutions and that they are not\\nviolative of international obligations, I desire to ask the attention\\nof tlie Senate especially as we may in all probability be called\\nupon to vote upon these resolutions, if not to-day, at a very early\\ntime I would ask the attention of the Senate to what, has been\\nsaid by the sages of our Government, men whose opinions we have\\nheretofore been wont to regard not only with respect, but as au-\\nthoritative, as precedents which we could safely follow. I could,\\nof course, Mr. President, use a very large part of the time of the\\nSenate in the production of such precedents, but I shall only ask\\nthe atbention of the Senate to a few.\\nIn 1825 war was flagrant Ijetween Greece and Turkey. Greece\\nwas in undoubted rebellion against Turkey. There was no ques-\\ntion as to the technical sovereignty of Turkey; it was a case of\\nrevolution, in which Greece was attempting to throw off the rule\\nof Turkey. At that time, on the lyth day of January, 1824, Mr.\\nWebster, then a member of the House of Representatives, pre-\\nsented a memorial in the House, and I read relative thereto from\\nthe Annals of Congress of the Eighteenth Congress, first session,\\nvolume 1, page 1083:\\nMr. Webster presented a memorial, signed by Thomas Sewall, John N.\\nMoulder. E. B. Caldwell, Samuel N. Smallwood, and Andrew Way. jr., a\\ncommittee appointed at a numerous meeting of the inhabitants of the city\\nof Washington on behalf of said inhabitants, praying Congress to take meas-\\nures to assure the people of Greece of the deep interest felt by the people of\\nthis country in the contest which they are now carrying on against the Turk-\\nish Government for their emancipation and freedom and of the sincere good\\nwishes of the Congress of the United States for the ultimate success and\\ntriumph of their cause; which memorial was committed to the Committee\\nof the Whole House on the state of the Union.\\nOn the same day Mr. Webster addressed the House of Repre-\\nsentatives upon a resolution which had been introduced by him\\nto the following effect:\\nResolved, That provision ought to be made by law for defraying the ex-\\npense incident to the appointment of an agent or commissioner to Greece,\\nwhenever the President shall deem it expedient to make such appointment.\\nMr. Webster s address is set out in full between pages 1086 and\\n1097 of that volume of the Annals of Congress. I shall not take\\nthe time to read that speech, although it is very instructive and\\nvery applicable to the very question which we have before us, but\\nwill content myself with reading the concluding paragraph of it.\\nOf course the entire speech can be very readily read by any Sena-\\ntor who desires to refer to the volume. In the conclusion of that\\nspeech Mr. Webster used the following language:\\nMr. Chairman, there are some things which, to be well done, must be\\npromptly done. If we even determine to do the thing that is now proposed\\nwe may do it too late. Sir, I am nob one of those who are for withholding aid\\nwhen it is most urgently needed, and, when the stress is past and the aid no\\nlonger necessary, overwhelming the sufferer with caresses. I will not stand\\nby and see my fellow-man drowning without stretching out a hand to help\\nhim, till he has by his own efforts and presence of mind reached the shore in\\n44S6", "height": "2790", "width": "1599", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "safety and then encumber him with aid. With suffering Greece, now is the\\ncrisis of her fate\u00e2\u0080\u0094 her great, it may be, her last struggle. Sir, while we sit\\nhere deliberating her destiny may be decided. The Greeks, contending with\\nruthless oppressors, turn their eyes to us and invoke us by their ancestors,\\nby their slaughtered wives and children, by their own blood, poured out like\\nwater, by the hecatombs of dead they have heaped up, as it were, to\\nheaven\u00e2\u0080\u0094 they invoke, they implore of us some cheering sound, some look of\\nsympathy, some token of compassionate regard. They look to us as the great\\nrepublic of the earth, and they ask us by our common faith whether we can\\nforget that they are struggling, as we once struggled, for what we now so\\nhappily enjoy. I can not say, sir, that they will succeed; that rests with\\nHeaven. But for myself, sir, if I should to-morrow hear that they have failed,\\nthat their last phalanx had sunk beneath the Turkish scimetar, that the\\nflames of their last city had sunk in its ashes, and that naught remain but\\nthe wide, melancholy waste whei-e Greece once was, I should still reflect\\nwith the most heartfelt satisfaction that I have asked you in the name of\\nseven millions of freemen that you would give them at least the cheering of\\none friendly voice.\\nMr. President, if those words had been used -with reference to\\nthe African republics and their present struggle by a Senator to-\\nday, they would certainly have been as applicable as they were\\nthen to the conditions when Mr. Webster spoke. It is said by\\nSenators that that was seventy-five years ago.\\nMr. LODGE. Mr. President, before the Senator leaves that\\npoint\\nThe PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Mason in the chair). Does\\nthe Senator from Georgia yield to the Senator from Massachu-\\nsetts?\\nMr. BACON. I will very gladly yield to the Senator, although\\non former occasions he has denied to other Senators a similar\\nprivilege.\\nMr. LODGE. I will not interrupt the Senator if he does not\\ndesire it. I merely wanted him to finish and tell the Senate what\\naction the House took.\\nMr. BACON. I do not think they took any. It was in that\\ncase as in this: There were in that Congress men who occupied\\nthe same position relative to struggling peoples fighting for their\\nliberties and their homes that the honorable Senator from Massa-\\nchusetts to-day occupies toward people engaged in the same tre-\\nmendous struggle.\\nMr. LODGE. The vote in the House to rise without action was\\nunanimous. Mr. Webster himself voted for it.\\nMr. BACON. If Mr. Webster himself voted for it, it is very evi-\\ndent that that was not intended as the conclusion of the matter\\nand that the rising without action was intended as a temporary\\nproceeding preliminary to further action at some other time. The\\nSenator could not himself have given any higher evidence of the\\nfact that that action was not in antagonism to what Mr. Webster\\nwas contending for.\\nMr. President, it is said by Senators that that was seventy- five\\nyears ago. While I do not know that that fact in any way depre-\\nciates the propriety and force of the words which were then\\nspoken of a people then struggling in the same manner that the\\npeople are struggling for whom the resolution of the Senator from\\nColorado is intended to give expression, twenty-eight years after\\nthat Mr. Webster, who thereafter had had continued oificial expe-\\nrience in public life, affirmed the proprietj of what he then said.\\nIt will be remembered by Senators that I am now trying to bring\\nto the attention of the Senate the utterances of the wise men, as\\nwe all regard them, of the past relative to the question of the\\npropriety of an utterance similar to that to which expression will\\nbe given by this Government if we pass the Teller resolution.\\n44:6", "height": "2790", "width": "1613", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "Before proceeding, however, to call attention to the occasion\\nupon which Mr. Webster reafBrmed what he had said in 1824, I\\ncall attention to what Mr. Sumner said, another Senator from\\nMassachusetts. In December, 1851, Mr. Sumner, then a Senator\\nfrom Massachusetts, in the Senate of the United States, upon the\\nconsideration of a special order, being the resolution of Mr. Seward\\nof welcome to Kossuth, used this language:\\nMr. President, words are sometimes things; and I can not disguise from\\nmyself that the resolution in honor of Louis Kossuth, now pending before\\nthe Senate, when finally passed, will be an act of no small significance in the\\nhistory of our country.\\nI beg that I may have the attention of Senators as to what Mr.\\nSumner said upon the questicm of the propriety of giving utter-\\nance to such sentiments\\nThe Senator from Georgia [Mr. Berrien] was right when he said that it was\\nno unmeaning compliment. Beyond its immediate welcome to an illustrious\\nstranger, it will help to combine and direct the sentiments of our own people\\neverywhere; it will inspire all in other lands who are engaged in the contest\\nfor freedom; it will challenge the disturbed attention of despots, and it will\\nbecome a precedent whose importance will grow, in the thick-coming events\\nof the future, with the growing might of the Republic. In this view it be-\\ncomes us to consider well what we do and to understand the grounds of our\\nconduct.\\nFor myself I am prepared to vote for it without amendment or condition\\nof any kind and on reasons which seem to me at once obvious and conclusive.\\nMr. President, it may be said and will possibly be said that those\\nwere expressions of Senators simply in honor of a man who had\\nbeen engaged in a struggle which was over and passed. However,\\nas I shall show to the Senate, Governor Kossuth s visit to America\\nwas not a mere formality, but, as I shall read from a speech deliv-\\nered by him, to which another speech by Mr. Webster was made\\nin response, he was here for the purpose of enlisting the sym-\\npathies of the American people and of the American Government,\\nnot simply in a contest which was past, but one which was then\\nimpending.\\nI have here a little pamphlet which I obtained from the Con-\\ngressional Library giving an account of the dinner given by mem-\\nbers of Congress to Kossuth at the National Hotel in this city on\\nthe 7th of January. lSo2. There could scarcely have been an as-\\nsemblage of officials and dignitaries of this Government which\\ncould have more strongly asserted and emphasized the desire of\\nthis Government not only to do honor to Kossuth but to give ex-\\npression to its sympathy for the cause in which he had been en-\\ngaged and for the further prosecution of the cause which he con-\\ntemplated.\\nNow. before reading anything with reference to that, in order\\nthat I may have it. in tiie proper connection, I read an extract from\\nthe speech made by Kossuth at that banquet, to which speech the\\nspeech of Mr. Webster, to which I shall hereafter allude and read,\\nwas directly and immediately responsive. Kossuth, in the course\\nof his speech, to which Mr. Webster immediately responded, used\\nthis language:\\nI came to the noble-minded people of the United States to claim its gener-\\nous operative .sympathy for the impending struggle of oppressed freedom on\\nthe European Continent.\\nSo, while it is true as suggested by the inquiry of the Senator\\nfrom Nevada [Mr. Stewart] yesterday, that this banquet was\\nafter the Hungarian war. it was preceding an anticipated con-\\ntinuance of that war. and in the presence of the avowed contem-\\nplation by the honored guest of the evening that such would be\\nthe future course; and the speech made by Mr. Webster on that\\n118B", "height": "2798", "width": "1623", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "occasion, in immediate contemplation of the impending struggle.\\nwas concluded by the toast offered by him to riimgarian inde-\\npendence. So the question to which I recur as to tlie propriety\\nof the resolution of the Senator from Colorado, whether m its\\nadoption there is any violation of any international obligation,\\nwas directly involved and recognized in the utterances of these\\ngreat men upon that occasion. 1 have spoken of the character of\\nthe gathering. This paper, containing the speeches of Mr. Web-\\nster and others upon that occasion, was published in the Globe\\noffice. I have no doubt it appeared in the Globe newspaper,\\nalthough it is not so stated here. Speaking of the banquet, this\\nlanguage is used:\\nOn a dais in the center of the room was seated Hon. William R. King, Pres-\\nident of the Senate, and the presiding officer for the evening: to his right,\\nthe honored guest, Louis Kossuth, aud to his left, Hon. Daniel Webster, Sec-\\nretary of State. To the right of the distinguished Hungarian, and at the\\nsame table, was seated Hon. Linn Boyd, Speaker of the House of Representa-\\ntives.\\nThe president for the evening then requested gentlemen to fill their glasses\\nfor the first toast, which was: The President of the United States.\\nI read the response to that in order to show that the meeting,\\nwhile the President was not there, was one which had his ap-\\nproval.\\nMr. Webster rose and responded as follows:\\nI am here to-night, Mr. President, with other heads of departments who\\nbelong to the Executive Administration of the Government, and who are the\\nconfidential counsellors of the President. I rise on their behalf, as well as on\\nmy own, to tender to the company our thanks for the manner in which the\\nhealth of the President has been received. I assure you, sir, and all present,\\nthat in kindness and good wishes toward the guest of this occasion and in\\nattachment to the great principles of political liberty and national independ-\\nence [applause] there is no man who partakes in a higher degree than the\\nPresident of the United States in the general feeling of this vast community.\\n[Applause.]\\nThat was spoken by the Secretary of State for the then Presid ent of\\nthe United States. There were presentupon that occasion not oiily\\nthe Cabinet, the President of the Senate, and the Speaker of the\\nHouse, and members of the Senate and members of the House,\\nbut justices of the Supreme Court and high officers of the Army\\nand Navy, representing those i^articular branches. So at that\\nbanquet there may be said to have been represented all of the de-\\npartments of Government. After several speeches from parties\\nrepresenting these different departments, from a .iudge of the\\nSupreme Court, and generals in the Army, and representatives of\\nthe Navy, Governor Kossuth spoke, and immediately thereafter\\nthe Secretary of State, Mr. Webster, made his speech.\\nMr. Webster was not only a great constitutional lawyer; he\\nwas skilled in parliamentary practice and requirements and\\nlearned in international law. Aside from having been for a .gen-\\neration, and more than a generation, in the House and Senate, he\\nhad been the Secretary of State in two Administrations: and re-\\nsponding immediatelj after the speech of Mr. Kossuth, in which\\nKossuth used the language I have already read, that he had come\\nhere for the purpose of enlisting the operative sympathy of the\\nUnited States in the then impending struggle m Europe, he pro-\\nceeded to deliver this speech, a part of which I will read:\\nI have great pleasure in participating in this festival. It is a remarkable\\noccasion. He who is your honored guesc to-night has led thus far a life of\\nevents that are viewedias highly important here, and still more important to\\nhis own country. Educated, .spirited, full of a feeling of liberty and inde-\\npendence, he entered early ioto the public councils of his native country,\\nand he is here to-day fresh from acting his part iu the great struggle tor\\nHungarian national independence. That is not all his distinction. He was\\n44*6", "height": "2839", "width": "1629", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "brought to tliese shores by the authority of Congress. He has been welcomed\\nto the capital of tlie United States by the votes of the two Houses of Con-\\ngress.\\nMr. Seward (interrupting). He is welcome [And there were loud cries\\nof Welcome! Welcome from various parts of the house.]\\nMr. Webster (resuming). I agree, as I am not connected with either\\nbranch of the Legislature, in joining, and I do join in my loudest tones, in that\\nwelcome announced by them to him. [G-reat applause.] The House of Rep-\\nresentatives, the immediate representatives of the people, full themselves of\\nan ardent love of liberty, have joined in that welcome; the wisdom and so-\\nbriety of the Senate have joined in it; and the head of the Republic, with\\nthe utmost cordiality, has approved of whatsoever official act was necessary\\nto bid him welcome to these shores [applause], and he stands here to-night\\nin the midst of an assembly of both Houses of Congress, and others of us met\\nhere in our individual capacity, to join the general acclaim and signify to\\nhim with what pleasure we receive him to the shores of this free land, this\\nasylum of oppressed humanity. [Applaiise.] Gentlemen, the effect of the\\nreception thus given him can not but be felt. It can not but have its influ-\\nence beyond the ocean and among countries where our principles and our\\nsentiments are either generally unknown or generally disliked. Let them\\ngo forth; let it be borne on all the winds of heaven that the sympathies of\\nthe Government of the United States and all the people of the United States\\nhave been attracted toward a nation struggling for a national independence,\\nand toward those of her sons who have most distinguished themselves in\\nthat struggle. [Great applause.]\\n1 have said that this can not be without its effect. We are too much in-\\nclined to underrate the power of moral influence and the iTifluence of public\\nopinion and the influence of principles to which great men, the lights of the\\nworld and ot the age, have given their sanction. Who doubts that, in our\\nown struggle for liberty and independence, the majestic eloquence of Chat-\\nham, the jjrofound reasoning of Burke, the burning satire and irony of Col-\\nonel Barre, had influences upon our fortunes here in America? They had\\ninfluences both ways. They tended, in the first place, somewhat to diminish\\nthe confidence of the British ministry in their hopes of success in attempting\\nto subjugate an injured people. They had infliience another way, because\\nall along the coasts of the country ana all our people in that day lived upon\\nthe coast there was not a reading man who did not feel stronger, bolder,\\nand more determined in the assertion ot his rights when these exhilarating\\naccounts from the two Houses of Parliament reached him from beyond the\\nseas. He felt that tho.=e who held and controlled public opinion elsewhere\\nwere with us; that their words of eloquence might produce an effect in the\\nregion where they were uttered; and, above all, they assured them that, in\\nthe judgment of the jnst and the wise and the impartial, their cause was\\njust and they were I ight; and, therefore, they said, We will fight it out to\\nthe last. [Applause.]\\nNow, gentlemen, another great mistake is sometimes made. We think\\nthat nothing is powerful enough to stand before autocratic, monarchical, or\\ndespotic power. There is something strong enough, quite strong enough,\\nand if properly exerted will prove itself so, and that is the power of intelli-\\ngent public opinion in all the nations of the earth. There is not a monarch\\non earth whose throne is not liable to be shaken to its foundation by the\\nprogress of opinion and the sentiment of the just and intelligent part of the\\ncommunity. It becomes us, therefore, in the station which we hold, to let that\\npublic opinion, so far as we form it, have a free course. \u00e2\u0096\u00a0Bravo! Bravo!\\nLet it go on: let it be pronounced in thunder tones; let it open the, ears\\nof the deaf; let it open the eyes of the blind, and let it everywhere be\\nproclaimed what we of this great Republic think of the general principle of\\nhuman liberty and of that oppi ession which all abhor. [Applailse and cries\\nof Good! Depend upon it, gentlemen, that between these two rival and\\nconflicting powers the autocratic power maintained by arms and force and\\nthe popular power maintained by opinion, the former is constantlj decreas-\\ning, and, thank God, the latter is constantly increasing. [A]3plause.]\\nFreedom, human liberty, and human rights are gaining the ascendant\\nupon earth; and the part we have to act in all this great di-ama is to show\\nourselves in favor of those rights, to uphold that ascendency, and to carry it\\non until we shall see it culminate in the highest heavens over our heads.\\n[Applause.]\\nOn the topics, gentlemen, which this occasion seems to invite I have noth-\\ning to say, because in the course of my political life\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not now a short one I\\nhave said all I wish to say and all I wish to transmit to posterity connected\\nwith my own name and history. What I said of Greece five and twenty years\\nago, when our distinguished friend [turning to Kossuth] was too young to be\\nin political life, I repeat to-night, verbum post verbum, what I then said.\\n[Great applause.] What I said of Spain at a later period, when the power of\\nthe restored Bourbons was exerted to impose upon Spain a dynasty not ac-\\nceptable to the people of Spain, that I repeat in English and Spanish and\\nFrench and in every other language. [Applause and laughter.]\\n\u00c2\u00ab86", "height": "2815", "width": "1623", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "8\\nMay I be so egotistical as to say that I have nothing to say upon the sub-\\nject of Hungary? G-eutlemen, in the autiimn of the year before last, out of\\nhealth, retired to my paternal home among the mountains of New Hamp-\\nshire, I was by my physical condition confined to my house; but I was among\\nthe mountains whose native air I was born to inspire. Nothing saluted my\\nsenses, nothing saluted my mind or my sentiments, but freedom, full and\\nentire [applausel; and there, gentlemen, near the graves of my ancestors I\\nwrote a letter, which most of you may have seen, addressed to the Austrian\\ncharge d affaires. [Great applause, which was continued for some time.]\\nOf course I think sufficiently humbly of the talent and ability displayed in\\nthat letter: but as to its principles, while the sun and moon endure, and while\\nI can see -the light of the sun and moon, I stand by them. [Great applause.]\\nIn a letter dated February last, moved by tiiiese considerations, which\\nhave influenced all the Christian world, making no particular merit of it, I\\naddressed a letter to the American minister at Constantinople to intercede\\nwith the Sublime Porte for the release of Loviis Kossuth and his companions\\nin exile [applause], and I happen to know that it was not without some ef-\\nfect. At any rate, it is proper for me here to say that this letter and that\\none to which I have before alluded were dispatched with the cordial appro-\\nbation of the President of the United States. And they were, therefore, so\\nfar the act of the Government of the United States in its execiitive capacity.\\nNow, I shall not further advert to these topics to-night, nor shall I go back to\\nancient times and discuss the merits of the Holy Alliance; but I say that in\\nthe sentiments avowed by me, I think in the year 18:^3 or 1834, in the case of\\nGreece\u00e2\u0080\u0094 interesting Greece\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and in the more subsequent declarations of\\nopinion, there is that which I can never depart from without departing\\nfrom myself. I should cease to be what 1 am if I were to retract a single\\nsentiment expressed in these several productions.\\nNow, gentlemen, 1 do not propose at this hour of the night to entertain\\nyou, or attempt to entertain you, by any general disquisition upon the value\\nof human freedom, upon the inalienable rights of man, or upon any general\\ntopics of that kind; but I wish to say a few words upon the precise question,\\nas I understand it. that exists before the civilized world between Hungary\\n\u00c2\u00ab,nd the Austrian Government.\\nA Voice. Out with it!\\nMr. Webster. A gentleman near me says, Out with it. It shall come\\nout. [Great and prolonged applause.] I wish to arrange the thoughts to\\nwhich I desire to give utterance under two or three general heads.\\nAnd in the first place I say that wherever there is in the Christian and\\ncivilized world a nationality of character, wherever there exists a nation of\\nsuflScient knowledge and wealth and population to constitute a government,\\nthen a national government is a necessary and proper result of nationality of\\ncharacter. We may talk of it as we please, but there is nothing satisfies a\\nman in an enlightened age unless he is governed by his own country and the\\ninstitutions of his own government and partakes in that government. No\\nmatter how easy be the yoke of a foreign power, no matter how lightly it sits\\nupon the shoulders, if it is not imposed by the voice of his own nation and of\\nhis own country, he will not, he can not, and he means not to be happy under\\nits burden. [Applause.]\\nThere is, gentlemen, one great element of human happiness mixed up\\nwith others. We have our social affections\u00e2\u0080\u0094 our family affections; b\\\\it then\\nwe have this sentiment of countrj which imbues all our hearts and enters\\ninto all our other feelings; and that sentiment of country is an affection not\\nonly for the soil on which we are born, not only for the parents and broth-\\ners and sisters and friends that surround us, but for the habits and institu-\\ntions and the government of that country. There is not a civilized and intelli-\\ngentman on earth that enjoys entire satisfaction with hiscondition if he does\\nnot live under the government of his own nation, his own country, whose\\naffiliations and sentiments and sympathies are like his own. Hence he can\\nnot say, This is not my country; it is the country of another power; it is a\\ncountry belonging to somebody else. Therefore I saj that wherever there\\nis a nation of sufficient intelligence and numbers and wealth to maintain a\\ngovernment distinct in its character, distinct in its history, distinct in its in-\\nstitutions, that nation can not be happy but under a government of its own\\nchoice. [Applause.]\\nThen the next question is whether Hungary, as she exists in our day, as\\nwe see her and as we know her, is distinct in her nationality, is competent\\nin her population, is competent in her knowledge and devotion to correct\\nsentiments, is competent in her national feeling for liberty and independence,\\nto maintain a government that shall be Hungarian from beginning to end?\\nUpon that subject, gentlemen. I have no manner of doubt. Let us look a\\nlittle at the position in which this matter stands. What is Hungary? I am\\nnot. gentlemen, about to fatigue you with statistics and statements, but I\\nwish to say, as 1 understand the matter\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and I have taken some pains to look\\ninto it\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that Hungary contains a sufficient population to constitute a nation.\\nThe following enumeration of the races that constitute the population of\\n44Sb", "height": "2806", "width": "1629", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "9\\nHnngarj^ s taken from one of the latest and most authoritative publications\\nof Austrian statistics\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that of Haenfler:\\nHUNGARY, INCLUDING CROATIA AND SLAVONIA.\\nMagyars 4,281,500\\nSlowacks 2,200,000\\nEussniaks 350,000\\nServians 740,000\\nCroatians 660,000\\nSlavonians (Styrians) 50,000\\nBulgarians and others 13,800\\nSlavonians, total 4,013.800\\nGermans 9S6;000\\nWallachians 930,000\\nJews 250,000\\nGreeks and others 62,500\\n10,522,800\\nTRANSYLVANIA.\\nMagyars 360.170\\nSzeklers 260,000\\nGermans 250,000\\nWallachians 1,287,340\\nOthers 60,400\\n2, 117, 910\\nMILITARY FRONTIERS.\\nMagyars 54,000\\nCroatians. 693,960\\nServians 203.000\\nSlavonians, total 895,960\\nGermans _ 185,500\\nWallachians _ 100,000\\n1, 235, 460\\nTOTALS FOR ALL HUNGARY.\\nMagyars 4,605,670\\nSlavonians 4,905,760\\nGermans 1,421,500\\nWallachians 2,317,340\\nSzeklers... 250,000\\nJews and others 373,900\\nGrand total 13,876,170\\nBy a still more recent account, taken from the official statistics of Austria,\\nit appears that Hungary, including Transylvania and military frontiers, has\\n112,000 square miles, with 14,500,000 inhabitants, and contains\\nCities 75\\nTowns 888\\nVillages 16,000\\nBoman Catholics 9,000,000\\nGreeks 4.000.000\\nProtestants 3,250,000\\nJews 350,000\\nHungary is about the size of Great Britain and comprehends neai lyhalf of\\nthe territory of Atfstria.\\nIt is stated by another authority that the population of Hungary is nearly\\n14,000,000; that of England (in. 1841) nearly 15,000,000; that of Prussia about\\n16,000,000.\\nThus it is evident that, in point of power, so far as power depends upon\\npopulation, Hungary possesses as much power as England proper, or even as\\nthe Kingdom of Prussia. Well, then, thei e is population enough\u00e2\u0080\u0094 there are\\npeople enoug]|i. Wlio, then, are they? Their history is known to you as well\\nas to myself, if not better, and I may say they are a distinct people from na-\\ntions that surround them. They are distinct from the Austrians on the\\nwest and the Turks on the east; and I will say in the next place that they are\\nan enlightened nation. They have their history; they have their traditions;\\nthey are attached to their own institutions and to their own constitutions,\\nwhich have existed for more than a thousand years.\\n4486", "height": "2798", "width": "1607", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "10\\nGentlemen, it is remai kable that on the western coasts of Europe political\\nlight exists. There is a sun in the political firmament, and that sun sheds\\nhis light and everybody may rejoice. But in eastern Europe, generally\\nspeaking, and on the confines between eastern Europe and Asia, there is no\\npolitical sun in the heavens. It is all an arctic zone of political life. [Ap-\\nplause.] The luminary that enlightens the world in general seldom rises\\nthere above the horizon. The light which they possess is at best crepuscular,\\na kind of twilight, and they are under the necessity of groping about to\\ncatch, as they may, any stray gleams of the light of day. [Hear! Hear!] Gen-\\ntlemen, the country of which^your guest to-night is a native is a remarkable\\nexception to that rule, and in fact, to the nations that surround her. Hun-\\ngary is enlightened; she has shown through her whole historyfor many hun-\\ndreds of years an attachment to the principles of civil liberty, and of law\\nand of order, and obedience to the constitution which the will of the great\\nmajority have established. That is a fact which ought to be known wherever\\nthe question of the practicability of Hungarian liberty and independence are\\ndiscussed. It ought to be known that Hungary stands oiTt from and above\\nher neighbors in all that respects free institutions, constitutional govern-\\nment, and a hereditary love of liberty. [Applause.]\\nGentlemen, I have taken the pains to prepare some facts from an intelli-\\ngent writer, and that writer, a lady, of course of gyeater authority than most\\nwritei s. [Laughter.] She says:\\nThe Hungarian nation has been distinguished from its first appearance\\nin history for uniting to a passionate love of liberty a scrupulous reverence\\nfor law. The Magyars did not enter the plains of Dacia an undisciplined rab-\\nble. Prom the first they possessed a fixed form of government, and were dis-\\ntinguished for their subordination to their leaders and their laws. To these\\nhabits of discipline, in which the Magyai s were trained, in their love of order\\nand regard for law, it is to be ascribed that they did not pass away, like the\\ncommon hordes of barbarian adventurers, but established a permanent king-\\ndom in the country they invaded. To these qualities, not less than to their\\ncourage, is to be ascribed their successful maintenance of their constitutional\\nrights against all the attacks of a power before which the liberties of so many\\nother nations have fallen.\\nThe ancient institutions of the Magyars were eminently democratic.\\nTheir chief riiler was elected by the votes of the people. For the first cen-\\ntury after their establishment in the country he received only the title of\\nvezer, or leader.\\nIn the year iOOO they bestowed the title of king on Stephen, of the family\\nArpad, the leader under whose guidance they had entered Pannonia. The\\npower of the king was, however, strictly limited. The consent of the people\\nwas necessary to give efficacy to every royal act. The excellent prince who\\nfirst filled the throne of Hungary had no disposition to infringe the liberties\\nof the people. On the contrary, he endeavored to guard them against the\\nencroachments of future sovereigns. He framed a code of laws, founded on\\nthe ancient institutions of the Magyars, which have ever since been regarded\\nas of the highest authority. These statutes were drawn up for the guidance\\nof his son Emeric, whom he educated as his successor in the kingdom. The\\nenlightened and humane spirit in which these decrees are composed gives a\\nvery high idea of the civilization and political advancement of Hungary at\\nthis period. We find in them an express recognition of the principle of uni-\\nversal equality Omnes homines unius sunt conditionis.\\nIt is in the following terins that he prescribes the duty of a king toward\\nhis subjects:\\nLet them be to thee, my son, as brothers and fathers; reduce none of\\nthem to servitude, neither call them thy servants. Let them fight for thee,\\nnot serve thee. Govei u them without violence and without pride\u00e2\u0080\u0094 peace-\\nfully, humbly, humanely\u00e2\u0080\u0094 remembering; that nothing elevates but humility,\\nthat nothing abases but pride and an evil will.\\nMy son, I pray thee, I command thee, to show thyself propitious not\\nonly to thy kindred, not only to princes, to leaders, to the rich, nor only to\\nthy country people, but likewise to strangers and to all that come unto thee.\\nBe patient with all, not only with the powerful but with those lacking\\npower. Bear ever In thy mind this precept of the Lord, I will have mercy,\\nand not sacrifice.\\nHe recognizes the right of the people to depose an unworthy prince:\\nIf thou art mild and just, then Shalt thou be called a king, and the son of\\na king; but if thou art proud and violent, they will deliver thy kingdom to\\nanother.\\nThe princes of this dynasty (the house of Arpad), with few exceptions,\\nwere just and patriotic kings, who understood the origin and true objects of\\ngovernment, and held their power tor the benefit of the people, not for their\\nown selfish aggrandizement. There are traits recorded of many of them\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which proved them to have been the worthy successors of St. Stephen.\\nThe Republic is not mine, said Geza II; it is I who belong to the Republic.\\nGod has raised me to the throne in order that I may maintain the laws. In\\n4486", "height": "2790", "width": "1637", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "11\\n1222 Andrew II issued the celebrated code of statutes known by the name of\\nthe Golden Bull, by which the decrees of St. Stephen were confirmed and\\nsome new laws added to them, designed to secure yet further the liberties of\\nthe people. The Golden Bull has been termed a charter of aristocratic priv-\\nileges. It was so in the same sense that the great charter of English liberties\\nmay be called so. The Golden Bull corresponds very closely to the Magna\\nCharter of King John, both in its provisions and as regards the class of per-\\nsons whose liberties it was designed to protect.\\nNow, gentlemen, I know nothing, nor does history, so far as I am informed,\\nreveal anything of the private, personal, or religious character of this first\\nking, St. Stephen; but this I know, in the political calendar he deserves to be\\nconsidered a saint and to have his name registered in very large letters.\\nMr. Seward (interposing). Three cheers for St. Stephen! [The cheers\\nwere accordingly given.]\\nMr. Webster (continuing). Gentlemen, my sentiments in regard to this\\neffort made by Hungary are here sufBciently well expressed. In a memorial\\naddressed to Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston, said to have been writ-\\nten by Lord Pitzwilliam and signed by him and several other peers and mem-\\nbers of Parliament, the following language is used, the object of the memorial\\nbeing to ask the mediation of England in favor of Hungary:\\nWhile so many of the nations of Europe have engaged in revolutionary\\nmovements and have embarked in schemes of doubtful policy and still more\\ndoubtful success, it is gratifying to the undersigned to be able to assure your\\nlordships that the Hungarians demand nothing out the recognition of ancient\\nrights and the stability and integrity of their ancient constitution. To your\\nlordships it can not be unknown that that constitution bears a striking family\\nresemblance to that of our own country.\\nGentlemen, I have one other reference to make, and then I shall take leave\\nof you.\\nYou know that in one of Shakesi)eares plays, speaking of the Duke of\\nVienna, he says; If the Duke with other dukes come not to composition with\\nthe King of Hungary, why, then, all the dukes fall upon the King of Hungary.\\nHeaven grant us peace 1 says another character. Thou concludest, says\\nthe first speaker, like the sanctimonious pirate that went to sea with the\\nTen Commandments, but scraped one out of the table\u00e2\u0080\u0094 thou shalt not steal 1\\nAye, that he razed out of the listl Why, twas a commandment to com-\\nmand the captain and all the rest from their functions; there is not a soldier\\nof us all that, in the thanksgiving before meat, doth relish the petition well\\nthat prays for peace.\\nNow, I am afraid that, like the dukes of Austria at the time to which\\nShakespeare refers, the present sovereign of that country doth not relish the\\npetition for peace unless it be founded on the utter extermination of the\\nnationality of Hungary.\\nGentlemen, I have said that a national government, where there is a dis-\\ntinct nationality, is essential to human happiness. I have said that in my\\nopinion Hungary is capable. She possesses that distinct nationality, that\\npower, that popiilatiou, and that wealth which entitles her to have a govern-\\nment of her own; and I have now to add, what I am sure will not sound well\\nupon the Upper Danube, that in my humble judgment the imposition of a\\nforeign yoke upon a people capable of self-government, while it oppresses\\nand depresses that people, adds nothing to the strength of those who impose\\nthat yoke. [Great applaiise.] In my opinion Austria would be a better and\\na stronger Government to-morrow if she confined the limits of her power to\\nher hereditary and German dominions\\nMr. Seward. True; true.\\nMr. Webster (continuing). Especially if she saw in Hungary a strong,\\nsensible, independent neighboring nation, because I think the cost of keeping\\nHungary quiet is not repaid by any benefit derived trom Hungarian levies\\nor tributes. Add then, again, good neighborhood, and the good will and\\ngenerous sympathies of mankind, and the generosity of character that ought\\nto pervade the minds of governments as well as those of individuals, is vastly\\nmore promoted by living in a state of friendship and amity with those who\\ndiffer from us in modes of government than by any attempt to consolidate\\npower, or, as it has Ijpen termed to-night, to concentrate power in the hands\\nof one over all the rest.\\nGentlemen, the progress of things is no doubt onward. It is onward with\\nrespect to Hungary. It is onward everywhere. Public opinion, in my esti-\\nmation at least, is making great progress. It will penetrate all recesses; it\\nwill come more or less to animate all minds; and in re.spect to that coimtry\\nfor which our sympathies to-night have been so strongly invoked. I can not\\nbut say that I think the people of Hungary are an enlightened, industrious,\\nsober, well-inclined community, and I wish only to add that I do not now enter\\ninto anj discussion of the form of government which may be projjer for\\nHungary. Of course, all of you, like myself, would be glad to see her, when\\nshe becomes independent, embrace that system of government which is most\\nacceptable to ourselves. We shall rejoice to see our American model upon\\n4486", "height": "2790", "width": "1623", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "12\\nthe Lower Danube and on the mountains of Hungary. But that is not the\\nfirst step. It is not that which will be our first prayer tor Hungary. That\\nfirst prayer would be that Hungary may become independent ot all foreign\\npower [great applause], that her destinies may be intrusted to her own\\n.hands and to her own discretion. [Renewed applause.]\\nI do not profess to understand the social relations and connections of races,\\nand twenty other things that may affect the political institutions of Hungary.\\nAll I say is that Hungary can regulate these matters for herself infinitely bet-\\nter than they can be regulated for her by Austria [applause] and, there-\\nfore, I limit my aspirations ior Hungary, for the present, to that single and\\nsimple point\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Hungarian independence.\\nMr. Sewakd. Hungarian independence! [Applause.]\\nMr. Webster. Hungarian self-government; Hungarian control of Hun-\\ngarian destinies. [Renewed applause.] These are the aspirations which I\\nentertain, and I give them to you, therefore, gentlemen, as a toast:\\nHungarian independence: Hungarian control of her own destinies; and\\nHungary as a distinct nationality among the nations of Europe. [The toast\\nwas received with enthusiastic applause.]\\nMr. President, my apology, if any is required, for reading at\\nlength this speech is twofold. In the first place, it is directly in\\nmaintenance of the proposition that expressions such as those\\nproposed to be given in the resolution of the Senator from Colo-\\nrado are not improper and not violative of international obliga-\\ntions, and. in the next place, these words were spoken by Daniel\\nWebster at a time when he was Secretary of State of the United\\nStates.\\nThe Senate will remember that in the course of this speech IVIr.\\nWebster spoke with a great deal of satisfaction of the letter which\\nhe had written among his native New Hampshire hills, and he\\nnot only spoke of it with satisfaction but said that as long as life\\nshould last and as long as he could see the light of the moon and\\nof the sun those would be his sentiments, and that he could never\\ndepart from them until he ceased to become a part of himself. I\\nhave been the less reluctant in reading this speech in the Senate\\nbecause, so far as I can ascertain, the full speech is not anywhere\\nin print except in this little pamphlet from which I have read it.\\nI will read a part of the letter that he referred to as having been\\ncomposed by him in the quiet of the New Hampshire hills, near\\nthe graves of his ancestors, where nothing saluted his senses, his\\nmind, or his sentiments but freedom, full and entire. It was\\na letter written by him as Secretary of State, addressed to the\\nAustrian charge d affaires, in response to a letter which this Aus-\\ntrian official had addressed to him. The objects of the letter ad-\\ndressed by jVIr. Hiilsemann to the Secretary of State are indicated\\nin the following extract from IVIr. Webster s letter in reply:\\nThe objects of Mr. Hulsemann s note are, first, to protest, by order of his\\nGovernment, against the steps taken by the late President of the United\\nStates to ascertain the progress and probable result of the revolutionary\\nmovements in Hungary: and, secondly, to complain of some expressions in\\nthe instructions of the late Secretary of State to Mr. A. Dudley Mann, a con-\\nfidential agent of the United States, as communicated by President Taylor to\\nthe Senate on the 38th of March last.\\nThe principal ground of protest is founded on the idea or in the allegation\\nthat the Government of the United States, by the mission of Mr. Maun and\\nhis instructions, has interfered in the domestic affairs o* Austria in a manner\\nunjust or disrespectful toward that power.\\nIn the course of this letter, ]Mr. Webster used the following\\nlanguage:\\nCertainly the United States may be pardoned, even by those who profess\\nadherence to the principles of absolute governments, if they entertain an\\nardent affection for those popular forms of political organization which\\nhave so rapidly advanced their own prosperity and happiness, and enabled\\nthem, iu so short a period, to bring their country and the hemisphere to\\nwhich it belongs to the notice and respectful regard, not to say the admira-\\ntion, of the civUized world. Neverthi less, the United States have abstained\\nat all times from acts of interference with the political changes of Europe.\\n4186", "height": "2831", "width": "1629", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "13\\nThey can not, however, fail to cherish always a lively interest in the for-\\ntunes of nations struggling for institutions like their own.\\nBut this sympathy, so far from being necessarily a hostile feeling toward\\nany of the parties to these great nationa,l sti uggles, is quite consistent with\\namicable relations with them all. The Hungarian people are three or four\\ntimes as numerous as the inhabitants of these United States were when the\\nAmerican Revolution broke out. They possess, in a distinct language, and\\nin other respects, important elements of a separate nationality, which the\\nAnglo-Saxon race in this country did not possess; and if the United States\\nwish success to countries contending for popular constitutions and national\\nindependence, it is only because they regard such constitutions and such\\nnational independence not as imaginary but as real blessings. They claim\\nno right, however, to take part in the struggles of foreign powers in order\\nto promote these ends. It is only in defense of his own Government, and its\\nprinciples and character, that the undersigned has now expressed himself\\non this subject. But when the United States behold the people of foreign\\ncountries without any such interference spontaneously moving toward the\\nadoption of institutions like their own, it surely can not be expected of them\\nto remain wholly indifferent spectators.\\nI can at this time read only one other extract from this letter\\nwritten by Mr. Webster. It is as follows:\\nToward the conclusion of his note Mr. Hlilsemann remarks that if the\\nGovernment of the United States were to think it proper to take an indirect\\npart in the political movements of Europe, American policy would be ex-\\nposed to acts of retaliation and to certain inconveniences which would not\\nfail to affect the commerce and industry of the two hemispheres. As to this\\npossible fortune this hypothetical retaliation the Government and people\\nof the United States are quite willing to take their chances and abide their\\ndestiny. Taking neither a direct nor an indirect part in the domestic or in-\\ntestine movements of Europe, they have no fear of events of the nature\\nalluded to by Mr. Hulsemann. It would be idle now to discuss with Mr.\\nHiilsemann those acts of retaliation which he imagines may possibly take\\nplace at some indefinite time hereafter. Those questions will be discussed\\nwhen they arise, and Mr. Hiilsemann and the cabinet at Vienna may rest as-\\nsured that, in the meantime, while performing with strict and exact fidelity\\nall their neutral duties, nothing will deter either the Government or the\\npeople of the TJnited States from exercising, at their own discretion, the\\nrights belonging to them as an independent nation, and of forming and ex-\\npressing their own opinions, freely and at all times, upon the great political\\nevents which may transpire among the civilized nations of the earth.\\nRecurring to the Kossuth banquet, I read a few extracts from\\nother speeches delivered on the occasion. Stephen A. Douglas,\\nin the course of his speech, said:\\nMr. President, 1 believe these results would follow dii ectly and legitimately\\nfrom the acknowledgment of that great law ol: nations, that every nation\\nupon the face of the globe has a right to choose its own form of government,\\nto establish its domestic institutions, without tne intervention of any foreign\\npower. [Applause.] Then let me submit to you, if these results would fol-\\nlow from that declaration, and if that declaration is predicated upon the law\\nof nations, of justice, and of humanity, why should not every friend of free-\\ndom be willing to proclaim the i^rinciple to the civilized world as the honest,\\ngushing sentiment of his heart? [Applause.] For one, I hold that it is the\\nduty of all republicans to demonstrate to the world upon which side we are\\nwhenever a contest arises between republicanism and absolutism [cries of\\nBravo! and applause], and that demousti ation should be made so clearly,\\nso distinctly, that no despot can misunderstand its meaning.\\nFurther in his speech IVIr. Douglas said:\\nThe question with me is not whether the despots of Europe would choose\\nto take otfense at o\\\\ir action, but whether such action would be just cause\\nof offense\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a violation of tlie laws of nations and of the principles of right\\nand justice! [Applause.] By what authority do these conspirators against\\nthe rights of the people and the independence of nations say to republican\\nAmerica that we nave no right to sympathize with ])opular movements for\\nthe establishment of democratic institutions everywhere? The history of\\nEurope for the last two hundred years consists of a succession of interven-\\ntions by the larger powers with the internal affairs of the smaller powers, in\\nutter disregard of their rights as sovereign States and of the principles of\\ninternational law. These interventions have been pi-ompted, sometimes, by\\nthe ambitious views of partii-ular dynasties, frequently for the silly purpose\\nof maintaining the absui-d scheme of a European equilibrium, and always to\\ncrush any effort for the establishment of free institutions. It is one thing to\\n4486", "height": "2782", "width": "1615", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\nr\\n019 920 708 8\\n14\\nintervene in violation of international law for the purpose of depriving a\\nnation of its liberty and independence; and it is entirely a different thing to\\ninterpose in vindication of that law for the purpose of maintaining the great\\nprinciple that every nation has a right to choose and establish its own insti-\\ntutions. [Applause.]\\nA Voice. He speaks foj the West. [Applause.]\\nAnother Voice. Y nd for the whole country. [Applause.]\\nLewis Cass, in tM He of his speech made at the banquet,\\nsaid:\\nWell, gentlemen, I am an old man. [Laughter, and cries of No! No!\\nI am approaching my three score years and ten. Half a century ago I crossed\\nthe mountains a boy, on foot, and G-od be thanked tor the institutions of this\\ncountry and the favor of my fellow-citizens, which have given me the privi-\\nlege now of maintaining human rights in such a presence as this. [Applause.\\nThe sun of heaven never shown on such a government as this; and shall we\\nsit blindfolded, with our arms crossed, and say to tyranny, Prevail in every\\nother region of the world? [Cries of No! No! I thank you for the re-\\nsponse. That is my feeling. Now, my friends, I am willing to say that is the\\nlaw of nations. [Laughter and applause.] Every independent nation under\\nheaven has a right to establish .iiist such a government as it pleases; and if\\nthe oppressed of any nation wish to throw off their shackles, they have the\\nright, without the interference of any other; and with the first and greatest\\nof our Presidents\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the Father of his Country I trust we are prepared to say\\nthat we sympathize with every oppressed nation which unfurls the banner\\nof freedom. [Applause.]\\nMr. Seward being called, rose and responded as follows;\\nI am too wise a man to speak on any question here at this hour of the\\nnight. When it was proposed in the Senate to receive the illustrious guest\\nof the night, I was advised not to hurt his cause by advocating it. I have only\\nto say that when the Secretary of State goes his length, the Senator from\\nIllinois his breadth, and the Senator from Michigan his tether, I shall be\\nfound at their side willing to go for the rights of Hungary and of nations as\\nfar as he who goes the farthest.\\nI will only add to the foregoing the following extract from the\\nplatform of principles announced by the Republican party at its\\nlast national convention, at St. Louis in 1896, expressing sympathy\\nwith the Cubans in their struggle for independence:\\nCuba. Prom the hour of achieving their own independence the people of\\nthe United States have regarded with sympath3 the struggles of other\\nAmerican peoples to free themselves from European domination. We watch\\nwith deep and abiding interest the heroic battle of the Cuban patriots against\\ncruelty and oppression, and our best hopes go out for the full success of their\\ndetermined contest for liberty.\\nThe Senate will note that the language in this extract from the\\nRepublican platform is almost identical with the language of the\\nresolution now before us.\\nMr. President, these utterances from these eminent men should\\nbe sufficient to establish the proposition that this resolution of\\nsympathy and desire to end the war against the Boers is proper\\nand not violative of international obligation.\\nMr. DAVIS. I move to refer the resolution to the Committee\\non Foreign Relations.\\nMr. TELLER. Will the Senator allow me to ask to have\\nprinted in- the Record a couple of resolutions?\\nMr. DAVIS. Certainly.\\nMr. TELLER. I desire to put in the Record a resolution which\\nwas presented to the Senate and passed the Senate under the\\ndirection of Senator Sumner in 1861. and one which was passed in\\nthe House in 1868. I simply ask to have them put in the Record.\\nThe PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Colorado asks\\nunanimous consent to insert in the Record the resolutions to\\nwhich he has referred.\\nMr. CHA]S[DLER. I ask to have them read.\\nThe PRESIDING OFFICER. The resolutions will be read.\\n448ti", "height": "2858", "width": "1739", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1723", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "lSSZ..2 CONGRESS\\n019 920 S\\n8", "height": "3013", "width": "1613", "jp2-path": "resolutionofsymp00baco_0018.jp2"}}