{"1": {"fulltext": "E7ZI\\nC22\\nHon. nnnK 4. C^Ao^n", "height": "4010", "width": "2699", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "E 721\\nCcpy I\\nCTJB_iA^_\\nI believe that just one strong, bi-ave word from the people of the United States\\nwill at once put a stop to Cuban atrocities; and if tliat brave word shall bespoken\\nin time it will absolutely prevent the possibility of war between this country\\nand Spain.\\nSPEECH\\nOF\\nHon. FRAI^K J. CAI^NOF,\\nOF UTAH,\\nr IN THE\\no\\nSENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nFEBRUARY 9. 1898.\\nAV ASHIlSr r OKT.\\n1898.", "height": "3650", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0003.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "-i^\\nO tL^\\n08046\\nL", "height": "3655", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0004.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "SPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. rUANK J. CANNON.\\nAFFAIRS IN CUBA.\\nMr. CANNON. Mr. President, as I entered the Senate Cham-\\nber this morning I obtained a copy of this morning s New York\\nHerald, which contains an article telegraphed from Washington\\nby the bureau of the Herald here from which I will read some\\nwords as an introduction to the remarks which I shall make on\\nthe pending resolution.\\nUnder headlines which state that the President is disjileased at\\nthe exhibition of jingoism in the Senate this expression occurs:\\nIt will be well understood here and in official circles abroad that nothing\\nmore harmless than talk will result. The President very mut h deplores this\\nagitation at the present time. It is regarded as unfortunate that just when\\nnegotiations for the projio.sed new commercial treaty with Spain are getting\\nunder way members of the Senate should pursue a course which might seri-\\nously embarrass the Administration in the pending negotiations.\\nThe New York Herald is usually very accurate in its news and\\nin its observations upon the sentiments of the administration of\\naffairs in this country, and I take it that I am not going too far\\nwhen I accept this statement as being the view of the Adminis-\\ntration at the present time.\\nMr. President, at the threshold of the new movement for a recog-\\nnition of Cuba, I desire to say that it is not my purpose, and so far\\nas I know it is not the purpose of any Senator who shall address\\nthe Senate or who shall speak to the country on this question, to\\ndisturb in any way the peace and welfare of the people of the\\nUnited States or to interpose any remark in criticism which can\\nin any manner deflect from its progress toward success any policy\\nwhich the President of the United States has in mind at this time\\nfor the honorable settlement of the Cuban question and the estab-\\nlishment of the dignity of this Republic.\\nMr. President, there is another phase, however, to this question\\nas raised by a great and powerful newspaper. By what authority\\ndoes any public journalist declare that nothing more harmful\\nthan talk will result from the agitation of the Cuban question in\\nthe Congress of the United States? What access has the New\\nYork Herald, or any other paper, to the purposes of this Admin-\\nistration which justifies the declaration that no substantial result\\ncan follow from a movement in Congress to recognize the Cuban\\npatriots?\\nIt would appear that some concerted plan has been determined\\nupon to forestall and prevent any action by the Senate, as all pos-\\n\u00c2\u00a3190 3", "height": "3650", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0005.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "sible action has been forestalled and prevented in the House of\\nRepresenlatives. to the end that the will of the people maybe\\nundone, and to the end that some policy, not yet revealed to the\\npeople of the United States and not approved by them, may be\\ncarrif d out.\\nIn the same article there are observations upon a distinguished\\nmember of the Senate, which I do not choose to read. I do not\\nknow to what extent the author of the artxle may have had con-\\nference with or the indorsement of that Senator; but, Mr. Presi-\\ndent, something more harmful tlian talk will result to the anti-\\nCuban purpose of the men in Congress and outside of Congress in\\nhigh official places in this country. The purpose can not be car-\\nried out.\\nWe have been told by intimations, repeated in this body and in\\nanother hall of legislation and through the p^ublic prints, that a\\npolicy was to be inaugurated\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a policy so courageous in character\\nand so startling in effects before the world as to put to shame\\nthose who have questioned the patriotism of the Administration\\nand its intention to carry out the platform upon which the Presi-\\ndent was elected.\\nAnd we have waited in vain for the revealment until now, when\\nwar is ended in Cuba, and when the brutal heroism of battle has\\ngiven place to a controversy of hunger. Spain no longer has the\\ncourage or the credit to maintain offensive operations in the field.\\nShe IS only holding to the appearance of a struggle in Cuba in\\norder to satisfy the creditors who have advanced the millions by\\nwhich she has sought to keep that people in subjection. Spain\\nhas been bankrupt in money for many years. She is bankrupt\\nnow in credit. Her greatest statesman is gone; her people no\\nlonger have the ability to furnish armies for the contest. Her\\npolicy is not that of warfare, but it is to subdue by bribery, by\\ncorraption, by starvation, a people which Spain and her cohorts\\ncan not conquer in the field.\\nIf there be any policy on the part of the United States, it is one\\nof afiiliation with this movement, by which Spain shaU be enabled\\nto saddle upon Cuba the vast mass of debt incurred in the vain\\nendeavor to conquer that island. More than four hundred millions\\nof bonds are held by Spanish creditors, the b.ilk of which were\\nissued to obtain funds with which to carry on the struggle in Cuba.\\nIn 1868 the Cuban debt was only $25,000,000. At the opening of\\nthe recent revolution it had swelled to nearly $200,000,000; and as\\nSpain charges to Cuban account all the expenditures which are\\nmade m the prosecution of the warfare, it has now become nearly\\nfive hundred millions, not all of which, however, is represented\\nby bonds.\\nMr. President, I charge now that the purpose of the Adminis-\\ntration in delaying action is in consonance with, if not in direct\\ncopartnership with, the will of the Spanish bondholders, who are\\ndetermined that before Cuba shall be allowed her freedom in the\\nworld, and before there shall be recognition of her independence\\nby Spam, there shall be security upon that blood-stained island for\\nthe major part of the debt which has been incurred by Spain.\\nThere are not wanting evidences of this. There appeared in\\nan American newspaper a few days since\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a paper which can not\\nbe charged with c:;uban sympathies, a paper which has access to\\nthe purposes of the Administration now in power\u00e2\u0080\u0094 an article\\nwhich substantiates to the letter the statement which I have made.\\n311(0", "height": "3655", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0006.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "In the Tribune, of Chicago, under a Washington date line of Feb-\\nruary 8, this statement is made:\\nSecret negotiations are nowactnally in progress between tbo State Depart-\\nment and the insurgents in Cuba looking to a stoppage of the war on some\\nfinancial basis, to be agreed iipon hereafter. President McKinley has not\\nrecognized the insurgents as belligerents, and he can not therefore treat\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0with them openly as he would do with a diplomatic representative of an inde-\\npendent nation.\\nDirect communication has been had between the insurgents government\\nand the Administration here. The insurgents expressed perfect willingness\\nto assume a reasonable share of the Spanish bonds issued against Cuban rev-\\nenues. The proposition has been considered with some favor, and the Pre.si-\\ndeut and his Cabinet have discussed several plans for guaranteeing the Cuban\\ndebt on the sole basis of independence.\\nAt a further point in the article the statement is made that\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThe United States will be in a position to offer Spain a heavy financial\\nbonus for giving up the island.\\nMr. President, Cuba has bought her liberty with blood. The\\nhundreds of thousands of people who have perished there in this\\nlast struggle for liberty have offered up their lives in payment of\\nthe purchase price; and for the United States now to join with\\nSpain or to force the patriots to consent to any purchase of th\u00c2\u00a9\\nindependence of Cuba by the payment of money is like robbing\\nthe dead. The United States can not afford to maintain a policy\\nby which the insurgents\u00e2\u0080\u0094 as a last resort, to protect the wives and\\nchildren of the island, to protect the men and the property\u00e2\u0080\u0094 must\\nconsent to give gold to buy that which is already theirs.\\nA sufficient apology for bringing this subject before the Senate\\nand before the country again at this time is found in a letter writ-\\nten by Gen. Maximo Gomez to a friend in this country under\\nrecent date. I shall read it here for the purpose of showing to\\nthe Senate the spirit which animates that great leader in the field\\nand which actuates the Cubans, that, if possible, his view may\\nfind some echo here in the recollections which we have of the\\nmighty deeds of our ancestors. He says:\\nMy Dear AND Respected Friexd: I wrote you before Mendez s depart-\\nure. He took with him letters in which I related to you everything that had\\nhappened of importance. I do so now, because it is proper that you should\\nknow, and by men such as I, that would not stain their name with falsehood,\\nthat General Blanco, knowingly, or deceived by his subordinates, is carrying\\nout a more infamous policy than General Weyler. Ths latter killed and pil-\\nlaged by daylight, and his orders and decrees were well known, and in his\\ncase it could be said, forewarned is forearmed. But General Blanco, not-\\nwithstanding his deconcentration, persecutes some families while he leaves\\nothers alone: destroys the plantings of those who had remained on their\\nranches, while he proposes to establish zones of cultivation around towns and\\nforts where nothing but thistles can be raised.\\nThis agriculture has no direction or system, no definite plan, and no means\\nto carry it into effect. It is an illusory and almost a cruel reconstruction.\\nIt is a system by which a people who are willing to be saved are condemned to\\na fruitless and barren labor. I do not kno vr whether this slavery is not worse\\nthan the slavery of old of the colored people. _\\nThe men who are found getting cattle tor their families are deprived of\\nthe cattle and killed. Anvone can imagine how many such cases occur, the\\ncountry people confiding in the flag of peace so treacherously waved by Gen-\\neral Blanco. He protects and takes advantage of the traitors and assassins,\\nas he is presently doing with the assassin and traitor Antonio M. Guzman.\\nIf Angiolillo had escaped after his attempt against Sefior Canovasand sought\\nrefuge in our ranks, hoping to save himself, he would have been sadly mis-\\ntaken, because justice would have been meted out to him here as it was done\\nWe can not associate with criminals, for that would be to stain the flag of\\nliberty and order which we have waved in our glorious field. The Spaniards,\\n319D", "height": "3650", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0007.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "on the other hand, laying aside all considerations of honor and dignity, profit\\nby everything against the Cubans. The best and most intimate friend of\\n(ienerals Pando and Salcedo is to-day Antonio M. Guzman. But there is\\nmore. The Spaniards with the greatest cynicism accuse us of cruelties find\\nin ults to our families, as they have just said, referring to our ca])ture of the\\ntown of Guisa. Let the Cuban lieware who would attack a woman, a child,\\nor an old man! To punish him the authority of a general is not needed, be-\\ncause we would all rise against such criminal, and at once public opinion and\\nthe law would fall on him.\\nThe families within our camps as well as outside we consider as flesh of\\nour flesh, bone of our liones. They are the special object of our care, and as\\nto myself, I can say that in every Cuban woman I see Bernarda Toro (my\\nwife) and Clemencia Gomez (my daughter). But it is not thus with the\\nSpaniards. They have sworn war and extermination to everthing that\\nbreathes in this laud, and Blanco, the same as Weyler, although by different\\nsystems, goes to the same end. Blanco comes to deceive and corrupt. He\\nputs his triumph not in the force of arms, which have been useless, but in the\\nforce of deceit, of infamy, and of bribery. The Spaniards could not kill us\\nin a fair struggle in the field of battle. They now olfer great rewards to\\nthose assassins who, masked as friends, will come to our midst to suppress, by\\nwhatever means, those whom they call leaders!\\nIt is neces.sary that you should make the civilized world acquainted with\\nBuch infamies.\\nThe protest written by those exiles against the pretended autonomy has\\npleased us very much. And although there is not here one single soldier who\\nthinks of svich ridiculous proposition, our enthusiasm has been increased\\nwhen we have read of the firmness of our brothers across the seas in also up-\\nholding the principles for which so much blood is being daily shed. The win-\\nter campaign has already commenced, with advantage for our arms, and, as\\nI have already informed you, without any optimism, we have the war well\\nin hand throughout the island, and it will be materially impossible for Spain\\nto pacify the island even should she send against us :iU0,()()O men more. Less\\nwill they be able to do it when they only count with the sickly and tired\\nremains of the army which Weyler has left, together with the debts as an\\ninheritance for Blanco.\\nYou and your companions can work with calmness without any precipita-\\ntion, so that our directed affairs will turn out properly; as to those who are\\nhere, you will notice that we continue to fight without weakening. Do not\\nworry if you hear of surrenders; they are of those who do not have courage,\\nvirtue, or prestige, and they do not subtract strength from the revolution;\\nthey are so many less mouths to feed.\\nYour friend, MAXIMO GOMEZ.\\nMr. President, this letter, a personal one, directed from the\\ngreat general to his confidante, is a practical substantiation of\\nthe statement that war is ended there. Its tenor is a sufficient\\njustification for us at this time and in this way to demand a pause\\nin the only possible policy which is being maintained by the Ad-\\nministration, which would be to force the Cubans to buy their\\nliberties anew from the Spaniard, who does not own them.\\nIn the rush and hiirry of events, bearing in mind that sixty-one\\nresolutions on the Cuban question have been presented before the\\nAmerican people in Congress in the past two years, we are likely\\nto lose sight of the one significant fact, which has existed from\\nthe beginning and which now exists, that the President of the\\nUnited States can by a pen stroke stop the barbarities in Cuba,\\nfree the people there, and relieve the island from the burden\\nwhich it sustains. It is almost earthly omnipotence which he\\npossesses. A declaration of belligerency at any time since the\\nwar began would have brought it to a speedy conclusion, and\\nwould now absolutely terminate the attempt of Spain to hold\\npossession of Cuba.\\nGentlemen who oppose the recognition of belligerency have\\nbeen fond of maintaining here and elsewhere before the country\\nthat the Cubans would be no better off after the granting of such\\nrecognition than now. It is significant that every friend of Spain\\nin this country has protested against the granting of belligerency,\\n31 J0", "height": "3655", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0008.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "and that every friend of Cuba and every sympathizer with that\\ndevoted island has demanded such recognition, under the state-\\nment and tlie firm belief that with it and with the equal rights\\nwhich it would give to Cubans in this country and in our waters\\nthe island would soon be free.\\nMr. President, if the Chief Executive of this nation when ho\\ncame into power could have dreamed of strength and authority\\ngreater than that which any man had ever enjoyed in our history,\\nhe could not have conceived in his most ardent iimigination greater\\nopportunity than that which now exists in him to set a people\\nfree. One word will do it. Tlie bare signature of his name to a\\ndeclaration of belligerency will do it.\\nWhat hand is it that stays William McKinley from signing his\\nname? What whisper is it that says to him, Wait? There has\\nnever been the suggestion of a movement in behalf of Cuba in two\\nyears but that some one has said, Wait just a little longer and\\nthe Administration s power will be seen, the great purpose which\\nhas been cherished by the President will be made known,- and\\nCuba will be freed without danger to the United States. We\\nhave waited while Americans confined in prison have been starved\\nand tortured and assassinated. We have waited, as was said in\\nanother hall of legislation not long since, until all American prop-\\nerty in the island and commerce with the island have been de-\\nstroyed. We have waited until war itself has ended and until\\nstarvation has begun. Our cup of waiting is full.\\nMr. President, on the 13th day of January, nearly a month ago,\\na resolution of inquiry was directed by the Senate to the Presi-\\ndent of the United States, asking him to inform the Senate, if not\\nincompatible with the pulalic interests, what power of the United\\nStates was being exerted to protect the lives and property of Amer-\\nican citizens in the Island of Cuba. No response has been received\\nto that inquiry; no answer in word or deed has been made by the\\nExecutive. It is an astonishing thing almost an unparalleled\\nthing that the Executive should not at least have answered that\\nhe could not reply in terms without doing something which was\\nincompatible with the public interests. The resolution of inquiry\\npassed this body unanimously. The Executive has treated it with\\nthat contempt of silence with which the question is treated under\\nthe despotism of another branch of the Federal Congress.\\nIt has been no answer to the American people to send the Maine\\nto Cuban waters. For twenty-four hours the people of this coun-\\ntry were exultant in the thought that the power of the United\\nStates was to be made manifest, but almost instantly there was a\\nrevulsion of feeling, because, instead of the Maine s appearing as\\na friend to the Cubaris, it was made to appear that the visit of\\nthat war vessel was in compliment to Spain, and the flag of the\\nUnited States was dipped to the banner of the tyrant. It is no\\nanswer to the American people to send the fleet to Key West. All\\nthose things, if thsy mean anything significant for the Cuban peo-\\njDle, are provocations of war, and the most ardent Cuban sympa-\\nthizers in the United States do not wish to see war with Spain for\\nthe redemption of the island. We have believed from the begin-\\nning that the Cubans were amply competent to win their own\\nfreedom if they could have the same rights here which were ac-\\ncorded to their oppressors. It is no answer, Mr. President, that\\nthere shall be under consideration at the present time a treaty for\\nreciprocal commercial relations with Spain. The reciprocity which\\n3190", "height": "3650", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0009.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a28\\nthe American people want is such as is described in a letter writ-\\nten by Col. Melchor L. de Mola, General Gomez s chief of staff,\\nfrom the field on a recent date. He said:\\nOn the beautiful morning of the 22d of December there arrived at the gen-\\neral headquarters of the army the consul of the United States at Carthegena,\\nMr. Rafael Madrigal, who came in representation of the consul general of the\\nsaid nation in Havana, Gen. P. H. Lee, to ask of the general in chief of the\\nCuban army the delivery of the jewels and money belonging to the Ameri-\\ncan citizen Crosby, killed by the Spaniards in the battle which took place in\\nSanta Teresa on the 8th of March of this jear.\\nAs Mr. Madrigal came in an official character and brought the American\\nflag waving, he was received with our flag and music, and the honors due to\\nthe representative of a foreign power which for so many reasons deserves\\nour re.spect and affection were done him. The reception of the American\\nconsul and his suite was solemn and moving. The flags were dipped, and em-\\nbraces and expressive phrases exchanged by the distinguished visitors and\\nour general in chief.\\nMr. Madrigal fulfilled his mission in due form and revealed himself a per-\\nfect gentleman and expert diplomat.\\nDuring the days which the distinguished visitors passed in our camp they\\nwere well taken care of by us.\\nThis event is important and will have great influence, because it is the\\nfirst time that a legal representative of a foreign power presents himself in\\nthe Cuban camp to treat with us and to exchange salutations with an author-\\nity of the revolution; it is the first time that the starrv flag of the great\\nRepublic comes to the field of battle to affectionately join the triumphant\\nflag of the solitary star; which implies the tacit acknowledgment of bellig-\\nerency; to think of the contrary would be not to do justice to the United\\nStates.\\nThat is the reciprocity which the American people want\u00e2\u0080\u0094 reci-\\nprocity of affection and care and support with and for Cuba, not\\nwith Spain. Commerce with Spain, with or without this recip-\\nrocal or other treaty, may well pause for a little time. Our com-\\nmerce with Cuba free is of more value to the American people, is\\nof more profit to our toilers, is a greater enhancement of the in-\\ndustries of agriculture and manufacturing in this country, than\\nall our trade with Spain, on whatever basis it might be estab-\\nlished.\\nMr. President, the resolutions now pending, the one wh^ ch was\\nread from the Secretary s desk this morning, and the still more\\nstriking one presented by the Senator from Illinois [Mr. Mason]\\nand the amendment proposed to the consular and diplomatic ap-\\npropriation bill by the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. Allen] are\\nnot unnecessary. It is true that this resolution or the one pro-\\nposed by the Senator from Illinois will not, if either shall be passed\\nby the Senate of the United States, be arecognition of belligerency.\\nIt is also true that the President of the United States would be\\nunder no obligation to announce this great right to the Cuban\\npatriots, but it is also true that the Senate of the United States\\ncan discharge its responsibility by renewing its affirmation of\\njustice to the struggling patriots. If offense must come, let the\\nresponsibility be upon those who commit the offense. If the\\nHouse of Representatives shall refuse to adopt any resolution and\\nif it shall be in the power of the distinguished Senator who has\\ncontrol of the consular and diplomatic bill to prevent a hearing\\nor a vote in the Senate on the proposed amendment of the Senator\\nfro:n Nebraska, let the responsibility rest where it belongs, but.\\nfor one, I shall feel that I have not discharged my duty unless I\\nendeavor to gain a renewed expression from the Senate of the\\nUnited States of sympathy for Cuba and of intention to force, if\\npossi le, some Administrative recognition of the rights which\\nthey should enjoy in the family of nations.\\n:il!\u00c2\u00bbo", "height": "3655", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0010.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "Besides, Mr. President, the bringing forward of resolutions of\\nthis kind at this time will be a test of the sentiment of the Senate\\nof the United States. Less than two years ago there were at most\\nbtit 5 pro-Spaniards in the Senate; of the entire membership, at\\nleast 85 Senators asserted their sympathy with Cuba, either by\\nvoice or vote in this Chamber or by external expression. When\\nthe resolution for belligerency was brought forward on the 20th\\nday of May last for a vote, there were 41 Senators present who\\nvoted affirmatively. To-day perhaps no resolution could pass this\\nbody, and yet the people of this country are entitled to have the\\ntest made to see whether the sentiment which once existed here\\nis dead, to see whether the supplications of the people in general,\\nthe requests of State legislatures, which in many instances have\\npetitioned the Senate and the House for action on this question,\\nare to be ignored.\\nI suppose this resolution may die in the Senate Committee on\\nForeign Relations if the gentlemen who have charge of the im-\\nportant subjects which come before that committee shall refnse\\nto bring it forward with a recommendation for or against its\\npassage, btit the effort made by bringing the question once more\\ninto the Senate of the United States will not be without avail,\\nbecause the struggle in both Houses of Congress will thereby be\\nencouraged.\\nMr. President, I have said that the recognition of Cuban bellig-\\nerency would set Cuba free. There has been expended by the\\nCuban patriots since the beginning of this war a sum less than\\n$3,000,000. At no one time have they had in their treasury more\\nthan a quarter of a million, and at the present time they have less\\nthan $100,000. We affect to carry out neutrality laws which\\nshould obtain between nations at peace with each other, and yet\\nthe Cubans in the field get munitions of war from the United\\nStates. The rifles which the Cubans use with so much effect are\\nsent from this country. Every rifle which a Cuban soldier carries\\nhas cost the Cuban patriots $200 before it is piit in the field.\\nMr. ALLEN. I trust there may be order in the Chamber, so\\nthat the Senator from Utah will not be disturbed in his remarks.\\nMr. CANNON. I do not object to ordinary disturbance, and I\\nam quite content to allow Senators or gentlemen who have access\\nto the floor all the privileges which are usually exercised here, but\\nI certainlv do object\\nMr. HALE. If the Senator will allow me, I hope the Chair\\nwill enforce the rule that conversation shall entirely cease in the\\nChamber. It is utterly impossible for those of us who desire to\\nlisten and who are sitting near the Senator from Utah to hear\\nwhat he says unless order is preserved.\\nMr. CANNON. I thank the Senator from Maine, but I wish to\\nconclude the observation I was making. I stated that I do not\\nobject to ordinary interruption\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to conversation or movement in\\nthe Chamber\u00e2\u0080\u0094 but I do object to expressions of denial couched in\\nimproper language. A remark was made by some one, I think not\\na member of this body, to the effect that the statement which I\\nhad just uttered concerning the cost of rifles to the Cubans was a\\nlie. The statement was distinctly audible to me and perhaps to\\nothers. I do not kr.ow by what right anyone who may have the\\nprivilege of the floor assumes to utter any remarks during the\\nprogress of business here, but I care less for that than I do for\\nthe spirit which actuated the remark.\\n3190", "height": "3650", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0011.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "10\\nMr. President, it is a solemn truth that the Cnbans have to pay\\n$200 each for the rifles with which they have secured their liber-\\nties. We have been doubly guilty of cowardice; we have refused\\nto recognize the belligerency of the Cuban patriots, so that they\\nmight enter this country upon equal terms with the tyrant of\\nSpain to biiy munitions of war and supplies for their army and\\ntheir suffering x^eople, while at the same time our selfish com-\\nmerce has made its exaction of extra blood money from the pa-\\ntriots for every rifle and all the munitions of war which it has\\nsecretly sold to them. Every express company and every skipper\\nof a craft which has engaged to aid filibustering between this\\ncountry and the Island of Cuba has taken a deadly toll, until each\\nrifle which has come into the hands of a patriot in the field has cost\\nthe Cubans $200.\\nI stated that $1,000,000 would enable the Cuban patriots to put\\nan end to the struggle or the appearance of a struggle. If Cuban\\nbelligerency were granted by the people of the United States, at\\nthis hour the Cuban patriots could buy enough munitions of war\\nwith the small funds at their command to drive the last invader\\nfrom the island.\\nMr. President, we have pursued a policy on this question that\\nis little less than infamous. In 1823 we notified the countries of\\nEurope that all hands except those of Spain must be kept off\\nCuba. To-day the Christian sentiment throughout the world\\noutside of the United States might possibly be aroused in behalf\\nof the struggling republic, but under the doctrine which we\\nhave enunciated no other nation than the United States can in-\\nterpose to aid the Cubans without coming into conflict with the\\nprinciple by which we are gl^ided in international affairs. The\\nUnited States therefore stands to administer the Spanish garrote\\nto the Cuban patriots. We hold the Cubans whilst Spain out-\\nrages and pillages the island.\\nMr. President, I trust that the Committee on Foreign Relations,\\nwhich takes these resolutions into its keeping, will permit us once\\nmore to vote on this qiiestion at an early day. And in addition\\nto the direct issue on the resolutions, I hope that the stibcommit-\\ntee which has charge of the consular and diiilomatic appropria-\\ntion bill will allow us to have a vote upon the amendment of the\\nSenator from Nebraska [Mr. Allen] If the Senate of the United\\nStates will at this time attach the amendment of the Senator from\\nNebraska to the appropriation bill, the House of Representatives,\\nwhich is eager to declare on this question, may have the long-\\nsought opportunity in despite of the plans to the contrary. I be-\\nbieve that just one strong, brave word from the people of the\\nUnited States will at once put a stop to Cuban atrocities, and if\\nthat brave word shall be spoken in time it will absolutely prevent\\nthe possibility of war between this country and Spain.\\nMr. HALE. Mr. President, I do not rise now for the purpose\\nof debating this resolution at any length, nor any of the questions\\ninvolved in it, for the reason that I agree in what is evidently the\\nexpectation of the Senator from Utah [Mr. Cannon], that the\\nresolution will be sent to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and\\nthat committee will have ami)le opportunity to consider it and to\\nmake report upon it.\\nThe resolution of the Senator from Utah will be followed by\\nanother resolution upon the same subject submitted yesterday by\\nthe Senator from Illinois [Mr. Mason], who desires to address the\\n319J", "height": "3655", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0012.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "11\\nSenate on his own proposition. I have no doubt that that resolu-\\ntion will take the same course with this, and will be referred to\\nthe Committee on Foreign Relations, and therefore I shall not\\nupon either resolution go at length into general debate upon ttt?\\nCuban situation.\\nBoth resolutions, Mr. President, are in the direction of a deter-\\nmined purpose to put the Administration into leading strings in\\nreference to its policy upon Cuba. They are based upon the as-\\nsumption that the country can not afford to wait the processes by\\nwhich the executive department will arrive at one conclusion or\\nanother upon this stibject, but are intended to drive the Adminis-\\ntration into a course which I believe is fraught with danger to the\\ncountr) and may involve us at a near day in an armed conflict\\nwith a now friendly nation.\\nAnother step in this same programme to coerce the Administra-\\ntion is the amendment offered yesterday by the Senator from Ne-\\nbraska [Mr. Allen], by which it is proposed, in a rider to be\\nthrust upon an appropriation bill, to settle the policy of the coun-\\ntry and of the Administration upon the Cuban question.\\nI have great faith first that the Committee on Foreign Relations\\nwill treat that amendment and the consideration of it wisely, and,\\nmoreover, that whatever may be the result of its deliberations\\nupon it, the amendment offered by the Senator from Nebraska,\\nclearly subject as it is to the point of order, will be ruled out under\\nour rules and upon the good general reason that we ought not on\\na matter of such vast importance to coerce another branch by piit-\\nting so drastic a proposition as a rider on an appropriation bill.\\nBut, Mr. President, the Senator from Nebraska, in offering his\\nresolution, indicated that he should go further, and that whatever\\nmight be the result of the deliberations of the Foreign Relations\\nCommittee, or whatever might be ruled from the Chair upon a\\npoint of order, he would take an appeal and bring this subject\\nbefore the Senate and put Senators upon record. Therefore, assum-\\ning that when that time comes the matter will really be brought\\nin its most strenuous form and in its most objectionable form\\nbefore the Senate, I do not propose to take much time of the Sen-\\nate to-day in debating the subject of our relations with Cuba.\\nI shall speak briefly here, and then I shall give way to the Sen-\\nator from Illinois, who is desirous of debating his own resolution.\\nThe President, in his first message to Congress, a most carefully\\nconsidered document, presented tlie whole situation in Cuba, the\\nrelations of this Government and this country to it, and the atti-\\ntude that he assumed as the head of the Administration, in a most\\nclear, cogent, and conclusive fashion. In the message which I\\nhave before me he discussed the situation at length, page after\\npage, none of it surplusage, but all of it throwing light upon the\\nsubject. He quoted from the great messages of Grant in the years\\npast that are a fundamental doctrine upon the subject, and also\\nreferred sympathizingly, in instances, to the suffering in Cuba and\\nto wrongs committed and excesses endured there.\\nHe summed up his conclusions as follows:\\nFor these reasons I regard the recognition of the belligerency of the Cuban\\ninsurgents as now unwise and therefore inadmissible. Should that step here-\\nafter be deemed wise as a measure of right and duty, the Executive will\\ntake it.\\nHe there laid down the chart of the course his Administration\\nwill pursue that if at any time in the future the conditions\\n3190", "height": "3650", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0013.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "12\\nslionld be such as to justify recognition of Cuban belligerency, the\\nExecutive would act in accordance with such conditions.\\nNow, since then the President and his Administration have\\nacted time and again. The Senator from Utah has declared that\\nmany American citizenshavebeen imprisoned, abused, maltreated,\\nkilled, it may be, in Spanish prisons in Cuba. Since that message\\nwas written, in the plan which the President had in his mind of\\nconsidering this subject carefully and acting from time to time as\\nwisdom might direct, he has taken such a course that to-day not\\none citizen of the United States is found in prison upon the Island\\nof Cuba. One of the things that was demanded of this Adminis-\\ntration has been most signally answered by the course of the Presi-\\ndent. To-day there is not an American citizen in durance in Cuba,\\nMoreover, the President, recognizing the sufferings upon the\\nisland, whoever may be responsible for them, and in that 1 do not\\nwholly agree with the Senator from Utah, has not only made an\\nappeal to the country for help, for benefactions from the Ameri-\\ncan people, but has so conducted negotiations with the represent-\\natives of the Spanish Government and with the Spanish ministry\\nthat the doors of Cuba have been thrown open, and every encour-\\nagement has been given by the Spanish ministry for the introdiic-\\ntion of the aid which the American people has so generously sent.\\nMore than that. Mr. President, I will not say by any coercion, I\\nwill not say by argumentation, but clearly by suggestion of a\\nfriendly nature made by the Administration, the general in com-\\nmand, the person in highest authority in Cuba, against whom most\\nobjection existed and about whose methods undoubtedly there was\\nmuch of the barbaric, has been removed by the Spanish Govern-\\nment and another and a different man put in his place.\\nBut much more than that has been done. After negotiation\\nand suggestion, and after due waiting and consideration by the\\nSpanish Government, for these things can not be done in a day,\\nthe new Spanish ministry has proclaimed and offered officially\\nand submitted to the people of Cuba a charter of human liberties\\nthat is broader and wider and deeper and more general and benef-\\nicent and .democratic in its scope than that of any colonial de-\\npendency to-day of an Anglo-Saxon people on the face of the\\nglobe. And yet Senators say that nothing has been done. And\\nto-day, when this experiment of autonomy is being tried and\\nwhen it can be seen only in the future whether it is successful\\nand whether a peaceful government based upon the principles of\\nrepublicanism and true democracy shall be accepted in Cuba\\nwhen all this hangs in the balance\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Senators introduce warlike\\nresolutions here for the purpose of inflaming the situation and\\npreventing the peace which is desirable in Cuba.\\nStill more has the President done. It was said and urged and\\nargued in an impassioned way on this floor that the Administra-\\ntion was pusillanimous and that we ought to send ships to Cuba to\\nshow that if needed we could exercise our authority and our power\\nin protecting American interests and the citizens of the United\\nStates there. In addition to what I have said that the President\\nand the Administration have done, ships have been sent, great war\\nships, all manned, bearing the Hag of the United States, saihng\\ninto the harbors of Cuba, showing that the Republic might be\\nrepresented in Cuba as elsewhere in the world. And yet all this\\ndoes not satisfy Senators. Notwithstanding all the Administra-\\ntion has done, notwithstanding the situation is entirely changed\\n819)", "height": "3655", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0014.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "13\\nfrom what it was, the Senator from Utah introduces his resolu-\\ntion which contemplates not only the recognition of belligerency\\nbut absolute independence in ninety days thereafter. This means\\nwar. Mr. President, the object is clear and plain, Whether it\\nwill or not succeed depends on the good sense of the Senate. This\\nought not to be an inflammatory body. This ought not to be a\\nbody easily caiTied off its feet.\\nI do not agree with the assumption of the Senator from Utah\\nthat the Aiiierican people are determined upon action here and\\nintervention that may result in war. First, I do not believe the\\nAmerican people want war. It is too intolerable that to-day, with\\nour industries reviving, with the demand everywhere for peace,\\nthe American people want war. There are no indications that the\\nAmerican people agree with the Senator from Utah and the Sen-\\nator from Illinois upon this matter and want speedy action. If\\nthere was any such sentiment it would have displayed itself in\\nbetter fashion than fighting out the battles of Cuba on the floor of\\nthe United States Senate. We are less than a hundred miles from\\nCuba; there are one hundred places where thousands of men inter-\\nested and determined to help the insurrection might have landed\\nin Cuba and joined the insurgent army; and none have gone there.\\nThere are to-day 250,000 soldiers of the great war of the rebellion\\nupon both sides under the age of 50, and not one of them has gone\\nto Cuba. There are said to be a million unemployed men in this\\ncountry, with nothing to do, and not one of them has gone to\\nCuba. The Senator himself has no friend or relative who has gone\\nthere. Nay, more, Mr. President. I stand here and pause for a\\nreply, and ask any Senator on this floor to give to me the name of\\none single citizen of the United States, with an English name, who\\nis to-day fighting in the ranks of the insurgents. [A pause.]\\nI put that as an answer to the assumption of the Senator from\\nUtah and all other Senators that this great American people is\\nbound that the United States shall interfere at the risk of war.\\nSome of the newspapers are for it. Others are for it for one rea-\\nson and another, and the battle is being fsDught in the United\\nStates Senate, on the floor of this Chamber, not in Cuba. There\\nnever was a war that had in it the elements of an honest and sin-\\ncere struggle for liberty against oppression that did not arouso\\nnot only the sympathy but the active aid of hundreds and thou-\\nsands of gallant men, and this insurrection has excited none of\\nthat feeling in this country.\\nMr. HOAR. Lafayette.\\nMr. HALE. Yes; the Senator from Massachusetts has mstanced\\na case of real sympathy with struggling liberty. I have before\\nnow thought of the difference between the case of the Cuban\\njunta and their representatives, not one of whom has ever set foot\\non the Island of Cuba, living upon the contributions they have\\nexacted in this coimtrv, not one ever crossing the narrow strait\\nbetween the island and this country, and I have contrasted it, as\\nthe Senator from Massachusetts has, with the course of that gal-\\nlant young Frenchman, the Marqiiis Lafayette, who took the sea,\\ncrowded as it was with British cruisers, his life and liberty in his\\nhands, and came to this country, joined in our battles, took our\\nrisks and hardships. One does, I say to the Senator from Massa-\\nchusetts, contrast a case like that with the procedure of the so-\\ncalled Cuban patriots in this country.\\nMr. President, I did not mean to be led into this discussion. I\\n3190", "height": "3650", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0015.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "14\\nonly wanted to put the situation and to show that the President\\nhas not been inattentive to this subject; he has not been idle; he\\nhas not been cowardly, to quote the word used by the Senator\\nfrom Utah, but has faithfully and seriously given his considera-\\ntion, and his Administration has been with him upon this subject;\\nand to-day, in this situation, that this subject should be forced,\\nafter the Senate has already passed a resolution and sent it to the\\nother branch, and that the determination should be manifested to\\ncoerce the other branch, even to the extent of a rider ujion an\\napproiH iation bill, is intolerable.\\nBut, Mr. President. I have spoken longer now than I intended,\\nand I make the motion that I rose to make that the resolution be\\nreferred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.\\nMr. CANNON. Mr. President, I desire to make a personal ex-\\nplanation in behalf of a distinguished gentleman who was iipou\\nthe floor at the time of the interruption to which I called atten-\\ntion. He states that while the objectionable words were actuallj\\nuttered by him as I declared they were, yet they were not spoken\\nin reference to the statement which I was at that time making, but\\nwere purely a comment upon a certain matter quoted to him by\\nanother gentleman who was upon the floor at the time and related\\nto another sxibject than the one under consideration here.\\nMr. President, I would not have accepted the explanation, but\\nbeing person.ally acquainted with the gentleman who made the\\nremark and who offered the explanation, and knowing his abso-\\nlute truthfulness, 1 accept it absolutely and beg that the Senate\\nwill do so. There was on his part no intention to disturb this\\nbody or to contradict the statement made.\\n8190", "height": "3655", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0016.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3650", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0017.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "LIBKHKY Uh CUNOKtSS\\ninp", "height": "3655", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "cuba00cann_0018.jp2"}}