{"1": {"fulltext": "CUAtnf CMr^", "height": "2620", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "cuba00clar_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "\\\\r^\\nf* y\\nCTJB_A__\\nThe Monroe Doctrine as Interpreted\\nby a Missouri Democrat.\\nREMARKS\\nCHAMP CLARK,\\nOF MISSOURI,\\nDELIVERED IN THE\\nHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,\\nThursday, January 20, 1898.\\nWASHINGTON.\\n1898.", "height": "3536", "width": "2085", "jp2-path": "cuba00clar_0003.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "L r\\n.G^?\\n08048\\nCUBA.\\nV\\n^Iie Monroe Docliino as Interpreted by a Missouri Democrat.\\nE E M A R K S\\nOF\\nCHAMP CLAllK.\\nTlie House bein^ in Committee of tlie Whole on the state of the Union, ani\\nhaving under cons ideration the bill (H. R. Git!) malcing appropriations for th j\\ndiplomatic and consular service for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1899\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nMr. CLARK of Missouri said:\\nMr. Chairman: Surely tiie time for dilly-dallj ing and sliilly-\\nshaliying on the Culjan question is past.\\nThere never was any sense in mincing words about it.\\nThe hour for honest, courageous, unequivocal speech and action\\nis at hand.\\nOUR DUTY.\\nTliis Republic ought to grant belligerent rights to the Cuban\\npatriots. She should recognize the independence of Cuba.\\nIf Spain does not bring the war to a speedy conclusion, the\\nUnited States ought to expel her from the Western Hemisphere.\\nThese things ought to be done in the cause of humanity. They\\nought to be done as the beginning of a sound and permanent busi-\\nness policy. A\\nThey ought to be done as evidence of our settled determination\\nto be supreme in the affairs of our half of the world.\\nMan does not live for himself aloae. Neither does a nation.\\nCertainly we owe something to those struggling bravely for\\nfreedom at our very doors. They lighted their torch of liberty at\\nour fire. They are only following our example. In a yarj large\\nmeasure we are responsible for their conduct.\\nWe were the first rebels or revolutionists in this hemisphere;\\nfor let it never be forgotten that the only distinction between a\\nrebel and a revolutionist is that the latter succeeds, while the\\nformer fails. It is not a difference of principle, but of results\\nthat is all. [Applause.]\\nThere can be no doubt as to what has been our traditional for-\\neign policy. What our foreign policy is under the McKinley\\nAdministration, like the peace of God, i:)assetli all understanding.\\n[Laughter.] There ought to be no question as to our foreign\\npolicy in the future. Tersely and bluntly stated, it is this and\\nit ought to be enforced with iron hand that we intend, at all\\nhazards and at whatever cost, to thoroughly dominate the western\\nworld. [Applause.]\\nTHE SIONROE DOCTRINE.\\nThe germ of tlie Monroe doctrine is found in Ttiouias Jefferson s\\nletter to President Monroe, bearing date of October 24, 1S2;3, in\\nthese words:\\nThe quostion presented Ly the letters you have sent mo is the most mo-\\nmentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of\\nind. i)er.dence. That made us a nation: this sots our compass and points the\\ncourse which wo arc to steer thi-ouf^h liio ocean of time opening: on us. And\\nnever could we embark on it under circumstances more y.uspicious. Our\\n2 2985", "height": "3385", "width": "2074", "jp2-path": "cuba00clar_0004.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nfirst and fiiBdamental maxim should bo never to entangle ourselves m tho\\nbroils\u00c2\u00bbof Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with\\ncis- Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a set of interests dis-\\ntinct from those of Europe and peculiarly her own. She should therefore\\nhave a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe. While\\ntlio last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our endeavor should\\nsurely be to make our hemisphere that of freedom.\\nMonroe elaborated the idea as follows:\\nWith the movements in this hemisphere we are ot necessity more Imrae*\\ndiately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlifjhtened\\nand impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essen-\\ntially different in thi.s respect from that of America. This difference pro-\\nceeds from that vrhich exists in their respective governments; and to the\\ndefense of our own, whicli has been achieved by the loss of so much blood\\nand treasure and matured by the wisdom of our most enlightened citizens,\\nand under which we have enjoved unexampled felicity, this whole nation is\\ndevoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations ex-\\nisting between the United States and those powers to declare that we should\\nconsider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of\\nthis hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing\\ncolonies or dependencies of any European pov^^er we have not interfered and\\nshall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their in-\\ndependence and maintained it, and whose independence wo have, on great\\nconsideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any\\ninterposition for tho purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any other\\nmanner their destiny by any European power in any other light than as the\\nmanifestation of an imfriendly disposition toward the United States.\\nThat is the celebrated Monroe doctrine, as originated bj^ Thomas\\nJefferson and formulated by James Monroe in his message of\\nDecember, 1823. When he penned that fatefnl paragrapli Monroe\\nlittle dreamed that he was laying hold of earthly immortality,\\nbut such is the truth of history. We are very much disposed to\\nunderrate Monroe, but to our Spanish- American neighbors he is,\\nnext to Washington, the great American. We neglect him, but\\nthey delight to build monuments to his memory. [Applause.]\\nHis utterance became part of our creed political. We have\\nforced it into the code of international law. Other nations affect\\nto sneer at it theoretically, but they never fail to give heed to it\\nwhen we assert it in particular cases.\\nA note from William H. Seward to Louis Napoleon caused that\\nambitious jingo to withdraw his victorious legions from Mexico\\nwhen he was in the plenitude of his imperial power and when his\\narms glittered from China to Peru. [Applause.]\\nThat was the splendid, courageous, and magnanimous manner\\nin which Republicans enforced the Monroe doctrine when their\\nparty was in its best estate, when Abraham Lincoln was at its\\nhead, and before sordid greed had come to completely dominate\\nthat great, historic organization.\\nHow are the mighty fallen! Then the Republican party might\\nhave stood against the world. Now none so poor as to do it rever-\\nence.\\nEVILS OF M HANXAISII.\\nIn these days of McHannaism our foreign policy is so feeble, so\\ncringing, so cowardly that even old and decrepit Spain insults\\nour flag, maltreats our citizens, and searches our ships with per-\\nfect impunity; and President McKinley, instead of sending men-\\nof-war to protect our honor, assert our supremacy, and teach the\\ninsolent and impotent Dons a lesson [applause] they would\\nnever forget, passes the hat around and invites the American\\npeople to contribute alms for the starving and dying Cubans.\\n[Applause.]\\n20G3", "height": "3515", "width": "2111", "jp2-path": "cuba00clar_0005.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "THE MONROE UOCTRINE AS INTERPRETED BY A MISSOURI DEMOCRAT.\\nThe Monroe doctrine has grown with our growth, strengthened\\nwith our strength, increased with our territory.\\nIt ought to be enlarged, stretched, expLinded, until it becomes\\nan irresistible force in international politics.\\nIn its infancy Mr. Monroe simply notified European nations that\\nnew schemes of colonization in this hemisphere would be regarded\\nwith an unfriendly eye by this Republic. That was a sufficient\\nassertion of our i^osition so long as we were a feeble folk; but now\\nthat we are the most puissant nation on the globe, we should re-\\nstate our position and should at once signify to all European pow-\\ners that tliey retain a foothold in the Western Hemisphere only\\nby our sufferance, that they are mere tenants at will, and that\\nwhen notified by us they must vacate the premises. [Applause.]\\nCongress should formulate the Monroe doctrine as we now\\nunderstand it, and it should be in words about as follov/s: The\\nAmerican Republic hereby takes all of North America, Central\\nAmerica, South America, and all the islands of the adjacent seas\\nunder the shadow of her protecting wing, guarantees to them any\\nform of government they choose, and warns Europe, Asia, and\\nAfrica to keep their hands off the Western Hemisphere on tho\\npenalty of being thrashed within an inch of their lives. [Ap-\\nplaiise.]\\nThat Js the Monroe doctrine as interpreted by a Missouri Demo-\\ncrat. [Lau j;hter.] We should extend a moral protectorate over\\nthem all. Not one of these Central or South American Republics\\ncan maintain its independence without our support. They caught\\nthe spirit of freedom from us. They copied their form of gov-\\nernment from ours. Round about the young and feeble Repub-\\nlics already established in this hemisphere we should throw oiir\\nfriendship and influence, and we should encourage Cuba and all\\nthe rest of the West India Islands to unite themselves into a re-\\npublic of their own. The habit of representative government i3\\nhealthy and laudable. It should be fostered by us in every way\\npossible. We should not only lend them our moral support, but\\nshould give them physical aid in cases of necessity.\\nIt is high time tliat we served plain and emphatic notice on all\\nkings, emperors, princes, and potentates that the navies of trans-\\natlaritic powers shall not be used as collection bureaus for ques-\\ntionable debts, as was done a year or two ago at Corinto, and as\\nwas done a month or so iigo at Haiti. [Applause.]\\nTHE CUBAIf CASE.\\nThe Cub;in Situation is this: For three years the insurgents have\\nfought with a courage and suffered with a fortitude which have\\nchalh nged the admiration of all the v/orld, save and except the\\nMcKiuiey Administration. [Applause.]\\nThree or four hundred thousand i eople some of the papers say\\nGOO, 000\u00e2\u0080\u0094 men, women, and children, have died, as much martyrs in\\nIhe cause of liberty as was Warren, Montgomery, or any other\\nhero who died tiiat we might be free, and yet the McKinley Ad-\\nministration lifts not its finger to stay the slaughter.\\nThree or four hundred thoasand people\u00e2\u0080\u0094 some of the papers say\\n000,000\u00e2\u0080\u0094 men, women, and children, are known to be dying by the\\nslow and cruel process of starvation, and the McKinley Adminis-\\ntration can think of nothing more effective for their relief than to\\npose as the Big Beggarman.\\nThe party of Sumner, Chase, and Seward, which proudly vaunted\\n.)d3", "height": "3478", "width": "2162", "jp2-path": "cuba00clar_0006.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "itself as the friend of man, lias become the a,lly of pestilence, arson,\\nfamine, devastation, rape, and murder. [ApphAUse.]\\nThere is bat one safe and honest rule of political conduct, and\\nthat is to religiously fulfill, when in power after the election, the\\npromises made in order to win the election.\\nNow, remembering that neither the present Administration nor\\nthe majority in this House can be persuaded, provoked, or driven\\ninto helping our imfortunate Cuban neighbors, let us see what the\\nSt. Louis convention said on tho subject. It is what Horace\\nGreeley would have called mighty rich reading. Here it is:\\nFrom the hour of .achieviuET tlieii* own indopsndencs tho people of tha\\nUuiteci States have regarded with sympathy tho strugs^les of^other Ameri-\\ncan people to free themsoivog from Jiiirapean domination. We watch with\\ndeep and abiding interest the heroic battle of tho Cuban patriots aarainst\\ncruelty and oppression, and our best hopes go out for the full success of their\\ndetermined contest for liljerty. n\\nThe Government of Spain having lost control of Cuba, and bsmg unable\\nto protect the property or lives of resident American citizens or to comply\\nwith its treaty obligations, we believe that the government of tho United\\nStates should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace and\\ngive independence to the island.\\nThat is what yon said in June, 1893, and you iutended to be\\nunderstood as promising to give peace and independence to Cuba.\\nNow, having the power, you do nothing to redeem that promise.\\nYou said it because you knew the people demanded it. ^Yhat\\noccult, what malign, what paralyzing influence prevents you now\\nfrom keeping faith with the people? [Applause.]\\nIt is twenty-one months since you made the St. Louis pronuncia-\\nmento. Everv day the condition in Cuba has grown Vv orse. You\\nwon a stupendous victory; you have a brutal majority here, and\\nyet you are afraid to open your chops or to say your souls are\\nyour own. Next fall, when you appeal to the people for their\\nsuii rages, they ^vill say to you, Depart, ye workers of iniquity\\n[laughter] and will cast you into that outer darkness, where\\nthere will be weeping, wailing, and gnashing of teeth. [Ap-\\nplause.]\\nDEMOCRATIC AND REPUSLTCAN- FORKIGN POLICIES COXTItASTED.\\nTo every suggestion that we should reenter upon a vigorous\\nforeign policy which will thoroughly protect American citizens\\nand American interests on every part of the habitable globe we\\nare met with the hysterical shriek that we are advocating war.\\nIt is not true, but siippose it were. There are some things worse\\nthan war, deplorable as war unquestionably is, and one of them\\nis to play the cry-baby act until we are dcs-pised of all nations and\\nkindreds and tongues.\\nThomas Jefferson was not a bloodthirsty soldier or a vain-\\nglorious warrior. He was a man of peace, but he was also a self-\\nrespecting American, and when we were only a handful he dared\\nto establish the embargo and to precipitate a war with the gTeat-\\nest power in the world, for the war of 1812, our second war for\\nindependence, was Jeif erson s war\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a Democratic war, fought by\\nDemocrats and won by Democrats, when the forefathers of the\\npresent Republican party vrere holding the Hartford secession\\nconvention. [Laughter and applause.]\\nWilliam L. Marcy was not a soldier, but he was an American\\nof the school of Jefferson, and when we were not half as strong\\nas we are now. he was willing to go to war with the Austrian\\nEmpire, when at the zenith of her power, to protect the rights of\\nthe humblest of our naturalized citizens. [Applause. War was\\nprevented only by the Emperor yielding to our demands. But\\n\u00c2\u00a3965", "height": "3484", "width": "2132", "jp2-path": "cuba00clar_0007.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "6\\nthen it must be remembered that Marcy was a Democrat and\\nconsequently a patriot, proud of his country and ready to defend\\nher rights to the uttermost.\\nA Democratic foreign policy made the sentence I am an Ameri-\\ncan of more effect than the famous Romanus sum made it a\\nsafe passport in every land and upon every sea.\\nNow, that we number 70,000,000 souls, a Republican Adminis-\\ntration can not be taunted, kicked, or cuffed into resenting any\\ninsult or demanding reparation for any injury.\\nSuch a contemptible and pusillanimous policy is enough to make\\nGrant, Sherman, Sheridan, Dupont, Farragut, and Porter restless\\nm their coffins.\\nAlong in the late sixties Admiral Farragut was cruising in the\\nMediterranean and intimated to the Sultan that he would like to\\nanchor his fleet in the Bosphorus. The Sultan conveyed the reply\\nthat that was a privilege accorded only to princes of the roval\\nblood. Whereupon, Farragut, the grand American, sent the grand\\nTurk this message:\\n1 have SOO Amei-ican princes of tlio blood roval aboard ship. TIiav are\\nentitled to the best of everythinar to be had. We are clearing our decks for\\naction, and will call upon you in force.\\n[Applause and laughter.]\\nIt is entirely superfluous to state that all restrictions were re-\\nmoved, all red tape cut, all the cobweb s of court etiquette swept\\navN^ay, and that Farragut went whither he pleased, anchored\\nwhere he chose, and did as he v/ished. [Applause.]\\nWe desire peace as much as do the Republicans, but it is the\\nsort of peace which Benjamin Disraeli, Lord Beaconsfield, the\\nmarvelous Jew, declared he secured for England at the Berlin\\nInternational Congress\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -Peace with honor. The coining of\\nthat one jjhrase would have immortalized him if he had done\\nnothing else. Peace with honor, is what Democrats want.\\nPeace with dishonor seems to satisfy the aspirations of Repub-\\nlicans.\\n_ Just so that the President distributes pie in sufficient quan-\\ntities they care nothing for the dying women and starving babies\\nin the gem of the Antilles. [Applause.]\\nSo long as voters can be hoodwinked with sonorous promises\\nthey are willing tliat American lives shall be sacrificed and Ameri-\\ncan property shall be destroyed ad libitum by the Spaniards, who\\nhate and deride us. This is Repubhcan statesmanship, Repub-\\nlican patriotism, and Republican humanity in an off year in our\\npolitical system. [Applause.]\\nA MISSOURI DEMOCRAT S SPEECH ON ST. JACKSON S DAY.\\nOn the 8th day of January\u00e2\u0080\u0094 St. Jackson s day\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and suppose\\nAndrew Jackson were President now, what would he do? I do\\nnot know all that he would do, but I would risk my life on the\\nproposition that he would give the Spanish butchers forty-eight\\nhours to get out of Cuba, bag and baggage, and if they did not go\\nat once, without standing on the order of their going, he would\\ndrive them into the sea or hang them as ruthlessly as he hanged\\nAmbrister and Arbuthnot amid the wilds of Florida.\\nThis month, at the Omaha celebration of Jackson s astounding\\nvictory at New Orleans, my friend IMr. J. A. Graham, managing\\neditor of the St. Louis Republic, made a speech in which he gave\\nutterance to these manly, robust, and patriotic sentiments, which\\ncontain more genuine American spirit and worldly American wis-\\n\u00c2\u00a3005", "height": "3489", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00clar_0008.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "dom than all the Republican speeches that I have heard since I\\nhave been in Congress:\\nIt can not have escapsci tlie iiotico of claai -siglited i^atriots\\nSays Mr. Graham\\nthat tho monarchs of Europe are meditating an assault upon the American\\nsystem. The Italian dispute of a few years ago drew out theii- feoliug. Tho\\nCuban troubles have almost exposed their plans.\\nThey fear tho growing power of a free republic. The capacity of a free\\npeople to turn material resoiirces into weiilth, to invent, to labor with high\\nintelligence as well as with patient industry, has excited their envy and dis-\\nlike. Ahead of them they see a time when all their armies and navie.s will bs\\nbut paper walls against the steady advance of a sovereign people. Mean-\\nwhile their crazo for territorial aggrandizement turns their covetousness\\ntoward Central and South America. At the first favorable opportunity they\\nwill defy tho Monroe doctrine.\\nIf China is .seized and divided, there will be one more, and a very strong,\\nincentive to destroy the Moiu-oa doctrine and control the future isthmia h\\ncanal.\\nFor a century the doctrine of the Democratic party has been that peace is\\na surer guardian of the safety of our institutions than standing armies and\\nmonster navies. That doctrine is still the truth of Democracy, of Christian-\\nity, and of God. But peace with honor, decency, and self-respect piesunposea\\nthat we must bo lot alone. It is not Democratic doctrine that we should\\never meekly endure insults; and most surely not Democratic doctrine that\\nwe should go down unarmed to defeat rather than prepare for war as the\\nreply of freedom to the insolent threat of armored tyranny.\\nMore than that. I begin to think that the time has come when the honor\\nand the success of the American nation requii e a display of force commensu-\\nrate with the range of our interests. We have been eniriloyed in the devel-\\nopment of our domestic affairs. With our unparalleled home markets, our\\nv.nparalleled .standard of living, wo have supplied a demand for almost the\\nwhole of our own products. The opinion of foreign peoples we have cared\\nfor very little. It is unfoi-tunately true that the name of America i? flouted\\nin every foreign country. Falsehood and iynarancs have been doing their\\nwork while we laughed at the lies. Now, however, our markets are con-\\nge.sted.^ Our marvelous industry, and our yet more marvelous machinery\\nof production and transportation, hare surpassed our ability to ccnsume,\\ngreat as it is.\\nPerhaps the natural laws of trade -will bring eventually the markets we\\nneed for the healthy expansion of our exports and the constant employment\\nof our artisan.?. But against intrenched prejudice progress is slow. It is to\\nbe deeply regretted, but it is a fact that in most of the world the only con-\\nception of national greatness is connected with the demonstration of physical\\npower. Without dwelling on this fact and its logic, without being even as-\\nsured that I am not wrong, I will say this much: The assertion of naval\\nstrength, the proved certainty of our defenses against possible attack, tha\\nperformance of a glorious deed by American .ships against a foe deemed by\\ntho world powerful and brave, would constantly send thundering over the\\nsurface of the earth the grandeur of America in a language which would ba\\nas plain to the Hankow celestials as to tho saunterers on the boulevards of\\nParis.\\nTrue, there Is immeasurable potentiality in the citizens who can at a ^ord\\nchange the pruning hook into a sword and the sv/ord into the pruning hook.\\nThere is now no danger that we shall ever be conquered by a foreign foe.\\nBut our coast defenses are feeble; our Navy is ridiculously small in compari-\\nson with the extent of our approachable shores. Monarchs of other nations\\nknow this and believe that a sudden attack would lay us under tribute, an-\\nnul tho Monroe doctrine, hami^er our trade, and open Spanish America to\\ntheir invasion. They have great navies and armies unemployed. What\\nstimulates them most, perhaps, is that they associate an attack on the United\\nStates with a cessation of international d.angers from their own quarrels,\\nwith a muzzling of domestic discontents, and with that disgraceful lailure of\\ndemocratic institutions which thoy so feverishly desire to hold as an ex-\\nample before their subjects.\\nStill further. The Democratic party of the United States has a monetary\\nsystem to advance for the welfare of all toiling producers. In iS Jti the party\\ne.spoused the cause of bimetallism and nominated a splendid young Nebras-\\nkan as its champion. The monarchies of Europe, allied alwaj-s Avith plu-\\ntocracy and privilege, repudiate bimetallism and reject with ott ensive scorn\\nevery overture we make for tlie restoiation of silver money.\\nIf victorious war is the only way by which we can teach them to respect\\ncur opinions and recognize the right of their own and our people to lift from\\nthe brow of labor the crown of thorns and lighten the galling burden of the\\ncross of gold, then, speaking for at least one Jacksonian Democrat, I am will-\\ng065", "height": "3479", "width": "2106", "jp2-path": "cuba00clar_0009.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "8\\ning to say, let them liava it; let them learn the lesson, until their own shoul-\\nders run blood under the lash of aroused freedom and their knees bond under\\nthe pressure of a race that is as irresistible in conflict as it is beyond rivalry\\nin the peaceful arts of industry.\\nI do not speak for territorial conquest, for entanglmg alliances, or for any\\ndeparture from the ti-aditious of true Jeffersoniau Democracy; but I speak\\nin that Jacksonian spirit which hung British spies when they made them-\\nselves overt enemies to this nation and met the flower of the British army\\nbeside the Mississippi on the day we celebrate. If we are to bo defied, I\\nwould have the Democratic party, and no other, the hrst to ring back dofa-\\nthe naw that will humble the insulter, if it takes a thousand battle ships\\nand a billion of money. I would have the Jacksonian press and the Jackso-\\nnian party send to the uttermost parts of the earth the refrain of the Jac^-\\nparty i\\nsonian poet:\\nFirst on the land and first on the ocean.\\nFlag of the rainbov/ and banner of stars.\\nThese words of Mr. Graham were fitly spoten, and are like\\napples of gold in picfcures of silver. They are American senti-\\nments, Democratic sentiments\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Missom-i sentiments. They con-\\ntain the prophecy of that vigorous American foreign policy which\\nwill be inaugurated, enforced, and perpetuated, if needs be at the\\ncannon s mouth, when true and genuine Democrats once more\\ncontrol the destinies of the Republic, as they will surely do from\\nand after high noon on March 4, in the year of our Lord and\\nMaster 1901.\\nAN URGENT INVITATION TO REPUBLICANS.\\nMy Republican friends, I urgently invite you to lay aside the\\nweight that is holding you down, assert your rights, and come out\\non the side of eternal justice and human liberty, thereby demon-\\nstrating that you are worthy of the high vocation wherein you are\\ncalled. We Democrats and Populists stand here ready and anxious\\nto remove from America her great reproach. We on this side\\nwill contribute 155 votes to the good cause. If only 24 righteous\\nmen can be found in this Republican Sodom\u00e2\u0080\u0094 if only 24 Repub-\\nlicans will break their heavy yoke, defy their merciless task-\\nmasters, and join us in this noble work, before the sun sets thisi\\nday we will send the glad tidings ringing round the world that;\\nCuba is free! Free, thank God, by the act of the American\\nCongress! [Applause.]\\n29G5\\n6 821 Z06 ei0\\njnNm -in a^hxatt", "height": "3489", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "cuba00clar_0010.jp2"}}