{"1": {"fulltext": "\u00c2\u00a372\\n.ct", "height": "3725", "width": "2502", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n013 902 136 8\\nHoUingar Corp.\\npH8.5", "height": "3897", "width": "2132", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "E 721\\n.C6\\nCopy 1\\ncuBAiN^ i^depe:nde:n^ce.\\nWe stand for freedom of peoples and for repul)licau government, for free\\ninstitutions and national honor, and in the trying days that are upon us the\\nAmerican people, having a just knowledge of their responsibility and a full ap-\\npreciation of their duties, -will have but one watchword: Kemember humanity;\\nremember the Maine. And to this they will add the fervent and coufldeut\\nprayer, ilay God speed the right.\\nSPEECH\\nHON. CLARENCE D. CLARK,\\nOF WYOMIXG.\\nSENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nSATURDAY, APRIL 16, 1893.\\n^V^SiII]SrGTON\\n1898.", "height": "3537", "width": "2257", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "68002", "height": "2620", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "SPEECH\\nOF\\nHON. CLARENCE D. CLARK.\\nThe Senate having under consideration the joint resolution S. R.. 149) f or\\nthe rlcolnttfon of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding that\\nthe Govlrnment of Spain relinquish its authority and government in the\\nIsland of cX and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and\\nOuban waters and direcing the President of the United States to use, the\\nl^nd anTnlval Forcerof thl United States to carry those resolutions into\\neffect-\\nMr. CLARK said: J\\nMr President: A vote on the pending resolution and amend-\\nment s will be taken at the close of this day s legislative session.\\nI wish it could come now. I have no pride that would cause\\nme to address the Senate or country if by remaining silent the\\naction of the Senate would be hastened by a single moment.\\nEven if I had the graces of oratory of other Senators m this\\nChamber, if my silence would hasten final action by one time\\nbeat of the clock, iron bars could not unseal my lips; tor I know,\\nas every Senator here knows, that while we are talking m the\\nSenate of the United States, men, women, and children are dying\\nof starvation in Cuba, the victims of a warfare the most cruel,\\ninhuman, and barbarous of modern times; but knowing as I do\\nthat my silence will have no effect to produce quicker action, and\\naware of the fact that my speaking to this resolution will be pro-\\nductive of no delay in action, I feel it my privilege and duty to\\ngive my views in general terms and in few words upon the pena-\\n^flr^ President, with due deference to the conservative warning\\nof the senior Senator from Connecticut, and with complete re-\\nspect for the legal doubts of the Senator trom California, 1 have\\nstill no fear or hesitation in regard to the vote which I shall give\\nupon these resolutions, nor do I care much for the text ot the res-\\nolution. Whatever form of expression is agreed upon, the result\\nis the same-war, swift and sure, and war with the most diplo-\\nmatic, the most deceitful, and the most cruel of all the Christian\\nnations of the earth, a nation that for three hundred years, be-\\ncause of its deceit and cruelty, has seen its power fade and its pos-\\nsessions diminish, until from the time of the niagnihcent power ot\\nCharles and the cruel inhumanities of Alva it has been reduced to\\nthe feeble Government of the present and the savage barbarism\\nof Wevler. Even in the face of the certainty of a contest with a\\nnation that has accumulated only vices with its yeai s, and trom\\nwhich we may expect in course of war to receive only deceit and\\ntreachery and the methods of war used by a nation of such chai-\\nacteristics, still, Mr. President, this Senate and this nation should\\nnot hesitate, nor will they.\\n3243", "height": "3360", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "The report of the Comruittee on Foreitrn Relations, prepared by\\nthe eminent chairman of that committee, replete with historical\\nprecedents and the legal learning for which he is so justly d.stin-\\ngaiahed, and with its conclusions of fact drawn from indisputa-\\nble evidence, is such a terrible arraignment of the Government of\\nSpain as must cause every patriotic heart to throb with fervent\\nheat at the indignities suffered by the United States and every\\nChristian soul to stand appalled at the unprecedented cruelty and\\ninhumanity of the long-continued, frantic, and futile efforts to\\nsubdue a liberty-loving people.\\n1 had hoped, although almost against hope, that a peaceful solu-\\ntion might be had of all our difftculties. 1 believe the President,\\nin the trying situation i)resented, has acted with a patriotism, a\\nwisdom, a moderation, and a patience that will fully commend\\nhis course to the sober, candid, and honest judgment of the Amer-\\nican people; but I felt in my heart, Mr. President, when our bat-\\ntle ship went down in Havana Harbor, that all hope of such an\\nadjustment was at an end.\\nMr. President, as the evidence accumtilated, under careful and\\nhonest investigation, that the loss of our sailors was due to the\\ndirect criminal action of Spain or to her equally criminal negli-\\ngence, the diplomacy of the world could have accomplished nothing.\\nI most heartily indorse the President for his efforts to secure a\\npeaceful solution. I as fully indorse and commend his course in\\nremitting the whole matter to Congress when it became apparent\\nthat further diplomacy would be futile.\\nMr. President, I have no wish nor time to discuss the Cuban\\nquestion i^roper, nor to go into detail of the miserable condition\\nof that most unhappy island. Others in this Chamber have drawn\\npictures from personal observation, frona well-authenticated facts,\\nand from undisputed conditions, that leads us to wonder if, after\\nall, there is such a thing as Christian civilization on God s earth\\nafter two thousand years of Christian teaching; and, Mr. Presi-\\ndent, the half has not been told, and, as is stated in the report of\\nthe committee, even Turkey, who, abominable and atrocious as\\nher cruelty has been toward her subjects in Greece and in the\\nnorthern part of her dominions in Europe, has not approached\\nthe eminence at which Spain stands in solitary and unapproach-\\nable infamy.\\nThe Committee on Foreign Relations, in making up its judg-\\nment as set forth in the resolution and report, has very properly,\\nit seems to me, seen fit to go over the entire ground of our rela-\\ntions with Cuba and Spain. Such a course I believe to be a wise\\none; and yet, Mr. President, in my judgment the insufferable\\nconditions that have prevailed in Ciiba for three years, without\\nmention of the Maine, of which I desire to speak later, would\\njustify Congress in the course which I believe it will take; and\\nleaving out of the question all such statements of inhuman condi-\\ntions as have not been fully proven, still a case of perfect justifi-\\ncation is made that denaands prompt and decisive action.\\nNo matter whether the ground of broad humanity is taken or\\nwhether we look only to the rights of Americans and the outrages\\non American citizenship, our duty is equally clear. I hope, Mr.\\nPresident, the time may come when our citizenship shall be as we\\nnow sometimes falsely boast it is the perfect guaranty of per-\\nsonal and property security the world over. I believe the time\\nis now opportune. 1 have no disposition, Mr. President, to give\\n32i2", "height": "3235", "width": "2059", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "aught but praise to those efforts which have released the citizens\\nof this nation from foreign diangeons.\\nThank God for an Americanism that under conditions as they\\nhave esisted could accomplish that much; may it be but a fore-\\nrunner of a governmental firmness of policy that shall make the\\nflag of our nation omnipotent to protect our citizenship the world\\nover. But, Mr. President, though prison doors have opened,\\nthere are other wrongs to be righted. The eloquent, distinguished,\\nand patriotic junior Senator from Indiana has said in this Cham-\\nber dui-ing this debate that not an American citizen is to-day\\nimprisoned on Spanish soil.\\nMr. President, I thank God if such is the fact, but I can not\\nlose sight of the other more potent fact that many an American\\ncitizen lies to-day imprisoned in Spanish soil, victims of national\\nhate and official vindictiveuess, rotted in dungeons or sentenced\\nto death by star-chamber proceedings or drum-head courts-\\nmartial. All in all, such a violation of national rights is made up\\nby the record as is seldom found in the history of the world, and\\nall this without thought or word of excuse, regret or apology\\nfrom Spain.\\nBut, Mr. President, the crowning infamy of Spain was reached\\nwhen, in the darkness of night, on the 15th of February, by her\\nagencies, our noble ship was blown from the face of the seas and\\n206 of her officers and crew were ushered, unshriven and without\\na prayer or farewell, into the presence of theii- Maker. God pity\\nthe soul and the nation that could compass such a deed. Such an\\nact can not be settled by diplomatic correspondence nor treated\\nby any tribunal of arbitration, the learned and eloquent Senator\\nfrom California to the contrary notvnthstanding. There is but\\none remedy, and would to God that remedy could restore to our\\ncountry and to their wives and sweethearts our naval heroes who\\nso miserably perished. That remedy is justice, swift, sure, and\\ncomplete.\\nThere may be some who doubt the criminal responsibility of\\nSpain. I am not one of them. Eminent lawyers on this floor say\\nthe guilt is not conclusively fixed. Mr. President, I would not\\nassume to match my legal acquirements against some of na-\\ntional reputation who have taken that position in this debate. I\\nhave been a lawyer only in a sort of a way. But I have be n a\\nprosecuting attorney, years ago, in a new country, upon the\\nfrontier, where crimes were then frequent and where juries were\\ninclined to fully obey the instructions of the court, to give the\\ndefendant the benefit of all reasonable doubt; and, Mr. Presi-\\ndent, in my judgment, upon the evidence of our court of inquiry,\\nto which we are fully committed, and by which we must be bound,\\nin connection with other evidence produced, which has not been\\nand which can not be disputed, there is no impartial jury on the\\nface of the earth that would not find a man guilty of murder in\\nthe first degree upon evidence of like character in an ordinary\\ncourt ot justice.\\nI believe the evidence shows not only guilt beyond all reason-\\nable doubt, but guilt beyond all and any doubt. I can not go into\\nthe minute evidence of this transaction at the present time. It is\\nunnecessary to do so, and a minute discussion would be both unde-\\nsirable and unprofitable, even if time permitted. There are two\\nthings, Mr. President, that are said to reach nearly to infallibility,\\nand these are the intuition of a good woman and the general\\ndZi2", "height": "3360", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "opinion and conclusions of a great and a just nation, and the be-\\nlief of this Republic to-day is that Spain destroyed the 31a ine and\\nshould be held responsible for the act, and, my word for it, if war\\nshall come, the battle cry on sea and land will be Remember the\\nMaine! This belief of the people is perfectly rational and is\\ndrawn from the well-known facts in the case.\\nOur ship, on a friendly visit in a Spanish harbor, was anchored\\nby Spanish officials over a Spanish mine, placed there by Spanish\\nauthority; and the vessel and crew were destroyed either by Span-\\nish authority direct or by Spanish negligence equally criminal.\\nThe conclusion is irresistible to the general mind, and in the gen-\\neral mind only, unaccustomed to specious nicety of hairsplitting\\nas to conclusiveness of evidence, do we find the true conclusions.\\nMr. President, in this connection I desire to read a portion of a\\nletter received by me but a few days ago from a citizen of my own\\nState, who lives 2,000 miles from the Atlantic seacoast and G,000\\nfeet above sea level, and who is not consequently hampered in his\\nreasoning by the doubts and fears that seem to create so much\\ndisturbance in the minds of some who have their being nearer\\nthe tide water of New York Bay. This gentleman is a graduate\\nof our Naval Academy, afterwards a lawyer of wide practice,\\nand now one of the most efficient as well as one of the most con-\\nservative judges upon the trial bench of our intermountain courts,\\nJudge Scott, of the district court of the first district of Wyoming.\\nWith onljf the testimony of our naval board of inquiry before\\nhim, he brings to the consideration of the question his technical\\nknowledge acquired at our Naval Academy and the severe proc-\\nesses of his judicial mind and arrives at the conchisions expressed\\nin his letter of April 8, a portion of which I desire to read. He\\nsays:\\nI have read the evidence and studied the exhibits in the light of my early\\neducation and later training, and I confess that while the report is not as\\nfull and complete as I would wish, yet I am forced to but one conclusion, and\\nthat is that the Spanish Government is responsible in any view of the case.\\nThe evidence conclusively shows that the first blow received by the ship was\\nfrom the outside and must have been from some very powerful agent to havo\\nforced the keel up through the ship, as shown by the exhibit, while the\\nsecond explosion from the reserve magazine was the immediate cause of the\\ndestruction of so many lives. These facts being established, it seems to me\\nto be an easy problem to solve.\\nNo one can say that the mine which caused the destruction of the ship\\ncould have been placed in that position without the knowledge of the agents\\nor officers of the Spanish Government. It was a harbor over which that gov-\\nernment had jurisdiction and absolute control, and a mine in that position\\ncoiild only be there for one lawful purpose, and that for the national defense.\\nIt is apparent that time fuses could not be used with these engines of de-\\nstruction. It must, therefore, have been exploded by wire properly con-\\nnected with the mine and an electrical generator conveniently placed, and the\\nconnection of the circuit made by key when the Maine swung into position\\nto receive the full force of the blow from the explosion of the mine.\\nThe position of the Maine as she swung at her anchorage and the place of\\nthe mine at the time of the explosion, or rather its position with reference to\\nthe Maine at the time of the explosion, imparts a knowledge to the one who\\ncompleted the circuit or manipulated the kevboard of the exact position, re-\\nspectively, of the mine and the ship. That it was tigured down to a mathe-\\nmatical certainty is evidenced from the fact that the full force of the explo-\\nsion was received on the keel of the Maine. This was not the work of a\\nnovice. It was the work of an expert, thoroughly versed in that art of war-\\nfare. The mine and the mechanism for using it must have been Government\\nproperty and under the control of the Government and its employees, for no\\none else could or would have been allowed to place it there, thus endanger-\\nmg the free navigation of the harbor by merchantmen and other ships fre-\\nquentmg the harbor, and, as stated above, it would have been unlawfullv\\nthere for any other purpose than for the national defense.", "height": "3235", "width": "2059", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "J^i^^ ^i^^.Y^^ exploded by the officers in charge of the same, or if it was\\nofl^i? hiV IJ l fT% l: \u00c2\u00abf yP^ Government OnThI\\nother hand, If exploded by some one without their knowledge or consent\\neun rmv\\\\^?.d^wr principle that iPl set a sprTng\\ni^^wi ^J -^l^-^^ whereby my neignbor is shot and killed, I am criminally\\nliable I think our citizens ought to be protected in every port on theface of\\nthe globe, and that whether they wear the uniform of a sailor or soldfer or\\nare m civilian-s dress The Maine was on a lawful mission, securely an\\nw\u00c2\u00abs fn r./i f.^^ ^^T 7 ^\u00c2\u00abre at peace. That nation\\nwas m duty bound to so govern her citizens that the lives and property of\\nonr citizens would be safe. If it actively through its officers and a-ents as-\\nsassinated our citizens, or tacitly consented to, ornegligently permitted such\\n\u00c2\u00aben i^^l\u00c2\u00b0fn!i ^?T*^*\u00c2\u00b0 P ^^e se for war could ever be pre\\nsented, and especially so m this case where the means of such assassination\\nmust have been m the very nature of things the property of Spain.\\nAnd, Mr. President, the conclusion of Judge Scott is the con-\\ncliisiou of the American people, and to that conclusion, formed\\nnot m haste but after a careful and honest consideration of aU\\nthe well-known facts in the case, I believe this Senate, by the vote\\nshortly to be taken, will give its full answer. Mr. President, the\\nbond question is raised, but the time has long passed since I have\\nconsidered this question from a money standpoint. We are warned\\nby Senators, m private at least, that by our action we are possibly\\ncreating a national liability of our own for four hundred millions\\nof Spanish bonds, to the payment of which the revenues of Cuba\\nstand pledged, or an indefinite amount of Cuban bonds, which\\nwe might be held responsible for.\\nMr. President, to me this question has passed beyond the matter\\not bonds into the broader and, as I think, more patriotic field of\\nnational honor. The question of responsibilitv or nonliability for\\nbonds enters not my mind, nor does it disturb me in the least in\\nthe consideration of this question. The time for financial petti-\\nfogging IS passed. It cost us a third of a century ago three thou-\\nsand million dollars to preserve the integrity of the union of these\\nbtates. I am willing now to devote, if necessary, three thousand\\nmilhons to preserve the honor of the nation. It is a burden that\\nmay perchance rest upon the shoulders of our children and our\\nchildren s children, but if American patriotism still lives, it is a\\nburden they will gladly accept and honestly discharge; and in\\nthis statement I believe I voice the sentiment and the patriotism\\nand rightly interpret the great heart of this Republic.\\nMr. President, war is the court of last resort. Woe to that\\nnation that has not a righteous cause. The great captain of Eu-\\nrope uttered an atrocious fallacy when he said, God is on the\\nside of the strongest battalions. All history disproves the utter-\\nance. God IS ever on the side of the right, and in this coming con-\\ntest we are m the right. We stand for freedom of peoples and for\\nrepublican government, for free institutions and national honor,\\nand in the trying days that are upon us the American people, hav-\\ning a just knowledge of their responsibilitv and a full apprecia-\\ntion of their duties, will have but one watchword: Remember\\nhumanity: remember the Maine. And to this they will add the\\nfervent and confident prayer, May God speed the right.\\n3313", "height": "3360", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "LIBKHKY Uh CUNUKtbb\\n013 902 136 8", "height": "3235", "width": "2059", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3360", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\niiiii ii:; ni ttiirii Jl11l l|l!Hlillifi\\n013 902 136 8\\nHollinger Corp.\\npH8.5", "height": "3824", "width": "2449", "jp2-path": "cubanindependenc00clar_0012.jp2"}}