{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3890", "width": "2621", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\nii nil ill i in i hi!\\n027 531 526 6", "height": "3655", "width": "2186", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "r \u00c2\u00a3;sv\\nDS 681\\nr- 5\\n.U4 C6\\nCopy 1\\nPolicy Relative to the Philippine Islands.\\nSPEECH\\nHON. ALEXANDER S. CLAY,\\nof georgia,\\nIn the Senate of the United States,\\nThursday, March 1, 1900,\\nOn the joint resolution (S. R. 53) defining the policy of the United States rela-\\ntive to the Philippine Islands, introduced by Mr. Beveridge January 4,\\n1900, as follows:\\nA joint resolution (S. R. 53) defining the policy of the United States relative\\nto the Philippine Islands.\\nResolved bxj the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of\\nAmerica in Congress assembled, That the Philippine Islands are territory be-\\nlonging to the United States; that it is the intention of the United States to\\nretain them as such and to establish and maintain such governmental control\\nthroughout the archipelago as the situation may demand.\\nMr. CLAY said:\\nMr. President: In addressing myself to the resolutions which\\nhave just been read. I speak from the standpoint of one who voted\\nin favor of the ratification of the treaty. The remarks which I\\nshall make, however, will be perfectly consistent with the views\\nI entertained and expressed before and at the time the treaty was\\nratified. The reasons which induced me to cast that vote were\\nfully explained at the time, and I do not deem it necessary lo reit-\\nerate those views. I took occasion then to announce on the floor\\nof the Senate that I favored a declaration on the part of Congress\\nsetting forth fully that it was not the purpose of our Government\\nto hold and govern the Philippine Islands permanently against the\\nconsent of their population, but, on the contrary, we should give\\nto them every assurance by legislative action that our purpose\\nwas to grant them independence and to assist them in forming a\\ngovernment which shall be free and independent, one suitable to\\ntheir conditions and surroundings, one capable of maintaining\\nlaw and order, one fully capable of discnarging international obli-\\ngations, and a government that would enable them to realize the\\nbest aspirations of the people of those islands.\\nDuring the discussion of the treaty no Senator, so far as I re-\\nmemberT belonging to either political party contended on the floor\\nof the Senate that our Government should permanently retain\\nthese islands and govern them against the will of the inhabitants.\\nIf such a purpose was entertained by either the President or any\\nmember of the Senate, no expression indicating such purpose can\\nbe found in the record of the public debates or in any official\\npaper from the executive branch of the Government.\\n1 remember well the substance of an expression that came from\\nthe senior Senator from Ohio [Mr. ForakerJ and which appar-\\nently met the approval of those most ardently in favor of the rati-\\n4273 1", "height": "3655", "width": "2186", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "2\\nfication of the treaty. The Congressional Record contains the\\nlanguage of the honorable Senator. I repeat his exact words:\\nI do not understand anybody to be proposing to take the Philippine Islands\\nwith the idea and view of permanently holding them and denying to the peo-\\nple there the right to have a government of their own, if they are capable of\\nit and want to establish it. I do not understand that anybody wants to do\\nthat. I have not heard of anybody who wants to do that. The President of\\nthe United States does not, I know, and no Senator in this Chamber has made\\nany such statement.\\nNow, mark you, Mr. President, this is very strong language,\\ncoming from the distinguished Senator from Ohio, the home of\\nthe President, and used on the floor of the Senate just before the\\nvote was taken on the ratification of the treaty. Mark you. the\\nSenator declared that he knew that the President of the United\\nStates did not intend permanently to hold these islands and to\\ndeny to the people the right to have a government of their own.\\nThe junior Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] delivered\\nan eloquent and forcible speech in favor of the ratification of the\\ntreaty.\\nI have taken the trouble to read it most carefully, and the lan-\\nguage used upon the occasion could have but one interpretation.\\nAfter the treaty was ratified, his views, as expressed at that time,\\nwere in favor of legislation by Congress granting to the Filipinos\\nthe right of self-government. To show that my construction of\\nhis language is correct, I quote from his speech delivered in the\\nSenate his exact language as to the future government of the\\nFilipinos. He said:\\nSuppose we ratify the treaty. The islands pass from the possession of\\nSpain into our possession without committing us to any policy. I believe we\\nshall have the wisdom \u00c2\u00bbot to attempt to incorporate those islands with our\\nbody politic or make their inhabitants a part of our citizenship. I believe\\nwe shall have the wisdom, the self-restraint, and the ability to restore peace\\nand order in those islands and give their people the opportunity for self-gov-\\nernment and for freedom under the protecting shield of the United States\\nuntil the time shall come when they shall stand alone.\\nThe junior Senator from Massachusetts also said in the same\\nspeech:\\nI want no subject races and no vassal States. That we had by the fortunes\\nof war assumed a great responsibility in the Philippines; that we ought to\\ngive to those people an opportunity for freedom, for peace, and for self-gov-\\nernment.\\nI waut to get this country out of war and back to peace. I want to get the\\ndisposition and control of the Philippines out of the hands of the war power\\nand place them where they belong\u00e2\u0080\u0094 in the hands of Congress and the Presi-\\ndent. I want to enter into a policy that shall enable us to give peace and\\nself-government to the natives of those islands. The rejection of the treaty\\nmakes all of these things impossible.\\nEvery Senator who spoke in favor of the ratification of the\\ntreaty in legislative sessions except two, who delivered constitu-\\ntional arguments, contended at that time that Congress should\\ntake action in favor of self-government for the Filipinos after the\\ntreaty was ratified. The senior Senator from Colorado, who was\\nan able and earnest advocate of the ratification of the treaty, took\\nstrong grounds at that time in favor of future action by Congress\\ngranting independence to these people. He said:\\nThere are few people in the world incapable of self-government. I be-\\nlieve the people of Luzon are capable of self-government now. I beliove the\\npeople of some of the islands are. I do not know but all are. Mr. President,\\nI keep in view this truth which I have stated, which I believe to bo a truth,\\nthat the people are entitled to a government of their own making, and that\\nwe have no right to say, Your standard is so low you will create a govern-\\nment which we can not affirm; therefore you can not have a government of\\nyour own. They are entitled to only such a government as they themselves\\ncan maintain; it must be one producing order and protection to persons and\\nproperty, for otherwise it is not a government at all.\\n4273", "height": "3655", "width": "2186", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "This is not all lie said. He continued:\\nWe shall make a mistake if we make up our minds that we are going to\\ngovern these people from here, that wo are going to govern them with Anglo-\\nSaxons whom we send out there from hore to administer the affairs of that\\ncountry. You will need 50,0U0 soldiers; in a little while you will need more,\\nfor they are a great people. They are a poople who are willing to contend\\nfor their liberty, and I believe it also to be an axiom that a people who will\\nfight for their liberty and who are willing to die for it are capable of main-\\ntaining it.\\nTo further demonstrate that those.who contended that the treaty-\\nshould be ratified gave assurances immediately afterwards that\\nlegislation would follow declaring it our purpose to deal with\\nthese people as we had dealt with Cuba, I quote from the speech\\nof the junior Senator from Colorado, who said:\\nThere are no questions, Mr. President, raised by these resolutions or their\\namendments that could not be equally well and satisfactorily dealt with\\nafter the treaty shall have been ratified.\\nThe senior Senator from New York, who made a speech in favor\\nof the ratification of the treaty, declared in the same speech that\\nthere was no reason why an American Senator should misunder-\\nstand that we would approach the Philippine problem with any\\nother than the most benevolent intentions concerning the Fili-\\npinos and their future. He said in substance that there is no\\nAmerican in all this broad land who wishes any other fate to any\\nsingle native of the Philippine Islands than his free enjoyment of\\na prosperous life.\\nIn the exciting debate on the resolution declaring war against\\nthe Government of Spain the senior Senator from Vermont, who\\nhad just returned from the island of Cuba, delivered a remarkable\\nspeech on the situation in that island, in which he said:\\nI am not in favor of annexation, not because I would apprehend any par-\\nticular trouble from it, but because it is not a wise policy to take in any people\\nof foreign tongue and training and without strong guiding American ele-\\nThe distinguished senior Senator from Nebraska [Mr. Thurs-\\nton], speaking on the same subject, declared that\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nI am unalterably opposed to any departure from the declared policy of the\\nfathers, which would start this Republic, for the first time, upon a career of\\nconquest and dominion, utterly at variance with the avowed purpose and\\nmanifest destiny of our republican Government.\\nIf such strong language could be used in regard to the popula-\\ntion of Cuba, how much stronger would be the force of an argu-\\nment against the permanent retention of the population of the\\nPhilippine Islands. If the views of Senators are consistent with\\nutterances heretofore made on the floor of the Senate, a majority\\nof the members of the Senate are against the permanent retention\\nof the Philippine Islands. The counsel and wisdom of President\\nGarfield was at one time highly esteemed by the Republican party.\\nWould it not be well for us to reflect and remember that he said:\\nWe occupy a portion of the great North American zone which girdles the\\nworld, and which has been the theater of the greatest achievements of civili-\\nzation, especially in the history of the Anglo-Saxon races, but should we ex-\\ntend our possessions into the tropical belt we would weaken the power of\\nour Government.\\nDuring the debate on the ratification of the treaty the senior\\nSenator from Delaware, probably closer to the Administration at\\nthat time than any other Democratic Senator, speaking of these\\nislands, said:\\nNow we have them, it does not follow that we are committed to a colonial\\npolicy or to a violation of those great principles of liberty and self-govern-\\n4273", "height": "3655", "width": "2186", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "ment which must always remain American ideals if our own free institutions\\nare to endure. No country, and this country least of all, can afford to tram-\\nple on its ideals. I have no fear that it will do so.\\nThe distinguished Senator did not stop here, he went further:\\nI assure you, with some knowledge of whereof I speak, that the President\\nis committed to no policy calculated to discourage, much less strike down,\\nthe aspirations of liberty-loving people all over the world.\\nThe Senator was a member of the Peace Commission negotiating\\nthe terms of peace at Paris, and was an earnest, able, influential\\nSenator in favor of the ratification of the treaty. At that time\\nall those who spoke for ratification took the position that when\\nSpain relinquished her sovereignty over the Philippine Islands and\\nceded them to the United States such a course cleared the way\\nfor the recognition of a Philippine republic by our Government.\\nNo one contended that such ratification precluded our Govern-\\nment from taking immediate action favorable to the independence\\nof those people, but, on the contrary, freed us from complications\\nwith Spain, settled the war, and thus cleared the way for favor-\\nable action by Congress for the future government of the Filipinos.\\nIt is only of recent date that the secret purpose of those who now\\ndeclare that our Government shall change the policy of a lifetime\\nand deprive the people of their long-cherished hopes, has been\\nknown to have existed from the beginning. I cast my vote in favor\\nof a declaration of policy looking forward to the independence of\\nthese people, and subsequent events have demonstrated that we\\nmade a serious blunder when we failed to pass such a resolution.\\nBut, Mr. President, I do not care to devote too much of my time\\nto the past, but it is essential to understand the past in order to\\nprepare for the future. Let us trace the interesting history of our\\nconnections with the Philippine people since the commencement\\nof the war with Spain, and let us see what were our relations\\nwith this people from the time we met them until the breach\\noccurred, and let us probe to the bottom and ascertain the causes\\nwhich led to hostilities, and then let us see, even at this late day,\\nif we can not apply a remedy that is just, that will restore peace\\nand preserve our honor and free institutions, and at the same time\\ngrant justice to a struggling, helpless people.\\nDewey destroyed the Spanish fleet May 1, 1898. The city of\\nManila surrendered to our Government on August 13 following.\\nThe treaty of peace was ratified February 6, 1899. It has been\\nmore than twelve months since the ratification took place, and\\nwhile it was openly avowed by those who led the fight in favor of\\nratification that so soon as the treaty was ratified then would be the\\ntime for Congress to take action for an independent government\\nfor these people, not a word or line has come from them fulfilling\\nthis promise! They now have changed their plans and openly\\navow that we shall maintain permanent dominion over the islands\\nand govern them forever as our dependencies by Americans and\\nabsolutely denying them the right of seli -government. No fair\\nand impartial mind can reach any other conclusion than that the\\nwant of a fixed and just policy in keeping with the principles of\\nour Government, pointing out the manner in which we intended\\nto deal with this people, showing that we were a just and liberty-\\nloving people, is the prime cause of all the trouble heretofore and\\nnow existing between the insurgents and our Government.\\nI have already said that Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet May\\n1, 1898. When he was ordered to Manila the common American\\nmind knew scarcely anything about the Philippine Islands and\\ntheir population. We knew nothing about the relations existing\\n4273", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "between the Government of Spain and these people. We soon\\nascertained that practically the same condition of affairs existed\\nbetween the Filipinos and Spain that existed between Cuba and\\nthe Government of Spain. We soon learned that the Filipinos\\nfor hundreds of years had been rebelling against the Government\\nof Spain and were now, like the Cubans, righting for their inde-\\npendence. A temporary peace had been made and the leader of\\nthe insurgents was then in exile, but in reality a condition of war\\nexisted between the insurgents and the Government of Spain. In\\ntracing our relations with this people let us remember that shortly\\nafter Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet our consul-general, Mr.\\nPratt, wired the Secretary of State, Mr. Day, after holding a con-\\nsultation with General Aguinaldo, that Aguinaldo, at his (Mr.\\nPratt *s) instance, had gone to Manila to organize an insurgent\\narmy to crush the Government of Spain on those islands and to\\narrange with Dewey for cooperation with the insurgents. He\\nalso wired, at the same time, Commodore Dewey that General\\nAguinaldo would go to Manila and cooperate with American\\nforces if desired. We all know that Dewey replied promptly:\\nTell Aguinaldo to come as soon as possible.\\nOur consul-general assured the Secretary of State that this in-\\nsurgent leader was a man of ability and courage and worthy of the\\nconfidence that had been placed in him. General Otis tells us\\nthat the insurgent forces entered the city of Manila with our\\ntroops on August 13\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the day the city surrendered\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and held joint\\noccupation with our forces. Up to this period the most cordial\\nand friendly relations existed between the insurgents and our sol-\\ndiers. Both made common cause of battle against the ai my of\\nSpain. The leaders of the insurgents spoke most touchingly and\\nfeelingly of the services rendered the Filipinos by the Americans.\\nThey openly avowed that the Americans, not from mercenary\\nmotives, but for the sake of humanity and the lamentations of so\\nmany persecuted people, have considered it opportune to extend\\ntheir protecting mantle to our beloved country.\\nThey spoke of Americans as their brothers and as their liber-\\nators. These people expressed to the United States, time and\\nagain, their deep and sincere gratitude for the efficient and disin-\\nterested protection which our country had given them to help\\nthem shake off the yoke of the cruel and corrupt Spanish domina-\\ntion. Thus far, at every stage of our intercourse with these peo-\\nple, the most amicable relations existed, and there was not the\\nleast possible friction. Even as late as the 22d of October, 1898,\\nthe insurgents declared that more than ever the Filipinos desired\\nto live in peace and perfect harmony with the Americans. Their\\nleaders declared that when it was possible for a formal conven-\\ntion to pacify and harmonize the interests of the two peoples,\\nthen the suspicion of the masses of the insurgents would disappear.\\nActual hostilities between the insurgents and our army did not\\ncommence until February 5, 1899, the day before the peace treaty\\nwas ratified.\\nLet us, however, Mr. President, not forget that our Govern-\\nment knew before the army of the insurgents cooperated with\\nour soldiers to destroy Spanish sovereignty in those islands that\\nthe Filipinos aspired to independence. At every step in the his-\\ntory of the cooperation of the American and insurgent forces the\\nrepresentatives of our Government were put on notice that the\\nFilipino people would expect and demand at the hands of Ameri-\\ncans their absolute freedom and independence when the Spanish\\n4373", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "6\\nGovernment ceased to have authority and jurisdiction over the\\nislands. General Otis said to them: I will assure the people\\nof the Philippine Islands the full measure of individual rights\\nand liberties which is the heritage of a free people. Every com-\\nmunication addressed to our consuls or generals put our Govern-\\nment on notice that the Filipino people would never be satisfied\\nwith anything less than absolute independence. We knew this\\nfact when Aguinaldo was landed in our war ship. We knew it\\nwhen we asked him to organize the insurgent forces and to coop-\\nerate with our Army. We knew it when both armies cooperated\\ntogether and forced the surrender of the city of Manila, and the\\nleaders of the insurgents were encouraged by the representatives\\nof our Government, especially by Consul-General Pratt and our\\nconsul, Mr. Williams, as well as by General Anderson and Gen-\\neral Otis.\\nWhile it is true that Secretary Day notified the representatives\\nof our Government not to enter into any alliance with the insur-\\ngents which might in any way complicate our Government and\\ndisavowed such acts of our representatives, these facts were never\\ncommunicated to the leaders of the insurgents. Silence upon the\\npart of our Government under such circumstances was calculated\\nto lead the Filipino people to expect that their most cherished\\nhopes would be realized, and good faith on the part of our Gov-\\nernment demands that we shall not in any manner thwart their\\nlaudable aspirations.\\nMr. President, why did the Filipino people become suspicious\\nof the Americans? Why did the suspicion ripen into anger and\\nhate, culminating in open hostilities between the insurgents and\\nour soldiers, resulting in the loss of many precious lives and the\\nexpenditure of hundreds of millions of dollars? Could Congress\\nhave, by a timely, wise, and conservative course, prevented this\\ndeplorable condition of affairs? Can Congress now, by prompt and\\ndecisive action, preserve the honor of our Government, save un-\\ntarnished our free institutions, and at the same time put an end\\nto this war?\\nI will confess that the complications are more serious at this\\ntime than they were on the 6th of February last, but still prompt\\naction upon our part even at this late hour will solve this complex\\nproblem. Mr. President, I do not insist that all of the suspicions\\nthe Philippine people entertained against our Government were\\nwell founded, but we must remember that these people had been\\noppressed by the Spanish Government for nearly three hundred\\nyears. They were suspicious, jealous, almost crushed, and dis-\\ntrustful, and a brave, generous, and patriotic people like the\\nAmericans should have made proper allowances for their many\\nweaknesses. Intelligent and thoughtful public officials of our\\nGovernment should have taken into consideration all the surround-\\nings of these people\u00e2\u0080\u0094 their prejudices and peculiar environments\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nin every step taken after we landed upon these islands until all\\ndifferences between the insurgents and our Government had been\\nfully settled. But I must answer the question, Why did they\\nbecome suspicious and turn from friend to enemy?\\nI will let one speak in answer to this question, an American\\ngeneral, who was on the islands, came in contact with these peo-\\nple daily, was fully acquainted with their habits and aspirations.\\nHe certainly ought to be better authority on this subject than the\\neloquent junior Senator from Indiana, who spent a few weeks\\nconversing with the Filipinos within the ranks of our own Army,\\n4373", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "and who knows absolutely nothing of the rural population or those\\nin rebellion against our Government. General Otis ought to be\\ngood authority on this subject. After going on to state that the\\nFilipino people had grown more suspicious of the friendly char-\\nacter of the Americans and were gradually becoming hostile to\\nour soldiers and Government, he summarizes the causes of their\\ngradual estrangement to our soldiers and Government, and he\\ntells us\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1 quote his exact words:\\nRepeated conferences were held by us with influencial insurgents, whose\\nchief aim appeared to be to obtain some authoritative expression on the\\nintent of the United States with regard to the Philippines, and complained bit-\\nterly that they were unable to discover anyone who could speak ex-cathedra.\\nThey asserted that theirs was a government de facto, which had the right to\\nask an expression of intent from the United States Government.\\nThey insisted after the war was over and Spain ceded the is-\\nlands to the United States that they wanted an expression on the\\npart of our Government as to what disposition we proposed to\\nmake of them what assistance we proposed to give them in or-\\nganizing a government. They asked specially that we deal with\\nthem in the same friendly and magnanimous way in which we\\ndeclared we would deal with Cuba. They did not insist that we\\nwithdraw our Army or our Navy from those islands. All they\\nasked was an expression of opinion on the part of our Govern-\\nment that, we intended to grant them independence and self-\\ngovernment. They complained that the United States offered\\nnothing advantageous to the Filipinos, who had expended so much\\nblood and treasure for their independence. They began to have\\nsuspicions that the United States were to replace the odious domi-\\nnation which Spain had exercised for centuries.\\nThey discussed among themselves the silence on the part of our\\nGovernment as to the course we intended to pursue, and, whether\\nright or wrong, they reached the conclusion that they had ex-\\nchanged a Spanish for an American master. General Otis tells\\nus again that the masses of these people believe that certain words,\\nas sovereignty of the United States, had peculiar meaning disas-\\ntrous to their welfare and significant of future political domina-\\ntion like that from which they, had been recently freed; that this\\narose because they insisted that the United States had not shown\\nby affirmative action the policy we intended to pursue toward\\nthem. Trace, if you will, the reports of every respectable repre-\\nsentative of our Government from the time Dewey won his fa-\\nmous naval victory till the conflict between the insurgents and\\nour soldiers, and but one conclusion can be reached, and that con-\\nclusion is that the great bulk of the Filipino people are a unit\\nagainst annexation and in favor of a Filipino government, formed\\nand put in operation by their own people. Mr. Wilcox, paymaster\\nin the United States Navy, also Mr. Sergeant, whose high char-\\nacter is vouched for by Admiral Dewey, tell us that there is much\\nvariety of feeling among the Filipinos with regard to the debt of\\ngratitude they owe the United States.\\nIn every town they said we found those who said our nation saved\\nthem from slavery and others who claimed that without our inter-\\nference their independence would have been won. These same\\ngentlemen tell us that on one point, however, they are united,\\nviz, that whatever our Government may have done for them it\\nhas not gained the right to take their islands and annex them.\\nGeneral Otis tells us in his reports that this feeling is so strong\\namong the natives that even the women gave him to understand\\nthat after all the men were killed off the islands they were prepared\\n4273", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "to shed their patriotic blood for the liberty and independence of their\\ncountry. In the same connection he says the leaders of the in-\\nsurgents have made repeated efforts to secure some marks of rec-\\nognition for their government from American authorities, that\\ntheir cry for liberty and independence and the vile aspersions of\\nthe motives of the United States have stirred up distrust and fear\\nof the Americans. They claim not to understand the silence on\\nthe part of our Government.\\nOur paymasters of the Navy, Mr. Willcox and Mr. Sergeant,\\nwho traveled more than 600 miles through these islands, coming\\nin daily contact with the natives, and traversing more than seven\\nprovinces, endeavoring to obtain an accurate account of the re-\\nsources of the country as well as to familiarize themselves with\\nthe habits, disposition, intelligence, and every possible character-\\nistic of the people, make a report worthy of the thoughtful con-\\nsideration of every patriotic, liberty-loving American. In describ-\\ning the sentiment among those people toward Americans they\\nsaid: Already the hope was fading that freedom from Spain meant\\nfreedom of government; that the feeling toward Americans was\\nchanging, and we saw its effect in the cold manner of the people\\nand in their evident desire to hustle us along by the most direct\\nroad to Manila. These gentlemen tell us that at first these people\\nhad absolute confidence in Americans and hailed us as the cham-\\npions of liberty. Gradually they drifted away from us, lost con-\\nfidence in our patriotic purposes, all because the American Gov-\\nernment gave them no positive assurance of final independence.\\nIf every voter of the United States could read and understand\\nthe desire and struggles of these oppressed people, their appeals\\nto us for that liberty for which our fathers fought, the tyranny\\nand oppression which they had suffered and endured at the hands\\nof Spain, and could then pursue closely their conduct and deport-\\nment from the surrender of Manila till hostilities begun, the\\nAmerican people, true to the traditions of our fathers, would\\ngrant to them, not grudgingly, but cheerfully and willingly,\\njustice, liberty, and the right of self-government. I assert now,\\nafter careful consideration of the reports of Generai Otis, General\\nMerritt, Admiral Dewey, as well as the reports of every other re-\\nspectable representative our Government had on those islands,\\nthat hostilities could have been prevented if our Government at\\nthe proper time had given positive assurances that we intended that\\nthis people should be free and independent. Congress has now\\nbeen in session for months. The President said that this prob-\\nlem was one for Congress to solve. If we adjourn without taking\\naction, those who have charge of the Government and are respon-\\nsible for its administration will not only be responsible for the\\ncontinuation of this war, but will by their silence have continued\\nthe perpetration of an irreparable wrong upon a helpless, strug-\\ngling people, and will have traduced the good name and character\\nof a Republic that has illustrated constitutional freedom in all its\\nbeneficence and power and which has always been our priceless\\ninheritance.\\nMr. Burke, in his celebrated speech in favor of conciliation\\nwith America, declared that when England crushed out the aspira-\\ntion of her colonies for liberty she struck a serious blow at her\\nown institutions. Who can forget the famous words of the im-\\nmortal Burke, when he said:\\nFor in order to prove that the Americans have no right to their liberties,\\nwe are every dav endeavoring to subvert the maxims which preserve the\\nwhole spirit of our own. To prove that the Americans ought not to be free,\\n4273", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "we are obliged to depreciate the value of freedom itself and we never seem\\nto gain a paltry advantage over them in debate without attacking some of\\nthose principles or deriding some of those feelings for which our ancestors\\nhave shed their blood.\\nWill not Americans endanger the free institutions of America\\nand depreciate the value of freedom and republican institutions\\nwhen we wrench from 10,000,000 people their country and ar-\\nrogate to ourselves the right to appoint their public officers, to\\nmake and execute their laws, against the will and consent of the\\ninhabitants? These islands contain a population more than three\\ntimes as large as ours when we won our independence from Eng-\\nland. Do you suppose this vast population will consent for the\\nUnited States to appoint their officers, to own their country, to\\nmake and execute their laws without a struggle for years? If\\nyou do you have not been observant of the history of nations.\\nThe senior Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] told us the\\nother day that God made all nations of the world capable of\\nbeing influenced by the sam motives, and that the love of liberty\\ndoes not depend upon the color of the skin, but depends on hu-\\nmanity. The Senator declared that these people were God s chil-\\ndren, and that a universal Father had implanted in their bosoms\\nthe same love of liberty and justice that we possess. The senti-\\nments so beautifully expressed ought to find a ready response in\\nthe hearts of the American people.\\nI believe, even at this very hour, if Congress, with the approval\\nof the President, will declare that the United States will assure\\nthe people of the Philippine Islands the full measure of individual\\nrights and liberties which is the heritage of a free people, this wise,\\njust, and friendly action will immediately end the war and secure\\nto us the lasting gratitude and the honorable friendship of this\\npeople. If such action fails to accomplish this purpose, then we\\nshall have done our duty and our course will be in keeping with\\nreason and justice. In the solution of this question we are bound\\nto consider the temper and character of these people. A love of\\nfreedom is the predominating feature which marks their lives since\\ntheir early history; they are suspicious and restive, especially\\nwhenever they believe an attempt is being made to deprive them\\nof self-government. These facts must be taken into consideration\\nin dealing with these people.\\nTwo remarkable speeches have been made on the other side of\\nthis question, one by the junior Senator from Indiana, discussing\\nthe commercial side of this question, and the other by the junior\\nSenator from Vermont, reviewing the situation from a legal and\\nconstitutional standpoint. Together they reached the conclusion\\nthat these islands are a rich and promising country, that the\\nUnited States must keep and govern them forever, and can do so\\nwithout any constitutional limitations whatever. The Senator\\nfrom Indiana spoke eloquently of the salubrity of the climate,\\nfertility of the soil, and the great mineral wealth of these posses-\\nsions, but in the same connection he tells us that the ten millions\\nof people who inhabit these islands are a barbarous race. Con-\\ntinuing his remarks, he says the Filipino is the South Sea Malay\\nput through a process of three hundred years of superstition and\\nreligion, dishonesty in dealing, disorder in habits of industry, and\\ncruelty, caprice, and corruption in government. He does not stop\\nhere; he gives it as his own belief that there are not a hundred\\nmen among this vast population capable of comprehending what\\nAnglo-Saxon government means.\\nIf the Senator s information be reliable, does he calculate for a\\nminute what a responsibility our Government assumes when we\\n4273", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "10\\nbecome responsible for the future government of this barbarous\\nand ignorant race on the other side of the world, 10,000 miles away\\nfrom our Capitol; especially, Mr. President, when this people\\nhave been conquered by our soldiers and have become embittered\\nagainst the American people and look upon us with the same\\njealousy and hatred they have so long cherished toward Spain?\\nWhy, the eloquent Senator tells us that these people have fought\\nSpain so long for their liberty that insurrection has become a\\nfixed habit with them.\\nDid the Senator ever contemplate that when we take the islands,\\ntogether with their rivers, harbors, their minerals, and all the\\nwealth so graphically pointed out by him, we necessarily take\\nwith them the very population which he describes as ignorant,\\nbarbarous, dishonest, indolent, corrupt, treacherous, and incapa-\\nble of understanding the elementary principles of Anglo-Saxon\\ngovernment? You can not separate the country from the popu-\\nlation; when you take one you become responsible for the other.\\nI will not say, however, that I place the same low estimate on\\nthis people as the Senator from Indiana doe3. Neither does his\\nestimate correspond with the great weight of testimony of those\\nwho have made extensive investigations as to the intelligence,\\neducation, character, and capacity for self-government of the\\npopulation of these islands. Our consul, Mr. Williams, said in\\nhis report to the Secretary of War:\\nWhile the Spaniards barbarously and ciuielly slaughtered the Filipinos,\\neven women and children, the insurgents, on the contrary, followed Ameri-\\ncan example\u00e2\u0080\u0094 protected the helpless, nursed, fed, and cared for Spaniards\\ntaken as prisoners and for the wounded as they cared for those who had\\nfallen from their own ranks.\\nAdmiral Dewey, in his report to the Secretary of War, said that\\nin his opinion these people are superior in intelligence and more\\ncapable of self-government than the natives of Cuba, and said he\\nwas familiar with both races. He declared:\\nThe greater number seem to be able to read and write. In Manila are\\nmany thousands of educated natives who are merchants, lawyers, doctors,\\nand priests. They are well informed and have accumulated property.\\nIt can not be contended that we are to hold these islands for\\nfuture homes for the American citizen. A careful study of the\\nterritory and its population will show this to be impossible unless\\nwe should exterminate the natives, or, by reason of our cruelty\\ntoward them, they should abandon the islands.\\nThe present density of the population precludes the idea of\\nAmerican homes and American communities being built up there.\\nThese islands have been variously estimated at from 1,200 to 1,800\\nin number. The important ones, however, are less than a dozen\\nin number. Two-thirds of the population reside on six islands.\\nAll of the islands except about a dozen are exceedingly small and\\nare of no value. The important islands are as follows: Luzon,\\nPanay, Cebu, Leyte, Bohol, and Negros, with an area of 59,800\\nsquare miles and with a population of 5,422.000. It can be readily\\nseen that the population of the islands named is nearly 50 per cent\\ngreater than in Illinois or Indiana. We are told that in many of\\nthe provinces the density of the population exceeds 200 per square\\nmile, and is greater than any of the United States, except Massa-\\nchusets and Rhode Island. This is not a vast wilderness, unin-\\nhabited, where the American youth, by enterprise and industry,\\nis to build cities and plant American homes. The present popu-\\nlation precludes any such idea. Suppose the views of the junior\\nSenator from Indiana should triumph, and we conquer these peo-\\n4273", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "11\\npie and force them to submit to American arms and to receive\\nAmerican government, how long, Mr. President, does the honor-\\nable Senator think they will stay conquered?\\nRemember, the population is between eight and ten millions and\\nthey have surrendered to American authority and accepted Amer-\\nican government by the force of an American army and navy.\\nSixty-five thousand American soldiers and sailors crossed the ocean\\nand conquered them. I admit that we can conquer them, but how\\nlong will they stay conquered? How long before we will have to\\nconquer them again? They will remain in subjection to our Gov-\\nernment just so long as we keep an army on the islands and a navy\\nin their harbors strong and powerful enough to keep down insur-\\nrection. When our ships sail home freighted with our gallant\\nsoldiers, this conquered race of Malays will rise up again in insur-\\nrection against American rulers, American authority, and kill and\\nmurder your governor-general sent there to make and execute laws\\nfor them against their will. You will find it necessary to send an\\narmy to conquer them again and again. Experience will demon-\\nstrate to us the necessity of keeping them perpetually conquered.\\nSir, do we want a race of people that we must keep perpetually\\nconquered by arms? Do we want a race of people that are hostile\\nto our Government?\\nDo we want a race of people annexed to the United States and\\ngoverned by the United States who will be perpetually at war\\nwith us, continuously in a state of insurrection against our Gov-\\nernment and against our laws and sovereignty? Do we want a\\nrace of people that can never become American citizens, a race of\\nsubjects that shall never be the recipients of our free institutions,\\njust and equal laws? Our matchless progress we owe to our rep-\\nresentative free institutions, with equal rights, equal justice, and\\nequal laws for every possible condition of our fellows. The laws\\nof inequality should find no place upon our statute books. Here\\na homogeneous people are devoted to the flag of their country.\\nThey obey the laws, meet patriotically every duty they owe their\\ncountry, because the spirit of justice, liberty, and equality has\\nmarked every step in our career. The Senator from Indiana\\nmade another remarkable statement on the floor of the Senate.\\nHe claimed to have studied Spain s military history on these\\nislands. To my surprise, he tells us Spain s military operations\\nwere too lenient, not sufficiently vigorous and aggressive to con-\\nquer these people. He complained that Spain was always treating\\nwith the rebels while they fought them. The inference to be\\ndrawn from his argument is that Spain should have been more\\ncruel, more exacting, and more oppressive in her military opera-\\ntions against this helpless people.\\nThe Senator tells us that the United States must not adopt the\\nlenient course pursued by Spain, but we must be firm and rule\\nthem with an iron hand. Is it possible, Mr. President, that we\\nhave sounded such a depth in the decline of political administra-\\ntions that we complain of the mercy, kindness, and leniency of\\nthe Spanish Government toward her struggling colonies and point\\nout a pathway of tyranny, oppression, fire, and sword for the\\nfuture control and government of the Philippine people? Less\\nthan two years ago the senior Senator from Vermont returned\\nfrom Cuba and fired the hearts of the American people on account\\nof the cruelty, suffering, starvation, and death inflicted b the\\nSpanish soldiers on the helpless women and children of the Cuban\\npeople. The wires flashed this tale of horror and suffering to\\nevery American home, and the American people, true to their\\n4273", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "12\\ntraditions, responded in pnrse and blood to save this struggling,\\nstarving people from the cruelty of Spain.\\nNow, Mr. President, in less than two years the Senator from\\nIndiana tells us that the American people must not tread in the\\npathway of leniency pursued by the kind, generous, and merciful\\nGovernment of Spain, but, on the contrary, while we went to\\ni war and sacrificed hundreds of lives and millions of money to give\\nfreedom to Cuba, we must reverse our conduct in dealing with\\nthe Filipinos, who were struggling under the same burdens and\\nabuses that had cursed the people of Cuba. Such inconsistency\\nis without a parallel, and brands the statement as false and hypo-\\ncritical that the United States Government went to war for the\\nsake of humanity.\\nMr. President, I prefer the remedy suggested by the senior Sena-\\ntor from Massachusetts, Justice, righteousness, duty, and free-\\ndom the only sure foundation of empire, to the remedy of fire\\nand sword pointed out by the eloquent Senator from Indiana.\\nThe junior Senator from Indiana intersperses his argument with\\nnumerous Biblical quotations, but there is an entire absence\\nthroughout his remarkable speech of that blessed spirit of our\\nLord and Master which characterized His memorable Sermon on\\nthe Mount, Therefore, all things whatsoever ye would that men\\nshould do to you, do ye even so to them, for this is the law and\\nthe prophets. It may be possible in this day of avarice, greed,\\nselfishness, and commercialism that this Golden Rule shall no\\nlonger measure the conduct of either individuals or nations. The\\nSenator from Indiana tells us that just beyond the Philippines are\\nChina s illimitable markets. He asked the question, Where shall\\nwe turn for consumers of our surplus? He says, Geography an-\\nswers the question; China is our natural customer; the Philip-\\npines, he claims, give us a base at the door of all the East. He\\nalso said, Nothing is so natural as trade with one s neighbors.\\nHe then tells us that the Philippines make us the nearest neigh-\\nbor of all the East, and that nothing is more natural than to trade\\nwith those you know. He closes this part of his enticing picture\\nwith the statement that the Philippines bring us face to face with\\nthe most sought-for customers in the world. This fanciful and\\nillusory picture will not stand the test of logic and reason. There\\nis quite a difference between commercial and territorial expan-\\nsion. One does not necessarily follow the other. I favor com-\\nmercial expansion, but oppose the latter where applied to terri-\\ntory beyond the Western Hemisphere. The proposition that we\\nmust own vast tracts of land, populated by a race of people that\\ncan never assimilate with our people, adjacent to Asia, across the\\nPacific, to induce the teeming millions of China to become our\\ncustomers is absurd and is not supported by the laws of trade and\\ncommerce.\\nNo Senator upon this floor is more anxious to enlarge our mar-\\nkets and to induce the vast population of China to purchase our\\nsurplus products of farm and factory, so as to give employment to\\nlabor and enhance the value of both the raw material and finished\\nproduct of producer and manufacturer, than myself. Wars, en-\\ntangled alliances, domestic insurrection, are not the proper means\\nto induce foreign consumers to buy our goods and wares and to\\nbecome our customers. The laws of business, commerce, and\\ntrade, friendly alliances, cheapness and quality in comparison\\nwith other countries contending for the same trade and business,\\nare elements that must shape and regulate the volume of our busi-\\nness with other countries. Jefferson taught us that peace, com-\\n4273", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "13\\nmerce, and honest friendship with all nations went hand in hand\\ntogether. But they tell us now that the teachings of Jefferson are\\nnot applicable to the times. These teachings are not in keeping\\nwith the advanced ideas of our political bosses. We can not sur-\\npass Europe in the race for wealth aud foreign trade by exhaust-\\ning our resources in internal quarrels, or in unjust and unprofit-\\nable wars, waged to acquire and govern uncongenial races who\\ncan never become adapted to our laws and political institutions.\\nIf we desire the trade of China, we must make it to the interest of\\nher people to trade with us. We must study their markets, the\\nwants and demands of their people. We must cheapen transporta-\\ntion by the construction of the Nicaraguan Canal; build up our\\nmerchant marine; take every possible advantage of the laws of\\ntrade and commerce to meet promptly the keen competition of\\nEngland, Germany, France, or any other foreign country seeking\\nto extend its trade to the markets of China.\\nThese rules, applicable to business principles and common sense,\\nare the only means that will give to the American farmer and\\nmanufacturer foreign markets for American products. Neither\\ndo 1 agree to both propositions that if we keep the Philippines\\nwe will be neighbors to China and that it will be natural for our\\nneighbors to trade with us. The course that we are pursuing\\ntoward the Philippine people will be just the reverse of the prop-\\nosition stated by the Senator from Indiana. Certainly we can not\\nexpect to enlarge our volume of business with the Philippine peo-\\nple by waging war against them. A magnificent opportunity\\ncame to us when Spain surrendered her claim to the Philippine\\nIslands to the United States for us to lay the foundation for large\\nand continued commercial dealings with the population of the\\nPhilippine Islands. These people at that period, full of gratitude\\nfor the services which we had rendered them in achieving their\\nsupposed independence, would naturally have come to our mar-\\nkets to make purchases rather than to any other country in the\\nworld. They then esteemed us with that affection which we felt\\ntoward France at the close of the Revolutionary war. If we had\\ngranted to them their most cherished hopes, given them our sym-\\npathy, encouragement, and aid in framing a constitution and\\nputting in operation a government suitable to their wants, de-\\nmands, and conditions, then the laws of gratitude would have\\nmade these people our customers against the markets of the world\\nfor all time to come.\\nThey are neighbors to China, coming almost in daily contact\\nwith the Chinese markets. Trading daily with the United States,\\nand recognizing us as their friends and benefactors, they would\\nhave planted the good name, high character, and commercial ad-\\nvantages which we enjoyed at the hands of the Philippine people\\ninto the hearts, consciences, and business of the population of\\nChina. Does any reasonable man contend that we can enlarge\\nour business and commercial transactions with the Filipinos by\\nwaging war against them, embittering them against us now and\\nfor all time to come? Is it possible for any student of the laws of\\ntrade and business to contend that if the Filipino people are con-\\nquered and kept in subjection to American authority by our sol-\\ndiers, that such a course would enlarge our trade with China?\\nIf this population of 10.000,000 people should learn to hate us,\\nconstantly being in insurrection against us, charge us with being\\ntheir oppressors, as they did Spain, would it not be natural for this\\nfeeling of hate and distrust to be transplanted upon the shores of\\nChina, who in all probability would sympathize with their strug-\\n4273", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "14\\ngling neighbors? If we desire the trade of the Philippines and\\nthe trade of China, let us by all means keep the Filipinos our\\nfriends and treat them as our neighbors. The argument advanced\\nby the Senator from Indiana falls to the ground when brought to\\nits final analysis, and the reverse of the proposition stated by him\\nwould certainly follow. It is conceded on all sides that this pop-\\nulation is never to be organized into States and to be treated as\\nAmerican citizens, but we are to hold them, make laws for their\\nfuture government, appoint Americans for their officers to cross\\nthe ocean and rule this people.\\nThis 10,01)0,000 of population, located 10,000 miles away from our\\ncapital, are to be wards without any right to have an organized\\ngovernment of their own, but, on the contrary, their laws are to be\\nmade and their rulers appointed at Washington, on the opposite\\nside of the world from them. It is not denied that never in the\\nhistory of our Government has such a problem been presented\\nto us for solution; never before have we undertaken to acquire\\nterritory and govern a race of people to whom we did not intend\\nto extend all of the privileges granted to American citizens. Until\\nduring the present time the,proposition to acquire a people foreign\\nto us in race, foreign to us in religion, unsuited to American in-\\nstitutions, and to force a government on them that they did not\\nwant, would not have been tolerated by the American people. A\\ndesire for liberty, justice, self-government, freedom, and equality\\ngave birth to this Republic. If we now change the only Govern-\\nment in the world that guarantees absolute freedom and equality\\nto all of its citizens, recognizing the right of any people to form\\ntheir own government, then, Mr. President, this Republic, that\\nhas been reared by more than a century of patriotic labor and sac-\\nrifice, will no longer be the Government of Washington, Jefferson,\\nMadison, Jackson, and Abraham Lincoln. The spirit of justice,\\nequality, and freedom which has characterized its history, result-\\ning in the noblest achievements ever recorded in man s struggle\\nfor self-government, will no longer be our blessed heritage.\\nMr. President, we do not want to retain permanently a nation\\nand be responsible for their government who never can partici-\\npate in our free institutions. We can not afford to take a hundred\\nthousand soldiers from the peaceful pursuits of life and send\\nthem across the ocean to maintain military government on the\\nPhilippine Islands at a cost of a hundred millions of dollars a\\nyear to our people. We can not afford to do it. because it will be\\nan injustice to the American people and because it revolutionizes\\nthe entire scope and purpose of our Government and will inflict\\na great wrong upon a helpless, struggling, inferior race. I do\\nnot believe in a government that does not emanate from those to\\nbe governed and where the lawmaking power does not come in\\ncontact with the people to be affected, for the reason experience\\nhas demonstrated that a watchful and jealous constituency is es-\\nsential to maintain honest and faithful public officials. Seven\\nthousand miles of ocean lie between us and this people.\\nNo power on earth, Mr. President, can prevent the effect of this\\ndistance weakening government. Spain felt it in the admin-\\nistration of her colonial policy in her South American possessions\\nand in Cuba and the Philippine Islands; and now, Mr. President,\\nwe are undertaking to do something that destroyed Spain s navy\\nand bankrupted her treasury.\\nIt is absolute folly to undertake to force and maintain a gov-\\nernment for an uncongenial race of people that occupy a territory\\nthat does not come within 7,000 miles of your coast and within\\n4273", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "15\\n10,000 miles of your capital. Let us take warning, and remember\\nthat this new departure is contrary to the teachings of Washing-\\nton, Jefferson, Monroe, Lincoln, Garfield, Blaine, Sherman, Ed-\\nmunds, Reed, Carlisle, Cleveland, and Bryan.\\nWe have three resolutions pending before the Senate relating to\\nthe disposition and government of the Philippine Islands. One\\nby the senior Senator from Wisconsin, which vests in the Presi-\\ndent the right to govern the islands until Congress directs other-\\nwise. The resolution of the junior Senator from Indiana, which\\ndeclares that the islands are ours forever, and that we shall keep\\nthem and govern them as dependencies. The bill introduced by\\nthe Senator from Wisconsin leaves the policy of our Government\\ntoward these people to the future action of* Congress. They are\\nleft in doubt and uncertainty as to what they may expect from\\nour Government. The second resolution contemplates that we\\nwill exercise permanent dominion over the islands, appointing\\ntheir officers, making and executing their laws. The third reso-\\nlution, introduced by my colleague, disclaims any intention on\\nthe part of our Government to maintain permanent dominion over\\nthis territory or to incorporate the inhabitants thereof as citizens\\nof the United States, or to hold them as vassals or subjects. This\\nresolution concedes the fact that these people fell to us as the re-\\nsult of war, and that we must restore peace and maintain order\\nthroughout the islands until a government shall be established by\\nthe people there, with our assistance, capable of protecting the\\npeople from violence and maintaining law and order. It provides\\nthat our military forces shall be kept on the islands until the in-\\nsurrection is suppressed, and until a stable government can be put\\nin operation.\\nThis resolution bears the blessed message to the Filipinos which\\nthey have so long sought in vain, namely, that it is the purpose\\nand intention of the United States, when the insurrection is over,\\nwhen peace and order shall be restored and a stable government\\nestablished, that then we will withdraw our land and naval forces\\nfrom the islands, reserving to our Government such harbors and\\ntracts of land as may be needed for coaling stations and govern-\\nmental purposes, and transferring to the government of the Fili-\\npinos all other rights and territories secured in said islands under\\nthe treaty with Spain, and leave the future control and dominion\\nof the islands to the Filipino people.\\nThe resolution is most carefully guarded, discharges faithfully\\nevery duty we owe this people, as well as to carry out the obliga-\\ntions and duties we owe to foreign governments resulting from\\nthe war.\\nFirst, this resolution provides for the suppression of the insur-\\nrection; second, that we will assist these people in putting into\\noperation a government of their own that will maintain law and\\norder; third, it protects the interests of the Government of the\\nUnited States by reserving the necessary coaling stations and land\\nneeded for governmental purposes; fourth, it provides that until\\na stable government is established on the islands the President is\\nempowered to maintain law and order there; fifth, that so soon\\nas such a government shall be established by the people of those\\nislands, with our assistance, we will withdraw our land and naval\\nforces, leaving the future control to the peop e thereof.\\nIf these resolutions do not cover every phase of the case, I do not\\nunderstand the English language. Pass them and give them the\\neffect of law, and then we will have pursued a course in the solu-\\ntion of our troubles with this people which will be in keeping with", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n027 531 526 6\\n16\\nthe principles of our Government. I do not believe we will ever\\nreach a satisfactory solution of this problem, a solution in har-\\nmony with the principles of our Government, by pursuing any\\ncher course than one substantially as above outlined. Mr. Presi-\\ndent, this course meets my approval, because humanity, reason,\\nand justice dictate such a policy. I realize that if we force a\\nmilitary government upon these people against their will, the\\nalienation existing between us will be an incurable one. I am\\nunalterably opposed to the permanent retention of these islands\\nwith the view of forcing American government upon them by\\nAmericans, because I believe such government will cost the peo-\\nple of the United States a hundred and fifty million dollars ayear\\nto pay the increased expenses of our Army and Navy to maintain\\nmV itary government there, a tax of $2 per capita annually for\\n5i j man, woman, and child in the United States. This does\\nnot take into consideration the sacrifice of human life that must\\nnecessarily follow in maintaining military government on those\\nislands. It is a fact that can not be disputed that the expenses\\nof maintaining our Army has already increased more than six-\\nfold.\\nThe demoralization that follows war and the military spirit is\\nalways to be deplored. I am opposed to it again, Mr. President,\\nbecause history teaches us that sovereignty acquired by the sword\\nmust be maintained by the same means and that power acquired\\nby conquest and wealth gained by robbery are certain in the end\\nto weaken and corrupt the possessor. This rule applies to nations\\nas well as individuals. I am opposed to it again because by such\\na course we revolutionize our Government, which was intended\\nfor a free Republic and self-governing people and not for subjects\\nor vassal states without representation in the making and execu-\\ntion of our laws. I am opposed to it because it shatters the Mon-\\nroe doctrine from top to bottom. I am opposed to it because I\\nbelieve tr 5 at no distant day such a course will involve us in\\nEur ,nd Asiatic quarrels. I am opposed to it because all of\\nthe uciuits, traditions, surroundings, experience, education, and\\naspirations of this people are opposed to our theories of govern-\\ning. I am opposed to it because such a course would be a re-\\npua ation by our Government of the principle that all govern-\\nr-on j must be founded on the consent of the governed.\\na opposed to it because such a course is not calculated to\\nadvance the interests and promote the happiness of this people,\\noelf-government does not mean that these people are to have such\\na government as we possess, but that these people shall have a\\ngovernment in keeping with their desires and suitable to their\\nconditions. It has been said that greatness does not lie in coffers\\nor territory, but it lies in the men and women of a nation and\\ntheir ideals and acts, and that a nation is great as it clings to its\\nideals. A great bishop said: The end of all worthy struggle is\\nto establish morality as the basis of individual and national life,\\nto make righteousness prevail, to make justice reign, to spread\\nbeauty, gentleness, wisdom, and peace, to widen opportunity, to\\nincrease good will, to move in the light of higher thoughts and\\nlarger hopes, to encourage science and art, to foster industry and\\nthrift, education and culture, reverence and obedience, purity and\\nlove, honesty, sobriety, and disinterested devotion to the common\\ngood\u00e2\u0080\u0094 this is the patriofs aim, this his ideal. If we should strive\\nfor this purpose and work in this spirit, tne Republic of our\\nfathers will never perish.\\no", "height": "3533", "width": "2015", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3533", "width": "2015", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n027 531 526 6 9", "height": "3557", "width": "2107", "jp2-path": "policyrelativeto00clay_0020.jp2"}}